npr--2020-09-22--Coronavirus Maps: How Severe Is Your State's Outbreak?

Coronavirus Maps : How Severe Is Your State 's Outbreak ?
More than 6 million people in the U.S. have been infected with the coronavirus and more than 190,000 have died .
Tens of thousands of new cases are reported daily .
Some state outbreaks are worse than others .
In the graphics below , explore the trends in your state .
View the data via a heat map ( immediately below ) , curve charts , a table of state-by-state trends over four weeks , or a map of total cases and deaths .
The map above shows the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on new daily cases per capita .
These color-coded risk levels were developed by a consortium of researchers and public health experts .
The group advises states in the red category to issue stay-home orders .
Orange states may need to consider stay-home orders , along with increased testing and contact tracing .
Yellow states need to keep up social distancing and mask usage , and both yellow and green states should continue testing and contact tracing .
To compare state outbreaks , the chart above graphs trend lines for average new daily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ totals to date .
This type of visualization highlights a state 's daily growth or decline relative to the overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case and death counts grow quickly , the curves bend upward .
As new cases and deaths slow , the curves level or bend down .
In New York , the curve rose sharply before reaching over 170,000 total cases in April .
Since then , new cases have fallen from about 10,000 per day in mid-April to under 600 per day in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see totals and per capita figures around the country for both new confirmed cases and reported deaths from COVID-19 .
New York was the original epicenter of the pandemic in the U.S. As of mid August , California , Florida and Texas have surpassed New York for total cases to date , though New York still has the highest death total .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths .
To show trends state by state , the table below shows the change in average new cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over week for the last 28 days .
States marked in shades of red are showing growth , those in shades of green , are showing declines .
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local media reports .
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department 's website .
Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships .
In early June , Michigan health authorities started including probable cases in its totals .
This resulted in a brief spike in the state 's daily numbers until the JHU team was able to reconcile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , New Jersey included 1,854 previously-unreported probable deaths in its totals , resulting in a spike in the state 's daily death numbers .
This story was originally published on March 16 , 2020 .
Elena Renken was a co-author on that version .
Sean McMinn contributed to and Carmel Wroth edited this story .

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
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Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
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The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
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Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-09-22--Prominent Critic Of Xi Jinping And Communist Party Sentenced To 18 Years In Prison

Prominent Critic Of Xi Jinping And Communist Party Sentenced To 18 Years In Prison China has sentenced an influential property magnate and outspoken critic of the Communist Party and President Xi Jinping to 18 years in prison on corruption charges – a hefty sentence that is likely to further deter dissent among the nation 's intellectual and business elite .
On Tuesday , a Beijing court announced that it had found Ren Zhiqiang , 69 , guilty of embezzling public funds and taking bribes totaling about $ 2.9 million over the course of 14 years .
He was sentenced in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ren has also been fined $ 620,000 and his assets seized .
`` The actions of the defendant Ren Zhiqiang constituted corruption , bribery , misappropriation of public funds and abuse of power , and he should be punished in accordance with the law , '' read the court ruling .
Others who have dared to openly criticize Xi Jinping have also been met with harsh punishment .
Xu Zhangrun , 57 , a distinguished constitutional law professor , was briefly detained in July after police alleged he had solicited prostitutes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He has been a prolific critic of Xi 's centralization of power .
Geng Xiaonan , a publisher , filmmaker and friend of Xu 's , quickly came to his defense by giving interviews to international media , including NPR .
Friends of Geng said she and her husband were detained in Beijing this month for `` illegal business activities , '' almost certainly because of her advocacy for Xu .
But it is Ren 's sharp downfall that has sent the biggest chill throughout China 's private business circles and intelligentsia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a major October meeting of China 's top Communist Party officials during which Chinese leader Xi Jinping is expected to announce more details of a broad economic development initiative .
Earlier this month , the ruling Chinese Communist Party issued new guidance advocating greater party control over China 's private sector .
`` We must educate and guide private entrepreneurs to arm their minds with Xi Jinping thought on socialism with Chinese characteristics for the new era and maintain a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee on political positions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote .
`` From beginning to end , we must be politically sensible people . ''
The son of a former vice minister of commerce , Ren was part of China 's political elite and a veteran Communist Party member who had expertly balanced critique with political survival .
He made his fortune in the cowboy days of China 's infrastructure boom during the 1990s and early 2000s as a property magnate and later chairman of developer Huayuan Real Estate Group .
Ren also became a well-known and outspoken blogger on Chinese social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the early 2000s , where he earned the nickname `` Big Cannon Ren '' for his brash analyses .
Ren gained further notoriety in February 2016 after lashing out at Xi Jinping 's demand that all media outlets pledge loyalty to the Communist Party .
`` When does the people 's government turn into the Party 's government ? ''
he wrote on his Weibo account .
Ren 's Weibo account , then with more than 37 million followers , was blocked after the remark , as China ramped up censorship and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of prominent bloggers on Chinese social media sites , predominantly Weibo .
But it was Ren 's lengthy essay published this February , in the midst of the coronavirus epidemic , that likely triggered his current imprisonment .
Without explicitly naming him , Ren called Xi Jinping a `` clown stripped naked who insisted on continuing being emperor , '' going on to criticize Xi in veiled , literary references for the excesses of the Communist Party .
Ren was detained in March .
In June , he was expelled from the Communist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` smearing the Party and country 's image '' and `` being disloyal and dishonest with the Party . ''
In its announcement of its ruling on Tuesday , a Beijing court said Ren accepted his 18-year sentence and would not appeal .

Prominent Critic Of Xi Jinping And Communist Party Sentenced To 18 Years In Prison
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bloomberg via Getty Images Bloomberg via Getty Images
China has sentenced an influential property magnate and outspoken critic of the Communist Party and President Xi Jinping to 18 years in prison on corruption charges – a hefty sentence that is likely to further deter dissent among the nation's intellectual and business elite.
On Tuesday, a Beijing court announced that it had found Ren Zhiqiang, 69, guilty of embezzling public funds and taking bribes totaling about $2.9 million over the course of 14 years. He was sentenced in a trial closed to the public. Ren has also been fined $620,000 and his assets seized.
"The actions of the defendant Ren Zhiqiang constituted corruption, bribery, misappropriation of public funds and abuse of power, and he should be punished in accordance with the law," read the court ruling.
Others who have dared to openly criticize Xi Jinping have also been met with harsh punishment.
Xu Zhangrun, 57, a distinguished constitutional law professor, was briefly detained in July after police alleged he had solicited prostitutes, and he currently remains under effective house arrest. He has been a prolific critic of Xi's centralization of power.
Geng Xiaonan, a publisher, filmmaker and friend of Xu's, quickly came to his defense by giving interviews to international media, including NPR. Friends of Geng said she and her husband were detained in Beijing this month for "illegal business activities," almost certainly because of her advocacy for Xu.
But it is Ren's sharp downfall that has sent the biggest chill throughout China's private business circles and intelligentsia.
His trial occurred in the runup to a major October meeting of China's top Communist Party officials during which Chinese leader Xi Jinping is expected to announce more details of a broad economic development initiative.
Earlier this month, the ruling Chinese Communist Party issued new guidance advocating greater party control over China's private sector.
"We must educate and guide private entrepreneurs to arm their minds with Xi Jinping thought on socialism with Chinese characteristics for the new era and maintain a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee on political positions," the party's general office wrote. "From beginning to end, we must be politically sensible people."
The son of a former vice minister of commerce, Ren was part of China's political elite and a veteran Communist Party member who had expertly balanced critique with political survival.
He made his fortune in the cowboy days of China's infrastructure boom during the 1990s and early 2000s as a property magnate and later chairman of developer Huayuan Real Estate Group. Ren also became a well-known and outspoken blogger on Chinese social media platform Weibo as it took off in the early 2000s, where he earned the nickname "Big Cannon Ren" for his brash analyses.
Ren gained further notoriety in February 2016 after lashing out at Xi Jinping's demand that all media outlets pledge loyalty to the Communist Party. "When does the people's government turn into the Party's government?" he wrote on his Weibo account.
Ren's Weibo account, then with more than 37 million followers, was blocked after the remark, as China ramped up censorship and cyberspace regulators closed the accounts of dozens of prominent bloggers on Chinese social media sites, predominantly Weibo.
But it was Ren's lengthy essay published this February, in the midst of the coronavirus epidemic, that likely triggered his current imprisonment. Without explicitly naming him, Ren called Xi Jinping a "clown stripped naked who insisted on continuing being emperor," going on to criticize Xi in veiled, literary references for the excesses of the Communist Party.
Ren was detained in March. In June, he was expelled from the Communist Party and placed under criminal investigation for "smearing the Party and country's image" and "being disloyal and dishonest with the Party."
In its announcement of its ruling on Tuesday, a Beijing court said Ren accepted his 18-year sentence and would not appeal.


npr--2020-09-22--Step Aside Election 2000: This Year's Election May Be The Most Litigated Yet

Step Aside Election 2000 : This Year 's Election May Be The Most Litigated Yet The night of Nov. 7 , 2000 , was cold and wet in Austin , Texas .
`` Nobody cared , '' remembers Republican lawyer Ben Ginsberg , who worked for Texas Gov .
George W. Bush 's presidential campaign .
`` We had just won the presidency of the United States . ''
That excitement quickly evaporated .
As the night stretched on , the race between Bush and Democratic nominee Al Gore tightened in Florida .
The television networks revised their projections for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to call .
Before the election night was over , Gore withdrew his concession phone call .
`` About 3:30 in the morning , the campaign chair came by my desk and said there 's going to be a recount , '' Ginsberg says .
`` You 'd better saddle everybody up .
And so that 's when the private planes got put into service , lawyers got recruited , phone calls went out . ''
Those lawyers on planes ended up in Florida , where Gore sued to force a recount in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a five-week battle over the ballots , the rules , the law and the courts .
A 5-4 decision at the Supreme Court effectively stopped the recount , paving the way for Bush 's win .
`` The level of litigation that took place in 2000 was unprecedented , '' Ginsberg says .
That word , unprecedented , gets used a lot when describing the 2000 election .
But what was unprecedented two decades ago is starting to look quaint in 2020 .
2020 , election lawyers say , may be the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election not be close '' '' I think it probably already has achieved that status , '' says Justin Riemer , chief counsel for the Republican National Committee .
Riemer says the RNC and other party committees are already involved in more than 40 lawsuits .
`` Dozens and dozens '' of lawyers are at the ready , Riemer says , both in-house at the RNC and other party committees .
Lawyers have also been retained around the country .
Democratic election lawyer Marc Elias , who is leading the Biden campaign 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules , says Democrats are also busy in court .
`` We 're litigating 30-plus lawsuits in 17 or 18 states , '' he says .
In 2000 , lawyers and election officials endlessly examined and debated butterfly ballots and hanging chads to try to interpret the intentions of voters .
Now , the legal arguments are more complex and center on the rules governing mail-in voting as states have expanded voting options to protect people from the spread of the coronavirus .
Hundreds of lawsuits are already swirling around mail-in voting as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to sort issues both basic and technical — questions such as must a ballot be received by or just postmarked by Election Day ?
Can states require a witness for a mail-in ballot ?
What standards are being used to judge a voter 's signature ?
Can drop boxes be used to return ballots instead of relying on the U.S .
Postal Service ?
Ginsberg says ideally , campaigns and parties want the courts to weigh in on these questions now to minimize uncertainty in the days after the election .
For example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party , the Pennsylvania Supreme Court extended the deadline for mail-in ballots to be received as long as they are postmarked by Election Day .
In some states , such as Pennsylvania , mail ballots ca n't be opened until Election Day — meaning that the count wo n't likely be available on election night .
Then , factor in the extended deadlines and potential litigation — and it 's very possible key states will remain undecided for days after the election .
`` What happens if it 's a three- or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ballots arrive after that deadline through no fault of the voters themselves ? ''
Ginsberg says .
`` That 's an area that would be ripe for both litigation and putting off when you know the final results of an election . ''
Justin Levitt , a professor at Loyola Law School , has been tracking the number of pandemic-related voting lawsuits this year .
He 's logged 250 so far .
Beyond mail voting , Levitt says there 's litigation about in-person voting , too , such as how long polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ places there will be and what safety measures will be taken .
Then there 's also litigation pushing back on pandemic voting measures — arguing election officials have gone too far in making adjustments due to the pandemic .
`` I think that the lawyers and litigation , they 're there to help resolve disputes , '' Levitt says .
`` It 's actually much better that they 're trying to resolve the disputes before they happen — that is , we 'd much rather have the lawyers engaged , making sure the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be before the election than trying to fight over rules of the game when the outcome is even more in question after the election .
The election administrator 's prayer is , dear Lord , let this election not be close .
And I fully subscribe to that . ''
Beyond the pandemic , there 's another factor at play in 2020 .
The Republican Party is no longer bound by certain rules when it comes to poll watchers or so-called ballot security programs .
The RNC had been under a consent decree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accused it of violating the rights of Black and Latino voters .
A court found Republicans had stationed off-duty police officers in some minority precincts and sent targeted mailings to minority voters warning about penalties for violating election laws .
A judge let the consent decree expire in 2018 — allowing the RNC to bolster voter fraud efforts and coordinate Election Day poll watching .
`` The Democrats were able to have poll watchers there to document what happens if a precinct runs out of ballots , for example , or if there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were n't using provisional ballots when they were supposed to , '' Riemer says .
`` Documenting that evidence is extremely important if there are questions after the election that lead to litigation or lead to a recount .
And I compare it to , you know , a court case where one side is able to have all the evidence and the other side has none .
How is that fair ? ''
The RNC says it 's planning to recruit tens of thousands of poll watchers to observe ballot counting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's and registrar 's offices in key states .
Elias , the Democratic election lawyer , says that 's chilling .
`` Under a president who is as hostile to voting and whose record on race is so poor , does anyone really believe that they are going to go out and go to the trouble to recruit 50,000 people to stand there like Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts just observing the election ? ''
Elias asks .
The expiration of the consent decree and the expected challenges to rules governing mail-in ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenges to the 2020 election .
But there 's another wild card : the president himself .
President Trump has not clearly said he would accept the results of the election and has frequently made false claims about mail voting .
`` We could have a situation where there is a large number of outstanding ballots on election night , but the president declares the election over , based on the in-person vote and either sows confusion and chaos as a result of that or even takes steps to try to prevent the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Dale Ho , director of the American Civil Liberties Union 's Voting Rights Project .
The ACLU already has some 20 suits going in 16 states on coronavirus-related voting issues , and Ho says his office is busier than it 's ever been .
But he still fears the courts might not be a sufficient guardrail to prevent confusion in the days after the election .
He worries the country did not learn the right lessons from the 2000 election .
`` The lesson from Bush versus Gore should have gone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that maybe , you know , we should have professionalized and nonpartisan election administration where all of the rules are agreed upon in advance to deal with whatever contingency might arise , '' Ho says .
`` The secretary of state is still a partisan office in the state of Florida .
We had secretaries of state in recent elections like Kansas two years ago , Georgia two years ago , overseeing their own elections .
So I wish I could say that we took a lesson from Bush versus Gore to try @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but I do n't think we have as a country , unfortunately . ''
Ginsberg , who had a front row seat to the 2000 election , sees an important distinction between legal remedies , such as court challenges and recounts , and questioning the validity of an election after all those efforts have played out .
In a recent op-ed in The Washington Post , Ginsberg condemned Trump 's suggestion that people vote twice and shot down the idea that voter fraud is widespread .
`` The bedrock principle of the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peaceful transfer of power based on the results of the election , '' he says .
`` So calling into doubt the results of an election beyond the contested recount procedures that are available in every state has a long-term detrimental effect on the country . ''
With unprecedented litigation and millions more ballots that need to be counted , there is a growing consensus that Americans might not know who won the presidency on election night .
But with a president who has a history of making false claims about mail-in voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fight not just waged in the courts , but also in the court of public opinion .

Step Aside Election 2000: This Year's Election May Be The Most Litigated Yet
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Harnik/AP Andrew Harnik/AP
The night of Nov. 7, 2000, was cold and wet in Austin, Texas.
"Nobody cared," remembers Republican lawyer Ben Ginsberg, who worked for Texas Gov. George W. Bush's presidential campaign. "We had just won the presidency of the United States."
That excitement quickly evaporated. As the night stretched on, the race between Bush and Democratic nominee Al Gore tightened in Florida. The television networks revised their projections for Bush, deeming the contest too close to call. Before the election night was over, Gore withdrew his concession phone call.
"About 3:30 in the morning, the campaign chair came by my desk and said there's going to be a recount," Ginsberg says. "You'd better saddle everybody up. And so that's when the private planes got put into service, lawyers got recruited, phone calls went out."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alan Diaz/AP Alan Diaz/AP
Those lawyers on planes ended up in Florida, where Gore sued to force a recount in a few too-close-to-call counties. It was a five-week battle over the ballots, the rules, the law and the courts. A 5-4 decision at the Supreme Court effectively stopped the recount, paving the way for Bush's win.
"The level of litigation that took place in 2000 was unprecedented," Ginsberg says.
That word, unprecedented, gets used a lot when describing the 2000 election. But what was unprecedented two decades ago is starting to look quaint in 2020.
2020, election lawyers say, may be the most litigated election ever.
"Let this election not be close"
"I think it probably already has achieved that status," says Justin Riemer, chief counsel for the Republican National Committee. Riemer says the RNC and other party committees are already involved in more than 40 lawsuits.
"Dozens and dozens" of lawyers are at the ready, Riemer says, both in-house at the RNC and other party committees. Lawyers have also been retained around the country.
Democratic election lawyer Marc Elias, who is leading the Biden campaign's state-level fights over vote counts and ballot rules, says Democrats are also busy in court.
"We're litigating 30-plus lawsuits in 17 or 18 states," he says.
In 2000, lawyers and election officials endlessly examined and debated butterfly ballots and hanging chads to try to interpret the intentions of voters. Now, the legal arguments are more complex and center on the rules governing mail-in voting as states have expanded voting options to protect people from the spread of the coronavirus.
Hundreds of lawsuits are already swirling around mail-in voting as campaigns, parties and outside groups try to sort issues both basic and technical — questions such as must a ballot be received by or just postmarked by Election Day? Can states require a witness for a mail-in ballot? What standards are being used to judge a voter's signature? Can drop boxes be used to return ballots instead of relying on the U.S. Postal Service?
Ginsberg says ideally, campaigns and parties want the courts to weigh in on these questions now to minimize uncertainty in the days after the election.
For example, following litigation from the state Democratic Party, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court extended the deadline for mail-in ballots to be received as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.
In some states, such as Pennsylvania, mail ballots can't be opened until Election Day — meaning that the count won't likely be available on election night. Then, factor in the extended deadlines and potential litigation — and it's very possible key states will remain undecided for days after the election.
"What happens if it's a three- or a seven-day deadline, but a whole bunch of ballots arrive after that deadline through no fault of the voters themselves?" Ginsberg says. "That's an area that would be ripe for both litigation and putting off when you know the final results of an election."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Gerry Broome/AP Gerry Broome/AP
Justin Levitt, a professor at Loyola Law School, has been tracking the number of pandemic-related voting lawsuits this year. He's logged 250 so far. Beyond mail voting, Levitt says there's litigation about in-person voting, too, such as how long polls will be open, how many polling places there will be and what safety measures will be taken. Then there's also litigation pushing back on pandemic voting measures — arguing election officials have gone too far in making adjustments due to the pandemic.
"I think that the lawyers and litigation, they're there to help resolve disputes," Levitt says. "It's actually much better that they're trying to resolve the disputes before they happen — that is, we'd much rather have the lawyers engaged, making sure the process is as fair as it can be before the election than trying to fight over rules of the game when the outcome is even more in question after the election. The election administrator's prayer is, dear Lord, let this election not be close. And I fully subscribe to that."
Republicans plan large-scale poll watching effort
Beyond the pandemic, there's another factor at play in 2020. The Republican Party is no longer bound by certain rules when it comes to poll watchers or so-called ballot security programs.
The RNC had been under a consent decree going back to the 1980s when Democrats accused it of violating the rights of Black and Latino voters. A court found Republicans had stationed off-duty police officers in some minority precincts and sent targeted mailings to minority voters warning about penalties for violating election laws.
A judge let the consent decree expire in 2018 — allowing the RNC to bolster voter fraud efforts and coordinate Election Day poll watching.
"The Democrats were able to have poll watchers there to document what happens if a precinct runs out of ballots, for example, or if there is a voting equipment breakdown or if they weren't using provisional ballots when they were supposed to," Riemer says. "Documenting that evidence is extremely important if there are questions after the election that lead to litigation or lead to a recount. And I compare it to, you know, a court case where one side is able to have all the evidence and the other side has none. How is that fair?"
The RNC says it's planning to recruit tens of thousands of poll watchers to observe ballot counting — especially mail ballots — at clerk's and registrar's offices in key states.
Elias, the Democratic election lawyer, says that's chilling.
"Under a president who is as hostile to voting and whose record on race is so poor, does anyone really believe that they are going to go out and go to the trouble to recruit 50,000 people to stand there like Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts just observing the election?" Elias asks.
Lessons from 2000
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tony Gutierrez/AP Tony Gutierrez/AP
The expiration of the consent decree and the expected challenges to rules governing mail-in ballots — all of it means more legal challenges to the 2020 election. But there's another wild card: the president himself. President Trump has not clearly said he would accept the results of the election and has frequently made false claims about mail voting.
"We could have a situation where there is a large number of outstanding ballots on election night, but the president declares the election over, based on the in-person vote and either sows confusion and chaos as a result of that or even takes steps to try to prevent the counting of properly cast absentee ballots," says Dale Ho, director of the American Civil Liberties Union's Voting Rights Project.
The ACLU already has some 20 suits going in 16 states on coronavirus-related voting issues, and Ho says his office is busier than it's ever been. But he still fears the courts might not be a sufficient guardrail to prevent confusion in the days after the election. He worries the country did not learn the right lessons from the 2000 election.
"The lesson from Bush versus Gore should have gone well beyond voting machines to the notion that maybe, you know, we should have professionalized and nonpartisan election administration where all of the rules are agreed upon in advance to deal with whatever contingency might arise," Ho says.
"The secretary of state is still a partisan office in the state of Florida. We had secretaries of state in recent elections like Kansas two years ago, Georgia two years ago, overseeing their own elections. So I wish I could say that we took a lesson from Bush versus Gore to try to head off an analogous problem, but I don't think we have as a country, unfortunately."
Ginsberg, who had a front row seat to the 2000 election, sees an important distinction between legal remedies, such as court challenges and recounts, and questioning the validity of an election after all those efforts have played out. In a recent op-ed in The Washington Post, Ginsberg condemned Trump's suggestion that people vote twice and shot down the idea that voter fraud is widespread.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Pete Cosgrove/AP Pete Cosgrove/AP
"The bedrock principle of the country, of the democracy, is the peaceful transfer of power based on the results of the election," he says. "So calling into doubt the results of an election beyond the contested recount procedures that are available in every state has a long-term detrimental effect on the country."
With unprecedented litigation and millions more ballots that need to be counted, there is a growing consensus that Americans might not know who won the presidency on election night.
But with a president who has a history of making false claims about mail-in voting, it may also mean an election fight not just waged in the courts, but also in the court of public opinion.


npr--2020-09-22--Rural Hospitals Teeter On Financial Cliff As COVID-19 Medicare Loans Come Due

Rural Hospitals Teeter On Financial Cliff As COVID-19 Medicare Loans Come Due David Usher , chief financial officer for a 12-bed rural hospital in western Kansas , is sitting on $ 1.7 million he 's scared to spend .
The money lent from the federal government is meant to help hospitals and other health care providers weather the COVID-19 pandemic .
Yet some hospital administrators have called it a payday loan program that is now brutally due for repayment at a time when the institutions still need help .
Coronavirus cases have `` picked up recently and it 's quite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the chief financial officer for Edwards County Medical Center in Kinsley , Kan .
He would like to use the federal loan money to build a negative-pressure room ; such rooms are a common and effective strategy for keeping contagious patients apart from those in the rest of the hospital .
But he 's not sure it 's safe to spend that cash .
Officially , the total repayment of the loan is due this month .
Otherwise , according to the loan 's terms , federal regulators will stop reimbursing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the loan is repaid in full .
When will the creditor come calling ?
The federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services has not yet begun trying to recoup its investment , with the coronavirus still affecting communities nationwide , but hospital leaders fear it may come calling for repayment any day now .
Hospital leaders across the country say there has been no communication from CMS on whether or when they will adjust the repayment deadline .
A CMS spokesperson did not respond to our questions by press time .
`` It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Usher says .
`` But if I do n't know how much I get to keep , I do n't get to spend the money wisely and effectively on the facility . ''
Usher took out the loan from Medicare 's Accelerated and Advance Payments program .
The program , which existed long before the pandemic , was generally used sparingly by hospitals when they were faced with emergencies such as hurricanes or tornadoes .
It was expanded for use during the coronavirus pandemic — part of billions approved in federal relief funds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A full repayment of a hospital 's loan is technically due 120 days after it was received .
If it is not paid , Medicare will stop reimbursing claims until it recoups the money it is owed — a point spelled out in the program 's rules .
Medicare reimburses nearly $ 60 billion in payments to health care providers nationwide under Medicare 's Part A program , which makes payments to hospitals .
More than 65 % of the nation 's small , rural hospitals — many of which were operating at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Medicare loans when the pandemic hit because they were the first funds available , says Maggie Elehwany , former vice president of government affairs for the National Rural Health Association .
CMS halted new loan applications to the program at the end of April .
`` The pandemic has simply gone on longer than anyone anticipated back in March , '' says Joanna Hiatt Kim , vice president of payment policy and analysis for the American Hospital Association .
The trade association sent a letter to CMS in late July asking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Monday , the House Appropriations Committee included partial relief for all hospitals in a new government funding plan .
The committee 's proposal would extend the start of the repayment period for hospitals and the amount of time they are allowed to take to repay .
The continuing resolution that includes this language about relief for hospitals ( among many , many other things ) is still being hammered out , though it does face its own deadline : It must be approved by the House and the Senate within the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shutdown .
'Still in the middle of this crisis' Tom Nickels , executive vice president at the AHA , says his organization appreciates the House committee 's effort to address the loans in the new bill , but full forgiveness of the loans is still needed .
Sen. Jeanne Shaheen , D-N.H. , has called for changes to the loan repayment period for months and said Monday `` our work is far from over . ''
`` We are still in the middle of this crisis — from both health and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , hospital administrators like Peter Wright are holding their breath , waiting to see if , in order to settle the debt , Medicare will stop making payments to hospitals , even as the facilities continue to grapple with coronavirus in their communities .
`` The feds , if you owe them money , they just take it , '' says Wright , who oversees two small hospitals for Central Maine Healthcare in Bridgton , Maine .
He says his health care system took the money because `` we had no other choice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
For many hospitals , Medicare payments make up 40 % or more of their revenue .
Not being reimbursed by Medicare would be crippling — akin to a household losing nearly half its income .
`` We have no idea what we 're going to do if we have to pay it back as quickly as they say , '' Wright says .
In rural Kentucky , hospital executive Sheila Currans says she `` vacillated '' for about a week or so , trying to decide whether to tap the loan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it would have to be repaid and worried that could prove difficult .
`` It was a desperate time , '' says Currans , chief executive of Harrison Memorial Hospital in Cynthiana , Ky .
In early March her hospital was the first in the state to treat a COVID-19 patient , she says .
The hospital immediately quarantined dozens of staff members at the time , and shut down elective procedures .
Once COVID-19 was confirmed in the community , there was a `` horrible fear '' among residents of getting infected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people from seeking outpatient care as well .
`` Through March and April and most of May , I was in a complete spiral , '' Currans says , and by the end of April her hospital was losing millions of dollars .
To cope with the pandemic , she furloughed staff and turned one wing of the hospital into a `` cough clinic '' to be used exclusively by patients whose symptoms suggested they might be infected with the coronavirus .
Currans says the hospital is still seeing cases of COVID-19 show @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to return for services , too , such as at the outpatient clinics .
In terms of the hospital 's finances , `` it 's still not a wonderful time , '' Currans says , adding that the Medicare loan and other support from the federal government , `` helped us — at least for now — survive it . ''
She 's hoping the repayment demand will be pushed back to 2021 or , perhaps the loan will be forgiven .
`` I know it 's a pipe dream , '' Currans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a historic event . ''
Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit , independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation , and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .
Sarah Jane Tribble spent more than a year and half reporting on a Kansas town that lost its only hospital .
This month , KHN and St. Louis Public Radio will launch `` Where It Hurts , '' a podcast exploring the often painful cracks growing in America 's health system .
You can listen to Episode One of the podcast 's first season , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sept. 29 .

Rural Hospitals Teeter On Financial Cliff As COVID-19 Medicare Loans Come Due
Enlarge this image toggle caption Daniel Acker/Bloomberg via Getty Images Daniel Acker/Bloomberg via Getty Images
David Usher, chief financial officer for a 12-bed rural hospital in western Kansas, is sitting on $1.7 million he's scared to spend.
The money lent from the federal government is meant to help hospitals and other health care providers weather the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet some hospital administrators have called it a payday loan program that is now brutally due for repayment at a time when the institutions still need help.
Coronavirus cases have "picked up recently and it's quite worrying," says Usher, who is the chief financial officer for Edwards County Medical Center in Kinsley, Kan. He would like to use the federal loan money to build a negative-pressure room; such rooms are a common and effective tool for keeping contagious patients apart from those in the rest of the hospital.
But he's not sure it's safe to spend that cash. Officially, the total repayment of the loan is due this month. Otherwise, according to the loan's terms, federal regulators will stop reimbursing the hospitals for Medicare patients' treatments until the loan is repaid in full.
When will the creditor come calling?
The federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services has not yet begun trying to recoup its investment, with the coronavirus still affecting communities nationwide, but hospital leaders fear it may come calling for repayment any day now.
Hospital leaders across the country say there has been no communication from CMS on whether or when it will adjust the repayment deadline. A CMS spokesperson did not respond to our questions by publishing time.
"It's great having the money," Usher says. "But if I don't know how much I get to keep, I don't get to spend the money wisely and effectively on the facility."
Usher took out the loan from Medicare's Accelerated and Advance Payments program. The program, which existed long before the pandemic, was generally used sparingly by hospitals when they were faced with emergencies such as hurricanes or tornadoes. It was expanded for use during the coronavirus pandemic — part of billions approved in federal relief funds for health care providers this spring.
A full repayment of a hospital's loan is technically due 120 days after it was received. If it is not paid, Medicare will stop reimbursing claims until it recoups the money it is owed — a point spelled out in the program's rules. Medicare reimburses nearly $60 billion in payments to health care providers nationwide under Medicare's Part A program, which makes payments to hospitals.
More than 65% of the nation's small, rural hospitals — many of which were operating at a deficit before the pandemic — jumped at the Medicare loans when the pandemic hit because they were the first funds available, says Maggie Elehwany, former vice president of government affairs for the National Rural Health Association.
CMS halted new loan applications to the program at the end of April.
"The pandemic has simply gone on longer than anyone anticipated back in March," says Joanna Hiatt Kim, vice president of payment policy and analysis for the American Hospital Association. The trade association sent a letter to CMS in late July asking for a delay in the recoupment.
On Monday, the House Appropriations Committee included partial relief for all hospitals in a new government funding plan. The committee's proposal would extend the start of the repayment period for hospitals and the amount of time they are allowed to take to repay.
The continuing resolution that includes this language about relief for hospitals (among many, many other things) is still being hammered out, though it does face its own deadline: It must be approved by the House and the Senate within the next nine days or the federal government faces a shutdown.
"Still in the middle of this crisis"
Tom Nickels, executive vice president at the AHA, says his organization appreciates the House committee's effort to address the loans in the new bill, but full forgiveness of the loans is still needed.
Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., has called for changes to the loan repayment period for months and said Monday "our work is far from over."
"We are still in the middle of this crisis — from both health and economic standpoints," Shaheen says.
Meanwhile, hospital administrators like Peter Wright are holding their breath, waiting to see if, in order to settle the debt, Medicare will stop making payments to hospitals, even as the facilities continue to grapple with the coronavirus in their communities.
"The feds, if you owe them money, they just take it," says Wright, who oversees two small hospitals for Central Maine Healthcare in Bridgton, Maine. He says his health care system took the money because "we had no other choice; it was a cash flow issue."
For many hospitals, Medicare payments make up 40% or more of their revenue. Not being reimbursed by Medicare would be crippling — akin to a household losing nearly half its income.
"We have no idea what we're going to do if we have to pay it back as quickly as they say," Wright says.
In rural Kentucky, hospital executive Sheila Currans says she "vacillated" for about a week or so, trying to decide whether to tap the loan program for her hospital — she knew it would have to be repaid and worried that could prove difficult.
"It was a desperate time," says Currans, chief executive of Harrison Memorial Hospital in Cynthiana, Ky. In early March her hospital was the first in the state to treat a COVID-19 patient, she says.
The hospital immediately quarantined dozens of staff members at the time and shut down elective procedures. Once COVID-19 was confirmed in the community, there was a "horrible fear" among residents of getting infected, Currans says, and that kept people from seeking outpatient care as well.
"Through March and April and most of May, I was in a complete spiral," Currans says, and by the end of April her hospital was losing millions of dollars. To cope with the pandemic, she furloughed staff and turned one wing of the hospital into a "cough clinic" to be used exclusively by patients whose symptoms suggested they might be infected with the coronavirus.
Currans says the hospital is still seeing cases of COVID-19 show up, but other patients are beginning to return for services, too, such as at the outpatient clinics.
In terms of the hospital's finances, "it's still not a wonderful time," Currans says, adding that the Medicare loan and other support from the federal government "helped us — at least for now — survive it."
She's hoping the repayment demand will be pushed back to 2021 or, perhaps, the loan will be forgiven.
"I know it's a pipe dream," Currans says. "But this has been a historic event."
Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit, independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation, and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.
Sarah Jane Tribble spent more than a year and a half reporting on a Kansas town that lost its only hospital. This month, KHN and St. Louis Public Radio will launch "Where It Hurts," a podcast exploring the often painful cracks growing in America's health system. You can listen to Episode 1 of the podcast's first season, "No Mercy," on Sept. 29.


npr--2020-09-22--Black Protest Leaders To White Allies: 'It's Our Turn To Lead Our Own Fight'

Black Protest Leaders To White Allies : 'It 's Our Turn To Lead Our Own Fight' On a street in Rochester , N.Y. , earlier this month , police and demonstrators clashed violently , with marchers shouting and coughing as officers in riot gear fired pepper balls at the crowd .
`` If you 're a white person , you 're getting to the perimeter , you 're putting your body on the f****** line right now ! ''
she shouted to a group of protesters wearing goggles , filter masks and bicycle helmets .
They responded by hustling forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This dynamic is playing out on streets across the U.S .
Protests are massive and diverse , with more Americans embracing the Black Lives Matter movement .
But in many cities the leadership is overwhelmingly Black .
`` It 's our turn to lead our own fight , to frame our own conversations , '' said Benjamin O'Keefe , a Black political organizer in Brooklyn where protests have continued since June after George Floyd , a Black man , was killed while in police custody in Minneapolis .
O'Keefe , who also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign , said it 's a hopeful sign for Black leaders that so many white people are turning out for marches .
But it 's also meant a complicated conversation with white activists who often have n't grappled with their own attitudes about race .
`` We exist in a white supremacy culture in which even people who want to do good do not necessarily want to be led by a Black person , '' the 26-year-old said .
This conversation among activists is happening at a moment when some Black leaders are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once seemed far outside the political mainstream , such as defunding police and abolishing prisons .
O'Keefe said many Black leaders are uncertain whether white supporters are committed to that kind of systemic change .
`` Are you really in this ?
Do you really understand the stakes ? ''
he asks .
`` Are you here for an Instagram picture ?
Or are you here because you understand when I walk out the door every day , I have a much higher chance of not returning home because of the color of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fueled by very different lives A study from Harvard shows that Black Americans are roughly three times more likely to be killed during an encounter with police compared with white people .
Black adults are also five times more likely to say they 've been unfairly stopped by police because of their race , according to the Pew Research Center .
Black activists say white demonstrators have n't shared this experience , so they often turn up at protests with different assumptions about about what reform should look like and what tactics should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White people often come to these protests and they want to lead them and they want to be screaming the loudest and they want to throw things at police , '' O'Keefe said .
Across the country , many Black organizers are working to address this tension head-on .
`` White folks , allies , accomplices , I 'm talking to you all , '' Christopher Coles , an activist and poet in Rochester , said to a crowd of marchers in early September through a bullhorn .
`` This is not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all that come here , you come because it 's an elective .
We come because it 's survival . ''
Just one block from where the 39-year-old Coles spoke , a mentally ill Black man was arrested and held down by police last March with a spit hood over his head .
Daniel Prude asphyxiated and later died .
Disturbing video of his arrest was released in August , sparking weeks of demonstrations .
Addressing a crowd made up in large part of young white activists , many marching for the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by many Black leaders .
They worry white allies will march and carry signs but then go back to their lives , even if nothing changes to make black people safer .
`` You get to be an ally one day and just white the next .
You get to live and lean on your privilege .
But if you 've got privilege , start motherf****** spending it , '' Coles said .
Progress on civil rights has long depended on Black leadership This tension is n't new .
During the civil rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were often leery of white supporters , questioning their commitment and their willingness to be led .
`` We were concerned they would assume responsibilities for things we wanted young black people to assume , '' recalled Charlie Cobb , who was an organizer with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in Mississippi during the 1960s .
Cobb said he worried when white college students began arriving on buses from the North in 1964 .
`` Such a large number of whites coming down , I thought they 'd overwhelm the still fragile roots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to build . ''
He believes Black leaders back then did find ways to organize and lead white activists , forming an alliance that won significant gains on civil rights .
He thinks that 's possible again now , as white people take to the streets in much larger numbers .
`` I think the leadership should be Black but I do n't think that excludes the participation of whites or even search for white allies , as we did with respective to the 1964 Mississippi summer project , '' Cobb said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're broadly comfortable with this power structure within the Black Lives Matter movement .
Back in Rochester Kendall Devour was one of thousands of young white people across the U.S. who marched this summer for the first time .
`` I just think being a white ally means listening a lot and sometimes that means you 're going to make mistakes , '' said Devour , a graduate student at Rochester Institute of Technology .
`` But you ca n't get sad and cry about it you just have to register that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brae Adams , a white pastor in Rochester , volunteered this summer for a Black-organized group that offers counseling and pastoral care to protesters .
`` We 're just standing alongside , we are allies only , '' she said .
`` We do n't claim any of this as our own .
All we 're trying to do is be a support and stand and say , yes , indeed your life does matter . ''
Some cities and state legislatures have responded to these protests with modest police reforms .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters say it 's not enough .
They plan to keep marching and demonstrating together , demanding change as long as Black people keep dying in police custody .
Which means this conversation about race will also continue within the movement .
It 's playing out mostly among young people , Black and white , at a time of huge stress as they 're exhausted after weeks of confrontation with police .
But Salomé Chimuku , a 29-year-old organizer in Portland , Ore. , says the relationship between Black leaders and white allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friendships forming in the streets that would n't have existed without the protest movement .
`` Whether or not it 's always pretty , having these conversations is moving things forward , '' Chimuku said .
`` I think it 's going well , the fact that we 're still talking about it , the fact that these protest are still going on past 100 days shows that it 's successful . ''

Black Protest Leaders To White Allies: 'It's Our Turn To Lead Our Own Fight'
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brian Mann/NPR Brian Mann/NPR
On a street in Rochester, N.Y., earlier this month, police and demonstrators clashed violently, with marchers shouting and coughing as officers in riot gear fired pepper balls at the crowd.
As tear gas fogged the intersection, a Black protest leader urged white demonstrators forward.
"If you're a white person, you're getting to the perimeter, you're putting your body on the f****** line right now!" she shouted to a group of protesters wearing goggles, filter masks and bicycle helmets.
They responded by hustling forward, forming a line with homemade shields.
This dynamic is playing out on streets across the U.S. Protests are massive and diverse, with more Americans embracing the Black Lives Matter movement. But in many cities, the leadership is overwhelmingly Black.
"It's our turn to lead our own fight, to frame our own conversations," said Benjamin O'Keefe, a Black political organizer in Brooklyn where protests have continued since late May after George Floyd, a Black man, was killed while in police custody in Minneapolis.
O'Keefe, who also worked on Sen. Elizabeth Warren's presidential campaign, said it's a hopeful sign for Black leaders that so many white people are turning out for marches.
But it has also meant a complicated conversation with white activists who often haven't grappled with their own attitudes about race.
"We exist in a white supremacy culture in which even people who want to do good do not necessarily want to be led by a Black person," the 26-year-old said.
This conversation among activists is happening at a moment when some Black leaders are pushing ideas about criminal justice reform that once seemed far outside the political mainstream, such as defunding police and abolishing prisons.
O'Keefe said many Black leaders are uncertain whether white supporters are committed to that kind of systemic change.
"Are you really in this? Do you really understand the stakes?" he asks. "Are you here for an Instagram picture? Or are you here because you understand when I walk out the door every day, I have a much higher chance of not returning home because of the color of my skin?"
One street movement fueled by very different lives
A study from Harvard shows that Black Americans are roughly three times more likely to be killed during an encounter with police compared with white people. Black adults are also five times more likely to say they've been unfairly stopped by police because of their race, according to the Pew Research Center.
Black activists say white demonstrators haven't shared this experience, so they often turn up at protests with different assumptions about about what reform should look like and what tactics should be used in the streets.
"White people often come to these protests and they want to lead them and they want to be screaming the loudest and they want to throw things at police," O'Keefe said.
Across the country, many Black organizers are working to address this tension head-on.
"White folks, allies, accomplices, I'm talking to you all," Christopher Coles, an activist and poet in Rochester, said to a crowd of marchers in early September through a bullhorn.
"This is not a video game. For some of you all that come here, you come because it's an elective. We come because it's survival."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brian Mann/NPR Brian Mann/NPR
Just one block from where the 39-year-old Coles spoke, a mentally ill Black man was arrested and held down by police last March with a spit hood over his head.
Daniel Prude asphyxiated and later died. Disturbing video of his arrest was released in August, sparking weeks of demonstrations.
Addressing a crowd made up in large part of young white activists, many marching for the first time, Coles voiced a concern shared by many Black leaders. They worry white allies will march and carry signs but then go back to their lives, even if nothing changes to make Black people safer.
"You get to be an ally one day and just white the next. You get to live and lean on your privilege. But if you've got privilege, start motherf****** spending it," Coles said.
Progress on civil rights has long depended on Black leadership
This tension isn't new. During the civil rights era of the 1960s, Black leaders were often leery of white supporters, questioning their commitment and their willingness to be led.
"We were concerned they would assume responsibilities for things we wanted young Black people to assume," recalled Charlie Cobb, who was an organizer with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in Mississippi during the 1960s.
Cobb said he worried when white college students began arriving on buses from the North in 1964.
"Such a large number of whites coming down, I thought they'd overwhelm the still fragile roots of the grassroots movement we were trying to build."
He believes Black leaders back then did find ways to organize and lead white activists, forming an alliance that won significant gains on civil rights. He thinks that's possible again now, as white people take to the streets in much larger numbers.
"I think the leadership should be Black but I don't think that excludes the participation of whites or even search for white allies, as we did with respective to the 1964 Mississippi summer project," Cobb said.
For white allies, listening and "standing alongside"
White activists interviewed by NPR said they're broadly comfortable with this power structure within the Black Lives Matter movement.
Back in Rochester, Kendall Devour was one of thousands of young white people across the U.S. who marched this summer for the first time.
"I just think being a white ally means listening a lot and sometimes that means you're going to make mistakes," said Devour, a graduate student at Rochester Institute of Technology. "But you can't get sad and cry about it; you just have to register that there's work to be done."
Brae Adams, a white pastor in Rochester, volunteered this summer for a Black-organized group that offers counseling and pastoral care to protesters.
"We're just standing alongside, we are allies only," she said. "We don't claim any of this as our own. All we're trying to do is be a support and stand and say, 'Yes, indeed your life does matter.' "
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brian Mann/NPR Brian Mann/NPR
Some cities and state legislatures have responded to these protests with modest police reforms. But Black organizers and many of their white supporters say it's not enough.
They plan to keep marching and demonstrating together, demanding change as long as Black people keep dying in police custody.
This means this conversation about race will also continue within the movement. It's playing out mostly among young people, Black and white, at a time of huge stress as they're exhausted after weeks of confrontation with police.
But Salomé Chimuku, a 29-year-old organizer in Portland, Ore., says the relationship between Black leaders and white allies is mostly working. She's seen friendships forming in the streets that wouldn't have existed without the protest movement.
"Whether or not it's always pretty, having these conversations is moving things forward," Chimuku said. "I think it's going well, the fact that we're still talking about it, the fact that these protest are still going on past 100 days shows that it's successful."


npr--2020-09-22--Formal Ties With U.S.? Not For Now, Says Taiwan Foreign Minister

Formal Ties With U.S. ?
Not For Now , Says Taiwan Foreign Minister Taiwan is not pursuing formal diplomatic ties with the United States for now , but there is `` a lot '' of room to further strengthen relations , Foreign Minister Joseph Wu said in an interview after unprecedented visits by two senior U.S. officials .
In August , U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar traveled to Taiwan , and last week Under Secretary of State Keith Krach visited the island .
They were the highest ranking U.S. officials to travel to Taiwan since Washington cut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to establish ties with Beijing .
The visits come against a backdrop of deepening mistrust and sharply deteriorating relations between the United States and China .
`` We are not seeking full diplomatic relations with the United States at this moment , '' Wu told NPR by Skype on Sunday .
`` But , certainly , there 's a lot of room for us to explore how to strengthen the relations between Taiwan and the United States , and we have been advocating that Taiwan and the United States should further strengthen the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations , even security relations . ''
There has already been `` tremendous advancement '' on those fronts , and he called Krach 's visit `` monumental . ''
The cozier relationship between Washington and Taipei has angered Beijing .
While Krach was in Taiwan , China ordered dozens of military planes to make forays across the median line that divides the Taiwan Strait , in a bid to rattle Taipei .
Beijing considers the self-ruled democracy a part of China and has vowed to unite the island politically with the mainland , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government effectively bans countries from diplomatically recognizing both itself and Taiwan , and has kept Taiwan out of most major multinational organizations , including the United Nations .
Wu said the increase in menacing flights , and Chinese naval incursions into Taiwan-controlled waters , were a concern .
`` Crossing into the mid-line of the Taiwan Strait is particularly alarming , '' he said .
`` The median line of the Taiwan Strait has been there to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait , and China has been violating that status @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ties with the United States , including by welcoming senior U.S. officials , was the right choice , he said .
`` We see China has become more threatening and they seem to be more capable than before , '' Wu said , adding the risk of military action against Taiwan may be elevated due to domestic difficulties in China .
`` Taiwan might be an easy scapegoat for the Chinese government , and therefore we understand the possibility for China to think about using military force against Taiwan , and we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to provide Taiwan `` defense articles and defense services . ''
The Trump administration last year approved the sale of $ 8 billion worth of F-16 fighter jets and other kit to Taiwan .
Reuters reported earlier this month that the U.S. was planning to sell Taiwan a range of other weapon systems .
Wu said Taiwan hopes the U.S. continues to provide such `` defensive articles '' to Taiwan , but that the island was not relying on the United States to intervene in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Taiwan 's defense is our own risk .
It 's our own responsibility , and we try to prepare ourselves for the future scenarios , '' he said .
Asked if he felt that Taiwan was a pawn in the Trump administration 's larger brawl with Beijing , Wu pointed to U.S. arms sales and bipartisan support for Taiwan .
`` We do n't feel that we are being used . ''
Taiwan 's relative success at combating the COVID-19 pandemic had raised its profile on the international stage , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were a direct result , Wu said .
Taiwan , with a population of 23 million , has been heralded as a public health model for its coronavirus response .
According to the Taiwan Centers for Disease Control , there have been some 500 confirmed cases of COVID-19 , and just seven deaths since the outbreak began .
China 's imposition of a controversial National Security Law on Hong Kong in late June also helped build international sympathy for Taiwan .
`` Many people around the world started asking the question , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think the conclusion is that Taiwan might be the next , '' he said .
Wu said the imposition of the National Security Law and Beijing 's efforts to limit the cultural and religious autonomy of ethnic Uighurs , Tibetans and Mongolians , brought to mind Martin Niemöller 's post-World War II poem `` First They Came ... '' Its verses lament the silence of German society in the face of Hitler 's rise to power and his regime 's attacks on different political and religious groups .
`` If you look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Nazis , I think we might be going through the same issue , '' Wu said .
`` Taiwan is on the front line of the democracies fighting for freedom , democracy and democratic way of life .
We have the responsibility to make sure that democracy is successful , and if we want to make sure that democracy in Taiwan is a success , I would certainly urge the international community to voice more support for Taiwan . ''

Formal Ties With U.S.? Not For Now, Says Taiwan Foreign Minister
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sam Yeh/AFP via Getty Images Sam Yeh/AFP via Getty Images
Taiwan is not pursuing formal diplomatic ties with the United States for now, but there is "a lot" of room to further strengthen relations, Foreign Minister Joseph Wu said in an interview after unprecedented visits by two senior U.S. officials.
In August, U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar traveled to Taiwan, and last week Under Secretary of State Keith Krach visited the island. They were the highest ranking U.S. officials to travel to Taiwan since Washington cut formal diplomatic relations with Taipei in 1979 to establish ties with Beijing.
The visits come against a backdrop of deepening mistrust and sharply deteriorating relations between the United States and China.
"We are not seeking full diplomatic relations with the United States at this moment," Wu told NPR by Skype on Sunday.
"But, certainly, there's a lot of room for us to explore how to strengthen the relations between Taiwan and the United States, and we have been advocating that Taiwan and the United States should further strengthen the economic relations, trade relations, political relations, even security relations."
There has already been "tremendous advancement" on those fronts, and he called Krach's visit "monumental."
The cozier relationship between Washington and Taipei has angered Beijing.
While Krach was in Taiwan, China ordered dozens of military planes to make forays across the median line that divides the Taiwan Strait, in a bid to rattle Taipei.
Crossing the line
Beijing considers the self-ruled democracy a part of China and has vowed to unite the island politically with the mainland, by force if necessary. The Chinese government effectively bans countries from diplomatically recognizing both itself and Taiwan, and has kept Taiwan out of most major multinational organizations, including the United Nations.
Wu said the increase in menacing flights, and Chinese naval incursions into Taiwan-controlled waters, were a concern.
"Crossing into the mid-line of the Taiwan Strait is particularly alarming," he said.
"The median line of the Taiwan Strait has been there to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and China has been violating that status quo."
Taking steps to deepen ties with the United States, including by welcoming senior U.S. officials, was the right choice, he said.
"We see China has become more threatening and they seem to be more capable than before," Wu said, adding the risk of military action against Taiwan may be elevated due to domestic difficulties in China.
"Taiwan might be an easy scapegoat for the Chinese government, and therefore we understand the possibility for China to think about using military force against Taiwan, and we have been staying vigilant."
The U.S. government is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to provide Taiwan "defense articles and defense services."
The Trump administration last year approved the sale of $8 billion worth of F-16 fighter jets and other kit to Taiwan. Reuters reported earlier this month that the U.S. was planning to sell Taiwan a range of other weapon systems.
Wu said Taiwan hopes the U.S. continues to provide such "defensive articles" to Taiwan, but that the island was not relying on the United States to intervene in the event of a clash with China.
"Taiwan's defense is our own risk. It's our own responsibility, and we try to prepare ourselves for the future scenarios," he said.
Asked if he felt that Taiwan was a pawn in the Trump administration's larger brawl with Beijing, Wu pointed to U.S. arms sales and bipartisan support for Taiwan.
"We don't feel that we are being used."
COVID-19 success
Taiwan's relative success at combating the COVID-19 pandemic had raised its profile on the international stage, and that the visits by Azar and Krach were a direct result, Wu said.
Taiwan, with a population of 23 million, has been heralded as a public health model for its coronavirus response. According to the Taiwan Centers for Disease Control, there have been some 500 confirmed cases of COVID-19, and just seven deaths since the outbreak began.
China's imposition of a controversial National Security Law on Hong Kong in late June also helped build international sympathy for Taiwan.
"Many people around the world started asking the question, who will be the next? And I think the conclusion is that Taiwan might be the next," he said.
Wu said the imposition of the National Security Law and Beijing's efforts to limit the cultural and religious autonomy of ethnic Uighurs, Tibetans and Mongolians, brought to mind Martin Niemöller's post-World War II poem "First They Came..." Its verses lament the silence of German society in the face of Hitler's rise to power and his regime's attacks on different political and religious groups.
"If you look at this historical lesson of the victims of the Nazis, I think we might be going through the same issue," Wu said.
"Taiwan is on the front line of the democracies fighting for freedom, democracy and democratic way of life. We have the responsibility to make sure that democracy is successful, and if we want to make sure that democracy in Taiwan is a success, I would certainly urge the international community to voice more support for Taiwan."