npr--2020-06-17--5 Years After Charleston Church Massacre, What Have We Learned?

5 Years After Charleston Church Massacre , What Have We Learned ?
It 's been five years since one of the most heinous racial killings in U.S. history when a white supremacist murdered nine worshippers at the historic Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston , S.C .
The massacre shocked the nation and prompted a racial dialogue in the city .
Those same issues resonate today amid the national outcry over recent incidents of police brutality .
Ethel Lee Lance , 70 , was at Emanuel AME for Wednesday night Bible study on June 17 , 2015 when a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Rev .
Sharon Risher recounts .
`` They welcomed him in , '' Risher says .
`` He sat there and listened to this whole Bible study .
And when they were in a circle holding hands in prayer is where he took out his Glock 45 and commenced to shooting and killing them like they were animals . ''
He fired 70 rounds .
Risher 's mother , two cousins , and a childhood friend were among the nine people killed .
They include : Clementa C. Pinckney , 41 ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ J. Jackson , 87 ; DePayne Vontrease Middleton-Doctor , 49 ; Tywanza Kibwe Diop Sanders , 26 ; Daniel Lee Simmons Sr. , 74 ; Sharonda Coleman-Singleton , 45 , and Myra Singleton Quarles Thompson , 59 .
Three others survived : Felicia Sanders , her granddaughter , and Polly Sheppard .
Risher says the killer intended to snuff them out because of who they represented .
`` Just like everybody else that 's been killed because of hate and race , we need to continue to remind people that we continue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do is be a people that could thrive like everybody else , '' Risher says .
Risher has written a book about finding hope after the Charleston massacre and travels the country telling her story .
Now she questions whether the nation has learned anything in the past five years since the shooting .
She says recent police killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis , Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Ky. , and Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta show a systemic disregard for black lives .
`` I 'm just weary , '' Risher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everybody is not a racist and there are people in this country that do want racial harmony , it 's just so much to get through .
You wonder .
How long ?
Just how long ? ''
Emanuel AME is known as Mother Emanuel .
Formed in 1816 , it 's one of the oldest black churches in the South , and survived being burned down for its role in an 1822 slave revolt .
South Carolina Congressman James Clyburn , the House Majority Whip , says that 's why a white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undertook what he thought would ignite a race war , '' Clyburn says .
`` What he did do ushered in a re-examination of who and what we are as Americans . ''
Shooter Dylann Roof was convicted on federal hate crimes , for which he was sentenced to death , and also pleaded guilty to state murder charges .
Before the Emanuel massacre he had posted a racist manifesto online saying he was `` awakened '' by the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin — the 17-year old African American shot to death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in Florida .
Roof had posed for photos with Confederate flags .
After the mass shooting , there were ensuing battles over Confederate imagery , and groups formed to foster deeper interracial dialogues across South Carolina .
Similar to what is happening now , Clyburn says .
He 's among those in Congress , including Republican Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina , who are calling for federal legislation to address police brutality .
Clyburn points out that after the gruesome Emanuel attack , there was no lethal force , let alone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roof .
`` The police officer that approached the door of the automobile he was driving , he re-holstered his gun , '' Clyburn says .
`` He did n't point it .
He re-holstered his gun .
There was tremendous difference in his arrest and what we 've seen the last several days . ''
Dash cam video shows several officers backing away while one helps Roof out of the driver 's door and handcuffs him .
'It was just a major loss' '' It was unspeakable , '' says the Rev @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Zion AME Church .
He was lifelong best friends with Emanuel pastor Clementa Pinckney , who was killed in the massacre while Pinckney 's wife , Jennifer Pinckney , and one of their children huddled in the church office near the Bible study as the shooting was happening .
Middleton now helps run a foundation in Pinckney 's memory .
`` Our lives were so intertwined that it was just a major loss , '' he says .
`` It was literally losing a brother . ''
Middleton says he was outraged at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and what happened after .
Once he was jailed , police brought Roof a meal from Burger King .
Just two months prior a white police officer in North Charleston shot and killed Walter Scott , as the African American man was running away after being pulled over for a broken brake light .
Middleton says it took the church setting to show that racial injustice was real – that black people could be targeted even though they were doing nothing wrong .
But he says it was short-lived .
`` That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there were so many things beyond the veneer that still needed to be dealt with , '' Middleton says .
`` It needed to be ripped away or stripped away or exposed and truly put on the table .
So that those hard conversations could happen . ''
Middleton helped lead a program called the Illumination Project , designed to build trust between black communities and Charleston police .
But he says every new cellphone recording of police brutality from anywhere serves as a setback to progress .
He says the protests for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than three weeks now , including in Charleston , have the potential to become a full-fledged movement .
The Rev .
Anthony Thompson agrees .
He 's the pastor of Holy Trinity Church in Charleston , and lost his wife Myra , a lifelong member at Mother Emanuel .
`` I mean , my wife must have been on every committee in that church , '' he recalls fondly .
She was soon to be ordained as a pastor and was teaching the Bible study that night .
Thompson has been dedicated to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He says it forced a reckoning with Charleston 's history , and demeanor .
`` The city was built on the back of slaves , so racism has always been a problem here , '' Thompson says .
`` We are very hospitable city .
You know , where we smile and we laugh , but there was always an undertone of racism about which we would never talk about .
And none of this came to focus until the Emanuel nine tragedy . ''
Now he 's hopeful the nation has reached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the test for the movement taking root today is whether people are prepared to endure disruption .
`` We have a tendency to be emotionally reactive when these things happen , and we go on for a couple of weeks and we get the hashtags , '' she says .
`` But when it comes to the hard work , then I believe we retreat right back to our separate corners and live our lives . ''
Risher says maybe this moment will be the catalyst that unlocks lasting change .

5 Years After Charleston Church Massacre, What Have We Learned?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Stephen B. Morton/AP Stephen B. Morton/AP
It's been five years since one of the most heinous racial killings in U.S. history when a white supremacist murdered nine worshippers at the historic Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, S.C. The massacre shocked the nation and prompted a racial dialogue in the city.
Those same issues resonate today amid the national outcry over recent incidents of police brutality.
Ethel Lee Lance, 70, was at Emanuel AME for Wednesday night Bible study on June 17, 2015 when a white stranger showed up, her daughter, Rev. Sharon Risher recounts.
"They welcomed him in," Risher says. "He sat there and listened to this whole Bible study. And when they were in a circle holding hands in prayer is where he took out his Glock 45 and commenced to shooting and killing them like they were animals."
He fired 70 rounds. Risher's mother, two cousins, and a childhood friend were among the nine people killed. They include: Clementa C. Pinckney, 41; Cynthia Graham Hurd, 54; Susie J. Jackson, 87; DePayne Vontrease Middleton-Doctor, 49; Tywanza Kibwe Diop Sanders, 26; Daniel Lee Simmons Sr., 74; Sharonda Coleman-Singleton, 45, and Myra Singleton Quarles Thompson, 59. Three others survived: Felicia Sanders, her granddaughter, and Polly Sheppard.
Risher says the killer intended to snuff them out because of who they represented.
"Just like everybody else that's been killed because of hate and race, we need to continue to remind people that we continue to be hurt when all we want to do is be a people that could thrive like everybody else," Risher says.
Lessons learned from Charleston massacre
Risher has written a book about finding hope after the Charleston massacre and travels the country telling her story. Now she questions whether the nation has learned anything in the past five years since the shooting.
She says recent police killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., and Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta show a systemic disregard for black lives.
"I'm just weary," Risher says. "Even though I know everybody is not a racist and there are people in this country that do want racial harmony, it's just so much to get through. You wonder. How long? Just how long?"
Emanuel AME is known as Mother Emanuel. Formed in 1816, it's one of the oldest black churches in the South, and survived being burned down for its role in an 1822 slave revolt. South Carolina Congressman James Clyburn, the House Majority Whip, says that's why a white supremacist targeted the congregation.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
"And undertook what he thought would ignite a race war," Clyburn says. "What he did do ushered in a re-examination of who and what we are as Americans."
Shooter Dylann Roof was convicted on federal hate crimes, for which he was sentenced to death, and also pleaded guilty to state murder charges. Before the Emanuel massacre he had posted a racist manifesto online saying he was "awakened" by the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin — the 17-year old African American shot to death by neighborhood watch volunteer, George Zimmerman, in Florida. Roof had posed for photos with Confederate flags.
After the mass shooting, there were ensuing battles over Confederate imagery, and groups formed to foster deeper interracial dialogues across South Carolina. Similar to what is happening now, Clyburn says.
He's among those in Congress, including Republican Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, who are calling for federal legislation to address police brutality. Clyburn points out that after the gruesome Emanuel attack, there was no lethal force, let alone violence when police apprehended the shooter Dylann Roof.
"The police officer that approached the door of the automobile he was driving, he re-holstered his gun," Clyburn says. "He didn't point it. He re-holstered his gun. There was tremendous difference in his arrest and what we've seen the last several days."
Dash cam video shows several officers backing away while one helps Roof out of the driver's door and handcuffs him.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jonathan Drew/AP Jonathan Drew/AP
'It was just a major loss'
"It was unspeakable," says the Rev. Kylon Middleton of Charleston's Mount Zion AME Church.
He was lifelong best friends with Emanuel pastor Clementa Pinckney, who was killed in the massacre while Pinckney's wife, Jennifer Pinckney, and one of their children huddled in the church office near the Bible study as the shooting was happening. Middleton now helps run a foundation in Pinckney's memory.
"Our lives were so intertwined that it was just a major loss," he says. "It was literally losing a brother."
Middleton says he was outraged at the way Roof's arrest went down, and what happened after. Once he was jailed, police brought Roof a meal from Burger King.
Just two months prior a white police officer in North Charleston shot and killed Walter Scott, as the African American man was running away after being pulled over for a broken brake light.
Middleton says it took the church setting to show that racial injustice was real – that black people could be targeted even though they were doing nothing wrong. But he says it was short-lived.
"That moment of 2015 was not sustained because there were so many things beyond the veneer that still needed to be dealt with," Middleton says. "It needed to be ripped away or stripped away or exposed and truly put on the table. So that those hard conversations could happen."
Middleton helped lead a program called the Illumination Project, designed to build trust between black communities and Charleston police. But he says every new cellphone recording of police brutality from anywhere serves as a setback to progress.
He says the protests for racial justice today, underway for more than three weeks now, including in Charleston, have the potential to become a full-fledged movement.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chuck Burton/AP Chuck Burton/AP
Hopeful the nation has reached turning point
The Rev. Anthony Thompson agrees. He's the pastor of Holy Trinity Church in Charleston, and lost his wife Myra, a lifelong member at Mother Emanuel.
"I mean, my wife must have been on every committee in that church," he recalls fondly. She was soon to be ordained as a pastor and was teaching the Bible study that night.
Thompson has been dedicated to reconciliation initiatives since the mass shooting. He says it forced a reckoning with Charleston's history, and demeanor.
"The city was built on the back of slaves, so racism has always been a problem here," Thompson says. "We are very hospitable city. You know, where we smile and we laugh, but there was always an undertone of racism about which we would never talk about. And none of this came to focus until the Emanuel nine tragedy."
Now he's hopeful the nation has reached a turning point.
For Sharon Risher, the test for the movement taking root today is whether people are prepared to endure disruption.
"We have a tendency to be emotionally reactive when these things happen, and we go on for a couple of weeks and we get the hashtags," she says. "But when it comes to the hard work, then I believe we retreat right back to our separate corners and live our lives."
Risher says maybe this moment will be the catalyst that unlocks lasting change.


npr--2020-06-17--Ancient Bones Offer Clues To How Long Ago Humans Cared For The Vulnerable

Ancient Bones Offer Clues To How Long Ago Humans Cared For The Vulnerable Geneticists have discovered that a baby buried almost 4,000 years ago had the extra chromosome that causes Down syndrome by analyzing DNA preserved in his skeleton .
Researchers say the finding , published Wednesday in the journal Nature , is the oldest confirmed case of Down syndrome .
Babies born with Down syndrome typically have distinctively-shaped eyes and skulls , which the authors of the Nature paper suggest might have set him apart as an infant .
Chemical analysis of his bones shows he was breastfed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months old he was buried in a monumental tomb , along with other children and adults , at a site called Poulnabrone on the west coast of Ireland .
`` The visible difference of that infant did n't preclude him being buried in a prestigious setting , '' says Trinity College Dublin geneticist Daniel Bradley , who led the new study .
To Lorna Tilley , an Australian archaeologist who specializes in the way past societies cared for people who were sick or disabled , the the fact that the baby was buried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and adults should come as no surprise .
`` I 'm not sure , unless it was a really dramatic case , it would have been thought of as strange , '' she says .
`` Most babies , in most circumstances , are looked after . ''
In fact , the evidence suggests that people in the past devoted significant time and scarce resources to caring for those in need .
Scouring the archaeological literature , Tilley and others have turned up evidence that caring for the weak and sick is behavior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` I take these cases for granted now , '' Tilley says .
`` From the very earliest times , we can see evidence that people who were unable to function were helped , looked after and given what care was available . ''
In 2007 , for example , Tilley was working a site in Vietnam called Man Bac when she helped uncover the twisted , hunched skeleton of a man .
Dubbed Burial 9 , he was part of a small group of a few dozen Stone Age hunter-gatherers who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closer look at his bones led to a diagnosis of Klippel-Feil syndrome , a rare , painful genetic disease that results in fused spinal bones and often leads to paralysis .
Tilley estimated that his disease became crippling in his teens – and he died from its complications in his mid-20s .
`` He was at least a partial quadriplegic for the last ten years of his life , '' Tilley says .
Tilley , who worked as a nurse and health care policy researcher before becoming an archaeologist , had an idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep Burial 9 alive .
Paralyzed from the waist down and with severely limited arm and neck movement , he depended on others to provide food and water , clean him and move him to prevent pressure sores .
`` From the bones alone , we can say this person lived with a disease that required help from others to survive , '' she says .
The glimpse into one man 's struggle in the distant past led her to develop a concept she calls the `` bioarchaeology of care . ''
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about evidence for disease or disability in the past to better understand what kinds of care people needed – and what that says about the society that provided it .
It 's changing the way archaeologists and other scholars think about evidence for rare diseases and disabilities in the past .
Rather than presenting unusual diagnoses and examples of rare diseases as curiosities , footnotes or isolated case studies , researchers are increasingly using them to better understand the societies that provided them with care .
The people who took care of Burial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a precarious existence using stone tools to fish and raise pigs in prehistoric Vietnam .
Signs of malnutrition in the bones of people buried nearby suggested famine was a constant threat .
`` In a small society which was very stressed , that means somebody who could n't contribute or go out hunting or undertake a lot of tasks was supported , accommodated , and adjusted to , '' Tilley says .
`` That tells us people mattered .
They were valued . ''
Over the past few years , the approach has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ European skeletons and Oetzi , a Stone Age hunter recovered from an icy grave in the Italian Alps .
Tilley says there 's ample evidence wounded or disabled Neanderthals were taken care of by members of their social groups , including a Neanderthal man who died more than 45,000 years ago .
Known as Shanidar I , the man was missing his lower arm and hand , had a bad limp , and was partially blind and deaf – and lived well into his 40s , undoubtedly with daily help from others .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ applied the bioarchaeology of care model to the skeleton of a baby born 6,000 years ago in what is now Brazil .
The infant suffered from a severe disease that ravaged its bones .
`` It 's absolutely obvious this child had something systemically wrong with them , '' Tilley says , yet the infant was evidently nurtured for months and buried surrounded by bone collars , bone earrings and dog's-tooth beads – rich grave goods unlike any others uncovered in burials in the cemetery .
Tilley says the archaeological record – from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brazil – shows that global response to the coronavirus crisis is the rule , not an exception , in humanity 's long story .
`` The most important thing we can learn from the past is the consistency of care , '' she says .
`` The last few months have reinforced that the behavior of care is something that has a continuing timeline from the Neanderthal times right through . ''

Ancient Bones Offer Clues To How Long Ago Humans Cared For The Vulnerable
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hoberman Collection/Universal Images Group via Getty Hoberman Collection/Universal Images Group via Getty
Geneticists have discovered that a baby buried almost 5,500 years ago had the extra chromosome that causes Down syndrome by analyzing DNA preserved in his skeleton. Researchers say the finding, published Wednesday in the journal Nature, is the oldest confirmed case of Down syndrome.
Babies born with Down syndrome typically have distinctively-shaped eyes and skulls, which the authors of the Nature paper suggest might have set him apart as an infant. Chemical analysis of his bones shows he was breastfed, and when he died at about six months old he was buried in a monumental tomb, along with other children and adults, at a site called Poulnabrone on the west coast of Ireland. "The visible difference of that infant didn't preclude him being buried in a prestigious setting," says Trinity College Dublin geneticist Daniel Bradley, who led the new study.
To Lorna Tilley, an Australian archaeologist who specializes in the way past societies cared for people who were sick or disabled, the the fact that the baby was buried in a monumental tomb with other children and adults should come as no surprise. "I'm not sure, unless it was a really dramatic case, it would have been thought of as strange," she says. "Most babies, in most circumstances, are looked after."
In fact, the evidence suggests that people in the past devoted significant time and scarce resources to caring for those in need. Scouring the archaeological literature, Tilley and others have turned up evidence that caring for the weak and sick is behavior that goes back as far as Neanderthals. "I take these cases for granted now," Tilley says. "From the very earliest times, we can see evidence that people who were unable to function were helped, looked after and given what care was available."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Lorna Tilley Lorna Tilley
In 2007, for example, Tilley was working a site in Vietnam called Man Bac when she helped uncover the twisted, hunched skeleton of a man. Dubbed Burial 9, he was part of a small group of a few dozen Stone Age hunter-gatherers who lived about 4,000 years ago.
A closer look at his bones led to a diagnosis of Klippel-Feil syndrome, a rare, painful genetic disease that results in fused spinal bones and often leads to paralysis. Tilley estimated that his disease became crippling in his teens – and he died from its complications in his mid-20s. "He was at least a partial quadriplegic for the last ten years of his life," Tilley says.
Tilley, who worked as a nurse and health care policy researcher before becoming an archaeologist, had an idea of what it must have taken to keep Burial 9 alive. Paralyzed from the waist down and with severely limited arm and neck movement, he depended on others to provide food and water, clean him and move him to prevent pressure sores. "From the bones alone, we can say this person lived with a disease that required help from others to survive," she says.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Lorna Tilley Lorna Tilley
The glimpse into one man's struggle in the distant past led her to develop a concept she calls the "bioarchaeology of care." It's a way for archaeologists to think about evidence for disease or disability in the past to better understand what kinds of care people needed – and what that says about the society that provided it.
It's changing the way archaeologists and other scholars think about evidence for rare diseases and disabilities in the past. Rather than presenting unusual diagnoses and examples of rare diseases as curiosities, footnotes or isolated case studies, researchers are increasingly using them to better understand the societies that provided them with care.
The people who took care of Burial 9, for example, scratched out a precarious existence using stone tools to fish and raise pigs in prehistoric Vietnam. Signs of malnutrition in the bones of people buried nearby suggested famine was a constant threat. "In a small society which was very stressed, that means somebody who couldn't contribute or go out hunting or undertake a lot of tasks was supported, accommodated, and adjusted to," Tilley says. "That tells us people mattered. They were valued."
Over the past few years, the approach has been applied to Peruvian mummies, medieval European skeletons and Oetzi, a Stone Age hunter recovered from an icy grave in the Italian Alps. Tilley says there's ample evidence wounded or disabled Neanderthals were taken care of by members of their social groups, including a Neanderthal man who died more than 45,000 years ago. Known as Shanidar I, the man was missing his lower arm and hand, had a bad limp, and was partially blind and deaf – and lived well into his 40s, undoubtedly with daily help from others.
And in April, researchers in Brazil applied the bioarchaeology of care model to the skeleton of a baby born 6,000 years ago in what is now Brazil. The infant suffered from a severe disease that ravaged its bones. "It's absolutely obvious this child had something systemically wrong with them," Tilley says, yet the infant was evidently nurtured for months and buried surrounded by bone collars, bone earrings and dog's-tooth beads – rich grave goods unlike any others uncovered in burials in the cemetery.
Tilley says the archaeological record – from the Poulnabrone tomb to the jungles of Brazil – shows that global response to the coronavirus crisis is the rule, not an exception, in humanity's long story. "The most important thing we can learn from the past is the consistency of care," she says. "The last few months have reinforced that the behavior of care is something that has a continuing timeline from the Neanderthal times right through."
Andrew Curry (@spoke32) is a journalist based in Berlin, Germany.


npr--2020-06-17--Judge Denies Request To Force Coronavirus Safety Measures At Trump's Tulsa Rally

A group of Tulsa , Okla. , residents , businesses and nonprofits tried to force event organizers to enforce social distancing protocols for this weekend 's upcoming campaign rally for President Trump .
In a lawsuit , they said the rally , which is to take place at an indoor arena , could act as a superspreader event for the coronavirus .
But a Tulsa judge rejected their effort Tuesday , as Public Radio Tulsa reported .
The lawsuit said the event , as it is currently planned , `` will endanger not only the health of the guests in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and any community to which guests may afterward travel . ''
The rally is scheduled to take place at the BOK Center , which is run by ASM Global and has 19,000 seats .
The plaintiffs said that ASM Global does not have adequate safeguards in place .
`` If ASM Global moves forward with the event without adequate review , planning , training , protective equipment , and safeguards , cases of COVID-19 — and the unavoidable attendant deaths — will rise , '' the lawsuit said .
A spokesperson for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` government officials have advised that the campaign rally as planned is consistent with the guidance [ from state authorities ] for entertainment venues . ''
She added that `` in the event that the governing authorities impose new restrictions , we will notify the event organizers immediately . ''
There has been controversy surrounding the rally since it was announced .
There are mounting concerns about the spread of the virus but also fears that Trump 's presence in the city will inflame racial tensions .
Before Trump moved his campaign rally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for June 19 , also known as Juneteenth .
It 's a date that commemorates the effective end of slavery in the United States .
Tulsa is also where one of the nation 's bloodiest massacres took place nearly 100 years ago .
In 1921 , during a period of racial unrest , white mobs slaughtered black residents with the aid of local police and National Guard units .
They burned the Greenwood section of the city , known as Black Wall Street , to the ground .
A commission that investigated decades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed .
The decision to hold the rally that day was seen as another affront by the president , who in the eyes of many Americans has done little to quell the anger and pain that sparked protests around the country following the killing of George Floyd .
Those demonstrations have been calling for an end to systemic racism and police brutality .
U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris , D-Calif. , accused the president of not just giving `` a wink to white supremacists — he 's throwing them a welcome home party .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twitter he was changing the date of the rally `` out of respect for this Holiday . ''
Tulsa has also seen an uptick in coronavirus cases in recent days , according to the Tulsa Health Department .
Despite those numbers , there are reports that people are lining up outside the BOK Center days in advance of the event .
Clark Brewster , one of the lawyers who filed the lawsuit , told Public Radio Tulsa 's reporter Matt Trotter that a packed arena with screaming supporters of the president , many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , poses a health risk .
`` This is going to spread this virus without a question if you rely on the world 's leading experts on this issue that 's been advising , actually , the administration , the Republican administration at the White House , '' Brewster said .
As Trotter noted , Brewster at one time represented Stormy Daniels , the adult film actress , in a lawsuit against the president .
However , Paul DeMuro , another attorney in the suit , said the court filing was not about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if the [ Oklahoma City ] Thunder , if Garth Brooks was wanting to have a 19,000-person event in this center on Sunday without abiding by the government-mandated CDC guidelines with respect to mass events , we 'd be making the same allegations and filing the same lawsuit , '' DeMuro said .

Judge Denies Request To Force Coronavirus Safety Measures At Trump's Tulsa Rally
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sue Ogrocki/AP Sue Ogrocki/AP
A group of Tulsa, Okla., residents, businesses and nonprofits tried to force event organizers to enforce social distancing protocols for this weekend's upcoming campaign rally for President Trump. In a lawsuit, they said the rally, which is to take place at an indoor arena, could act as a superspreader event for the coronavirus.
But a Tulsa judge rejected their effort Tuesday, as Public Radio Tulsa reported.
The lawsuit said the event, as it is currently planned, "will endanger not only the health of the guests in attendance ... but the entire Tulsa community and any community to which guests may afterward travel."
The rally is scheduled to take place at the BOK Center, which is run by ASM Global and has 19,000 seats.
The plaintiffs said that ASM Global does not have adequate safeguards in place.
"If ASM Global moves forward with the event without adequate review, planning, training, protective equipment, and safeguards, cases of COVID-19 — and the unavoidable attendant deaths — will rise," the lawsuit said.
A spokesperson for the BOK Center told The Washington Post that "government officials have advised that the campaign rally as planned is consistent with the guidance [from state authorities] for entertainment venues." She added that "in the event that the governing authorities impose new restrictions, we will notify the event organizers immediately."
There has been controversy surrounding the rally since it was announced. There are mounting concerns about the spread of the virus but also fears that Trump's presence in the city will inflame racial tensions.
Before Trump moved his campaign rally to Saturday, it had been scheduled for June 19, also known as Juneteenth. It's a date that commemorates the effective end of slavery in the United States.
Tulsa is also where one of the nation's bloodiest massacres took place nearly 100 years ago.
In 1921, during a period of racial unrest, white mobs slaughtered black residents with the aid of local police and National Guard units. They burned the Greenwood section of the city, known as Black Wall Street, to the ground. A commission that investigated decades later said 150 to 300 people were killed.
The decision to hold the rally that day was seen as another affront by the president, who in the eyes of many Americans has done little to quell the anger and pain that sparked protests around the country following the killing of George Floyd. Those demonstrations have been calling for an end to systemic racism and police brutality.
U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris, D-Calif., accused the president of not just giving "a wink to white supremacists — he's throwing them a welcome home party."
Over the weekend Trump announced on Twitter he was changing the date of the rally "out of respect for this Holiday."
Tulsa has also seen an uptick in coronavirus cases in recent days, according to the Tulsa Health Department.
Despite those numbers, there are reports that people are lining up outside the BOK Center days in advance of the event.
Clark Brewster, one of the lawyers who filed the lawsuit, told Public Radio Tulsa's reporter Matt Trotter that a packed arena with screaming supporters of the president, many of whom may not be wearing masks, poses a health risk.
"This is going to spread this virus without a question if you rely on the world's leading experts on this issue that's been advising, actually, the administration, the Republican administration at the White House," Brewster said.
As Trotter noted, Brewster at one time represented Stormy Daniels, the adult film actress, in a lawsuit against the president.
However, Paul DeMuro, another attorney in the suit, said the court filing was not about the president.
"If Joe Biden, if the [Oklahoma City] Thunder, if Garth Brooks was wanting to have a 19,000-person event in this center on Sunday without abiding by the government-mandated CDC guidelines with respect to mass events, we'd be making the same allegations and filing the same lawsuit," DeMuro said.


npr--2020-06-18--Trump's New Foreign Broadcasting CEO Fires News Chiefs, Raising Fears Of Meddling

President Trump 's pick to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media , Michael Pack , showed up to work Wednesday for the first time after being approved by the U.S. Senate two weeks earlier .
His words to staff were affirming .
His actions were anything but .
Pack swiftly sidelined most of the agency 's senior leadership by stripping them of their authority .
He also fired the chiefs of the government-sponsored broadcast networks for foreign audiences which his agency oversees , including Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty ; Radio Free Asia ; Office of Cuban Broadcasting , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Middle East Broadcasting Networks , which runs Alhurra and Radio Sawa .
The two-top officials at Voice of America resigned days earlier in anticipation of Pack 's arrival .
Pack dissolved advisory boards over each of the networks and placed his own aides above them .
He gave no reason for his actions other than his authority to do so , according to two people with direct knowledge of the day 's events .
Trump had sought to place Pack in the position for two years , complaining about the Senate 's slow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This spring , lawmakers learned Pack was under investigation by the Washington , D.C. , attorney general 's office over concerns he had improperly transferred millions of dollars from his not-for-profit outfit to his for-profit production company .
That investigation has not yet been resolved .
Pack 's bold moves took people who work at the agency by surprise .
A memo obtained by NPR that was sent out by Pack 's new chief of staff , Emily Newman , said that officials could take no actions and make no external communications @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who spoke to NPR on condition they not be named , said that effectively shut down the agency .
Pack is a filmmaker whose documentaries have appeared on PBS .
President George W. Bush appointed him to the National Council on the Humanities and he has held senior positions at the Corporation for Public Broadcasting .
Pack is a past president of the conservative Claremont Institute and has worked on projects with former Trump political strategist Stephen Bannon , the former executive chairman of the Breitbart News Network .
In an internal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by NPR , Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty director Jamie Fly conveyed his surprise .
`` It is with great sadness that I leave all of you at RFE/RL , '' wrote Fly , who moved with his family to Prague only last summer for the job .
`` I had hoped to work with you much longer and to make progress on the initiatives that we 've begun . ''
The fired head of Middle East Broadcasting Networks , Alberto Miguel Fernandez , wrote in a tweet Wednesday night that he regretted his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and added , `` Wish the incoming people at @ USAGMgov well .
I hope they know what they are doing . ''
Libby Liu , a past president of Radio Free Asia , had given notice that she would step down in July as head of the agency 's Open Technology Fund , intended to promote Internet access around the world .
Pack made her departure immediate .
The director and deputy director of Voice of America , Amanda Bennett and Sandy Sugawara , resigned over the weekend , saying Pack deserved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service .
Bennett 's parting statement noted Pack 's promise to uphold the journalistic independence of the news service and the firewall that exists to protect it from political interference .
Their resignations nonetheless followed fast on the heels of the disclosure that another government agency sought to shut her journalists out .
Earlier this week , documents obtained by the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University showed that the Centers for Disease Control had issued a ban on responding to questions from former Fox News host Greta Van Susteren , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anyone else with the government-backed news service .
The CDC cited a White House memo for its policy - a remarkable instance of one government agency shutting out another 's requests for public information .
Voice of America has increasingly been a target of Trump and his administration .
In 2018 , Bannon told the Los Angeles Times , `` VOA is a rotten fish from top to bottom . ''
He added , `` It 's now totally controlled by the deep-state apparatus . ''
Instead , the White House claimed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had `` amplified Beijing 's propaganda '' by running an Associated Press article about COVID-19 policies in China .
VOA has aired highly critical reports from China , particularly regarding the government 's ongoing persecution of Uighurs and other Muslims in the northwest of China .
Pack 's immediate predecessor as permanent CEO of the broadcasting agency , John Lansing , now CEO of NPR , expressed concern in an interview last night .
`` If VOA is converted to a mouthpiece for an American president 's agenda then we will be giving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world , '' Lansing said , `` and that will ultimately make American citizens less safe and will diminish America 's standing around the world . ''
The service , created during World War II to provide reliable news and information about the war to people in countries under German occupation , has served as a form of `` soft diplomacy . ''
It is intended to project American values abroad through a reliable news service in multiple languages as an example of the nation 's commitment to political pluralism and freedom of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. government 's international broadcasters have at times been political footballs , pushed this way or that to emphasize certain regions or policy imperatives by various administrations .
Prominent Democrats , including House Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Eliot Engel of New York , had warned Pack against politicizing the agency .
The agency 's old bipartisan board issued federal rules on June 11 stating with more specificity the firewall and journalistic standards intended to protect the news services ' reports .
It now stands as federal policy .
That board , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as CEO .
Part of the internal concern over Pack stems from his collaboration with Bannon on two documentary projects and his work in ideological forums such as the Claremont Institute .
In his memo to staffers Wednesday morning , Pack committed himself to respecting VOA 's charter and the mission of the other broadcasters .
He said he also believed they serve as a bulwark against misinformation by foreign actors .
( China and Russia are internally seen as the two leading offenders . )
And Pack invoked President Abraham Lincoln , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lies with the truth .
We need to make clear to the world the ideals that inspire America . ''
Pack also wrote he intended `` to examine some of the problems that have surfaced in the media in recent years .
I have no preconceptions – I simply intend to make sure there are no issues getting in the way of your ability to report the news . ''
Pack did not respond to requests for an interview .
The people swept out by Pack include those who have received praise for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Russia with factual reporting .
And they include officials appointed during the Trump presidency .
Jamie Fry , until Wednesday the chief of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty , had been a top aide to Republican Florida Sen. Marco Rubio , though he had been critical of Trump during the 2016 campaign .
Fernandez had served as a State Department official under President George W. Bush as well as an ambassador under President Obama .
Other steps were taken in anticipation of Pack 's arrival .
A photograph of Lansing , Pack 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hallway at the agency 's headquarters , along with a quote taken from his farewell address there : `` A set of unimpeachable facts , and the existence of a baseline of truth is the foundation that undergirds our democracy , its institutions , and the health , safety and security of all American citizens .
`` Since our country 's founding , journalists and journalism have stood watch over private and public officials in power to hold them accountable to what is factual and what is true . ''
The quote was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removed .
Disclosure : This story was reported by NPR media correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by NPR 's Mark Katkov .
Due to Lansing 's prior role at USAGM , no senior news executive or corporate executive at NPR reviewed this story before it was published .

Trump's New Foreign Broadcasting CEO Fires News Chiefs, Raising Fears Of Meddling
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Harnik/AP Andrew Harnik/AP
President Trump's pick to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media, Michael Pack, showed up to work Wednesday for the first time after being approved by the U.S. Senate two weeks earlier.
His words to staff were affirming. His actions were anything but.
Pack swiftly sidelined most of the agency's senior leadership by stripping them of their authority. He also fired the chiefs of the government-sponsored broadcast networks for foreign audiences that his agency oversees, including Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty; Radio Free Asia; Office of Cuba Broadcasting, which oversees Radio and Television Martí; and Middle East Broadcasting Networks, which runs Alhurra and Radio Sawa.
The two top officials at Voice of America resigned days earlier in anticipation of Pack's arrival.
Pack dissolved advisory boards over each of the networks and placed his own aides above them. He gave no reason for his actions other than his authority to do so, according to two people with direct knowledge of the day's events.
Trump had sought to place Pack in the position for two years, complaining about the Senate's slow pace in confirming him. This spring, lawmakers learned Pack was under investigation by the Washington, D.C., attorney general's office over concerns he had improperly transferred millions of dollars from his not-for-profit outfit to his for-profit production company. That investigation has not been resolved.
Pack's bold moves took people who work at the agency by surprise. A memo obtained by NPR that was sent out by Pack's new chief of staff, Emily Newman, said that officials could take no actions and make no external communications without approval from above.
Several staffers, who spoke to NPR on condition they not be named, said that effectively shut down the agency.
A new direction?
Pack is a filmmaker whose documentaries have appeared on PBS. President George W. Bush appointed him to the National Council on the Humanities, and he has held senior positions at the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Pack is a past president of the conservative Claremont Institute and has worked on projects with former Trump political strategist Stephen Bannon, the former executive chairman of the Breitbart News Network.
In an internal memo sent Wednesday evening that NPR reviewed, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty chief Jamie Fly conveyed his surprise.
"It is with great sadness that I leave all of you at RFE/RL," wrote Fly, who moved with his family to Prague last summer for the job. "I had hoped to work with you much longer and to make progress on the initiatives that we've begun."
The fired head of Middle East Broadcasting Networks, Alberto Miguel Fernandez, wrote in a tweet Wednesday night that he regretted his departure was so "precipitous," adding, "Wish the incoming people at @USAGMgov well. I hope they know what they are doing."
Libby Liu, a past president of Radio Free Asia, had given notice she would step down in July as head of the agency's Open Technology Fund, intended to promote Internet access around the world. Pack made her departure immediate.
The director and deputy director of Voice of America, Amanda Bennett and Sandy Sugawara, resigned over the weekend, saying Pack deserved to have his appointees leading the news service. Bennett's parting statement noted Pack's promise to uphold the journalistic independence of the news service and the firewall that exists to protect it from political interference.
The resignations nonetheless followed fast on the heels of the disclosure that another government agency sought to shut her journalists out.
Earlier this week, documents obtained by the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University showed that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had issued a ban on responding to questions from former Fox News host Greta Van Susteren, now hosting a show for VOA, or anyone else with the government-backed news service. The CDC cited a White House memo for its policy — a remarkable instance of one government agency shutting out another's requests for public information.
Voice of America has increasingly been a target of Trump and his administration. In 2018, Bannon told the Los Angeles Times, "VOA is a rotten fish from top to bottom." He added, "It's now totally controlled by the deep-state apparatus."
Instead, the White House claimed in a formal statement in April that VOA had "amplified Beijing's propaganda" by running an Associated Press article about COVID-19 policies in China.
VOA has aired highly critical reports from China, particularly regarding the government's ongoing persecution of Uighurs and other Muslims in the northwest of China.
Pack's immediate predecessor as permanent CEO of the broadcasting agency, John Lansing, now CEO of NPR, expressed concern in an interview.
"If VOA is converted to a mouthpiece for an American president's agenda, then we will be giving aid and comfort to authoritarians around the world," Lansing said, "and that will ultimately make American citizens less safe and will diminish America's standing around the world."
An agency born in conflict
The service, created during World War II to provide reliable news and information about the war to people in countries under German occupation, has served as a form of "soft diplomacy." It is intended to project American values abroad through a reliable news service in multiple languages as an example of the nation's commitment to political pluralism and freedom of the press.
Over the decades, the U.S. government's international broadcasters have at times been political footballs, pushed this way or that to emphasize certain regions or policy imperatives by various administrations.
Prominent Democrats, including House Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Eliot Engel of New York, had warned Pack against politicizing the agency. The agency's old bipartisan board issued federal rules on June 11 stating with more specificity the firewall and journalistic standards intended to protect the news services' reports. It now stands as federal policy.
That board, however, was dissolved as Pack took over as CEO.
Part of the internal concern over Pack stems from his collaboration with Bannon on two documentary projects and his work in ideological forums such as the Claremont Institute.
In his memo to staffers Wednesday morning, Pack committed himself to respecting VOA's charter and the mission of the other broadcasters. He said he also believed they serve as a bulwark against misinformation by foreign actors. (China and Russia are internally seen as the two leading offenders.) And Pack invoked President Abraham Lincoln, writing, "We need to counter lies with the truth. We need to make clear to the world the ideals that inspire America."
Pack also wrote he intended "to examine some of the problems that have surfaced in the media in recent years. I have no preconceptions – I simply intend to make sure there are no issues getting in the way of your ability to report the news."
Pack did not respond to requests for an interview.
The people swept out by Pack include those who have received praise for helping their networks fight misinformation from China and Russia with factual reporting. And they include officials appointed during the Trump presidency.
Fry, until Wednesday the chief of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, had been a top aide to Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, though he had been critical of Trump during the 2016 campaign. Fernandez was a State Department official under President George W. Bush as well as an ambassador under President Barack Obama.
Other steps were taken in anticipation of Pack's arrival.
A photograph of Lansing, Pack's predecessor, adorned a wall in a hallway at the agency's headquarters, along with a quote taken from his farewell address there: "A set of unimpeachable facts, and the existence of a baseline of truth is the foundation that undergirds our democracy, its institutions, and the health, safety and security of all American citizens.
"Since our country's founding, journalists and journalism have stood watch over private and public officials in power to hold them accountable to what is factual and what is true."
The quote was painted over last weekend, the photograph removed.
Disclosure: This story was reported by NPR media correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by NPR's Mark Katkov. Due to Lansing's prior role at the U.S. Agency for Global Media, no senior news executive or corporate executive at NPR reviewed this story before it was published.


npr--2020-06-18--As States Reopen, Do They Have The Workforce They Need To Stop Coronavirus Outbreaks?

As States Reopen , Do They Have The Workforce They Need To Stop Coronavirus Outbreaks ?
An NPR survey of state health departments shows that the national coronavirus contact tracing workforce has tripled in the last six weeks , from 11,142 to 37,110 workers .
Yet , given their current case counts , only seven states and the District of Columbia are staffed to the level public health researchers say is needed to contain outbreaks .
Contact tracers are public health workers who reach out to each new positive coronavirus case , track down their contacts , and connect both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exposed with the services they need to be able to safely isolate themselves .
This is an essential part of stamping out emerging outbreaks .
To understand how that picture had changed since NPR 's initial contact tracing survey in late April , NPR reached out again to all state health departments , as well as D.C. and the U.S. territories .
In total , NPR reporters were able to assemble data from all 50 states along with D.C. , Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands .
Many states are still planning to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government staff or train outside volunteers .
Some already have a bank of trained staff or volunteers in waiting , able to pivot to tracing contacts if a spike of new positive cases arises .
Many of them are relying on the National Guard , AmeriCorps , volunteers or part time workers to fill these ranks .
With the plans to hire and reserve staff , the national workforce grows to 68,525 contact tracers .
`` I think it 's amazing that the workforce scale-up has gone this far in such a short @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Watson , a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and a lead author of the center 's white paper on contact tracing capacity .
`` But I 'm also — at the same time — concerned , because we 're seeing these increases in case numbers in a lot of different states . ''
Former CDC Director Tom Frieden agrees that NPR 's results show some progress , but that it 's `` not nearly enough and not nearly fast enough . ''
Public health experts say tracing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to quarantine is crucial for allowing communities to safely reopen — those who are sick or have been exposed stay home while the rest of the public begins to return to normal life .
If communities do n't have enough tracers to quickly call and investigate each positive case and to effectively follow up with contacts , that strategy to curb transmission falls apart .
In the U.S. , many places are reopening before fully establishing the robust tracing system public health leaders were calling for months ago .
`` We 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stop cases from becoming clusters and clusters from becoming outbreaks , '' Frieden says .
How many tracers is enough ?
To estimate how many tracers is enough for each state , NPR analyzed each state 's current need based on the number of cases in each state over the past 14 days , using the Contact Tracing Workforce Estimator developed by The Fitzhugh Mullan Institute for Health Workforce Equity at the George Washington University .
The analysis assumes workers are calling 10 contacts per case , and that contacts are followed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contacts may be a conservative estimate , considering that many places have begun to ease social distancing measures , and when people go out to restaurants or shopping , the number of contacts can grow quickly .
The analysis also assumes that tracers reach 45 % of contacts , since sometimes it 's not possible to track people down — that 's a midpoint of three strategies outlined in a contact tracing workforce tool recently published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
Those inputs are designed to represent the real-world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all possible contacts .
`` It 's hard to get a hold of people , '' says Watson .
`` There are many other many factors that may make people unwilling or unable to do this , including its historic issues with trust in government [ ... ] I do think any amount of contact tracing does help . ''
The results of NPR 's analysis show that several states have enough contact tracers estimated to be needed to investigate their current burden of recent cases .
Seven states — Alaska , Massachusetts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Vermont , and West Virginia — along with D.C. , and the territories of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands , currently have enough tracers , given local transmission .
Six more states — Colorado , Connecticut , Idaho , North Dakota , South Carolina , and Washington — have enough when reserve staff are included in their staffing count .
Thiry-seven states do not have enough contact tracers , according to NPR 's analysis .
Still , many states indicated they felt they did have enough tracers to reach out quickly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spokesperson for the Florida Department of Health wrote to NPR , `` This is successfully meeting the current operational demand , which is reassessed daily as additional cases are confirmed . ''
By NPR 's analysis , Florida would need about three times the current number of contact tracers to be able to investigate and follow up with contacts for every coronavirus case .
Florida is one of more than a dozen states where cases of COVID-19 are currently rising .
Every place is different — a county with only a few new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to manage contact tracing with only a few staffers tracing part time .
But with a highly infectious virus , that set-up is risky , public health experts warn — a spike can happen suddenly and get out of control without adequate contact tracing .
Testing is also critical — it 's the first step in the test , trace , and isolate strategy public health leaders have emphasized needs to be in place .
If a community is n't testing enough , positive cases ca n't be identified and traced .
States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff up .
Some have turned to private philanthropy , such as New York , which has support from Bloomberg Philanthropies to hire workers .
Others have partnered with universities , bringing on graduate students to help .
Others like California , are training and reassigning government workers who do other roles .
A number of states cited volunteers as part of their strategy for handling the workload , turning to service groups like Americorps or signing up individuals willing to help .
Michigan , for instance , has relied primarily on volunteers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that workforce .
They 've signed up 9,500 people willing to help , and have 422 volunteers currently making calls , who are `` making contact with about 90 percent of all contacts within 24 hours , '' Lynn Suftin , Public Information Officer for the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services wrote to NPR .
Epidemiologist Abdul El-Sayed has been critical of Michigan for relying on volunteers .
`` What we 're saying is — implicitly — we do n't value this enough to pay for it , '' he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you need the kind of accountability , you need the kind of sensitivity , and you need the kind of training a professional staff can give you . ''
And he adds , with more than 40 million people filing for unemployment benefits , `` it 's not like we do n't have the workforce available to employ . ''
One reason it 's hard for the U.S. to have a cohesive contact tracing strategy is that the public health system is a patchwork of different governance systems .
In most states `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state health department , '' explains Adriane Casalotti , chief of government and public affairs at the National Association of County and City Health Officials .
Some states have completely centralized public health departments , and others are a mix of the two systems .
In many of these local health departments , a small team of public health workers do many different jobs — and are now adding on coronavirus contact tracing .
County staff in Wyoming , for instance , `` do much of the work but have other responsibilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ count of staff , '' Kim Deti of the Wyoming Department of Health wrote in an email to NPR .
`` I do n't have a number for that . ''
However in Montana , where public health departments are independent and local , the state public health department recently did a survey to figure out how many staff there were across the state , and found a capacity of over 500 staff who could turn to contact tracing if needed .
Candice Chen , a professor of health policy at the George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tracing Workforce Estimator Tool , hopes other local control states follow Montana 's lead , and ask , `` Can we do what Montana did ?
And that way , can we be prepared if we start to see cases in certain counties that had n't seen cases ? ''
Another complexity : The task of contact tracing is usually broken out into several different roles , for which different degrees of expertise is required .
`` The way that we think of it is it 's this contact tracing system , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ line workers making phone calls to investigate new cases and reach contacts .
In addition , you need supervisors , and she says , `` we also need epidemiologists — not just at the state level , but also at the local level — who can then take in the data in real time '' to identify possible spikes .
The total reported by states is far less than the more than 100,000 contact tracers some influential public health experts have called for .
Part of the reason for the gap is clearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of former federal officials who wrote a letter to Congress calling for increased contact tracing support estimated $ 12 billion in federal funding would be needed to pay for the hires .
The HEROES Act , which passed the House last month , includes $ 75 billion for testing and contact tracing efforts but is not expected to pass in the Senate .
It 's not at all certain whether a new bipartisan relief bill would include federal funding specifically for contact tracers .
The CDC provides staff to support local contact tracing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in April that the agency has about 500 staff currently deployed to help state and local health departments , and that it would support another 650 positions with $ 45 million in funds from the CDC Foundation .
It 's unclear how many of those hires have been made .
In a statement , CDC spokesperson Scott Pauley told NPR , `` CDC 's efforts to support state contact tracing are underway and hiring through the CDC Foundation continues , '' and pointed to the interim guidance and communications toolkit available on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have called for more leadership — if not funding and staff — from the federal government to support state and local health departments ' contact tracing efforts .
`` We have needed a federal response on this from day one and we have n't had one , '' says El-Sayed .
`` We need federal funding for contact tracers and we need it now . ''
`` I hope that we can keep this at the top of our national agenda — to continue to increase our workforce and our commitment to doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hopkins says .
With rising cases in many states and social distancing measures easing up , she says , `` it 's only going to become more challenging to do contact tracing going forward . ''
Caroline Kelly , Connie Hanzhang Jin , Sean McMinn , Ruth Talbot , Julia Wohl and Carmel Wroth contributed to this report .

As States Reopen, Do They Have The Workforce They Need To Stop Coronavirus Outbreaks?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Rick Bowmer/AP Rick Bowmer/AP
An NPR survey of state health departments shows that the national coronavirus contact tracing workforce has tripled in the past six weeks, from 11,142 workers to 37,110. Yet given their current case counts, only seven states and the District of Columbia are staffed to the level that public health researchers say is needed to contain outbreaks.
Contact tracers are public health workers who reach out to each new positive coronavirus case, track down their contacts, and connect both the sick person and those who were exposed with the services they need to be able to safely isolate themselves. This is an essential part of stamping out emerging outbreaks.
To understand how that picture had changed since NPR's initial contact tracing survey in late April, NPR reached out again to all state health departments, as well as Washington, D.C., and the U.S. territories. In total, NPR reporters were able to assemble data from all 50 states along with D.C., Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands.
Many states are still planning to hire more contact tracers, reassign existing government staff, or train outside volunteers. Some already have a bank of trained staff or volunteers in waiting, able to pivot to tracing contacts if new positive cases spike. Many of them are relying on the National Guard, AmeriCorps, volunteers or part-time workers to fill these ranks. With the plans to hire and reserve staff, the national workforce grows to 68,525 contact tracers.
"I think it's amazing that the workforce scale-up has gone this far in such a short period of time," says Crystal Watson, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and a lead author of the center's white paper on contact tracing capacity. "But I'm also — at the same time — concerned, because we're seeing these increases in case numbers in a lot of different states."
Tom Frieden, former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, agrees that NPR's survey shows some progress has been made, but that it's "not nearly enough and not nearly fast enough."
Public health experts say tracing the contacts of each positive case and asking them to quarantine is crucial for allowing communities to safely reopen — those who are sick or have been exposed stay home while the rest of the public begins to return to normal life. If communities don't have enough tracers to quickly call and investigate each positive case and to effectively follow up with contacts, that strategy to curb transmission falls apart.
In the U.S., many places are reopening before fully establishing the robust tracing system public health leaders were calling for months ago. "We're reopening before we have the system ready to stop cases from becoming clusters and clusters from becoming outbreaks," Frieden says.
How many tracers is enough?
To estimate how many tracers is enough for each state, NPR analyzed each state's current need based on the number of cases in each state over the past 14 days, using the Contact Tracing Workforce Estimator developed by the Fitzhugh Mullan Institute for Health Workforce Equity at The George Washington University.
The analysis assumes workers are calling 10 contacts per case and that contacts are followed up with every other day. Ten contacts may be a conservative estimate, considering that many places have begun to ease social distancing measures, and when people go out to restaurants or shopping, the number of contacts can grow quickly. The analysis also assumes that tracers reach 45% of contacts, since sometimes it's not possible to track people down — that's a midpoint of three strategies outlined in a contact tracing workforce tool recently published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Those inputs are designed to represent the real-world challenges contact tracers might have in reaching all possible contacts. "It's hard to get a hold of people," says Watson. "There are many other factors that may make people unwilling or unable to do this, including its historic issues with trust in government [...] I do think any amount of contact tracing does help."
The results of NPR's analysis show that several states have enough contact tracers estimated to be needed to investigate their current burden of recent cases. Seven states — Alaska, Massachusetts, Montana, New York, Oregon, Vermont and West Virginia — along with Washington, D.C., and the territories of Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands, currently have enough tracers, given local transmission. Six more states — Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, North Dakota, South Carolina and Washington — have enough when reserve staff are included in their staffing count. Thirty-seven states do not have enough contact tracers, according to NPR's analysis.
Still, many states indicated that they felt they did have enough tracers to reach out quickly. With 1,500 contact tracers, a spokesperson for the Florida Department of Health wrote to NPR, "This is successfully meeting the current operational demand, which is reassessed daily as additional cases are confirmed."
By NPR's analysis, Florida would need about three times the current number of contact tracers to be able to investigate and follow up with contacts for every coronavirus case. Florida is one of more than a dozen states where cases of COVID-19 are currently rising.
Every place is different. A county with only a few new coronavirus cases a week might be able to manage contact tracing with only a few staffers tracing part time. But with a highly infectious virus, that set-up is risky, public health experts warn. A spike can happen suddenly and get out of control without adequate contact tracing.
Testing is also critical. It's the first step in the test, trace and isolate strategy public health leaders have emphasized needs to be in place. If a community isn't testing enough, positive cases can't be identified and traced.
Piecing together a workforce
States cited a range of creative strategies to staff up. Some, such as New York, which has support from Bloomberg Philanthropies, have turned to private philanthropy to hire workers. Others have partnered with universities, bringing on graduate students to help. Others, such as California, are training and reassigning government workers who do other roles.
A number of states cited volunteers as part of their strategy for handling the workload, turning to service groups such as Americorps or signing up individuals willing to help. Michigan, for instance, has relied primarily on volunteers and hired a contractor to manage that workforce. They've signed up 9,500 people willing to help and have 422 volunteers currently making calls — "making contact with about 90 percent of all contacts within 24 hours," Lynn Suftin, public information officer for the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, wrote to NPR.
Epidemiologist Abdul El-Sayed has been critical of Michigan for relying on volunteers. "What we're saying is — implicitly — we don't value this enough to pay for it," he says. "This is a place where you need the kind of accountability, you need the kind of sensitivity, and you need the kind of training a professional staff can give you."
And, he adds, with more than 40 million people filing for unemployment benefits, "it's not like we don't have the workforce available to employ."
A patchwork system
One reason it's hard for the U.S. to have a cohesive contact tracing strategy is that the public health system is a patchwork of different governance systems. In most states "the local health departments are independent of the state health department," explains Adriane Casalotti, chief of government and public affairs at the National Association of County and City Health Officials. Some states have completely centralized public health departments, and others are a mix of the two systems.
In many of these local health departments, a small team of public health workers do many different jobs and are now adding on coronavirus contact tracing. County staff in Wyoming, for instance, "do much of the work but have other responsibilities too so it's not a simple count of staff," Kim Deti of the Wyoming Department of Health wrote in an email to NPR. "I don't have a number for that."
However, in Montana, where public health departments are independent and local, the state public health department recently did a survey to figure out how many staff members there were across the state, and found a capacity of more than 500 who could turn to contact tracing if needed.
Candice Chen, a professor of health policy at George Washington University who worked on the Contact Tracing Workforce Estimator Tool, hopes other local control states follow Montana's lead and ask, "Can we do what Montana did? And that way, can we be prepared if we start to see cases in certain counties that hadn't seen cases?"
Another complexity: The task of contact tracing is usually broken out into several different roles, for which different degrees of expertise is required.
"The way that we think of it is it's this contact tracing system," explains Casalotti. There are the front-line workers making phone calls to investigate new cases and reach contacts. In addition, you need supervisors, and she says, "we also need epidemiologists — not just at the state level, but also at the local level — who can then take in the data in real time" to identify possible spikes.
A call for federal leadership
The total reported by states is far less than the more than 100,000 contact tracers some influential public health experts have called for.
Part of the reason for the gap is clearly a lack of funding. A group of former federal officials who wrote a letter to Congress calling for increased contact tracing support estimated that $12 billion in federal funding would be needed to pay for the hires. The HEROES Act, which passed the House last month, includes $75 billion for testing and contact tracing efforts but is not expected to pass in the Senate. It's not at all certain whether a new bipartisan relief bill would include federal funding specifically for contact tracers.
The CDC provides staff to support local contact tracing efforts. Director Robert Redfield told NPR in April that the agency has about 500 staff currently deployed to help state and local health departments and that it would support another 650 positions with $45 million from the CDC Foundation.
It's unclear how many of those hires have been made. In a statement, CDC spokesperson Scott Pauley told NPR that the "CDC's efforts to support state contact tracing are underway and hiring through the CDC Foundation continues," and Pauley pointed to the interim guidance and communications toolkit available on the CDC website.
Numerous public health leaders have called for more leadership — if not funding and staff — from the federal government to support state and local health departments' contact tracing efforts.
"We have needed a federal response on this from Day 1 and we haven't had one," says El-Sayed. "We need federal funding for contact tracers and we need it now."
"I hope that we can keep this at the top of our national agenda — to continue to increase our workforce and our commitment to doing contact tracing," Watson, of Johns Hopkins, says. With rising cases in many states and social distancing measures easing up, she says, "it's only going to become more challenging to do contact tracing going forward."
Rachel Cohen, Anh Gray, Aviva Okeson-Haberman, Caroline Kelly, Connie Hanzhang Jin, Natalie Krebs, Sean McMinn, Bram Sable-Smith, Ruth Talbot, Julia Wohl and Carmel Wroth contributed to this report.


npr--2020-06-18--Delaware Quietly Fielded An Online Voting System, But Now Is Backing Away

Delaware Quietly Fielded An Online Voting System , But Now Is Backing Away Delaware briefly deployed a controversial internet voting system this summer but scrapped it amid concerns about security and public confidence .
Before the online option was shuttered , voters returned more than 2,700 ballots electronically — and those votes still will be counted , according to the state , along with conventional votes in the upcoming July primary .
Delaware Election Commissioner Anthony Albence said the decision to stop using the cloud-based return option was made to protect public perception of the election .
`` We have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' said Albence .
`` We have confidence in the system , but we want everyone to be fully confident in anything that we do . ''
The coronavirus pandemic has sent election officials nationwide scrambling for creative solutions to voting problems this year , but it 's becoming clear that there remains very little appetite for new internet voting platforms as part of that conversation .
After NPR reported in April that three states were moving toward statewide pilot programs to allow voters with disabilities to return their ballots over the internet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backed away from those plans after intense criticism from the cybersecurity community .
After an initial period in which it was active , Delaware now has ceased using the system for its upcoming primary , state officials confirmed to Delaware Public Media and NPR , although an internet return option via email is still available .
Officials also confirmed that the online voting options have essentially been offered to all registered voters in the state , not just those with disabilities — a fact that has not previously been widely reported , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts who are terrified about the prospect of widespread internet voting .
The system , which was offered by the Seattle-based voting technology company Democracy Live , allows voters to mark their ballots through a web portal and then upload them to a cloud accessed by election administrators , who print them out and count them .
It 's a voting method that the federal government recently warned states was considered a `` high-risk '' endeavor .
Earlier this month , security researchers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democracy Live system that said it `` represents a severe risk to election security '' and found it to be `` vulnerable to vote manipulation . ''
`` There is n't any way for voters , Democracy Live or even election officials to confirm for sure that the vote [ a ] voter tries to cast is the same as what 's received and counted by election officials , '' said University of Michigan researcher J. Alex Halderman , one of the authors , in an interview Tuesday .
In addition to Delaware @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no longer piloting the electronic ballot return option for that state 's July primary , after offering it to voters with disabilities in the state 's May municipal elections .
In both cases , state election officials made very little fanfare about unveiling or dropping the new voting option , and one county election official told The New Jersey Globe that was by design .
`` This was all very hush-hush , '' one county clerk told the Globe .
`` They did n't want this heavily publicized .
They were just testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know about it in case something went wrong . ''
In Delaware , it was unclear at first who could participate in the electronic ballot return option .
In West Virginia 's primary this month , for instance , the option only was available to voters with disabilities that would otherwise not allow them to cast a secret ballot .
Overseas and military voters also were eligible ; a total of 180 people in West Virginia used it , according to a spokesperson for Secretary of State Mac Warner .
In Delaware , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ applies for an absentee ballot using the excuse that they are `` sick or physically disabled '' the option to return the ballot electronically .
But that essentially could cover every registered Democratic and Republican voter in the state after a rule change made in light of the coronavirus pandemic qualified anyone practicing social distancing .
Still , fewer than 3,000 people used the system to return their ballots .
In an email to NPR , Democracy Live CEO Bryan Finney defended the system , but also said that considering how many questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it made sense that officials there decided to discontinue it , even without having any noticeable technical issues .
`` Those voters [ that voted that way ] may have likely been disenfranchised from voting if not for the OmniBallot system , '' Finney said .
`` The state has a tough enough job conducting elections , without fielding numerous calls on a pilot that made up less than .05 % of the ballots . ''
But it 's also possible the system was n't used more widely because of how little information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And skeptics worry that online voting advocates will attempt to build a case for broader online voting in the future by using examples like this — a state that had no publicized issues , but also did not widely announce the scope of the program or allow a third party to publicly test the system 's security .
`` Internet voting vendors and proponents have been pushing online voting with the false assertion that the number of ballots cast online is minimal and , therefore , not a security risk — but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Susan Greenhalgh , the senior election security advisor for the advocacy group Free Speech For The People .
`` Delaware is a clear example that offering online voting to a subset of voters is the camel 's nose under the tent . ''
Greenhalgh noted that while the Democracy Live online ballot return option is fairly new , internet voting really is n't .
For the past decade , election officials nationwide have offered an array of fairly insecure internet workarounds , aimed at helping voters who may have trouble using a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and military voters serving overseas .
The country 's quick ramp-up towards more mail voting in response to the pandemic means there could potentially be more of these voters left in limbo .
In 2018 , more than 100,000 voters , mostly military and overseas voters , cast ballots online , and that number is likely to double in November , said Greenhalgh .
Most of those 2018 votes were submitted via email , which the federal government also deemed insecure in its recent communication with the states .
Delaware is still allowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or physically disabled '' excuse to return their ballots via email .
Many cybersecurity experts however , say the best middle ground between accessibility and security at this point are systems that allow voters to receive and mark their ballots electronically — then use the mail to get the ballot from the voter to an election official .
Democracy Live offers this service as well , and Finney said the vast majority of his customer jurisdictions use it and do not offer an electronic ballot return .
There is wide consensus within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ options are n't ready for wide use in 2020 .
But still , Halderman worries that a potential second wave of coronavirus infections this autumn could motivate more states to look past that and give online voting a shot .
`` That 's where the risk really grows astronomically , '' Halderman said .
`` Because as soon as there are enough votes to shift a major election result being cast through an online voting system , it becomes an extremely attractive target for sophisticated attackers , including foreign nations . ''

Delaware Quietly Fielded An Online Voting System, But Now Is Backing Away
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chona Kasinger/Bloomberg via Getty Images Chona Kasinger/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Delaware briefly deployed a controversial internet voting system recently but scrapped it amid concerns about security and public confidence.
Before the online option was shuttered, voters returned more than 2,700 ballots electronically — and those votes still will be counted, according to the state, along with conventional votes in the upcoming July primary.
Delaware Election Commissioner Anthony Albence said the decision to stop using the cloud-based return option was made to protect public perception of the election.
"We have had no problems with the system," said Albence. "We have confidence in the system, but we want everyone to be fully confident in anything that we do."
The coronavirus pandemic has sent election officials nationwide scrambling for creative solutions to voting problems this year, but it's becoming clear that there remains very little appetite for new internet voting platforms as part of that conversation.
After NPR reported in April that three states were moving toward statewide pilot programs to allow voters with disabilities to return their ballots over the internet, two of those states have since backed away from those plans after intense criticism from the cybersecurity community.
After an initial period in which it was active, Delaware now has ceased using the system for its upcoming primary, state officials confirmed to Delaware Public Media and NPR, although an internet return option via email is still available.
Officials also confirmed that the online voting options have essentially been offered to all registered voters in the state, not just those with disabilities — a fact that has not previously been widely reported, and one that may further trouble the security experts who are terrified about the prospect of widespread internet voting.
NPR via YouTube
Online ballot return
The system, which was offered by the Seattle-based voting technology company Democracy Live, allows voters to mark their ballots through a web portal and then upload them to a cloud accessed by election administrators, who print them out and count them.
It's a voting method that the federal government recently warned states was considered a "high-risk" endeavor.
Earlier this month, security researchers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Michigan also released an analysis of the Democracy Live system that said it "represents a severe risk to election security" and found it to be "vulnerable to vote manipulation."
"There isn't any way for voters, Democracy Live or even election officials to confirm for sure that the vote [a] voter tries to cast is the same as what's received and counted by election officials," said University of Michigan researcher J. Alex Halderman, one of the authors, in an interview Tuesday.
In addition to Delaware's decision, New Jersey also is no longer piloting the electronic ballot return option for that state's July primary, after offering it to voters with disabilities in the state's May municipal elections.
In both cases, state election officials made very little fanfare about unveiling or dropping the new voting option, and one county election official told The New Jersey Globe that was by design.
"This was all very hush-hush," one county clerk told the Globe. "They didn't want this heavily publicized. They were just testing it and didn't want people to know about it in case something went wrong."
In Delaware, it was unclear at first who could participate in the electronic ballot return option. In West Virginia's primary this month, for instance, the option only was available to voters with disabilities that would otherwise not allow them to cast a secret ballot.
Overseas and military voters also were eligible; a total of 180 people in West Virginia used it, according to a spokesperson for Secretary of State Mac Warner.
In Delaware, state officials decided to allow anyone who applies for an absentee ballot using the excuse that they are "sick or physically disabled" the option to return the ballot electronically. But that essentially could cover every registered Democratic and Republican voter in the state after a rule change made in light of the coronavirus pandemic qualified anyone practicing social distancing.
Still, fewer than 3,000 people used the system to return their ballots.
Vendor defends online system
In an email to NPR, Democracy Live CEO Bryan Finney defended the system, but also said that considering how many questions the state received regarding the pilot, it made sense that officials there decided to discontinue it, even without having any noticeable technical issues.
"Those voters [that voted that way] may have likely been disenfranchised from voting if not for the OmniBallot system," Finney said. "The state has a tough enough job conducting elections, without fielding numerous calls on a pilot that made up less than .05% of the ballots."
But it's also possible the system wasn't used more widely because of how little information about it was announced by the state.
And skeptics worry that online voting advocates will attempt to build a case for broader online voting in the future by using examples like this — a state that had no publicized issues, but also did not widely announce the scope of the program or allow a third party to publicly test the system's security.
"Internet voting vendors and proponents have been pushing online voting with the false assertion that the number of ballots cast online is minimal and, therefore, not a security risk — but this just isn't true," said Susan Greenhalgh, the senior election security advisor for the advocacy group Free Speech For People. "Delaware is a clear example that offering online voting to a subset of voters is the camel's nose under the tent."
Voters in limbo
Greenhalgh noted that while the Democracy Live online ballot return option is fairly new, internet voting really isn't.
For the past decade, election officials nationwide have offered an array of fairly insecure internet workarounds, aimed at helping voters who may have trouble using a vote-by-mail system, including voters with disabilities and military voters serving overseas.
The country's quick ramp-up towards more mail voting in response to the pandemic means there could potentially be more of these voters left in limbo.
In 2018, more than 100,000 voters, mostly military and overseas voters, cast ballots online, and that number is likely to double in November, said Greenhalgh.
Most of those 2018 votes were submitted via email, which the federal government also deemed insecure in its recent communication with the states. Delaware is still allowing absentee voters who use the "sick or physically disabled" excuse to return their ballots via email.
Many cybersecurity experts however, say the best middle ground between accessibility and security at this point are systems that allow voters to receive and mark their ballots electronically — then use the mail to get the ballot from the voter to an election official.
Democracy Live offers this service as well, and Finney said the vast majority of his customer jurisdictions use it and do not offer an electronic ballot return.
There is wide consensus within the cybersecurity and election community that internet voting options aren't ready for wide use in 2020. But still, Halderman worries that a potential second wave of coronavirus infections this autumn could motivate more states to look past that and give online voting a shot.
"That's where the risk really grows astronomically," Halderman said. "Because as soon as there are enough votes to shift a major election result being cast through an online voting system, it becomes an extremely attractive target for sophisticated attackers, including foreign nations."


npr--2020-06-18--Pompeo And China's Top Diplomat Meet In Hawaii As Relations Worsen

Pompeo And China 's Top Diplomat Meet In Hawaii As Relations Worsen Secretary of State Mike Pompeo met China 's top diplomat Yang Jiechi in Hawaii on Wednesday , in what Chinese state media said was a constructive exchange of views .
The meeting comes at a time of fast-deteriorating relations between Washington and Beijing over a range of issues , including human rights , Hong Kong and the COVID-19 pandemic .
Neither the U.S. nor China publicly announced the meeting in advance and it was not immediately which side had proposed it , highlighting the tension and mistrust that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no .
1 and no .
2 economies .
Pompeo has been an outspoken critic of China 's ruling Communist Party and its policies , and Beijing , for its part , has singled him out for scorn , calling him irresponsible and a liar .
State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a brief , three-sentence statement that Pompeo stressed the need for transparency and information-sharing to fight the pandemic and prevent future outbreaks .
The Trump administration has repeatedly blamed China for sparking the global coronavirus pandemic by not being open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Chinese city of Wuhan in December and not acting quickly enough to stop it .
China has said that it has been open and transparent about the coronavirus , and handled the situation responsibly .
Pompeo also raised the need for `` fully-reciprocal dealings between the two nations across commercial , security , and diplomatic interactions '' , according to the statement .
China 's state news agency Xinhua put a more positive spin on the meeting .
It said both sides `` fully elaborated on their stances , agreeing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yang and Pompeo agreed to maintain contact and communication , Xinhua reported .
In a separate statement , the Foreign Ministry said Yang told Pompeo that cooperation was the `` only proper choice for China and the United States '' .
`` The Chinese side is devoted to working together with the United States to develop a relationship with no conflict and no confrontation , of mutual respect and win-win cooperation , '' it said .
Still , Yang pushed back against Pompeo on several areas of recent friction in the relationship , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told Pompeo that Hong Kong affairs were an internal matter , and he urged the United States to respect China 's sovereignty , treat Hong Kong 's national security legislation objectively and fairly , and stop interfering in the territory 's internal affairs .
China 's decision last month to unilaterally impose national security legislation on Hong Kong , circumventing the former British colony 's own legislature , drew widespread criticism from abroad .
Trump announced that his administration would begin to rescind special considerations and policies for Hong Kong in retaliation for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says rolls back China 's promise to allow Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy for 50 years after its return from Britain in 1997 .
The Chinese foreign ministry also said Yang expressed `` strong dissatisfaction '' with Trump 's signing on Wednesday of the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act , saying the U.S. should stop engaging in what it called double standards on anti-terrorism issues .
The bill passed the House and Senate in May , and could lead to sanctions against Chinese officials deemed responsible for human rights abuses against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's far western region of Xinjiang .
The act says more than 1 million Uighurs and other Muslims in Xinjiang have been subject to mass surveillance and internment in the name of combating terrorism .

Pompeo And China's Top Diplomat Meet In Hawaii As Relations Worsen
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andy Wong/AP Andy Wong/AP
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo met China's top diplomat Yang Jiechi in Hawaii on Wednesday, in what Chinese state media said was a constructive exchange of views.
The meeting comes at a time of fast-deteriorating relations between Washington and Beijing over a range of issues, including human rights, Hong Kong and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Neither the U.S. nor China publicly announced the meeting in advance and it was not immediately clear which side had proposed it, highlighting the tension and mistrust that now permeate ties between the world's no. 1 and no. 2 economies.
Pompeo has been an outspoken critic of China's ruling Communist Party and its policies, and Beijing, for its part, has singled him out for scorn, calling him irresponsible and a liar.
State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a brief, three-sentence statement that Pompeo stressed the need for transparency and information-sharing to fight the pandemic and prevent future outbreaks.
The Trump administration has repeatedly blamed China for sparking the global coronavirus pandemic by not being open about the outbreak when it first emerged in the Chinese city of Wuhan in December and not acting quickly enough to stop it.
China has said that it has been open and transparent about the coronavirus, and handled the situation responsibly.
Pompeo also raised the need for "fully-reciprocal dealings between the two nations across commercial, security, and diplomatic interactions," according to the statement.
China's state news agency Xinhua put a more positive spin on the meeting.
It said both sides "fully elaborated on their stances, agreeing that this was a constructive dialogue." Yang and Pompeo agreed to maintain contact and communication, Xinhua reported.
In a separate statement, the Foreign Ministry said Yang told Pompeo that cooperation was the "only proper choice for China and the United States."
"The Chinese side is devoted to working together with the United States to develop a relationship with no conflict and no confrontation, of mutual respect and win-win cooperation," it said.
Still, Yang pushed back against Pompeo on several areas of recent friction in the relationship, according to the Foreign Ministry.
He told Pompeo that Hong Kong affairs were an internal matter, and he urged the United States to respect China's sovereignty, treat Hong Kong's national security legislation objectively and fairly, and stop interfering in the territory's internal affairs.
China's decision last month to unilaterally impose national security legislation on Hong Kong, circumventing the former British colony's own legislature, drew widespread criticism from abroad.
Trump announced that his administration would begin to rescind special considerations and policies for Hong Kong in retaliation for Beijing's move, which the administration says rolls back China's promise to allow Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy for 50 years after its return from Britain in 1997.
The Chinese foreign ministry also said Yang expressed "strong dissatisfaction" with Trump's signing on Wednesday of the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act, saying the U.S. should stop engaging in what it called double standards on anti-terrorism issues.
The bill passed the House and Senate in May and could lead to sanctions against Chinese officials deemed responsible for human rights abuses against ethnic Uighurs and other Muslims in China's far western region of Xinjiang.
The act says more than 1 million Uighurs and other Muslims in Xinjiang have been subject to mass surveillance and internment in the name of combating terrorism.