npr--2020-12-02--Hey, COVID-19 Long-Haulers: Take Care In Shopping For Health Insurance

Hey , COVID-19 Long-Haulers : Take Care In Shopping For Health Insurance People buying their own health insurance have even more to think about this year , particularly those post-COVID-19 patients with lingering health concerns — the `` long-haulers , '' who join the club of Americans with preexisting conditions .
What type of plan is best for someone with an unpredictable , ongoing medical concern ?
That question is popping up on online chat sites dedicated to long-haulers and among people reaching out for assistance in selecting insurance coverage .
`` We are hearing from a lot of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be able to deal with the long-term effects they are still suffering , '' says Mark Van Arnam , director of the North Carolina Navigator Consortium , a group of organizations that offer free help to state residents enrolling in insurance .
The good news for those shopping for their own coverage is that the Affordable Care Act bars insurers from discriminating against people with medical conditions or charging them more than healthier policyholders .
Former COVID-19 patients could face a range of physical or mental effects , including lung damage , heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Although some of these issues will dissipate with time , others may turn out to be long-standing problems .
So sign up , say Van Arnam and others to whom KHN reached out for tips on what people with post-COVID-19 should consider when selecting coverage .
There 's no one-size-fits-all answer , they say ; all emphasize the need to consider a wide range of factors .
But do n't delay .
Open enrollment in ACA plans is ongoing until Dec. 15 in most states — longer in some of the 14 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run their own marketplaces .
Here are tips if you are shopping for health insurance , especially if you are a COVID-19 long hauler or have other health issues : Make sure to select an ACA-qualified plan It may be tempting to consider other , often far cheaper types of coverage offered by insurers , brokers , organizations and private websites .
But those non-ACA plans offer less comprehensive coverage — and are not eligible for federal subsidies that help people who qualify cover the cost of the premiums .
These are key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ battling the coronavirus .
Short-term , limited-duration plans , for example — which are not sold on the Affordable Care Act exchanges — are cheaper , but the insurers offering them do n't have to accept people with preexisting conditions ( or , if they do enroll those people , the plans do n't cover the members ' medical conditions ) .
Many short-term plans do n't cover benefits such as prescription drugs or mental health care .
Another type of plan that does n't meet ACA requirements are `` sharing ministries , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one another 's medical bills .
But such payments are n't guaranteed — and many such plans do n't cover any condition they consider preexisting .
Shop around to consider all the ACA plans available in your region .
This will help you meet your post-COVID-19 medical needs while also getting the best buy .
Comparison-shopping also lets consumers adjust their income information , which may have changed from last year , especially if they 've been very sick , and could affect subsidy levels for those eligible for assistance in purchasing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to offset premium costs are available on a sliding scale for people who earn between 100 % and 400 % of the federal poverty level .
That range next year is $ 12,760 to $ 51,040 for an individual and $ 26,200 to $ 104,800 for a family of four .
Networks matter .
Look for your doctor or hospital in the plan One of the first things to do once you 've narrowed down your choices of plans is to dig deeper to see if the doctors , specialists and hospitals you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ networks .
Also , check plan formularies to see if the prescription medications you take are covered .
Many insurance plans do n't have out-of-network benefits , except for emergency care .
That means if a doctor or hospital does n't participate in the network , consumers must switch medical providers or risk huge bills by receiving out-of-network care .
This should be a concern for long haulers .
This subset of COVID-19 patients who report lingering health concerns may need to see a range of specialists , including pulmonologists , cardiologists , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` So , you are already talking about five or six , '' says Erika Sward , assistant vice president for national advocacy at the American Lung Association .
To check the network status of medical providers , go to the HealthCare.Gov website , which will direct you to your state site if you are in one of the 14 states ( plus the District of Columbia ) that run their own .
Enter a ZIP code and some other information to start looking for available plans .
Narrow the search using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ button on HealthCare.Gov , or check each plan 's `` provider directory '' under plan documents to see which specific doctors and hospitals are included .
To be safe , Sward says , call each office to make sure they are participating with that insurer next year .
Do n't just look at premium costs : Deductibles also matter Consumers must pay deductible amounts before the bulk of financial assistance kicks in .
That can be a big hit , especially for those who need complex care all at once or who need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ haulers , as well as others with chronic health conditions , often fall into this category .
Median deductibles — meaning the mark at which half of health plans on the exchange cost more and half cost less — vary across the different `` tiers '' of ACA plans , hitting $ 6,992 for bronze plans ; $ 4,879 for silver plans and $ 1,533 for gold plans , according to an analysis by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services .
Generally , plans with higher deductibles have lower monthly premiums .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenge for many patients .
What 's best for those with ongoing health conditions depends on individual circumstances .
`` Balancing the deductibles and premiums is a really important consideration for consumers , '' says Laurie Whitsel , vice president of policy research and translation at the American Heart Association .
Those with ongoing health conditions need to carefully weigh the expected annual out-of-pocket costs for various health plans , given that they may well be moderate to high users of health services in 2021 .
HealthCare.Gov has a financial estimator tool that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can select whether they think they will have low , medium or high medical use next year to see the estimated total annual costs of each plan .
Frequent users of health services may discover that plans that initially seem least expensive , based solely on the premium or the deductible , may be costlier once all out-of-pocket factors are considered .
Finally , insurers in some markets are touting zero-deductible plans among their ACA offerings .
Instead of an annual deductible , such policies have higher copayment or coinsurance amounts each time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a test or has surgery .
Those can range from $ 50 to more than $ 1,000 , depending on the visit , test or service provided .
Still , for some costly services , those payments may amount to less than paying a deductible .
Broker John Dodd in Columbus , Ohio , said such plans appeal to some people who do n't want to have to shell out thousands of dollars in deductible payments before their insurance picks up the bulk of medical costs .
Still , he cautioned that many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be a sizable deductible — hundreds or even thousands of dollars — for brand-name prescription drugs .
Long haulers should weigh those factors carefully , as such zero-deductible plans may be more suited to those who do n't expect to use a lot of medical care .
Read the fine print , because there are other costs While plans may tout similar premiums , their dissimilar structures could affect how much a consumer will shell out in flat-dollar copayments or percentage coinsurance to see a doctor , pick up a prescription , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ night in the hospital .
This is , again , something long haulers should focus on .
These details are spelled out in the plan 's `` summary of benefits , '' a required document under the ACA , which can be found on healthcare.gov or insurers ' websites .
Still , ACA plans limit how much a consumer must pay out-of-pocket for the year .
For 2021 plans , the maximum is $ 8,550 for an individual or $ 17,100 for a family plan .
Ask for help While services such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carolina have seen stiff budget cuts during the past few years , consumers there and in many other states still have access to online or phone help .
HealthCare.Gov has a `` find local help '' button that can refer people by ZIP code to navigators , assisters and brokers .
Finally , those affected by COVID-19 who miss the open enrollment deadline can request an extension under rules that allow special enrollment for emergencies or disasters .
`` It 's not a guarantee and you have to telephone the call center and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pollitz , a senior fellow at the Kaiser Family Foundation .
Still , she says , it 's best to sign up before Dec. 15 .
`` Just get it done , '' Pollitz advises .
Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit , editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation , and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Hey, COVID-19 Long-Haulers: Take Care In Shopping For Health Insurance
Enlarge this image toggle caption Grace Cary/Getty Images Grace Cary/Getty Images
People buying their own health insurance have even more to think about this year, particularly those post-COVID-19 patients with lingering health concerns — the "long-haulers," who join the club of Americans with preexisting conditions.
What type of plan is best for someone with an unpredictable, ongoing medical concern? That question is popping up on online chat sites dedicated to long-haulers and among people reaching out for assistance in selecting insurance coverage.
"We are hearing from a lot of people who have had COVID-19 and want to be able to deal with the long-term effects they are still suffering," says Mark Van Arnam, director of the North Carolina Navigator Consortium, a group of organizations that offer free help to state residents enrolling in insurance.
The good news for those shopping for their own coverage is that the Affordable Care Act bars insurers from discriminating against people with medical conditions or charging them more than healthier policyholders. Former COVID-19 patients could face a range of physical or mental effects, including lung damage, heart or neurological concerns, anxiety and depression. Although some of these issues will dissipate with time, others may turn out to be long-standing problems.
So sign up, say Van Arnam and others to whom KHN reached out for tips on what people with post-COVID-19 should consider when selecting coverage. There's no one-size-fits-all answer, they say; all emphasize the need to consider a wide range of factors.
But don't delay. Open enrollment in ACA plans is ongoing until Dec. 15 in most states — longer in some of the 14 states and the District of Columbia that run their own marketplaces.
Here are tips if you are shopping for health insurance, especially if you are a COVID-19 long hauler or have other health issues:
Make sure to select an ACA-qualified plan
It may be tempting to consider other, often far cheaper types of coverage offered by insurers, brokers, organizations and private websites. But those non-ACA plans offer less comprehensive coverage — and are not eligible for federal subsidies that help people who qualify cover the cost of the premiums. These are key factors for patients experiencing medical problems after battling the coronavirus.
Short-term, limited-duration plans, for example — which are not sold on the Affordable Care Act exchanges — are cheaper, but the insurers offering them don't have to accept people with preexisting conditions (or, if they do enroll those people, the plans don't cover the members' medical conditions). Many short-term plans don't cover benefits such as prescription drugs or mental health care.
Another type of plan that doesn't meet ACA requirements are "sharing ministries," in which members agree to pay one another's medical bills. But such payments aren't guaranteed — and many such plans don't cover any condition they consider preexisting.
Shop around to consider all the ACA plans available in your region.
This will help you meet your post-COVID-19 medical needs while also getting the best buy.
Comparison-shopping also lets consumers adjust their income information, which may have changed from last year, especially if they've been very sick, and could affect subsidy levels for those eligible for assistance in purchasing a plan.
Under the ACA, subsidies to offset premium costs are available on a sliding scale for people who earn between 100% and 400% of the federal poverty level. That range next year is $12,760 to $51,040 for an individual and $26,200 to $104,800 for a family of four.
Networks matter. Look for your doctor or hospital in the plan
One of the first things to do once you've narrowed down your choices of plans is to dig deeper to see if the doctors, specialists and hospitals you use are included in those plans' networks. Also, check plan formularies to see if the prescription medications you take are covered.
Many insurance plans don't have out-of-network benefits, except for emergency care. That means if a doctor or hospital doesn't participate in the network, consumers must switch medical providers or risk huge bills by receiving out-of-network care. This should be a concern for long haulers.
This subset of COVID-19 patients who report lingering health concerns may need to see a range of specialists, including pulmonologists, cardiologists, neurologists, rheumatologists and mental health professionals.
"So, you are already talking about five or six," says Erika Sward, assistant vice president for national advocacy at the American Lung Association.
To check the network status of medical providers, go to the HealthCare.Gov website, which will direct you to your state site if you are in one of the 14 states (plus the District of Columbia) that run their own. Enter a ZIP code and some other information to start looking for available plans.
Narrow the search using the "add your medical providers" button on HealthCare.Gov, or check each plan's "provider directory" under plan documents to see which specific doctors and hospitals are included. To be safe, Sward says, call each office to make sure they are participating with that insurer next year.
Don't just look at premium costs: Deductibles also matter
Consumers must pay deductible amounts before the bulk of financial assistance kicks in. That can be a big hit, especially for those who need complex care all at once or who need very expensive prescription drugs. COVID-19 long haulers, as well as others with chronic health conditions, often fall into this category.
Median deductibles — meaning the mark at which half of health plans on the exchange cost more and half cost less — vary across the different "tiers" of ACA plans, hitting $6,992 for bronze plans; $4,879 for silver plans and $1,533 for gold plans, according to an analysis by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.
Generally, plans with higher deductibles have lower monthly premiums. But getting past the deductible is a challenge for many patients.
What's best for those with ongoing health conditions depends on individual circumstances.
"Balancing the deductibles and premiums is a really important consideration for consumers," says Laurie Whitsel, vice president of policy research and translation at the American Heart Association.
Those with ongoing health conditions need to carefully weigh the expected annual out-of-pocket costs for various health plans, given that they may well be moderate to high users of health services in 2021. HealthCare.Gov has a financial estimator tool that can help with the decision. Consumers can select whether they think they will have low, medium or high medical use next year to see the estimated total annual costs of each plan.
Frequent users of health services may discover that plans that initially seem least expensive, based solely on the premium or the deductible, may be costlier once all out-of-pocket factors are considered.
Finally, insurers in some markets are touting zero-deductible plans among their ACA offerings.
Instead of an annual deductible, such policies have higher copayment or coinsurance amounts each time a patient sees a doctor, gets a test or has surgery. Those can range from $50 to more than $1,000, depending on the visit, test or service provided. Still, for some costly services, those payments may amount to less than paying a deductible.
Broker John Dodd in Columbus, Ohio, said such plans appeal to some people who don't want to have to shell out thousands of dollars in deductible payments before their insurance picks up the bulk of medical costs.
Still, he cautioned that many of the zero-deductible plans do have what can be a sizable deductible — hundreds or even thousands of dollars — for brand-name prescription drugs.
Long haulers should weigh those factors carefully, as such zero-deductible plans may be more suited to those who don't expect to use a lot of medical care.
Read the fine print, because there are other costs
While plans may tout similar premiums, their dissimilar structures could affect how much a consumer will shell out in flat-dollar copayments or percentage coinsurance to see a doctor, pick up a prescription, get a blood test or spend the night in the hospital. This is, again, something long haulers should focus on.
These details are spelled out in the plan's "summary of benefits," a required document under the ACA, which can be found on healthcare.gov or insurers' websites.
Still, ACA plans limit how much a consumer must pay out-of-pocket for the year. For 2021 plans, the maximum is $8,550 for an individual or $17,100 for a family plan.
Ask for help
While services such as Van Arnam's navigator program in North Carolina have seen stiff budget cuts during the past few years, consumers there and in many other states still have access to online or phone help. HealthCare.Gov has a "find local help" button that can refer people by ZIP code to navigators, assisters and brokers.
Finally, those affected by COVID-19 who miss the open enrollment deadline can request an extension under rules that allow special enrollment for emergencies or disasters.
"It's not a guarantee and you have to telephone the call center and ask for it," says Karen Pollitz, a senior fellow at the Kaiser Family Foundation.
Still, she says, it's best to sign up before Dec. 15.
"Just get it done," Pollitz advises.
Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit, editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation, and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


npr--2020-12-02--Jazz Standard, One Of New York's Top Clubs, Closes Due To Pandemic

Jazz Standard , One Of New York 's Top Clubs , Closes Due To Pandemic Jazz Standard , a perennial favorite New York City venue for musicians and fans alike , has shut its doors .
It is the first major jazz club in the city to close permanently due to the coronavirus pandemic .
The basement club first opened in 1997 , but was re-opened in 2002 along with a sister barbecue restaurant upstairs , Blue Smoke Flatiron , as the city staggered back to its feet in the aftermath of Sept. 11 .
Both the club and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his Union Square Hospitality Group .
In an announcement Wednesday morning , the owners wrote : `` We have explored every avenue to arrive at a different outcome , but due to the pandemic and months without revenue — as well as a lengthy rent negotiation that has come to a standstill — we 've reached the disappointing conclusion that there is no alternative but to close Jazz Standard and Blue Smoke Flatiron .
The current situation surrounding the pandemic , including the regulations for restaurants and live music , make it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 'set the standard . '
'' Booked by Seth Abramson , the club hosted all-star artists for more than two decades with a wealth of recordings made at the venue , including albums by the Maria Schneider Orchestra , the Mingus Big Band , trumpeter Dave Douglas , drummer Dafnis Prieto and pianist Fred Hersch .
In the announcement , the Standard 's owners expressed hopes that they will be able to resurrect the physical club at some future point .
`` Although we are devastated by the closure , '' they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future and look forward to writing the next chapter of Jazz Standard .
In the meantime , we continue to host exclusive artist interviews and virtual performances across our online platforms including a Facebook Live series co-presented with the New Jersey Performing Arts Center ( NJPAC ) . ''
Musicians and venues across the country continue to fear the long-term repercussions of the coronavirus pandemic , with few `` normal '' re-openings in sight in most regions and without any federal relief offered to artists or to presenters .
Republican Texas Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our Stages , specifically geared to helping independent venues withstand the pandemic , has garnered dozens of cosponsors , but it has not yet passed in Congress .

Jazz Standard, One Of New York's Top Clubs, Closes Due To Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jack Vartoogian/Getty Images Jack Vartoogian/Getty Images
Jazz Standard, a perennial favorite New York City venue for musicians and fans alike, has shut its doors. It is the first major jazz club in the city to close permanently due to the coronavirus pandemic.
The basement club first opened in 1997, but was re-opened in 2002 along with a sister barbecue restaurant upstairs, Blue Smoke Flatiron, as the city staggered back to its feet in the aftermath of Sept. 11. Both the club and the restaurant are owned by restaurateur Danny Meyer and his Union Square Hospitality Group.
In an announcement Wednesday morning, the owners wrote: "We have explored every avenue to arrive at a different outcome, but due to the pandemic and months without revenue — as well as a lengthy rent negotiation that has come to a standstill — we've reached the disappointing conclusion that there is no alternative but to close Jazz Standard and Blue Smoke Flatiron. The current situation surrounding the pandemic, including the regulations for restaurants and live music, make it impossible to maintain our quality and continue to 'set the standard.'"
Booked by Seth Abramson, the club hosted all-star artists for more than two decades with a wealth of recordings made at the venue, including albums by the Maria Schneider Orchestra, the Mingus Big Band, trumpeter Dave Douglas, drummer Dafnis Prieto and pianist Fred Hersch.
In the announcement, the Standard's owners expressed hopes that they will be able to resurrect the physical club at some future point. "Although we are devastated by the closure," they wrote, "we are optimistic about the future and look forward to writing the next chapter of Jazz Standard. In the meantime, we continue to host exclusive artist interviews and virtual performances across our online platforms including a Facebook Live series co-presented with the New Jersey Performing Arts Center (NJPAC)."
Musicians and venues across the country continue to fear the long-term repercussions of the coronavirus pandemic, with few "normal" re-openings in sight in most regions and without any federal relief offered to artists or to presenters. Republican Texas Sen. John Cornyn sponsored a bill, Save Our Stages, specifically geared to helping independent venues withstand the pandemic, has garnered dozens of cosponsors, but it has not yet passed in Congress.


npr--2020-12-02--Talk Of 'Preemptive' Pardons By Trump Raises Questions: What Can He Do?

Talk Of 'Preemptive ' Pardons By Trump Raises Questions : What Can He Do ?
President Trump is being urged to use his remaining time in office to grant preemptive pardons to people close to him , including family members and maybe even himself .
Sean Hannity , whose Fox News program is closely followed by Trump , said on his radio show this week that the president , `` out the door , needs to pardon his whole family and himself because they want this witch hunt to go on in perpetuity , they 're so full of rage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hannity likely was referring to the prospect for a post-presidential prosecution of Trump , who faces serious potential legal issues once he is out of office and no longer enjoys the privilege of not being indicted by federal prosecutors .
President-elect Joe Biden has said he 'd let professionals within the Justice Department assess whether a case is merited against Trump , and that decision — which would be unprecedented — is one of the toughest facing the department in the new administration .
A presidential preemptive pardon sounds unusual , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when President Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon , who resigned because of the Watergate scandal in 1973 but had not been charged with any crimes .
`` A preemptive pardon is a presidential pardon granted before any formal legal process has begun , '' American University professor Jeffrey Crouch tells NPR .
Read the text of Ford 's pardon of Nixon here .
In an email , Crouch , author of The Presidential Pardon Power , says that `` someone must have committed a federal offense , but as soon as that happens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He does not need to wait until the alleged offender is charged , stands trial , and so on . ''
Crouch continues : `` These pardons are not common , but they do happen occasionally . ''
Accordingly , Trump could `` pardon his children , his aides , his supporters , and so on for federal offenses and be on firm legal ground , '' Crouch says .
`` The really unclear scenario would be if he attempted to pardon himself . ''
The man in the mirror Trump has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself but has said he did n't need to use it because he has n't done anything wrong .
Not only might his denial about any lawbreaking be complicated by events following his departure from office , the merits of a self-pardon are controversial and have never been tested in court .
And although the potential legal problems facing Trump are thought to be well understood , at least in principle , it 's not clear what if any criminal offenses with which Trump 's children might be charged .
Donald Trump Jr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over his contacts with Russians during the 2016 Trump campaign , but no charges were brought .
Ivanka Trump , her husband , Jared Kushner , and the president 's younger son Eric have been the subjects of allegations of various kinds , but none that so far have risen to the level of a potential prosecution .
Trump could also be considering a pardon for attorney Rudy Giuliani , according to one report .
Specialists point out that even if the public may not be aware of all the actions involving the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's an important distinction : A president can protect someone from being prosecuted for something they 've already done , even if it does n't come to the attention of prosecutors later — but not protect someone from being prosecuted for something they have n't yet done , or from being prosecuted by state or local authorities .
Bernadette Meyler , a professor at Stanford Law School , says the precedents in these cases go back to the earliest days of the republic , when President Washington used his pardon powers to grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Whiskey Rebellion .
`` The Supreme Court interpreted the pardon power to include amnesty in cases like United States v. Klein , '' she says .
`` So what Trump would probably do is something like Ford 's pardon of Nixon , which described a period of time and immunized Nixon against prosecution for activities undertaken during that time . ''
But that would n't be a lifetime Get Out of Jail Free card .
Meyler , author of Theaters of Pardoning , notes that `` such pardons could not cover future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's Office of the Pardon Attorney notes this : `` It would be highly unusual '' for a president to issue preemptive pardons .
But it also says `` there have been a few cases where people who had not been charged with a crime were pardoned , including President Gerald Ford 's pardon of President Richard Nixon after Watergate , President Jimmy Carter 's pardon of Vietnam draft dodgers and President George H.W .
Bush 's pardon of [ onetime Defense Secretary ] Caspar Weinberger .
President Donald J. Trump pardoned Joseph @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but prior to sentencing . ''

Talk Of 'Preemptive' Pardons By Trump Raises Questions: What Can He Do?
Enlarge this image toggle caption John Bazemore/AP John Bazemore/AP
President Trump is being urged to use his remaining time in office to grant preemptive pardons to people close to him, including family members and maybe even himself.
Sean Hannity, whose Fox News program is closely followed by Trump, said on his radio show this week that the president, "out the door, needs to pardon his whole family and himself because they want this witch hunt to go on in perpetuity, they're so full of rage and insanity against the president."
Hannity likely was referring to the prospect for a post-presidential prosecution of Trump, who faces serious potential legal issues once he is out of office and no longer enjoys the privilege of not being indicted by federal prosecutors.
President-elect Joe Biden has said he'd let professionals within the Justice Department assess whether a case is merited against Trump, and that decision — which would be unprecedented — is one of the toughest facing the department in the new administration.
A presidential preemptive pardon sounds unusual, but it has been done before, most famously when President Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon, who resigned because of the Watergate scandal in 1974 but had not been charged with any crimes.
"A preemptive pardon is a presidential pardon granted before any formal legal process has begun," American University professor Jeffrey Crouch tells NPR.
Read the text of Ford's pardon of Nixon here.
In an email, Crouch, author of The Presidential Pardon Power, says that "someone must have committed a federal offense, but as soon as that happens, the president can grant them clemency. He does not need to wait until the alleged offender is charged, stands trial, and so on."
Crouch continues: "These pardons are not common, but they do happen occasionally."
Accordingly, Trump could "pardon his children, his aides, his supporters, and so on for federal offenses and be on firm legal ground," Crouch says. "The really unclear scenario would be if he attempted to pardon himself."
The man in the mirror
Trump has asserted he has the power to pardon himself but has said he didn't need to use it because he hasn't done anything wrong. Not only might his denial about any lawbreaking be complicated by events following his departure from office, the merits of a self-pardon are controversial and have never been tested in court.
And although the potential legal problems facing Trump are thought to be well understood, at least in principle, it's not clear what if any criminal offenses with which Trump's children might be charged.
Donald Trump Jr. was investigated by special counsel Robert Mueller over his contacts with Russians during the 2016 Trump campaign, but no charges were brought. Ivanka Trump, her husband, Jared Kushner, and the president's younger son Eric have been the subjects of allegations of various kinds, but none that so far have risen to the level of a potential prosecution.
Trump could also be considering a pardon for attorney Rudy Giuliani, according to one report.
How pardons work
Specialists point out that even if the public may not be aware of all the actions involving the prospective recipients of potential pardons, there's an important distinction:
A president can protect someone from being prosecuted for something they've already done, even if it doesn't come to the attention of prosecutors later — but not protect someone from being prosecuted for something they haven't yet done, or from being prosecuted by state or local authorities.
Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School, says the precedents in these cases go back to the earliest days of the republic, when President Washington used his pardon powers to grant amnesty to some of the conspirators in the Whiskey Rebellion.
"The Supreme Court interpreted the pardon power to include amnesty in cases like United States v. Klein," she says. "So what Trump would probably do is something like Ford's pardon of Nixon, which described a period of time and immunized Nixon against prosecution for activities undertaken during that time."
But that wouldn't be a lifetime Get Out of Jail Free card.
Meyler, author of Theaters of Pardoning, notes that "such pardons could not cover future events."
The Department of Justice's Office of the Pardon Attorney notes this: "It would be highly unusual" for a president to issue preemptive pardons.
But it also says "there have been a few cases where people who had not been charged with a crime were pardoned, including President Gerald Ford's pardon of President Richard Nixon after Watergate, President Jimmy Carter's pardon of Vietnam draft dodgers and President George H.W. Bush's pardon of [onetime Defense Secretary] Caspar Weinberger. President Donald J. Trump pardoned Joseph Arpaio after he was charged and convicted, but prior to sentencing."


npr--2020-12-02--Social Distancing Plummeted In Lead-Up To Fall Surge, Survey Finds

While Democrats remain more likely than Republicans to support new measures aimed at slowing the spread of COVID-19 , a majority of U.S. adults from both political parties now agree more steps are needed to fight the pandemic , according to the latest results from a large ongoing survey .
`` The bad news here is that we let our guard down in the pandemic and partisan differences remain , '' says David Lazer , a professor of political science at Northeastern University who is helping lead the survey .
`` The good news here is , there is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep the disease at bay . ''
Lazer and his colleagues at Harvard , Rutgers and Northwestern universities have been surveying about 20,000 U.S. adults nationwide about the pandemic , every month since April .
In one of two new reports from the survey , the researchers analyzed the responses of 139,230 Americans across all 50 states .
They found social distancing and other efforts to try to prevent the virus from spreading `` decreased dramatically '' over the summer and into the fall , the report concludes .
For example , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been in a room with people who are not members of their household in the last 24 hours jumped from 25 percent in April to 45 percent in October .
Reports of people going to a café , bar , or restaurant more than tripled , from 5 % in April to 15.9 % in November .
Similar trends were seen in people reporting going to work , places of worship , gyms and taking mass transit .
`` We let our guard down and it was still lurking .
It was still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roaring back , '' Lazer told NPR in an interview .
But the survey did find one bit of good news about people 's behavior : Mask-wearing rose for both Democrats and Republicans during the same period and has held steady since then .
About 77 percent report very closely adhering to recommendations to wear masks in November , the survey shows .
However , the increase in mask-wearing apparently was not enough to off-set the effects of decreased social distancing and other behaviors , the survey found .
Adherence to four behaviors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with others , avoiding public/crowded places , frequently washing hands and disinfecting surfaces — all reached all-time lows in October .
The states where people report the lowest levels of social distancing and mask-wearing have been hit hardest by the virus this fall , the analysis shows .
There are other notable differences : Women are more likely to social distance than men .
Asian-Americans and African-Americans are more likely to social distance than Whites .
And people who are older and more educated are much more likely to social distance than younger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also a partisan divide .
Democrats have consistently scored higher than Republicans on a 100-point scale the researchers developed to measure people 's overall behavior .
But while Democrats scored just slightly higher in the spring , the gap widened to about 20 points by the fall , the analysis found .
`` So that 's gone way , way up , '' Lazer says .
But there is some encouraging news in the second report released Tuesday .
Significant differences remain between Republicans and Democrats in terms of their support for measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus , such as asking people to stay home and avoid gatherings , canceling football games and concerts , requiring businesses to close and limiting restaurants to carry-out only .
Democrats are far more likely to support all of those measures .
But even a majority of Republicans say they support many of those same steps , including avoiding gatherings , cancelling sports and entertainment events and even limiting restaurants and domestic travel .
For example , 98 percent of Democrats and 72 percent of Republicans support asking people to stay home and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 65 percent of Republicans support canceling major sports and entertainment events .
And 89 percent of Democrats and 56 percent of Republicans support limiting restaurants to take-out only .
`` People are generally supportive of taking stronger measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 , '' Lazer says .
But while 78 percent of Democrats support requiring most businesses to close , only 40 percent of Republicans support that step .
Likewise , while 85 percent of Democrats support prohibiting K-12 schools from teaching in person , only 48 percent of Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of Republicans agree with 82 percent of Democrats that domestic travel should be restricted , according to the survey .
`` Overall it is encouraging to see how many people want to take this seriously , '' says Jeffrey Shaman , an infectious disease researcher at Columbia University .
`` I just think that we need to have both leadership about what we 're doing and how we are going to be confronting this going forward .
And we need economic relief for people who are going to be really hurting from @ @ @ @ @ @

Social Distancing Plummeted In Lead-Up To Fall Surge, Survey Finds
Enlarge this image toggle caption Cindy Ord/Getty Images Cindy Ord/Getty Images
While Democrats remain more likely than Republicans to support new measures aimed at slowing the spread of COVID-19, a majority of U.S. adults from both political parties now agree more steps are needed to fight the pandemic, according to the latest results from a large ongoing survey.
"The bad news here is that we let our guard down in the pandemic and partisan differences remain," says David Lazer, a professor of political science at Northeastern University who is helping lead the survey. "The good news here is, there is a collective desire to do what's necessary to keep the disease at bay."
Lazer and his colleagues at Harvard, Rutgers and Northwestern universities have been surveying about 20,000 U.S. adults nationwide about the pandemic, every month since April.
In one of two new reports from the survey, the researchers analyzed the responses of 139,230 Americans across all 50 states. They found social distancing and other efforts to try to prevent the virus from spreading "decreased dramatically" over the summer and into the fall, the report concludes.
For example, the percentage of people saying they had been in a room with people who are not members of their household in the last 24 hours jumped from 25 percent in April to 45 percent in October. Reports of people going to a café, bar, or restaurant more than tripled, from 5% in April to 15.9% in November. Similar trends were seen in people reporting going to work, places of worship, gyms and taking mass transit.
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"We let our guard down and it was still lurking. It was still there, right. And COVID-19 came roaring back," Lazer told NPR in an interview.
But the survey did find one bit of good news about people's behavior: Mask-wearing rose for both Democrats and Republicans during the same period and has held steady since then. About 77 percent report very closely adhering to recommendations to wear masks in November, the survey shows.
However, the increase in mask-wearing apparently was not enough to off-set the effects of decreased social distancing and other behaviors, the survey found. Adherence to four behaviors recommended by the CDC — avoiding contact with others, avoiding public/crowded places, frequently washing hands and disinfecting surfaces — all reached all-time lows in October.
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The states where people report the lowest levels of social distancing and mask-wearing have been hit hardest by the virus this fall, the analysis shows.
There are other notable differences: Women are more likely to social distance than men. Asian-Americans and African-Americans are more likely to social distance than Whites. And people who are older and more educated are much more likely to social distance than younger, less-educated people.
And there's also a partisan divide. Democrats have consistently scored higher than Republicans on a 100-point scale the researchers developed to measure people's overall behavior. But while Democrats scored just slightly higher in the spring, the gap widened to about 20 points by the fall, the analysis found.
"So that's gone way, way up," Lazer says.
But there is some encouraging news in the second report released Tuesday. Significant differences remain between Republicans and Democrats in terms of their support for measures aimed at slowing the spread of the virus, such as asking people to stay home and avoid gatherings, canceling football games and concerts, requiring businesses to close and limiting restaurants to carry-out only.
Democrats are far more likely to support all of those measures. But even a majority of Republicans say they support many of those same steps, including avoiding gatherings, cancelling sports and entertainment events and even limiting restaurants and domestic travel.
For example, 98 percent of Democrats and 72 percent of Republicans support asking people to stay home and avoid gatherings. Ninety percent of Democrats and 65 percent of Republicans support canceling major sports and entertainment events. And 89 percent of Democrats and 56 percent of Republicans support limiting restaurants to take-out only.
"People are generally supportive of taking stronger measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19," Lazer says.
But while 78 percent of Democrats support requiring most businesses to close, only 40 percent of Republicans support that step. Likewise, while 85 percent of Democrats support prohibiting K-12 schools from teaching in person, only 48 percent of Republicans support that move.
But even 57 percent of Republicans agree with 82 percent of Democrats that domestic travel should be restricted, according to the survey.
"Overall it is encouraging to see how many people want to take this seriously," says Jeffrey Shaman, an infectious disease researcher at Columbia University.
"I just think that we need to have both leadership about what we're doing and how we are going to be confronting this going forward. And we need economic relief for people who are going to be really hurting from this," Shaman says.


npr--2020-12-02--CDC Shortens Its COVID-19 Quarantine Recommendations

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has revised its guidelines for people who may have been exposed to the coronavirus .
Now , instead of the standard 14-day quarantine it has been recommending , the CDC says that potential exposure warrants a quarantine of 10 or seven days , depending on one 's test results and symptoms .
If individuals do not develop symptoms , they need only quarantine for 10 days ; if they test negative , that period can be reduced to just one week .
The revision marks a significant change from the CDC 's recommendations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this year .
While the agency says a 14-day quarantine remains the safest option , it acknowledged this length placed difficult demands on people .
`` Reducing the length of quarantine may make it easier for people to take this critical public health action by reducing the economic hardship associated with a longer period , especially if they can not work during that time , '' Dr. Henry Walke , the CDC 's incident manager for its COVID-19 response , told reporters on a conference call Wednesday .
`` In addition , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public health system and communities , especially when new infections are rapidly rising . ''
Walke added that people should still watch closely for symptoms — such as fever , a cough or a loss of taste or smell — for a full 14 days after possible exposure .
John Brooks , chief medical officer for CDC 's COVID-19 response , said the agency based its revised guidelines `` on extensive modeling , not just by CDC but by other agencies and partners . ''
The announcement , while not unexpected , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ epidemiologists closely following the pandemic .
`` Shortening the recommended quarantine period is an important , pragmatic move .
It allows health officials to focus their efforts on the period of time that people are most likely to become contagious , which will hopefully boost public compliance with quarantine recommendations , '' Jennifer Nuzzo of the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security told NPR after the announced revision .
`` It 's important that we try and remove some of the disincentives that are currently preventing people from being able to quarantine , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time that they have to stay home may enable more people to stay home as recommended , which will aid in efforts to stop the spread of this virus . ''
For the upcoming holiday season , the CDC is recommending people stay home — just as it did before the Thanksgiving holiday .
But if people do travel , the guidelines are that individuals should get a coronavirus test one to three days before travel and then three to five days after travel , combined with quarantine for seven days after arriving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Neel contributed to this report .

CDC Shortens Its COVID-19 Quarantine Recommendations
Enlarge this image toggle caption Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images
Updated at 12:50 p.m. ET
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has revised its guidelines for people who may have been exposed to the coronavirus. Now, instead of the standard 14-day quarantine it has been recommending, the CDC says that potential exposure warrants a quarantine of 10 or seven days, depending on one's test results and symptoms.
If individuals do not develop symptoms, they need only quarantine for 10 days; if they test negative, that period can be reduced to just one week.
The revision marks a significant change from the CDC's recommendations since the start of the pandemic earlier this year. While the agency says a 14-day quarantine remains the safest option, it acknowledged this length placed difficult demands on people.
"Reducing the length of quarantine may make it easier for people to take this critical public health action by reducing the economic hardship associated with a longer period, especially if they cannot work during that time," Dr. Henry Walke, the CDC's incident manager for its COVID-19 response, told reporters on a conference call Wednesday.
"In addition, a shorter quarantine period can lessen stress on the public health system and communities, especially when new infections are rapidly rising."
Walke added that people should still watch closely for symptoms — such as fever, a cough or a loss of taste or smell — for a full 14 days after possible exposure.
John Brooks, chief medical officer for CDC's COVID-19 response, said the agency based its revised guidelines "on extensive modeling, not just by CDC but by other agencies and partners."
The announcement, while not unexpected, was welcomed with cautious optimism by several epidemiologists closely following the pandemic.
"Shortening the recommended quarantine period is an important, pragmatic move. It allows health officials to focus their efforts on the period of time that people are most likely to become contagious, which will hopefully boost public compliance with quarantine recommendations," Jennifer Nuzzo of the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security told NPR after the announced revision.
"It's important that we try and remove some of the disincentives that are currently preventing people from being able to quarantine," she added. "Shortening the time that they have to stay home may enable more people to stay home as recommended, which will aid in efforts to stop the spread of this virus."
For the upcoming holiday season, the CDC is recommending people stay home — just as it did before the Thanksgiving holiday.
But if people do travel, the guidelines are that individuals should get a coronavirus test one to three days before travel and then three to five days after travel, combined with quarantine for seven days after arriving.
NPR's Rob Stein and Joe Neel contributed to this report.


npr--2020-12-03--'We're All Tired Of This': Health Care Workers In Seattle Prepare For Another Surge

'We 're All Tired Of This ' : Health Care Workers In Seattle Prepare For Another Surge As hospitals across the country weather a surge of COVID-19 patients , nurses , respiratory therapists and physicians in Seattle — an early epicenter of the outbreak — are staring down a startling resurgence of the virus that 's expected to test even one of the most well-prepared hospitals on the pandemic 's frontlines .
After nine months , the staff at Harborview Medical Center , the large public hospital run by the University of Washington , have the benefit of experience .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ already encountering the realities of COVID-19 that are now familiar to so many communities : patients dying alone , the fears of getting infected at work and the upheaval inside the hospital .
This forced the hospital to adapt quickly to the pressures of the coronavirus and how to manage a surge , but all these months later it has left the staff exhausted .
`` This is a crisis that 's been going on for almost a year — that 's not the way humans are built to work , '' says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director at Harborview and associate professor of medicine at the University of Washington .
`` Our health workers are definitely feeling that strain in a way that we 've never experienced before , '' he says .
Until the late fall , the Seattle area had mostly kept the virus in check .
But now cases are rising faster than ever before , and Washington Gov .
Jay Inslee has already warned a `` catastrophic loss of medical care '' could be on the horizon .
`` This is the very beginning , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what that looks like in December and January has got me very concerned , '' Lynch says .
When the outbreak first swept through western Washington , hospitals were in the dark on many fronts .
It was unclear how contagious the virus could be , how many ICU beds would be needed and how widely it had spread .
ICU nurse Whisty Taylor remembers the moment when she learned one of their own nurses — someone young and active — was hospitalized on their floor and intubated .
`` That 's really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be any of us , '' Taylor says .
Concerns over infection control and conserving PPE meant that nurses were delegated all sorts of unusual tasks .
`` The nurses were the phlebotomists and physical therapists , '' says nurse Stacy Van Essen .
`` We mopped the floors and we took the laundry out and made the beds , plus taking care of people who are extremely , extremely sick . ''
A lot has changed since those early days .
The staff are now trained to go into COVID rooms and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospital has ironed out the thorny logistics of caring for these highly contagious patients , says Vanessa Makarewicz , Harborview 's manager of infection control and prevention .
How to clean the rooms ?
Who 's going to draw the blood ?
What 's the safest way to move people around ?
`` We 've grown our entire operation around it , '' Makarewicz says .
The physical layout of the hospital has changed to accommodate COVID patients , too .
`` It 's still busy and chaotic , but it 's a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scott , a respiratory therapist in the ICU .
Harborview has also learned how to stretch its supplies of personal protective equipment ( PPE ) by keeping health care workers in patients ' rooms for as long as possible .
And as cases started to rise significantly last month , the hospital quickly reimposed visitor restrictions .
`` In the past , we 've had visitors who then call us two days later and say , 'oh , my gosh , I just came up positive , ' '' says nurse Mindy Boyle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID patients — and all the steps the hospital has taken , including having health care workers observed as they don and doff their PPE — has dampened the fears of catching the virus while at work .
`` It still scares me somewhat , but I do feel safe , and I would rather be here than out in the community where we do n't know what 's going on , '' says Boyle .
Preparation can only go so far , though .
The hospital still runs the risk of running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like so much of the country .
During the spring , the hospital cleared out beds and recruited nurses from all over the country , but that is unlikely to happen this time , with so many hospitals under pressure at the same time .
`` All things point to what could be an onslaught of patients on top of a very tired workforce and less staff to go around , '' says Nate Rozeboom , a nurse manager on one of the COVID units .
`` We 're all tired of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patients , tired of the uncertainty . ''
Already , COVID 's footprint at Harborview is expanding and bringing the hospital close to where it was during its previous peak .
`` The fear I have personally is overwhelming the resources , using up all the staff and the numbers are still going to go up , '' says Roseate Scott , a respiratory therapist .
And Scott says the realities of caring for these desperately ill patients have not changed .
`` When they 're on their belly , laying down with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these extra lines hanging off of them , it takes about four to five people to manually flip them over , '' Scott says .
`` It feels intense every time .
It does n't matter how many times you 've done it . ''
Hospitalized patients are faring better compared to the spring , but there are still no major breakthroughs , says Randall Curtis , an attending physician at the COVID ICU and a professor of medicine at the University of Washington .
`` The biggest difference is that we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Curtis says .
The few treatments that have shown promise , including the steroid Dexamethasone and the antiviral Remdesivir , have `` important , but marginal effects , '' he says .
`` They 're not magic bullets ... .
people are not jumping out of bed and saying , ' I feel great .
I 'd like to go home now , ' '' Curtis says .
Whisty Taylor says nursing has never quite felt the same since she started on the COVID ICU .
`` These people are in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can only see them through Zoom .
The only interaction they have is with us through our mask , eyewear , plastic , '' Taylor says .
`` We 're just giving their body a run around trying to keep them alive . ''

'We're All Tired Of This': Health Care Workers In Seattle Prepare For Another Surge
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ted S. Warren/AP Ted S. Warren/AP
As hospitals across the country weather a surge of COVID-19 patients, nurses, respiratory therapists and physicians in Seattle — an early epicenter of the outbreak — are staring down a startling resurgence of the virus that's expected to test even one of the most well-prepared hospitals on the pandemic's frontlines.
After nine months, the staff at Harborview Medical Center, the large public hospital run by the University of Washington, have the benefit of experience.
In March, the Harborview staff were already encountering the realities of COVID-19 that are now familiar to so many communities: patients dying alone, the fears of getting infected at work and the upheaval inside the hospital.
This forced the hospital to adapt quickly to the pressures of the coronavirus and how to manage a surge, but all these months later it has left the staff exhausted.
"This is a crisis that's been going on for almost a year — that's not the way humans are built to work," says Dr. John Lynch, an associate medical director at Harborview and associate professor of medicine at the University of Washington.
"Our health workers are definitely feeling that strain in a way that we've never experienced before," he says.
Until the late fall, the Seattle area had mostly kept the virus in check.
But now cases are rising faster than ever before, and Washington Gov. Jay Inslee has already warned a "catastrophic loss of medical care" could be on the horizon.
"This is the very beginning, to be honest, so thinking about what that looks like in December and January has got me very concerned," Lynch says.
Lessons learned from the spring surge
When the outbreak first swept through western Washington, hospitals were in the dark on many fronts.
It was unclear how contagious the virus could be, how many ICU beds would be needed and how widely it had spread.
ICU nurse Whisty Taylor remembers the moment when she learned one of their own nurses — someone young and active — was hospitalized on their floor and intubated.
"That's really when it hit .... that could be any of us," Taylor says.
Concerns over infection control and conserving PPE meant that nurses were delegated all sorts of unusual tasks.
"The nurses were the phlebotomists and physical therapists," says nurse Stacy Van Essen. "We mopped the floors and we took the laundry out and made the beds, plus taking care of people who are extremely, extremely sick."
A lot has changed since those early days.
The staff are now trained to go into COVID rooms and to be near patients, and the hospital has ironed out the thorny logistics of caring for these highly contagious patients, says Vanessa Makarewicz, Harborview's manager of infection control and prevention.
How to clean the rooms? Who's going to draw the blood? What's the safest way to move people around?
"We've grown our entire operation around it," Makarewicz says.
The physical layout of the hospital has changed to accommodate COVID patients, too.
"It's still busy and chaotic, but it's a lot more controlled," says Roseate Scott, a respiratory therapist in the ICU.
Harborview has also learned how to stretch its supplies of personal protective equipment (PPE) by keeping health care workers in patients' rooms for as long as possible. And as cases started to rise significantly last month, the hospital quickly reimposed visitor restrictions.
"In the past, we've had visitors who then call us two days later and say, 'oh, my gosh, I just came up positive,'" says nurse Mindy Boyle.
Boyle says months of caring for COVID patients — and all the steps the hospital has taken, including having health care workers observed as they don and doff their PPE — has dampened the fears of catching the virus while at work.
"It still scares me somewhat, but I do feel safe, and I would rather be here than out in the community where we don't know what's going on," says Boyle.
Some realities never change
Preparation can only go so far, though.
The hospital still runs the risk of running low on PPE and staff, just like so much of the country.
During the spring, the hospital cleared out beds and recruited nurses from all over the country, but that is unlikely to happen this time, with so many hospitals under pressure at the same time.
"All things point to what could be an onslaught of patients on top of a very tired workforce and less staff to go around," says Nate Rozeboom, a nurse manager on one of the COVID units. "We're all tired of this, tired of taking care of COVID patients, tired of the uncertainty."
Already, COVID's footprint at Harborview is expanding and bringing the hospital close to where it was during its previous peak.
"The fear I have personally is overwhelming the resources, using up all the staff and the numbers are still going to go up," says Roseate Scott, a respiratory therapist.
And Scott says the realities of caring for these desperately ill patients have not changed.
"When they're on their belly, laying down with all the tubes and drains and all these extra lines hanging off of them, it takes about four to five people to manually flip them over," Scott says. "It feels intense every time. It doesn't matter how many times you've done it."
Hospitalized patients are faring better compared to the spring, but there are still no major breakthroughs, says Randall Curtis, an attending physician at the COVID ICU and a professor of medicine at the University of Washington.
"The biggest difference is that we have a better sense of what to expect," Curtis says.
The few treatments that have shown promise, including the steroid Dexamethasone and the antiviral Remdesivir, have "important, but marginal effects," he says.
"They're not magic bullets.... people are not jumping out of bed and saying, 'I feel great. I'd like to go home now,'" Curtis says.
Whisty Taylor says nursing has never quite felt the same since she started on the COVID ICU.
"These people are in the rooms for months. Their families can only see them through Zoom. The only interaction they have is with us through our mask, eyewear, plastic," Taylor says. "We're just giving their body a run around trying to keep them alive."


npr--2020-12-03--Imagine Waiting 6 Hours To Buy A Couple Of Bags Of Bread

Imagine Waiting 6 Hours To Buy A Couple Of Bags Of Bread Abu Alaa leaves his home in Damascus at dawn to buy bread from his local bakery .
There he stands in line for up to six hours to get the two packets of the round flat pita bread that government rations allow for a three-child family like his .
After this he goes to the gas station , where he usually waits a further six hours to buy the fuel he needs for his work as a minivan driver .
`` Half of my day is spent waiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laughable , '' he says .
`` And the other half is spent waiting in line for diesel ! ''
Abu Alaa gives only the name he goes by in his neighborhood because he fears that Syria 's repressive government does not want him to speak with foreign journalists .
Syrians across the country are facing shortages of subsidized bread at a time when , for many , it is one of the only foods they can still afford .
The United Nations ' World Food Program says that in this once middle-income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approximately the population , are food insecure .
The war in Syria is estimated to have killed more than half a million people and has left its cities in ruin .
Millions have been forced to flee their homes .
Over the course of almost a decade , President Bashar al-Assad has won back control of approximately two-thirds of the country from opposition militias .
But for citizens living in these areas , even if they are relieved about an end to the violence , there is little to celebrate .
Already traumatized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now suffer from an economic collapse that has shrunk the value of their salaries many times over while making goods more expensive .
In less than a year the Syrian pound lost over 70 % of its value against the U.S. dollar .
This sharp devaluation means the salary of a state employee is now worth as little as $ 20 per month ( as opposed to around $ 400 before the war ) .
The cost of a WFP food basket , which includes essentials like rice and oil , has increased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And the United Nations says more people need food assistance now than they did even during the height of the conflict .
Earlier this month President Assad acknowledged the misery Syrians face , telling state television during a visit to the industrial hub city of Aleppo that these are `` especially difficult and harsh times which Syria has not seen since its independence '' in 1945 .
Bread shortages increased sharply last September , along with a shortages of medicines and fuel .
In October , the ministry of domestic trade and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pack of bread to 100 Syrian pounds , while reducing the weight of each pack from about 2.8 pounds to 2.4 pounds and imposing limits on how much a family can buy .
A two-person household is allowed one pack per day , while a family of three gets two packs .
Syria used to mostly produce enough wheat to feed its population but has had to import some of its supply since the conflict began in 2011 .
This year , the U.N. 's Food and Agriculture Organization estimated Syria would produce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need around 4.1 million tons for domestic consumption .
A combination of international sanctions , the coronavirus pandemic and the freezing of Syrian assets in banks in Lebanon , which is suffering from its own economic crisis , has left the regime struggling to find the currency reserves it needs to pay for these imports .
The economic online journal The Syria Report says the government has struggled to get traders to fulfill its contracts .
The Syrian regime 's ally Russia has traditionally fulfilled most of Syria 's wheat import needs but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This prompted some speculation that Moscow is trying to use the bread crisis as a lever of power over Damascus , while others say Russia is safeguarding its wheat to meet its own needs during the pandemic .
While sanctions do not target food purchases , the freezing of assets and banking restrictions by the West , have generally complicated trade with Syria .
`` As soon as they see the word Syria on a receipt banks do n't want to touch it , '' a Damascus businessman recently told NPR last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goods .
The economic crisis in Lebanon has proven a major blow .
Syrian who had stashed their savings or business assets in Lebanese banks have seen their funds frozen as the country struggles with its own currency crisis .
It 's not known exactly the extent of Syrian funds are held in Lebanon .
President Assad claims anywhere from $ 20 billion to $ 42 billion of Syrian deposits could be lost in Lebanon .
`` This figure for an economy like Syria is terrifying , '' he said .
The government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the fact that a majority of Syria 's own wheat fields remain outside of government control , held by the U.S.-backed Kurdish authorities in northeast Syria .
Though the Kurdish administration has sold some wheat to the regime , analysts say they have kept much of the supply to meet the needs of their population .
The shortage of bread available in subsidized bakeries is compounded by a thriving black market .
An activist in the Syrian town of Sweida , who asked not to be named for his own safety , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small in government-subsidized bakeries that many of these bakeries sell some of their allocated wheat supply on the black market — where bread is available at more than ten times the subsidized price — so that they can pay their employees .
The war has fueled income inequality in Syria and spawned an elite of war lords and loyalists that been handsomely rewarded for their allegiance to the regime in difficult times .
Goods are available for the small elite who can afford them .
`` Food is absolutely available .
Iphones are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Syria right now , '' says Elizabeth Tsurkov , a fellow at the Center for Global Policy .
`` There is a segment of society , many of them individuals linked to war profiteers , who can afford this .
And then there is over 90 % of the population living in abject poverty . ''
The shortages are fueling desperation and anger .
The activist in Sweida says people who own a gun regularly use their weapon to skip the line .
The government has reportedly also given priority to its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jump lines and removing the ration restrictions .
For ordinary citizens , this all means they can sometimes wait in line for hours just to be told there is no bread left for the day .
Arguments often break out , and local media reported men killed in Latakia and Hama during that fights that broke out in bread and fuel lines .
`` We 're either fighting with the bakeries or with distribution centers , '' a woman in Homs tells NPR , asking not to be identified fearing that speaking with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` People are killing each other over just bread . ''
She says the rationed amount of bread they do get , after waiting in line , is not enough for her family of three children and that they all go hungry sometimes .
She lists the prices of other foods , explaining how most are beyond what she can afford .
She says two pounds of lamb is 18,000 Syrian pounds , almost half her husband 's monthly salary as a state employee .
This new hardship comes on top of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This woman 's brother was arrested on the way to the hospital where his wife was in labor .
He died in jail .
The family insists all he ever did was protest peacefully against the government .
So she now helps care for his family as well as hers .
They are in survival mode .
Her children have n't even tasted eggs in four months .
`` This is not just us , '' she says .
`` This is all families in Syria . ''

Imagine Waiting 6 Hours To Buy A Couple Of Bags Of Bread
Enlarge this image toggle caption Omar Haj Kadour /AFP via Getty Images Omar Haj Kadour /AFP via Getty Images
Abu Alaa leaves his home in Damascus at dawn to buy bread from his local bakery. There he stands in line for up to six hours to get the two packets of the round flat pita bread that government rations allow for a three-child family like his.
After this he goes to the gas station, where he usually waits a further six hours to buy the fuel he needs for his work as a minivan driver.
"Half of my day is spent waiting for bread — God, it's laughable," he says. "And the other half is spent waiting in line for diesel!"
Abu Alaa gives only the name he goes by in his neighborhood because he fears that Syria's repressive government does not want him to speak with foreign journalists.
Syrians across the country are facing shortages of subsidized bread at a time when, for many, it is one of the only foods they can still afford. The United Nations' World Food Program says that in this once middle-income country, some 9.3 million people, approximately the population, are food insecure.
The war in Syria is estimated to have killed more than half a million people and has left its cities in ruin. Millions have been forced to flee their homes.
Over the course of almost a decade, President Bashar al-Assad has won back control of approximately two-thirds of the country from opposition militias. But for citizens living in these areas, even if they are relieved about an end to the violence, there is little to celebrate. Already traumatized and impoverished by the conflict, they now suffer from an economic collapse that has shrunk the value of their salaries many times over while making goods more expensive.
In less than a year the Syrian pound lost over 70% of its value against the U.S. dollar. This sharp devaluation means the salary of a state employee is now worth as little as $20 per month (as opposed to around $400 before the war). The cost of a WFP food basket, which includes essentials like rice and oil, has increased some 247% since October last year.
And the United Nations says more people need food assistance now than they did even during the height of the conflict.
Earlier this month President Assad acknowledged the misery Syrians face, telling state television during a visit to the industrial hub city of Aleppo that these are "especially difficult and harsh times which Syria has not seen since its independence" in 1945.
Bread shortages increased sharply last September, along with a shortages of medicines and fuel. In October, the ministry of domestic trade and economy doubled the cost of a subsidized pack of bread to 100 Syrian pounds, while reducing the weight of each pack from about 2.8 pounds to 2.4 pounds and imposing limits on how much a family can buy. A two-person household is allowed one pack per day, while a family of three gets two packs.
Syria used to mostly produce enough wheat to feed its population but has had to import some of its supply since the conflict began in 2011. This year, the U.N.'s Food and Agriculture Organization estimated Syria would produce up to 2.6 tons of wheat but need around 4.1 million tons for domestic consumption.
A combination of international sanctions, the coronavirus pandemic and the freezing of Syrian assets in banks in Lebanon, which is suffering from its own economic crisis, has left the regime struggling to find the currency reserves it needs to pay for these imports.
The economic online journal The Syria Report says the government has struggled to get traders to fulfill its contracts. The Syrian regime's ally Russia has traditionally fulfilled most of Syria's wheat import needs but has provided significantly less this year.
This prompted some speculation that Moscow is trying to use the bread crisis as a lever of power over Damascus, while others say Russia is safeguarding its wheat to meet its own needs during the pandemic.
While sanctions do not target food purchases, the freezing of assets and banking restrictions by the West, have generally complicated trade with Syria. "As soon as they see the word Syria on a receipt banks don't want to touch it," a Damascus businessman recently told NPR last month, explaining the difficulties he has importing goods.
The economic crisis in Lebanon has proven a major blow. Syrian who had stashed their savings or business assets in Lebanese banks have seen their funds frozen as the country struggles with its own currency crisis. It's not known exactly the extent of Syrian funds are held in Lebanon. President Assad claims anywhere from $20 billion to $42 billion of Syrian deposits could be lost in Lebanon. "This figure for an economy like Syria is terrifying," he said.
The government's access to wheat is further complicated by the fact that a majority of Syria's own wheat fields remain outside of government control, held by the U.S.-backed Kurdish authorities in northeast Syria. Though the Kurdish administration has sold some wheat to the regime, analysts say they have kept much of the supply to meet the needs of their population.
The shortage of bread available in subsidized bakeries is compounded by a thriving black market. An activist in the Syrian town of Sweida, who asked not to be named for his own safety, tells NPR that profit margins are so small in government-subsidized bakeries that many of these bakeries sell some of their allocated wheat supply on the black market — where bread is available at more than ten times the subsidized price — so that they can pay their employees.
The war has fueled income inequality in Syria and spawned an elite of war lords and loyalists that been handsomely rewarded for their allegiance to the regime in difficult times. Goods are available for the small elite who can afford them.
"Food is absolutely available. Iphones are available! The PlayStation 5 is available in Syria right now," says Elizabeth Tsurkov, a fellow at the Center for Global Policy. "There is a segment of society, many of them individuals linked to war profiteers, who can afford this. And then there is over 90% of the population living in abject poverty."
The shortages are fueling desperation and anger. The activist in Sweida says people who own a gun regularly use their weapon to skip the line. The government has reportedly also given priority to its soldiers and militiamen, allowing them to jump lines and removing the ration restrictions.
For ordinary citizens, this all means they can sometimes wait in line for hours just to be told there is no bread left for the day. Arguments often break out, and local media reported men killed in Latakia and Hama during that fights that broke out in bread and fuel lines.
"We're either fighting with the bakeries or with distribution centers," a woman in Homs tells NPR, asking not to be identified fearing that speaking with a foreign journalist could get her arrested. "People are killing each other over just bread."
She says the rationed amount of bread they do get, after waiting in line, is not enough for her family of three children and that they all go hungry sometimes. She lists the prices of other foods, explaining how most are beyond what she can afford. She says two pounds of lamb is 18,000 Syrian pounds, almost half her husband's monthly salary as a state employee.
This new hardship comes on top of the family's suffering from the war. This woman's brother was arrested on the way to the hospital where his wife was in labor. He died in jail. The family insists all he ever did was protest peacefully against the government.
So she now helps care for his family as well as hers. They are in survival mode. Her children haven't even tasted eggs in four months. "This is not just us," she says. "This is all families in Syria."
Additional reporting by Nada Homsi


npr--2020-12-03--A Biden Promise About Overseas Abortion Funding Could Prove Difficult To Implement

A Biden Promise About Overseas Abortion Funding Could Prove Difficult To Implement Among the promises that President elect-Biden is expected to fulfill immediately upon taking office : lifting a ban that President Trump imposed on U.S. foreign aid dollars related to abortion .
Specifically , the ban prohibits foreign aid funding for privately-run overseas-based groups that `` perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning '' for women .
Among the activities that are barred : providing referrals for abortion or offering advice or medical information on the procedure .
And this is prohibited even if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-U.S. sources .
The funding ban was first imposed in 1984 by then-President Ronald Reagan and has been the subject of political ping-pong ever since .
Each incoming Democratic president has lifted it .
Each incoming Republican president who followed a Democrat has reenacted it .
But with Biden , there 's a twist : Even if he repeals the ban as expected , there 's reason to wonder how much things will actually change on the ground for the people on the receiving end of U.S. foreign aid money .
Here are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funding ban through executive order , technically Biden will be able to lift it by an executive order of his own upon taking office .
But in practice , `` it is n't as simple as signing a presidential memorandum repealing the policy , '' says Adrienne Lee of the advocacy group PAI .
All the foreign aid groups eligible for U.S. funding will need to be notified that they can once again discuss abortion , she notes .
Existing grant agreements and upcoming grant offers will need to be re-drafted .
Lee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden 's transition team would already have started working with staffers at relevant agencies such as USAID to lay the groundwork for those changes .
But abortion rights advocates are concerned none of that work will begin until Biden is inaugurated .
For weeks after the election Trump 's political appointee who heads the General Services Administration , Emily W. Murphy , refused to sign a letter authorizing Biden 's team to formally begin the transition process .
And even now that the transition is finally underway , based on various bureaucratic steps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funding ban shortly before the election , Lee says she expects the Trump Administration will still throw up obstacles .
`` Delaying coordination with the transition team delays all of this needed pre-work that minimizes the timeframe to get the global notification [ of the ban 's upcoming repeal ] out , '' says Lee .
Trump 's version of the ban was far more sweeping While Biden 's anticipated repeal of the funding ban will mark the third time a Democratic president has lifted it , the version of the ban that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweeping .
Previous Republican presidents had applied the ban only to funding of programs that offer family planning such as birth control .
Trump extended it to the vast majority of global health programs — clinics that distribute HIV-AIDS drugs , for instance , or that treat malaria in children , or provide nutritional assistance .
The Kaiser Family Foundation has estimated that this broader ban affected $ 7.3 billion in U.S. foreign aid programming for the 2020 fiscal year — compared to about $ 600 million that would have been involved if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family planning programs .
To comply with the ban many aid groups terminated partnerships and staff or completely restructured their operations .
So once Biden lifts the ban , that many more groups will face the choice of whether to revert to their modus operandi pre-ban , says Jennifer Kates , the foundation 's senior vice president and director of global health and HIV policy .
`` To what extent are there going to be some implementers who just say , 'You know what , I 'm not going to go through that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to do this back and forth . '
'' says Kates .
`` That 's a question we do n't know the answer to . ''
It 's unclear how many groups changed their practices in the first place Essentially aid groups fell into three buckets : Those that were not engaged in activities that were prohibited by the ban , and who therefore did n't need to make changes to their practices .
Those who did have to modify their approach in order to be in compliance .
And those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than cease banned activities .
But Kates says there is not comprehensive data on how many groups were in each category .
This makes it impossible to say how many groups will resume banned practices once the ban is lifted .
That 's not to say there is n't evidence that the ban had an impact .
A September study in the journal Health Affairs found that of nearly 200 aid groups that receive money through the one of the affected U.S. funding streams — the President 's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they had stopped or reduced at least one health service in response to the funding ban .
The affected services included delivering information about sexual and reproductive health , pregnancy counseling , provision of contraceptives , and HIV testing and counseling .
Similarly , a study last year in the medical journal The Lancet found that the funding ban actually increased the rate of abortions by about 40 % in the countries studied — likely , said the authors , because it led to a reduction in access to contraception and a consequent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's the case of organizations that decided to forgo U.S. funding rather than comply with rules they deemed fundamentally at odds with their missions .
A review released by the Department of State last summer found that only eight out of 1,340 primary funding recipients had taken that route — along with 47 groups that receive their funding as a pass-through from primary recipients .
But several advocacy groups opposed to the ban questioned how thorough the review was , noting that , among other concerns , the review only covered the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while the review found that in most cases the U.S. government was able to redirect the funding to a group willing to abide by the ban , the review documented several cases where this was not possible , or took time , resulting in substantial reduction in the provision of vital health services such as distribution of HIV medication .
The U.S. could reduce its aid budget One of the groups that opted to give up U.S. funding was MSI Reproductive Choices ( formerly known as Marie Stopes International ) .
Sarah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says while she hopes the organization can once again count on U.S. funding , it 's not a given .
Shaw says she 's mindful of periods during Bill Clinton 's presidency when — notwithstanding the fact that he had lifted the funding ban on coming into office — `` it was not such a great time for family planning because Congress just was n't appropriating the funds . ''
Also adds , Shaw , `` we 've got a bear in mind that we 're in the midst of a COVID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on resources .
We really are in uncharted waters . ''
Zara Ahmed , associate director of federal issues for the Guttmacher Institute , a research groups that backs abortion rights , is hoping Congress will actually devote more funding to family planning .
In 1994 , at the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo , the 179 United Nations member states — including the U.S. — agreed by consensus on a plan for expanding access to reproductive healthcare .
'It calls for two-thirds of the cost to be born by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` And then the donor country 's fair share should be decided based on their economies size . ''
According to that calculation , says Ahmed , the U.S. should be providing $ 1.66 billion per year .
But to date , she says , `` the U.S. has not lived up to that commitment , unfortunately . ''
Other countries have also fallen short , such that by the Guttmacher Institute 's calculation `` across 132 low- and middle-income countries around the world , there are more than 218 million women of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for modern contraception . ''
Then again ... Congress could pass a law that ends the ping-pong game for good Ahmed says another way that Congress could tip the scales is if it passes a pending bill that would prevent future presidents from re-enacting the funding ban .
This could offer foreign aid groups that want to start offering reproductive services again the reassurance that they will not risk another costly round of disruption if a Republican wins the presidency four years from now .
Two Republican senators have already co-sponsored the legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggesting that there 's a chance it could get adopted regardless of which party ends up controlling the Senate .
Yet Ahmed is reluctant to predict that far ahead .
`` I think that we could speculate in a lot of different ways about what might happen with the Senate , what bills they might prioritize .
There 's definitely a long way to go . ''

A Biden Promise About Overseas Abortion Funding Could Prove Difficult To Implement
Enlarge this image toggle caption Samantha Reinders for NPR Samantha Reinders for NPR
Among the promises that President elect-Biden is expected to fulfill immediately upon taking office: lifting a ban that President Trump imposed on U.S. foreign aid dollars related to abortion.
Specifically, the ban prohibits foreign aid funding for privately-run overseas-based groups that "perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning" for women. Activities that are barred include providing referrals for abortion or offering advice or medical information on the procedure. And this is prohibited even if the group funds their communications around abortions with non-U.S. sources.
The funding ban was first imposed in 1984 by then-President Ronald Reagan and has been the subject of political ping-pong ever since. Each incoming Democratic president has lifted it. Each incoming Republican president who followed a Democrat has reenacted it.
But with Biden, there's a twist: Even if he repeals the ban as expected, there's reason to wonder how much things will actually change on the ground for the people on the receiving end of U.S. foreign aid money. Here are five reasons:
Biden will have a delayed start
Because Trump enacted the funding ban through executive order, technically Biden will be able to lift it by an executive order of his own upon taking office. But in practice, "it isn't as simple as signing a presidential memorandum repealing the policy," says Adrienne Lee of the advocacy group PAI. All the foreign aid groups eligible for U.S. funding will need to be notified that they can once again discuss abortion, she notes. Existing grant agreements and upcoming grant offers will need to be re-drafted. Lee says that means that, ideally, Biden's transition team would already have started working with staffers at relevant agencies such as USAID to lay the groundwork for those changes.
But abortion rights advocates are concerned none of that work will begin until Biden is inaugurated. For weeks after the election Trump's political appointee who heads the General Services Administration, Emily W. Murphy, refused to sign a letter authorizing Biden's team to formally begin the transition process. And even now that the transition is finally underway, based on various bureaucratic steps the Trump Administration took to entrench the funding ban shortly before the election, Lee says she expects the Trump Administration will still throw up obstacles. "Delaying coordination with the transition team delays all of this needed pre-work that minimizes the timeframe to get the global notification [of the ban's upcoming repeal] out," says Lee.
Trump's version of the ban was far more sweeping
While Biden's anticipated repeal of the funding ban will mark the third time a Democratic president has lifted it, the version of the ban that Biden will be reversing is far more sweeping. Previous Republican presidents had applied the ban only to funding of programs that offer family planning such as birth control. Trump extended it to the vast majority of global health programs — clinics that distribute HIV-AIDS drugs, for instance, or that treat malaria in children, or provide nutritional assistance.
The Kaiser Family Foundation has estimated that this broader ban affected $7.3 billion in U.S. foreign aid programming for the 2020 fiscal year — compared to about $600 million that would have been involved if Trump had kept the ban limited to family planning programs. To comply with the ban many aid groups terminated partnerships and staff or completely restructured their operations. So once Biden lifts the ban, that many more groups will face the choice of whether to revert to their modus operandi pre-ban, says Jennifer Kates, the foundation's senior vice president and director of global health and HIV policy.
"To what extent are there going to be some implementers who just say, 'You know what, I'm not going to go through that again. It's too challenging to have to do this back and forth.'" says Kates. "That's a question we don't know the answer to."
It's unclear how many groups changed their practices in the first place
Essentially aid groups fell into three buckets: Those that were not engaged in activities that were prohibited by the ban, and who therefore didn't need to make changes to their practices. Those who did have to modify their approach in order to be in compliance. And those who decided not to take U.S. funding rather than cease banned activities. But Kates says there is not comprehensive data on how many groups were in each category. This makes it impossible to say how many groups will resume banned practices once the ban is lifted.
That's not to say there isn't evidence that the ban had an impact. A September study in the journal Health Affairs found that of nearly 200 aid groups that receive money through the one of the affected U.S. funding streams — the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) — 28% reported they had stopped or reduced at least one health service in response to the funding ban. The affected services included delivering information about sexual and reproductive health, pregnancy counseling, provision of contraceptives, and HIV testing and counseling. Similarly, a study last year in the medical journal The Lancet found that the funding ban actually increased the rate of abortions by about 40% in the countries studied — likely, said the authors, because it led to a reduction in access to contraception and a consequent rise in unwanted pregnancies.
Then there's the case of organizations that decided to forgo U.S. funding rather than comply with rules they deemed fundamentally at odds with their missions. A review released by the Department of State last summer found that only eight out of 1,340 primary funding recipients had taken that route — along with 47 groups that receive their funding as a pass-through from primary recipients.
But several advocacy groups opposed to the ban questioned how thorough the review was, noting that, among other concerns, the review only covered the first two years of the ban. Also, while the review found that in most cases the U.S. government was able to redirect the funding to an alternate group willing to abide by the ban, the review documented several cases where this was not possible, or took time, resulting in substantial reduction in the provision of vital health services such as distribution of HIV medication.
The U.S. could reduce its aid budget
One of the groups that opted to give up U.S. funding was MSI Reproductive Choices (formerly known as Marie Stopes International). Sarah Shaw, head of advocacy for MSI, says while she hopes the organization can once again count on U.S. funding, it's not a given. Shaw says she's mindful of periods during Bill Clinton's presidency when — notwithstanding the fact that he had lifted the funding ban on coming into office — "it was not such a great time for family planning because Congress just wasn't appropriating the funds."
Also adds, Shaw, "we've got a bear in mind that we're in the midst of a COVID pandemic which is putting tremendous domestic pressures on resources. We really are in uncharted waters."
Zara Ahmed, associate director of federal issues for the Guttmacher Institute, a research groups that backs abortion rights, is hoping Congress will actually devote more funding to family planning. She notes that in 1994, at the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, the 179 United Nations member states — including the U.S. — agreed by consensus on a plan for expanding access to reproductive healthcare.
'It calls for two-thirds of the cost to be born by developing countries," says Ahmed. "And then each donor country's fair share should be decided based on their economy's size."
According to that calculation, says Ahmed, the U.S. should be providing $1.66 billion per year. But to date, she says, "the U.S. has not lived up to that commitment, unfortunately."
Other countries have also fallen short, such that by the Guttmacher Institute's calculation "across 132 low- and middle-income countries around the world, there are more than 218 million women of reproductive age who have an unmet need for modern contraception."
Then again ... Congress could pass a law that ends the ping-pong game for good
Ahmed says another way that Congress could tip the scales is if it passes a pending bill that would prevent future presidents from re-enacting the funding ban. This could offer foreign aid groups that want to start offering reproductive services again the reassurance that they will not risk another costly round of disruption if a Republican wins the presidency four years from now.
Two Republican senators have already co-sponsored the legislation — Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski — suggesting that there's a chance it could get adopted regardless of which party ends up controlling the Senate.
Yet Ahmed is reluctant to predict that far ahead. "I think that we could speculate in a lot of different ways about what might happen with the Senate, what bills they might prioritize. There's definitely a long way to go."


npr--2020-12-03--Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

Coronavirus World Map : Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak On Sept. 28 , the world marked a tragic milestone : 1 million deaths from COVID-19 .
That 's according to a tally maintained by Johns Hopkins University .
And public health experts believe the actual toll – the recorded deaths plus the unrecorded deaths – is much higher .
While the number of cases has slowed in many countries that were hit hard early on by coronavirus , the number of new cases continues to increase .
Since early July , new daily cases averaged over 200,000 worldwide .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ country-by-country breakdown of new and total cases since January .
At over 13 million cases , the United States leads the world 's COVID-19 crisis .
In late spring and early summer , new COVID-19 cases were largely driven by cases in the Americas .
While the U.S. has consistently had the most new daily cases of coronavirus in the region , Brazil 's new daily cases increased rapidly between May and August .
However , in September , several countries that had previously flattened their curve saw a resurgence in cases , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , daily case counts have risen swiftly since June , without signs of slowing down .
Explore how the number of coronavirus cases have shifted in different parts of the world over time .
The first chart compares each continent to each other , while the next charts highlight the number of cases in select countries by region .
To compare country outbreaks , the chart below graphs trend lines for average new daily cases and deaths against each country 's totals to date .
This type of visualization highlights a state 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case and death counts grow quickly , the curves bend upward .
As new cases and deaths slow , the curves level or bend down .
In countries like Israel , which is seeing a second wave of case growth after an initial wave in April , the line forms a V-shape , as the initially bent curve spikes upwards again .
Click here to see the state-by-state breakdown of cases in the United States .
This story was originally published on @ @ @ @ @

Coronavirus world map: We've now passed the 600 million mark for infections
Editor's note: This page is no longer being updated. The last update was Sept. 5, 2022. For current data about COVID-19 cases and deaths around the world, Johns Hopkins University and Our World in Data are useful resources.
In late January 2020 only a few dozen COVID-19 infections had been identified outside of China. A year later, the world tallied its first 100 million cases. It took the globe just 7 more months to pass the 200 million mark— then another 5 months to hit 300 million, according to researchers at Johns Hopkins University. Now the virus has spread to every corner of the globe and has been blamed for more than 6 million deaths.
The United States, India and Brazil in that order have had the most COVID cases and the three nations collectively account for almost half of all recorded infections so far in the pandemic.
Explore the chart below to find a country-by-country breakdown of new and total cases since January 2020.
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Explore how the number of coronavirus cases have shifted in different parts of the world over time. The first chart compares each continent to each other, while the next charts highlight the number of cases in select countries by region.
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This story was originally published on March 30, 2020.