npr--2020-10-01--Texas Governor Limits Ballot Drop-Off Locations, Local Officials Vow To Fight Back

Local officials in Texas say they plan to fight Gov .
Greg Abbott 's order to limit the number of places where voters can hand deliver mail-in ballots .
Abbott announced the order Thursday , the same day local election officials opened the drop-off sites .
Starting Friday , Abbott said in a statement , `` mail ballots that are delivered in person by voters who are eligible to vote by mail must be delivered to a single early voting clerk 's office location as publicly designated by a county 's early voting clerk . ''
Abbott said the order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security protocols '' for mail-in ballots , though he offered no evidence having multiple sites would affect the security of these ballots .
`` The State of Texas has a duty to voters to maintain the integrity of our elections , '' Abbott said in his statement .
`` As we work to preserve Texans ' ability to vote during the COVID-19 pandemic , we must take extra care to strengthen ballot security protocols throughout the state .
These enhanced security protocols will ensure greater transparency and will help stop attempts at illegal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home to the state capital of Austin , county clerk Dana DeBeauvoir had set up four sites for voters to hand deliver their ballots .
She called the order `` most unfortunate '' and said she plans to `` challenge the governor '' and his effort to close three of those sites .
`` I do n't know what is going to happen to the governor 's order until we get to the point that I can talk about it in court , '' she said .
`` In the meantime , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the county attorney tells me is the appropriate thing for the county clerk to do .
And that is what we will follow . ''
Harris County , home to Houston , planned 12 ballot drop off sites .
County Clerk Chris Hollins , a Democrat , says the change will `` result in widespread confusion and voter suppression . ''
While most states have made it easier to vote by mail this year amid the pandemic , Texas has held out and stuck with some of the most stringent rules for getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Still , an unprecedented number of Texans are expected to vote by mail , particularly those who are disabled , over 65 or in one of the other limited categories the state allows .
In past presidential elections , DeBeauvoir said , her office received an average of 27,000 applications for mail-in ballots .
So far this year , it has received 71,000 applications , she said .
Concerns over potential USPS issues handling the increase in mail-in ballots forced local election officials in populous counties to come up with more options for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the upcoming election .
These hand-delivery sites , or in-person drop-off sites , were among the solutions .
DeBeauvoir said Abbott 's sudden disapproval of these sites is `` targeted '' at urban counties , which tend to be heavily Democratic .
`` This is a deliberate attempt to manipulate the election , '' she said .
`` If the governor was truly worried about this , he could have stopped this program more than a month ago or contacted the urban counties that are all doing the same thing Travis County is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor 's order , Texas Democrats called Republicans `` cheaters . ''
`` Republicans are on the verge of losing , so Gov .
Abbott is trying to adjust the rules last minute , '' Texas Democratic Party Chair Gilberto Hinojosa said in a statement .
`` Governor Abbott and Texas Republicans are scared .
We are creating a movement that will beat them at the ballot box on November 3 , and there 's nothing these cheaters can do about it . ''
While the state has long been a Republican stronghold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump and Democrat Joe Biden to be extremely close .
Democrats are hoping to make substantial gains in both U.S. House and state legislative races this fall .
Austin 's lone Democratic congressman , Lloyd Doggett , called Abbott 's order an `` outrageous act of voter suppression '' aimed at affecting the election .
`` This sabotage is not about election security , '' he said in a statement , `` it is about Republican political insecurity .
With over a month to return your ballot , voting by mail remains the @ @ @ @ @ @

Texas Governor Limits Ballot Drop-Off Locations, Local Officials Vow To Fight Back
Enlarge this image toggle caption Paul Ratje/AFP via Getty Images Paul Ratje/AFP via Getty Images
Local officials in Texas say they plan to fight a new order from Gov. Greg Abbott to limit the number of places where voters can hand deliver mail-in ballots.
Abbott announced the order Thursday, the same day local election officials opened the drop-off sites.
Starting Friday, Abbott said in a statement, "mail ballots that are delivered in person by voters who are eligible to vote by mail must be delivered to a single early voting clerk's office location as publicly designated by a county's early voting clerk."
Abbott said the order was an effort to enhance "ballot security protocols" for mail-in ballots, though he offered no evidence having multiple sites would affect the security of these ballots.
"The State of Texas has a duty to voters to maintain the integrity of our elections," Abbott said in his statement. "As we work to preserve Texans' ability to vote during the COVID-19 pandemic, we must take extra care to strengthen ballot security protocols throughout the state. These enhanced security protocols will ensure greater transparency and will help stop attempts at illegal voting."
In Travis County, home to the state capital of Austin, county Clerk Dana DeBeauvoir had set up four sites for voters to hand deliver their ballots. She called the order "most unfortunate" and said she plans to "challenge the governor" and his effort to close three of those sites.
"I don't know what is going to happen to the governor's order until we get to the point that I can talk about it in court," she said. "In the meantime, I am still going to listen to what the county attorney tells me is the appropriate thing for the county clerk to do. And that is what we will follow."
Harris County, home to Houston, planned 12 ballot drop-off sites. County Clerk Chris Hollins, a Democrat, says the change will "result in widespread confusion and voter suppression."
While most states have made it easier to vote by mail this year amid the pandemic, Texas has held out and stuck with some of the most stringent rules for getting an absentee ballot in the country. Still, an unprecedented number of Texans are expected to vote by mail, particularly those who are disabled, over 65 or in one of the other limited categories the state allows.
In past presidential elections, DeBeauvoir said, her office received an average of 27,000 applications for mail-in ballots. So far this year, it has received 71,000 applications, she said.
Concerns over potential USPS issues handling the increase in mail-in ballots forced local election officials in populous counties to come up with more options for people planning to vote by mail in the upcoming election.
These hand-delivery sites, or in-person drop-off sites, were among the solutions.
DeBeauvoir said Abbott's sudden disapproval of these sites is "targeted" at urban counties, which tend to be heavily Democratic.
"This is a deliberate attempt to manipulate the election," she said. "If the governor was truly worried about this, he could have stopped this program more than a month ago or contacted the urban counties that are all doing the same thing Travis County is doing."
In response to the governor's order, Texas Democrats called Republicans "cheaters."
"Republicans are on the verge of losing, so Gov. Abbott is trying to adjust the rules last minute," Texas Democratic Party Chair Gilberto Hinojosa said in a statement. "Governor Abbott and Texas Republicans are scared. We are creating a movement that will beat them at the ballot box on November 3, and there's nothing these cheaters can do about it."
While the state has long been a Republican stronghold, polls show the race between President Trump and Democrat Joe Biden to be extremely close. Democrats are hoping to make substantial gains in both U.S. House and state legislative races this fall.
Austin's lone Democratic congressman, Lloyd Doggett, called Abbott's order an "outrageous act of voter suppression" aimed at affecting the election.
"This sabotage is not about election security," he said in a statement, "it is about Republican political insecurity. With over a month to return your ballot, voting by mail remains the safest way to participate."
Houston Public Media reporter Andrew Schneider contributed to this story.


npr--2020-10-01--Court Rules Edward Snowden Must Pay More Than $5 Million From Memoir And Speeches

Court Rules Edward Snowden Must Pay More Than $ 5 Million From Memoir And Speeches A federal court has ruled that former intelligence contractor Edward Snowden must pay more than $ 5 million in book royalties and speaking fees derived from his 2019 memoir , the Justice Department said Thursday .
The U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia entered its final judgment and injunction on Tuesday , siding with the U.S. in a lawsuit dating to the publication of Snowden 's 2019 book , Permanent Record .
In its lawsuit , the Justice Department argued that by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ review , Snowden had violated nondisclosure agreements he signed while working for the National Security Agency and CIA .
`` Edward Snowden violated his legal obligations to the United States , and therefore , his unlawful financial gains must be relinquished to the government , '' Deputy U.S. Attorney General Jeffrey A. Rosen said in a Justice Department statement .
The statement went on to say that the ruling imposes a constructive trust for current and futures earnings from the book and 56 speeches .
Snowden has resided in Russia since 2013 after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stemming from his leak of classified information revealing U.S. surveillance programs .
Snowden had worked for the CIA from 2006 to 2009 and as a contractor for the NSA at various times between 2005 and 2013 .
The Justice Department 's suit was filed the same day as the book 's release in September 2019 .
In addition to Snowden , the suit also named his publisher , Macmillan , and requested the court freeze assets related to the memoir .
The department also requested that royalties and profits from the book be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government .
Shortly after the lawsuit was filed , the same court responsible for Tuesday 's finding ruled Snowden breached his obligations to the intelligence agencies , though at the time , the court held off on judgment over the scope of remedies due to the government .
This week 's decision is separate from the criminal charges Snowden faces , including espionage and theft of government property .

Court Rules Edward Snowden Must Pay More Than $5 Million From Memoir And Speeches
Enlarge this image toggle caption Armando Franca/AP Armando Franca/AP
A federal court has ruled that former intelligence contractor Edward Snowden must pay more than $5 million in book royalties and speaking fees derived from his 2019 memoir, the Justice Department said Thursday.
The U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia entered its final judgment and injunction on Tuesday, siding with the U.S. in a lawsuit dating to the publication of Snowden's 2019 book, Permanent Record.
In its lawsuit, the Justice Department argued that by not submitting the book for a pre-publication review, Snowden had violated nondisclosure agreements he signed while working for the National Security Agency and CIA.
"Edward Snowden violated his legal obligations to the United States, and therefore, his unlawful financial gains must be relinquished to the government," Deputy U.S. Attorney General Jeffrey A. Rosen said in a Justice Department statement.
The statement went on to say that the ruling imposes a constructive trust for current and futures earnings from the book and 56 speeches.
Snowden has resided in Russia since 2013 after being granted asylum there from federal charges stemming from his leak of classified information revealing U.S. surveillance programs. Snowden had worked for the CIA from 2006 to 2009 and as a contractor for the NSA at various times between 2005 and 2013.
The Justice Department's suit was filed the same day as the book's release in September 2019. In addition to Snowden, the suit also named his publisher, Macmillan, and requested the court freeze assets related to the memoir. The department also requested that royalties and profits from the book be put in a trust for the U.S. government.
Shortly after the lawsuit was filed, the same court responsible for Tuesday's finding ruled Snowden breached his obligations to the intelligence agencies, though at the time, the court held off on judgment over the scope of remedies due to the government.
This week's decision is separate from the criminal charges Snowden faces, including espionage and theft of government property.


npr--2020-10-01--How New York's Orthodox Jewish Community Is Responding To Coronavirus Safety Measures

How New York 's Orthodox Jewish Community Is Responding To Coronavirus Safety Measures New Yorkers have been watching with alarm as COVID-19 cases have begun to climb in the city , particularly in areas that Governor Andrew Cuomo has called hotspots , several of which are in predominantly Orthodox Jewish communities in Brooklyn and Queens .
The seven-day average of positive test results in the city ticked up to 1.46 % on Wednesday , according to the New York Times .
With cases on the rise , the city is targeting hotspots with additional police officers , contact tracers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` We 're working with community leaders – we have been for weeks now , '' New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said in a news briefing on September 23 , when asked about the spread of COVID-19 in Hasidic Jewish communities .
`` We 're getting out information , we 're getting out masks , we 're doing everything that we know how to do to stop the problem .
So , I think we 're being very clear about where the challenge is and we want to work with communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the CEO of the Jewish Community Council in Borough Park , Brooklyn , is critical of De Blasio 's outreach plan , and says the city has failed to work collaboratively enough with the community .
He 's working to distribute hundreds of thousands of masks .
`` We can definitely see an increase in the number of mask wearing in the Borough Park community , the result of the community organizing , trying to encourage family members of the importance of wearing masks , and that wearing masks is better than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NPR 's Ari Shapiro .
Greenstein talked with NPR 's All Things Considered about COVID-19 in the Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn , the high holidays and more .
How are people responding to the city 's enforcement and outreach efforts ?
... Do you think people are being forthcoming about sharing information , with contact tracers , for example ?
Well I think that it 's unnecessary .
When you work with this community , community leaders , you 'll be at a point where enforcement will be unnecessary .
But contact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country are dealing with .
When somebody calls and says , 'You 've tested positive , tell me everybody you had contact with in the last two weeks , ' do people answer that question ?
Well you have to realize that this community , every community is unique .
When people feel that they 're being misunderstood and especially when these people were denied the collaboration that is needed by the Department of Health with proper information along the process , but when it comes to enforcement or when it comes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Department of Health , it 's not being done in a proper collaborative way .
There is a way to do things in the community , and the way is to organize it through community leadership to help mobilize what needs to be done , but it has to come from a point of collaboration .
What do you think a collaborative approach would look like ?
Give me one example of something you wish the city had done to be a little bit more understanding .
One example would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form a leadership advisory council so that we can be in constant communication every single day or on a weekly basis .
And so before the city is going to announce measures for enforcement , a proper dialogue could be had .
We 're just past the high holidays .
These are traditionally times that people gather with families and loved ones in big groups .
What 's the balance you are seeing between people taking risks in order to uphold religious obligations and traditions versus making sacrifices and maybe not observing holidays @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're in the midst of the holiday season .
And this community in general is a deeply rooted social community and a lot of our daily routine revolves around being with other people , praying with at least 10 people three times a day , but we do see an increase of mask wearing .
So that when people are purchasing the items for the holidays , we would see an increase in individuals wearing masks .
People are trying to do their part and hopefully we 'll get the information out and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the numbers go down and hopefully the community continues to stay safe and get through this .
The audio version of this story was produced and edited by Art Silverman , Courtney Dorning and Carol Klinnger .

How New York's Orthodox Jewish Community Is Responding To Coronavirus Safety Measures
Enlarge this image toggle caption Spencer Platt/Getty Images Spencer Platt/Getty Images
New Yorkers have been watching with alarm as COVID-19 cases have begun to climb in the city, particularly in areas that Governor Andrew Cuomo has called hotspots, several of which are in predominantly Orthodox Jewish communities in Brooklyn and Queens.
The seven-day average of positive test results in the city ticked up to 1.46% on Wednesday, according to the New York Times. With cases on the rise, the city is targeting hotspots with additional police officers, contact tracers and city employees who will distribute masks.
"We're working with community leaders – we have been for weeks now," New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said in a news briefing on September 23, when asked about the spread of COVID-19 in Hasidic Jewish communities. "We're getting out information, we're getting out masks, we're doing everything that we know how to do to stop the problem. So, I think we're being very clear about where the challenge is and we want to work with communities to solve it."
Avi Greenstein, the CEO of the Jewish Community Council in Borough Park, Brooklyn, is critical of De Blasio's outreach plan, and says the city has failed to work collaboratively enough with the community. He's working to distribute hundreds of thousands of masks.
"We can definitely see an increase in the number of mask wearing in the Borough Park community, the result of the community organizing, trying to encourage family members of the importance of wearing masks, and that wearing masks is better than not wearing masks," Greenstein told NPR's Ari Shapiro.
Greenstein talked with NPR's All Things Considered about COVID-19 in the Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, the high holidays and more.
How are people responding to the city's enforcement and outreach efforts? ... Do you think people are being forthcoming about sharing information, with contact tracers, for example?
Well I think that it's unnecessary. When you work with this community, community leaders, you'll be at a point where enforcement will be unnecessary.
But contact tracers are something that communities all over the country are dealing with. When somebody calls and says, 'You've tested positive, tell me everybody you had contact with in the last two weeks,' do people answer that question?
Well you have to realize that this community, every community is unique. When people feel that they're being misunderstood and especially when these people were denied the collaboration that is needed by the Department of Health with proper information along the process, but when it comes to enforcement or when it comes to different various programs of the city by the Department of Health, it's not being done in a proper collaborative way. There is a way to do things in the community, and the way is to organize it through community leadership to help mobilize what needs to be done, but it has to come from a point of collaboration.
What do you think a collaborative approach would look like? Give me one example of something you wish the city had done to be a little bit more understanding.
One example would be, work with our community to help form a leadership advisory council so that we can be in constant communication every single day or on a weekly basis. And so before the city is going to announce measures for enforcement, a proper dialogue could be had.
We're just past the high holidays. These are traditionally times that people gather with families and loved ones in big groups. What's the balance you are seeing between people taking risks in order to uphold religious obligations and traditions versus making sacrifices and maybe not observing holidays as they're accustomed?
Well we're in the midst of the holiday season. And this community in general is a deeply rooted social community and a lot of our daily routine revolves around being with other people, praying with at least 10 people three times a day, but we do see an increase of mask wearing. So that when people are purchasing the items for the holidays, we would see an increase in individuals wearing masks. People are trying to do their part and hopefully we'll get the information out and we'll be at a place where the numbers go down and hopefully the community continues to stay safe and get through this.
The audio version of this story was produced and edited by Art Silverman, Courtney Dorning and Carol Klinnger.


npr--2020-10-01--Remembering The Augusta Civil Rights Riot, 50 Years Later

The story is all too familiar : a Black teenager suspiciously dies in a county jail .
Law enforcement 's explanation of what happened does n't line up with the boy 's injuries .
In response , people protest in the streets and , violence erupts .
These events did n't happen last month .
They happened in 1970 in Augusta , Ga. For two days , starting on May 11 , 1,000 Black residents rebelled against the city 's systemic oppression .
More than 100 blocks of neighborhoods and businesses — about 7 miles — were ransacked and vandalized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But , until earlier this year as a result of a podcast and the 1970 Augusta Riot Observation Committee 's efforts to raise awareness , most people in Augusta were n't aware this happened .
The event went unmentioned and at present remains omitted from the Georgia Encyclopedia of History .
The Georgia Historical Society 's director and staff say did n't event know about it until the committee 's application for a state marker was submitted .
News outlets do occasional anniversary pieces , but these are staid and seeming do n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , like former Richmond County Superior Court Judge Bill Fleming Sr. , felt it was unimportant .
`` I do n't know anyone knew why this so called riot took place , '' he said in a 2013 interview , prior to his death last year .
`` And I do n't want to say that everybody who was involved in the riot was a thug , but a lot of them were just criminals who were out stealing , that 's all . ''
At the time , many of the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the violence .
They described Black Augustans as happy and touted the good relations between Blacks and whites .
But then Augusta College 's student body president , Henry Allen Green , told Atlanta 's WSB-TV News in May , 1970 that Augusta 's white leaders had been willfully blind .
Green , who died in 2014 , was African American .
`` The Black people of Augusta are tired of being told that there is no racial problem here .
Whereas our local officials have not seen a problem now our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Green said .
The problems were widespread .
Data from the 1960 U.S. Census showed only 20 % of Augusta 's African American adults held high school diplomas .
Several Black neighborhoods lacked sewerage and water .
The city government had been putting off their infrastructure demands for nearly 20 years , according to City Council meeting minutes .
But it was the death of 16-year-old Charles Oatman that pushed Black people past their limits .
Oatman died in the Richmond County Jail on May , 9 , 1970 .
Former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was intellectually disabled and weighed about 100 lbs .
`` He should not have been in the county jail .
He should have been out at Youth Development Center , '' Abrams said in a 2013 interview .
That was the area 's juvenile detention center .
'We often kick the can down the road' Oatman had accidentally shot and killed his 5-year-old niece , JoAnna Robinson .
And while he had no previous record , the presiding judge sent him to the county jail without bond .
Oatman complained to his family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But they were unable to get him moved , according to his uncle , Lenton Oatman , in an interview last year .
Six weeks later , he died .
When his body arrived at Mays Mortuary , the undertaker , Carrie Mays was shocked .
She called Abrams .
`` He had three long gashes across his back , about a half an inch deep and about a foot long , '' he said .
`` The back of his skull was busted out .
He had cigarette burns all over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found Oatman died by drowning : his lungs were filled with fluid .
Jailers only said that he had fallen off his bunk after a card game .
Abrams spread the word , and soon thereafter the county 's sheriff , E.R .
`` Foots '' Atkins , promised to open an investigation .
Less than 24-hours later , he closed it .
The morning of the riot , the district attorney William Barton charged two of the other juveniles , Sammy Lee Parks and Lloyd Brown , in Oatman 's cell with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed that story .
The consensus was that jailers either killed Oatman or were willfully negligent .
And outrage turned to violence .
If this sounds familiar , Corey Rogers is n't surprised .
Rogers is the historian at the Lucy Craft Laney Museum of Black History in Augusta .
`` We often kick the can down the road .
And I think that 's one of the issues why every 50 or so years you see this resurgence .
The notion of integration and civil rights , it 's a 150-year story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It 's not just Rosa Parks .
It 's not just Dr. King .
This started in 1865 . ''
Frustrations build .
Rogers said when people ca n't take it anymore , they look for opportunities for change , and violence has been one means to achieving that change .
`` This new generation of activism , these young people today , they want to do it their own way , and they are full of energy .
Maybe they want to be a little more aggressive and in your face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they also find it important to stay peaceful .
That was n't the case in the late 1960s and '70s .
After two decades of nonviolent Civil Rights activism , many African Americans put their faith in the militant Black Power movement .
That was true in Augusta , Ga. , too .
Paine College Professor Emeritus Mallory Millender was at the rally .
He said young , militant activists spoke at a rally before the riot began .
`` Somebody cautioned [ one of the student speakers ] about the intensity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact shotguns were trained on him from every direction .
And he told them exactly what those police could do with those shotguns ... And he followed with 'tonight we are going to war . '
`` The crowd demanded public officials take responsibility for Oatman 's death and face consequences .
Millender said several protesters then tore down the Georgia state flag and set it on fire .
A line of 25 police officers stood by and watched it happen .
Eventually , police and others pushed the crowd back to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris was in that crowd .
He and his friends saw the riot as an opportunity to show police they would n't tolerate racism anymore .
He remembers throwing a garbage can through the window of a liquor store .
`` I told [ my friends ] to get some courage .
Of course , they went and they got booze and what have you . ''
Later in the evening , he said and others witnessed a police shooting .
The young man survived , but Harris said he saw such callousness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changed for him .
`` Now we really do n't care if we hurt you or not we 're going to hurt what you love the most : things . ''
He said he and his group got organized .
`` Let 's make this bigger .
Let 's make the police run crisscross town .
And one of the things that one of the young men said was let 's get the Chinese out of our neighborhood . ''
Some African Americans felt grocery stores owned by Chinese-American residents overcharged Black customers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents had access to white resources like schools and theaters .
Not much has changed since the riot Over the course of two days , protesters set roughly 30 businesses on fire .
Almost all of them were white or Chinese-American owned .
Police shot and wounded 10 Black residents and killed another six Black men .
Every single one was shot in the back .
When the riot was over , Black and white leaders met and discussed the concerns of Black Augustans .
A few agreements were made to improve conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentiment of shared responsibility between white and Black leaders did n't last .
Then-Mayor Millard Beckum made that clear .
Beckum toured the poorest Black neighborhoods several months after the riot .
He then told a CBS News reporter , Phil Jones , that Black Augustans were responsible for their own , terrible living conditions , according to the Vanderbilt Television News Archive .
Reporter Jones : `` What is it you do n't believe that you saw ? ''
Beckum : `` That people could allow themselves to live in such filth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do something about it . ''
Today , 50 years later , Grace Stewart , does n't believe much has changed since the riot , she was 13 years old at the time .
Stewart 's brother , William Wright Jr. , 18 , was one of the six people killed by police .
He died with his hands in the air , according to declassified FBI investigation files .
The story of his death , she said , is like so many other Black men in America before and since .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to lose their lives in the state of Georgia for [ political leaders ] to see that we got a problem here with the police department ? ''
That complaint is common to social justice protestors today , too .
Activists in Kenosha , Louisville , Minneapolis , and many other American cities are decrying police brutality and chanting , `` No Justice , No Peace . ''
Omar Wasow , Political Science Professor at Princeton University , believes Americans should pay closer attention to that phrase .
`` When protesters say 'no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often has a quality of being , you know , if people hear it so much that they kind of tune it out .
But I think at its core , it 's really the contract people are asking for . ''
One they will keep asking for because , as historian Corey Rogers points out , every new police shooting and killing is a reminder : this problem has not gone away .
`` Why do we keep having these re-occurrences every 50 years ?
Because at some point in the history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about the issue 70 , 80 years ago . ''
Rogers said Augusta 's riot was intentionally ignored by white officials .
Giving it attention , he said , would have validated the anguish Black Augustans were enduring .
To his mind , just like 50 years ago , it 's time to talk about the hard truths .
Sea Stachura is the host of the podcast “ Shots in the Back : Exhuming the 1970 Augusta Riot.
” It ’ s a co-production of Georgia Public Broadcasting and Jessye Norman School @ @ @ @

Remembering The Augusta Civil Rights Riot, 50 Years Later
Enlarge this image toggle caption Reese Library Augusta University Reese Library Augusta University
The story is all too familiar: a Black teenager suspiciously dies in a county jail. Law enforcement's explanation of what happened doesn't line up with the boy's injuries. In response, people protest in the streets and, violence erupts. These events didn't happen last month. They happened in 1970 in Augusta, Ga.
For two days, starting on May 11, 1,000 Black residents rebelled against the city's systemic oppression. More than 100 blocks of neighborhoods and businesses — about 7 miles — were ransacked and vandalized. Police killed six Black men.
But, until earlier this year as a result of a podcast and the 1970 Augusta Riot Observation Committee's efforts to raise awareness, most people in Augusta weren't aware this happened. The event went unmentioned and at present remains omitted from the Georgia Encyclopedia of History. The Georgia Historical Society's director and staff say didn't event know about it until the committee's application for a state marker was submitted. News outlets do occasional anniversary pieces, but these are staid and seeming don't stick in anyone's mind.
Some, like former Richmond County Superior Court Judge Bill Fleming Sr., felt it was unimportant.
"I don't know anyone knew why this so called riot took place," he said in a 2013 interview, prior to his death last year. "And I don't want to say that everybody who was involved in the riot was a thug, but a lot of them were just criminals who were out stealing, that's all."
At the time, many of the city's white leaders claimed to be flummoxed by the violence. They described Black Augustans as happy and touted the good relations between Blacks and whites.
But then Augusta College's student body president, Henry Allen Green, told Atlanta's WSB-TV News in May, 1970 that Augusta's white leaders had been willfully blind. Green, who died in 2014, was African American.
"The Black people of Augusta are tired of being told that there is no racial problem here. Whereas our local officials have not seen a problem now our nation knows that Augusta has a problem," Green said.
The problems were widespread. Data from the 1960 U.S. Census showed only 20% of Augusta's African American adults held high school diplomas. Several Black neighborhoods lacked sewerage and water. The city government had been putting off their infrastructure demands for nearly 20 years, according to City Council meeting minutes.
But it was the death of 16-year-old Charles Oatman that pushed Black people past their limits. Oatman died in the Richmond County Jail on May, 9, 1970. Former City Councilman Grady Abrams said the teen was intellectually disabled and weighed about 100 lbs. "He should not have been in the county jail. He should have been out at Youth Development Center," Abrams said in a 2013 interview.
That was the area's juvenile detention center.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Joe Holloway, Jr./AP Joe Holloway, Jr./AP
'We often kick the can down the road'
Oatman had accidentally shot and killed his 5-year-old niece, JoAnna Robinson. And while he had no previous record, the presiding judge sent him to the county jail without bond. Oatman complained to his family that he was being tortured and abused. But they were unable to get him moved, according to his uncle, Lenton Oatman, in an interview last year.
Six weeks later, he died. When his body arrived at Mays Mortuary, the undertaker, Carrie Mays was shocked. She called Abrams. "He had three long gashes across his back, about a half an inch deep and about a foot long," he said. "The back of his skull was busted out. He had cigarette burns all over his body."
An autopsy later found Oatman died by drowning: his lungs were filled with fluid.
Jailers only said that he had fallen off his bunk after a card game. Abrams spread the word, and soon thereafter the county's sheriff, E.R. "Foots" Atkins, promised to open an investigation. Less than 24-hours later, he closed it. The morning of the riot, the district attorney William Barton charged two of the other juveniles, Sammy Lee Parks and Lloyd Brown, in Oatman's cell with his murder.
Not many Black Augustans believed that story. The consensus was that jailers either killed Oatman or were willfully negligent. And outrage turned to violence.
If this sounds familiar, Corey Rogers isn't surprised. Rogers is the historian at the Lucy Craft Laney Museum of Black History in Augusta. "We often kick the can down the road. And I think that's one of the issues why every 50 or so years you see this resurgence. The notion of integration and civil rights, it's a 150-year story arc. It's not just now. It's not just Rosa Parks. It's not just Dr. King. This started in 1865."
'Faith in the militant Black Power movement'
Frustrations build. Rogers said when people can't take it anymore, they look for opportunities for change, and violence has been one means to achieving that change. "This new generation of activism, these young people today, they want to do it their own way, and they are full of energy. Maybe they want to be a little more aggressive and in your face." But, he said, they also find it important to stay peaceful.
That wasn't the case in the late 1960s and '70s. After two decades of nonviolent Civil Rights activism, many African Americans put their faith in the militant Black Power movement.
That was true in Augusta, Ga., too. Paine College Professor Emeritus Mallory Millender was at the rally. He said young, militant activists spoke at a rally before the riot began. "Somebody cautioned [one of the student speakers] about the intensity of his message, in light of the fact shotguns were trained on him from every direction. And he told them exactly what those police could do with those shotguns ... And he followed with 'tonight we are going to war.' " The crowd demanded public officials take responsibility for Oatman's death and face consequences. Millender said several protesters then tore down the Georgia state flag and set it on fire. A line of 25 police officers stood by and watched it happen.
Eventually, police and others pushed the crowd back to the primarily Black neighborhoods. Rev. Claude Harris was in that crowd. He and his friends saw the riot as an opportunity to show police they wouldn't tolerate racism anymore. He remembers throwing a garbage can through the window of a liquor store. "I told [my friends] to get some courage. Of course, they went and they got booze and what have you."
Later in the evening, he said and others witnessed a police shooting. The young man survived, but Harris said he saw such callousness in the police's actions that everything changed for him. "Now we really don't care if we hurt you or not we're going to hurt what you love the most: things." He said he and his group got organized. "Let's make this bigger. Let's make the police run crisscross town. And one of the things that one of the young men said was let's get the Chinese out of our neighborhood."
Some African Americans felt grocery stores owned by Chinese-American residents overcharged Black customers. They also resented that Asian American residents had access to white resources like schools and theaters.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Joe Holloway, Jr./AP Joe Holloway, Jr./AP
Not much has changed since the riot
Over the course of two days, protesters set roughly 30 businesses on fire. Almost all of them were white or Chinese-American owned. Police shot and wounded 10 Black residents and killed another six Black men. Every single one was shot in the back.
When the riot was over, Black and white leaders met and discussed the concerns of Black Augustans. A few agreements were made to improve conditions for poor Black residents.
But the sentiment of shared responsibility between white and Black leaders didn't last. Then-Mayor Millard Beckum made that clear. Beckum toured the poorest Black neighborhoods several months after the riot. He then told a CBS News reporter, Phil Jones, that Black Augustans were responsible for their own, terrible living conditions, according to the Vanderbilt Television News Archive.
Reporter Jones: "What is it you don't believe that you saw?"
Beckum: "That people could allow themselves to live in such filth without actually exerting themselves to some extent do something about it."
Today, 50 years later, Grace Stewart, doesn't believe much has changed since the riot, she was 13 years old at the time. Stewart's brother, William Wright Jr., 18, was one of the six people killed by police. He died with his hands in the air, according to declassified FBI investigation files. The story of his death, she said, is like so many other Black men in America before and since. "How many black family got to continue to lose their lives in the state of Georgia for [political leaders] to see that we got a problem here with the police department?"
That complaint is common to social justice protestors today, too. Activists in Kenosha, Louisville, Minneapolis, and many other American cities are decrying police brutality and chanting, "No Justice, No Peace." Omar Wasow, Political Science Professor at Princeton University, believes Americans should pay closer attention to that phrase.
"When protesters say 'no justice, no peace,' it often has a quality of being, you know, if people hear it so much that they kind of tune it out. But I think at its core, it's really the contract people are asking for."
One they will keep asking for because, as historian Corey Rogers points out, every new police shooting and killing is a reminder: this problem has not gone away. "Why do we keep having these re-occurrences every 50 years? Because at some point in the history of America we didn't want to talk about the issue 70, 80 years ago."
Rogers said Augusta's riot was intentionally ignored by white officials. Giving it attention, he said, would have validated the anguish Black Augustans were enduring.
To his mind, just like 50 years ago, it's time to talk about the hard truths.
Sea Stachura is the host of the podcast “Shots in the Back: Exhuming the 1970 Augusta Riot.” It’s a co-production of Georgia Public Broadcasting and Jessye Norman School of the Arts.


npr--2020-10-01--For Subway, A Ruling Not So Sweet. Irish Court Says Its Bread Isn't Bread

For Subway , A Ruling Not So Sweet .
Irish Court Says Its Bread Is n't Bread In a decision shocking to those familiar with the $ 5 footlong , Ireland 's Supreme Court has ruled : Subway bread is n't actually bread .
At least , not legally .
That 's because its bread has too much sugar , the court said Tuesday .
The country 's Value-Added Tax Act of 1972 says tax-exempt bread ca n't have sugar , fat and bread improver exceed 2 % of the weight of flour .
In Subway 's recipe , sugar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the flour , according to the judgment .
That 's five times what the law deems acceptable .
The law distinguishes `` bread as a staple food '' from other baked goods that `` are , or approach , confectionery or fancy baked goods . ''
In other words , the court found that Subway 's bread is perhaps legally closer to cake than bread .
`` The resulting product falls outside the definition of 'bread ' for the purposes of the Act , '' the ruling said .
Five judges considered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Bookfinders Ltd. , prompted this legal interpretation after it sought a tax break for some of its menu items .
The country allows `` staple '' foods , which include bread , to have value-added taxes set at 0 % .
The franchisee originally submitted a claim in 2006 , asking for a refund for some of the value-added taxes it paid in 2004 and 2005 .
Subway dismissed the argument that its bread is n't legit .
`` Subway 's bread is , of course , bread .
We have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than three decades and our guests return each day for sandwiches made on bread that smells as good as it tastes , '' a Subway spokesperson said in a statement .
The company says it 's reviewing the ruling .
A 6-inch Subway bread roll contains 3 to 5 grams of sugar , except for gluten-free , which has 7 , according to data from the company .
This is n't the only time Subway has faced pushback on how it describes its food .
In 2013 , Subway was sued after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the chain 's advertised footlongs was n't actually a foot long .
Subway started measuring its sandwiches , but a settlement in the case was dismissed as `` utterly worthless . ''
The following year , the chain removed azodicarbonamide , a chemical found in yoga mats , from its breads after an online petition went viral calling for its removal .
While Subway has to continue paying taxes on its bread in Ireland , tech giant Apple was recently cut a major break in the same country .
An order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 billion of government tax breaks was overturned in July .
Perhaps Ireland 's ruling in regard to Subway can be categorized with other carb-based debates .
Like whether hot dogs and burritos are sandwiches .
( The state of New York says yes ; the U.S. Department of Agriculture says no . )
Subway already weighed in on the hot dog-sandwich debate by the way .
In 2010 , it sent a cease-and-desist letter to a Florida hot dog restaurant for using the term `` footlong . ''
The company later decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not sandwiches and recanted the letter .

For Subway, A Ruling Not So Sweet. Irish Court Says Its Bread Isn't Bread
Enlarge this image toggle caption Joe Raedle/Getty Images Joe Raedle/Getty Images
In a decision shocking to those familiar with the $5 footlong, Ireland's Supreme Court has ruled: Subway bread isn't actually bread.
At least, not legally.
That's because its bread has too much sugar, the court said Tuesday. The country's Value-Added Tax Act of 1972 says tax-exempt bread can't have sugar, fat and bread improver exceed 2% of the weight of flour.
In Subway's recipe, sugar makes up 10% of the weight of the flour, according to the judgment. That's five times what the law deems acceptable.
The law distinguishes "bread as a staple food" from other baked goods that "are, or approach, confectionery or fancy baked goods." In other words, the court found that Subway's bread is perhaps legally closer to cake than bread.
"The resulting product falls outside the definition of 'bread' for the purposes of the Act," the ruling said. Five judges considered the case.
An Irish Subway franchisee, Bookfinders Ltd., prompted this legal interpretation after it sought a tax break for some of its menu items.
The country allows "staple" foods, which include bread, to have value-added taxes set at 0%. The franchisee originally submitted a claim in 2006, asking for a refund for some of the value-added taxes it paid in 2004 and 2005.
Subway dismissed the argument that its bread isn't legit.
"Subway's bread is, of course, bread. We have been baking fresh bread in our restaurants for more than three decades and our guests return each day for sandwiches made on bread that smells as good as it tastes," a Subway spokesperson said in a statement. The company says it's reviewing the ruling.
A 6-inch Subway bread roll contains 3 to 5 grams of sugar, except for gluten-free, which has 7, according to data from the company.
This isn't the only time Subway has faced pushback on how it describes its food.
In 2013, Subway was sued after a viral social media post showed that one of the chain's advertised footlongs wasn't actually a foot long. Subway started measuring its sandwiches, but a settlement in the case was dismissed as "utterly worthless."
The following year, the chain removed azodicarbonamide, a chemical found in yoga mats, from its breads after an online petition went viral calling for its removal.
While Subway has to continue paying taxes on its bread in Ireland, tech giant Apple was recently cut a major break in the same country. An order for Apple to pay back nearly $15 billion of government tax breaks was overturned in July.
Perhaps Ireland's ruling in regard to Subway can be categorized with other carb-based debates.
Like whether hot dogs and burritos are sandwiches. (The state of New York says yes; the U.S. Department of Agriculture says no.)
Subway already weighed in on the hot dog-sandwich debate by the way. In 2010, it sent a cease-and-desist letter to a Florida hot dog restaurant for using the term "footlong."
The company later decided hot dogs are, in fact, not sandwiches and recanted the letter.


npr--2020-10-01--Activists On How To Sustain Movement Against Police Brutality

Activists On How To Sustain Movement Against Police Brutality NPR 's Ari Shapiro speaks with community organizer Shameka Parrish-Wright and @ @ @ @ @ about what steps activists want to see taken to end police brutality against Black people @

Activists On How To Sustain Movement Against Police Brutality
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
A summer of protest in Louisville, Ky., has intensified as we enter the fall. When I visited the city in June, state Representative Attica Scott told me it's exciting to see the protests over the death of Breonna Taylor become part of a national movement.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED NPR BROADCAST)
ATTICA SCOTT: There are people who will do just enough to feel like they can silence us, but having this be part of a national narrative sends a message that no place is unique, really, you know? We're all experiencing these systemic issues that we have to dismantle.
SHAPIRO: Last week, a grand jury declined to charge any of the officers who raided Breonna Taylor's apartment with murder. The only officer indicted was Brett Hankison charged with wanton endangerment for shots he fired into neighboring apartments. When the demonstrations over this grew, Representative Scott was arrested. And so was Shameka Parrish-Wright, a community organizer and operations manager at The Bail Project in Louisville. We've invited them both to talk with us about how to sustain this movement and where it goes from here. Good to have you both with us.
SCOTT: Thank you, Ari.
SHAMEKA PARRISH-WRIGHT: Thank you, Ari.
SHAPIRO: Let's start with your arrests last week. Representative Scott, you posted an eight-minute Instagram video showing events leading up to the arrest.
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SCOTT: We're trying to get to sanctuary.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: (Unintelligible).
SCOTT: Where do you want us to go?
(CROSSTALK)
SCOTT: Where do you want us to go?
SHAPIRO: And you've both been charged with felony riot offenses. Now, civil disobedience is part of the playbook from the civil rights movement. Do you see getting arrested as part of a larger strategy here?
SCOTT: It's definitely part of the larger strategy, Ari; it wasn't part of our strategy on Thursday night. We were trying to get to the - desperately trying to get to the church, and our pathway was blocked before curfew by police. And so we were not anticipating getting arrested. I was with my teenage daughter. I definitely would not have wanted her to get arrested. That was not our intention that evening.
SHAPIRO: Shameka?
PARRISH-WRIGHT: We - as Representative Scott has said, that wasn't our intention. Our intention was to make it to the sanctuary to make sure that everyone is OK. But I will say, all the gains we've had during the civil rights era, never have we been free of police brutality and police violence. This is something that has plagued us. It's the biggest epidemic that we've been dealing with in our lifetimes. And so this - no one planned to get arrested, but for some reason, when we're out there protesting for our rights and standing up for the injustice that happened to Breonna Taylor, they feel like they're - that we're under attack, and it feels like that we're at war.
SHAPIRO: You have both been marching and demonstrating for months now, and the most recent development is the arrest and felony charges. How are you both feeling? Is this sustainable?
SCOTT: I mean, we - the movement has been sustained. You know, my dear friend Shameka has held the space at - in Justice Square Park for more than 120 days while she's also doing her full-time work of bailing people out of jail. This movement has been sustained. It will continue to be sustained because we're moving it into policy. Our legislative session begins January 2021, and we're already clear about our movement around Breonna's Law for Kentucky. So I am confident that this movement will continue to be sustained until we get justice for Breonna Taylor. This whole system is corrupt and unjust, and we're continuing to fuel a movement that is going to dismantle it from the bottom to the top.
SHAPIRO: Shameka, how do you think this movement can sustain itself beyond short-term achievements to become something that lasts for years or decades, as the civil rights movement did?
PARRISH-WRIGHT: I think that this movement is more than just a flare-up. I think that, as Representative Scott said, Day 127, we've been there. We've created a microcosm of the community, people who are there who represent every walk of life, who come from the hills, to the hollers, to the hood, to the urban areas and to - from professionals. So I think that this movement is going to keep going because there's something tangible that we can do in our lifetimes. I think we're going to always fight racism and racist practices, but there's things that we can do directly. We aren't going anywhere. We want justice. We are demanding justice. And we're working with the family. Breonna Taylor's mother said, keep it going. She's the only one who can shut us down, and she doesn't want us to stop.
SHAPIRO: You both have been fighting this fight since before it took over Instagram, you know? Like, in the spring and summer, there was this moment where it felt like, suddenly, it was a multicultural infusion of support, including from white people. And if that stops being kind of the, like, flavor of the moment and the cool thing to talk about, does that matter? I mean, is that focus and spotlight crucial to keeping this alive?
SCOTT: Well, you know what terrifies the administration in Louisville, what terrifies the Louisville Metro Police Department and the alphabet soup of law enforcement that's there from local, state to national levels, is that this movement is more than a trend for people, including white people. It's more than a trend, that people have invested their whole selves into this movement to get justice for Breonna Taylor and her family and her community. There are folks who are terrified by that reality.
SHAPIRO: It's interesting having you both here because you represent someone who is, on the inside, as an elected official and, on the outside, as an activist. So what do you think the relationship between these two groups, broadly speaking, needs to be in order for this movement to succeed, Shameka?
PARRISH-WRIGHT: I've been telling people that we are many instruments that are - that is one band, one sound - is that we want to end police brutality and police violence now. We want to do it now. Those of us who have the direct experience, who are out on the ground organizing, know that it's more than a Twitter rant from our president attacking Black Lives Matter movement folks. We know that Black Lives Matter is a movement all over the world. There's a reason why people are, all over the world, shouting Breonna Taylor's name and that it's our job to do the work on the ground and do the work in every area we can to keep it going. And that does happen. That happens with the instruments that look like - that work on policy, that work at our state Legislature.
Also, we have people who've been trying to meet with us that work inside the system, that work for corrections. When they were treating me in there, they said, I just heard you speaking at the church yesterday. Some folks can't come out because it threatens their job, and we don't want them to lose their job. But I got to say this for our white allies. I value the support and the way that they've turned out for us. They've been getting attacked - even worse, killed - at demonstrations. They've been showing up.
And we need them there because it's about - you speak the language to your people; I speak the language to my people. We need to be in this together. It's going to take coalition work. And if you can be led by a Black woman, if you can be led by the Black leaders, that says that you recognize and you understand that I have privilege. And it is your duty to use that privilege to break down barriers and to be in spaces like this, where someone's voice like that will sound much different than mine because they're used to me throwing my fist in the air, but are they used to seeing that policy come behind that fist? So we need everybody to work together.
SHAPIRO: Activist Shameka Parrish-Wright and Representative Attica Scott in Louisville, Ky. Thank you both so much.
SCOTT: Thank you.
PARRISH-WRIGHT: Thanks, Ari.
(SOUNDBITE OF DIPLO'S "MMXX - I")
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npr--2020-10-01--Kids In New York City Go Back To School For In-Person Classes

Kids In New York City Go Back To School For In-Person Classes New York City , with its 1.1 million students , became the first big city school district in the country to return to in-person classes this week .
After the start of the school year was delayed twice , students came back in phases : pre-K and students with significant disabilities last week , followed by elementary students Tuesday , and middle and high school students today .
Just over half of the city 's students will be attending school on a hybrid schedule , attending one or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in order to preserve social distancing .
The remainder are 100 % remote .
`` With everything going on , we were back-and-forth on our decision a lot , '' said parent Mark Lopez , who dropped off his daughter for her first day at P.S .
84 in Williamsburg .
`` But when we saw all the precautions in place , it made us feel a little safer . ''
The back-to-school process has been acrimonious , with many last-minute changes , marathon public meetings and some teachers protesting outside school buildings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions .
Over the weekend the city 's principals ' union voted a resolution of `` no confidence '' in Mayor Bill de Blasio and Chancellor Richard Carranza , calling for a state takeover of schools .
They objected to a staffing agreement between the city and the teacher union , in which the city agreed to not require the same teachers to teach both fully remote and in-person students simultaneously , contributing to a last-minute shortage of thousands of teachers .
Aside from concerns about teaching and learning , coronavirus clusters have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City zip codes .
The city has said that in-person schooling will shut down if the 7-day rolling average positivity rate on tests — the percentage of all New Yorkers getting coronavirus tests who test positive — goes above 3 % for the entire city ; but some teachers have voiced concerns about returning to school buildings in districts where the average is higher than that right now .
New York , once the epicenter of the pandemic , is rare among large cities in reaching levels of community spread low enough to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to school .
Los Angeles Unified School District , the second-largest school district in the country , announced this week that in-person classes will not begin before November 1 or later .
In Miami-Dade county , home of the nation 's fourth-largest school district , the school board voted to begin a staggered return to school this coming Monday .
Others districts , in places like Chicago and Las Vegas , are remaining remote for now .
While there is continuing scientific debate over the role of younger and older children in spreading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Control and Prevention and the American Academy of Pediatrics both reported recently that children , particularly older children and teens , make up a rising proportion of cases .

Kids In New York City Go Back To School For In-Person Classes
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mark Lennihan/AP Mark Lennihan/AP
New York City, with its 1.1 million students, became the first big city school district in the country to return to in-person classes this week. After the start of the school year was delayed twice, students came back in phases: pre-K and students with significant disabilities last week, followed by elementary students Tuesday, and middle and high school students today. Just over half of the city's students will be attending school on a hybrid schedule, attending one or two days a week in person, in order to preserve social distancing. The remainder are 100% remote.
"With everything going on, we were back-and-forth on our decision a lot," said parent Mark Lopez, who dropped off his daughter for her first day at P.S. 84 in Williamsburg. "But when we saw all the precautions in place, it made us feel a little safer."
The back-to-school process has been acrimonious, with many last-minute changes, marathon public meetings and some teachers protesting outside school buildings over what they say are unsafe working conditions. Over the weekend the city's principals' union voted a resolution of "no confidence" in Mayor Bill de Blasio and Chancellor Richard Carranza, calling for a state takeover of schools.
They objected to a staffing agreement between the city and the teacher union, in which the city agreed to not require the same teachers to teach both fully remote and in-person students simultaneously, contributing to a last-minute shortage of thousands of teachers.
Aside from concerns about teaching and learning, coronavirus clusters have recently been appearing in numerous New York City zip codes. The city has said that in-person schooling will shut down if the 7-day rolling average positivity rate on tests — the percentage of all New Yorkers getting coronavirus tests who test positive — goes above 3% for the entire city; but some teachers have voiced concerns about returning to school buildings in districts where the average is higher than that right now.
New York, once the epicenter of the pandemic, is rare among large cities in reaching levels of community spread low enough to be considered safe by experts to return to school. Los Angeles Unified School District, the second-largest school district in the country, announced this week that in-person classes will not begin before November 1 or later.
In Miami-Dade county, home of the nation's fourth-largest school district, the school board voted to begin a staggered return to school this coming Monday. Others districts, in places like Chicago and Las Vegas, are remaining remote for now. While there is continuing scientific debate over the role of younger and older children in spreading the coronavirus, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Academy of Pediatrics both reported recently that children, particularly older children and teens, make up a rising proportion of cases.


npr--2020-10-01--In Reversal, Biden Team Will Begin In-Person Canvassing In Crucial States

In Reversal , Biden Team Will Begin In-Person Canvassing In Crucial States With just a month remaining in the presidential campaign , former Vice President Joe Biden 's team is launching in-person canvassing in key states .
The effort will start this weekend , the Democratic campaign said , with several hundred volunteers canvassing in Pennsylvania , New Hampshire , Michigan and Nevada .
The move is a reversal for the Biden campaign , which suspended face-to-face canvassing in the spring because of concerns over the coronavirus pandemic and , apart from distributing mailers , stuck to that stance in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in-person canvassing , campaign officials said safety was their main priority , and they did n't want to put people at risk of contracting COVID-19 .
`` We think what voters are looking for right now is responsible leadership and that comes from the VP and what he 's saying , but it also comes from the campaign , '' Molly Ritner , the Biden campaign 's deputy states director , had told NPR in September .
But some Democratic officials had become increasingly concerned the Biden campaign 's decision to remain largely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in crucial states — especially as President Trump 's campaign touted its ground game .
The Republican team has said its volunteers knock on 1 million doors a week .
`` Our voter contact operation is the most innovative and technologically advanced of any presidential campaign in history , and it has been thriving in this unprecedented environment — especially in terms of the most important metric : meaningful conversations with voters , '' Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said in a statement Thursday .
`` We 're now expanding on our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the safety of communities first and foremost and helps us mobilize voters who are harder to reach by phone now that we 're in the final stretch and now that Americans are fully dialed in and ready to make their voices heard . ''
The Associated Press , which first reported on the Biden campaign 's plans , said all volunteers will be provided personal protective equipment , including masks , and will have their temperatures checked .
The AP also reported that the campaign would text voters to expect a knock on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign reported that in Pennsylvania — which both Biden and Trump have visited recently — more than 6,000 volunteers in the last 36 hours have said they 're interested in doing in-person activities .

In Reversal, Biden Team Will Begin In-Person Canvassing In Crucial States
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alex Wong/Getty Images Alex Wong/Getty Images
With just a month remaining in the presidential campaign, former Vice President Joe Biden's team is launching in-person canvassing in key states.
The effort will start this weekend, the Democratic campaign said, with several hundred volunteers canvassing in Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Michigan and Nevada.
The move is a reversal for the Biden campaign, which suspended face-to-face canvassing in the spring because of concerns over the coronavirus pandemic and, apart from distributing mailers, stuck to that stance in the following months.
In opting against in-person canvassing, campaign officials said safety was their main priority, and they didn't want to put people at risk of contracting COVID-19.
"We think what voters are looking for right now is responsible leadership and that comes from the VP and what he's saying, but it also comes from the campaign," Molly Ritner, the Biden campaign's deputy states director, had told NPR in September.
But some Democratic officials had become increasingly concerned the Biden campaign's decision to remain largely virtual would hurt him and other Democrats in crucial states — especially as President Trump's campaign touted its ground game. The Republican team has said its volunteers knock on 1 million doors a week.
"Our voter contact operation is the most innovative and technologically advanced of any presidential campaign in history, and it has been thriving in this unprecedented environment — especially in terms of the most important metric: meaningful conversations with voters," Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said in a statement Thursday. "We're now expanding on our strategy in a targeted way that puts the safety of communities first and foremost and helps us mobilize voters who are harder to reach by phone now that we're in the final stretch and now that Americans are fully dialed in and ready to make their voices heard."
The Associated Press, which first reported on the Biden campaign's plans, said all volunteers will be provided personal protective equipment, including masks, and will have their temperatures checked. The AP also reported that the campaign would text voters to expect a knock on their door before volunteers arrive.
The campaign reported that in Pennsylvania — which both Biden and Trump have visited recently — more than 6,000 volunteers in the last 36 hours have said they're interested in doing in-person activities.


npr--2020-10-01--Trump 'Will Not Accept Any Result That Is Not A Victory,' 'Atlantic' Writer Says

Trump 'Will Not Accept Any Result That Is Not A Victory , ' 'Atlantic ' Writer Says In the first presidential debate , President Trump was asked if he would refrain from declaring victory until the election has been independently certified .
He refused to make that commitment .
`` That 's a man who wo n't leave , '' Gellman says .
`` There are many aspects of his past behavior and , frankly , his pathology that lead me to think this is an immutable decision on his part . ''
Gellman writes about the 2020 presidential election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trigger a constitutional crisis — in his latest article for The Atlantic .
He notes that typically elections are ended when one candidate concedes to the other .
It 's a system , he says , that `` presumes good behavior and presumes that a rational and well-meaning candidate will accept reality when it comes . ''
But Gellman does not trust a scenario that relies upon good faith from the president : `` Trump is making as absolutely plain as he can that he will fight the mail vote , that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stopped , and that he will not accept any result that is not a victory for him . ''
At a rally over the weekend , Trump mocked the media for raising alarms about his earlier answer to a question about a peaceful transfer of power after the election .
`` Then they say , 'He does n't want to turn over government ' — of course I do .
But it 's got to be a fair election , '' he said , before repeating unfounded claims about widespread voter fraud .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it could take weeks to determine the results in key battleground states as mail-in ballots are scrutinized for technical flaws and counted .
If the president cries fraud and his supporters take to the streets , state legislatures could resolve to set aside the popular vote in their states and choose their own partisan delegations to the Electoral College .
While officials are preparing for a worst-case scenario , many believe the casting and counting of ballots will proceed normally , albeit more slowly , on election night .
`` This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Gellman says .
`` I think that preserving its legitimacy is going to take extra effort this year .
Democrats are certainly aware of Trump 's proclivities .
They 're certainly concerned about possibilities that he will cheat or try to hang on to power by means other than winning the most votes and counting all the votes .
Trump has made it absolutely crystal clear that he does not want all the votes to be counted . ''
On a common misconception regarding Trump 's threat to refuse to concede @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an important one : The usual way people say it is that they fear that Trump will refuse to leave the White House if he loses .
He 'll refuse to give up the reins of power .
And Joe Biden says , well , that 's an easy one .
If he loses and he stays there , someone will evict him .
That will most likely be the Secret Service or the military .
They 'll say , `` Excuse me , sir , but your lease has expired on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 , and we 're going to now assist you in departing . ''
That works if there is a clear winner or loser .
The greater danger is that Trump is capable of using the powers of the presidency , and the powers of his invincible decision not to concede , to raise doubt whether a winner or loser has yet been established — that he can prevent the achievement of a decisive outcome , which is a far greater risk to the American system .
On the fact that mail-in ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is true that for about 20 years now , the so-called overtime count , which is the count of the late reporting precincts , the provisional ballots and the mail-in or absentee ballots , that overtime count has shifted towards Democrats for reasons that are not entirely explained by the literature , but are technical ones .
... Trump has accentuated that this year by signaling to Republicans that he 's against mail-in ballots and that they 're corrupt , and by signaling to Republicans as well that the COVID pandemic is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is .
And so Democrats , concerned about their health , are intending to use mail ballots at much higher rates than Republicans are , because Republicans have been pushed away deliberately by Trump from the mail-in ballots .
So that now a mail-in ballot by proxy is likelier to be a Democratic ballot , because of underlying circumstances and because of Trump 's shaping of the electorate .
So his lawyers will know that if they are stopping the count of mail ballots , they are , on balance , almost certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states have to wait to process mail-in ballots until Election Day Some [ states ] say Election Day morning .
Some [ state laws ] even say ... they ca n't start until Election Day evening .
And it has been part of the Republican litigation strategy in 41 states over the past year to prevent state law from allowing more time in advance of the election to open the early arriving ballots .
So the Trump campaign has actually helped make it less likely that those ballots will be counted on time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said you could start two weeks earlier ... if the administrators could do all the verification and simply leave them ready to feed into the machine for counting , they could do that as they came in , as they can , for example , in Florida , because of state law there .
...
The Florida vote is expected to be pretty well-known by the end of election night , because Florida will have presorted all the mail-in ballots .
That 's what state law says there .
But the Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have proposed to change it right now .
On how representatives might go about challenging mail-in ballots Both Democrats and Republicans are allowed to have a representative at the time that these ballots are processed .
The Republican strategy is going to be to challenge each and every mail in-ballot if they can find any reason at all to do so .
And so the administrator will pull out one ballot from this , this pile of hundreds of thousands in any given state , or millions given the state , and they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suppose .
And the Republican representative will say `` Object .
Signature does n't match . ''
And then everyone will sort of squint over the squiggly lines [ and ] , without the benefit of any expert training , have to try to decide is that signature a good match or not a good match ?
`` That postmark is illegible .
You ca n't prove that it was mailed in time . ''
So I think you may see postmarks or missing postmarks or poorly printed postmarks becoming the new sort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That 's the way the vote-by-vote challenge is going to go .
On both parties being ready for litigation The two sides have each hired hundreds of lawyers and recruited thousands of lawyers as volunteers for what they believe is going to be a multistate cluster of litigation on the scale that took place in Florida in 2000 , which was monumental .
That was one state .
The expectation is that there could be several states on which the result hinges and the vote is close , and the margin of litigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pour in all the effort they can in litigating the rules and the vote count .
On the Republican side being free of court supervision for the first time since 1981 This is the first time in 40 years that we 're going to have a presidential election without a court supervising the Republican `` ballot security operations '' on Election Day .
Republicans were caught doing all kinds of voter suppression and intimidation in 1981 , and a lawsuit against the Republican National Committee placed the RNC under a consent decree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it to use many methods of voter purging , voter intimidation .
The Republicans had rounded up large numbers of law enforcement and former military people wearing armbands and guns , carrying radios , confronting voters and demanding evidence of their right to vote , warning them that it 's a felony to vote when you 're not eligible in the correct neighborhood , confronting poll workers who tried to help voters as they 're legally allowed to do .
This was in New Jersey , but it was a nationwide consent decree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used in New Jersey were widely known methods and had been used for decades to suppress , in particular , the votes of people of color in this country .
... And there was a consent decree here that lasted for decades , and it expired in 2018 .
And this time the Election Day operations of the Republican side are going to be free of court supervision .
They 're going to be able to decide for themselves how they operate that day , and maybe they 'll be sued after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ late to make much difference in terms of the outcome .
The Trump campaign is recruiting what it 's calling `` an army for Trump . ''
The president 's son [ Donald Trump Jr. ] has gone on television calling for `` all able-bodied men and women '' — Why able-bodied ?
What kind of physical confrontation does he have in mind at the polls ?
— `` all able-bodied men and women to stop the election from being stolen by Democrats . ''
On some of the other ways Trump might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concern that when the president and his son are using the rhetoric they 're using about the need to secure an election against people trying to steal it , when the president has supporters who are prepared to carry weapons and to appoint themselves into militia-like roles , there 's a significant concern that there will be violence or physical disorder at the polls on election night and afterward during the canvass .
Here we get purely into the realm of speculation , but I think with a president like Trump who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law and norms , we have to worry also about what he might do that no one 's done before .
He 's the incumbent president .
He 's the chief law enforcement officer of the country under the Constitution .
He 's the commander in chief of the armed services .
What is he prepared to do in terms of deployment of U.S. forces ?
Is he prepared to order postal inspectors to seize and impound mail-in ballots on grounds that they have been forged or that there 's been an investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots must be seized and frozen in place and not counted ?
Is he prepared to send in U.S. marshals or Justice or [ Department of Homeland Security ] officials from other sub agencies to secure the peace , to secure the ballots , to preserve evidence , ostensibly .
There are a lot of ways this could go very badly .
And I think that no president has done it before .
There are laws that would seem to constrain him from doing that .
But I have little doubt that Bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capable of finding executive authority for the president to do whatever he likes on Election Day .
The question to me is , really , whether he thinks he can get away with it .
On what we can do to prepare for Election Day I think because the mail-in ballots are going to be so much the subject of litigation , I 've changed my own mind personally on how I 'm going to vote .
I 'm going to vote in person because I think the worst case is that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a fuller count of the vote over coming days and weeks shows that Biden wins .
That 's a very bad case because you have the possibility of weeks of serious disturbance in between .
I think anyone who can volunteer to be a poll worker should do so .
I think if you know anyone who is open to reason , you should make sure they know that it 's normal and natural and lawful and proper for the count to continue to change after election night and that it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And then think about where you stand in relation to the election .
If you were a mayor , you might want to think about how you deploy your police on Election Day to prevent the intervention of outsiders with bad intent .
If you are a law enforcement officer , think about how the primacy of your mission to protect the vote , the most fundamental right we have in this country .
If you 're a member of the military chain of command , you should pause to remember that you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and think about ways in which you might be misused during the course of an election .
If you 're a civil servant , we need you more than ever , I think , to say `` no '' to the wrong thing , to do the right thing , when you 're asked to do the wrong thing .
You go down the list .
There are a lot of people who have an influence over , broadly speaking , this moment of transition in this country between one presidential administration and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second term for Trump .
I certainly do n't rule out that he could be reelected legitimately .
But we have to make sure that the vote is counted , that all the votes are counted and that the election is decided by the voters and not by some other machinations .
Lauren Krenzel and Seth Kelley produced and edited this interview for broadcast .
Bridget Bentz , Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web .

Trump 'Will Not Accept Any Result That Is Not A Victory,' 'Atlantic' Writer Says
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
In the first presidential debate, President Trump was asked if he would refrain from declaring victory until the election has been independently certified. He refused to make that commitment.
Atlantic writer Barton Gellman was not surprised.
"That's a man who won't leave," Gellman says. "There are many aspects of his past behavior and, frankly, his pathology that lead me to think this is an immutable decision on his part."
Gellman writes about the 2020 presidential election — and how he thinks it could trigger a constitutional crisis — in his latest article for The Atlantic. He notes that typically elections are ended when one candidate concedes to the other. It's a system, he says, that "presumes good behavior and presumes that a rational and well-meaning candidate will accept reality when it comes."
But Gellman does not trust a scenario that relies upon good faith from the president: "Trump is making as absolutely plain as he can that he will fight the mail vote, that he will try to get the vote count stopped, and that he will not accept any result that is not a victory for him."
At a rally over the weekend, Trump mocked the media for raising alarms about his earlier answer to a question about a peaceful transfer of power after the election. "Then they say, 'He doesn't want to turn over government' — of course I do. But it's got to be a fair election," he said, before repeating unfounded claims about widespread voter fraud.
Gellman says if the election is close, it could take weeks to determine the results in key battleground states as mail-in ballots are scrutinized for technical flaws and counted. If the president cries fraud and his supporters take to the streets, state legislatures could resolve to set aside the popular vote in their states and choose their own partisan delegations to the Electoral College.
While officials are preparing for a worst-case scenario, many believe the casting and counting of ballots will proceed normally, albeit more slowly, on election night.
"This is not going to be a normal election," Gellman says. "I think that preserving its legitimacy is going to take extra effort this year. Democrats are certainly aware of Trump's proclivities. They're certainly concerned about possibilities that he will cheat or try to hang on to power by means other than winning the most votes and counting all the votes. Trump has made it absolutely crystal clear that he does not want all the votes to be counted."
Interview Highlights
On a common misconception regarding Trump's threat to refuse to concede
Trump is capable of using the powers of the presidency, and the powers of his invincible decision not to concede, to raise doubt whether a winner or loser has yet been established — that he can prevent the achievement of a decisive outcome.
It's a subtle difference, but an important one: The usual way people say it is that they fear that Trump will refuse to leave the White House if he loses. He'll refuse to give up the reins of power. And Joe Biden says, well, that's an easy one. If he loses and he stays there, someone will evict him. That will most likely be the Secret Service or the military. They'll say, "Excuse me, sir, but your lease has expired on this office. It's 12:01 on Jan. 20, and we're going to now assist you in departing." That works if there is a clear winner or loser.
The greater danger is that Trump is capable of using the powers of the presidency, and the powers of his invincible decision not to concede, to raise doubt whether a winner or loser has yet been established — that he can prevent the achievement of a decisive outcome, which is a far greater risk to the American system.
On the fact that mail-in ballots skew in favor of Democratic candidates
It is true that for about 20 years now, the so-called overtime count, which is the count of the late reporting precincts, the provisional ballots and the mail-in or absentee ballots, that overtime count has shifted towards Democrats for reasons that are not entirely explained by the literature, but are technical ones. ... Trump has accentuated that this year by signaling to Republicans that he's against mail-in ballots and that they're corrupt, and by signaling to Republicans as well that the COVID pandemic is not as serious as the scientists say it is. And so Democrats, concerned about their health, are intending to use mail ballots at much higher rates than Republicans are, because Republicans have been pushed away deliberately by Trump from the mail-in ballots. So that now a mail-in ballot by proxy is likelier to be a Democratic ballot, because of underlying circumstances and because of Trump's shaping of the electorate. So his lawyers will know that if they are stopping the count of mail ballots, they are, on balance, almost certainly helping the president.
On how some states have to wait to process mail-in ballots until Election Day
Some [states] say Election Day morning. Some [state laws] even say ... they can't start until Election Day evening. And it has been part of the Republican litigation strategy in 41 states over the past year to prevent state law from allowing more time in advance of the election to open the early arriving ballots.
So the Trump campaign has actually helped make it less likely that those ballots will be counted on time on election night, because if they said you could start two weeks earlier ... if the administrators could do all the verification and simply leave them ready to feed into the machine for counting, they could do that as they came in, as they can, for example, in Florida, because of state law there. ... The Florida vote is expected to be pretty well-known by the end of election night, because Florida will have presorted all the mail-in ballots. That's what state law says there. But the Trump campaign has opposed that method when other states have proposed to change it right now.
The Republican strategy is going to be to challenge each and every mail in-ballot if they can find any reason at all to do so.
On how representatives might go about challenging mail-in ballots
Both Democrats and Republicans are allowed to have a representative at the time that these ballots are processed. The Republican strategy is going to be to challenge each and every mail in-ballot if they can find any reason at all to do so. And so the administrator will pull out one ballot from this, this pile of hundreds of thousands in any given state, or millions given the state, and they'll do this by county, I suppose. And the Republican representative will say "Object. Signature doesn't match." And then everyone will sort of squint over the squiggly lines [and], without the benefit of any expert training, have to try to decide is that signature a good match or not a good match? "That postmark is illegible. You can't prove that it was mailed in time." So I think you may see postmarks or missing postmarks or poorly printed postmarks becoming the new sort of hanging chads of this election. That's the way the vote-by-vote challenge is going to go.
On both parties being ready for litigation
The two sides have each hired hundreds of lawyers and recruited thousands of lawyers as volunteers for what they believe is going to be a multistate cluster of litigation on the scale that took place in Florida in 2000, which was monumental. That was one state. The expectation is that there could be several states on which the result hinges and the vote is close, and the margin of litigation is sufficient that both sides are going to pour in all the effort they can in litigating the rules and the vote count.
On the Republican side being free of court supervision for the first time since 1981
This is the first time in 40 years that we're going to have a presidential election without a court supervising the Republican "ballot security operations" on Election Day. Republicans were caught doing all kinds of voter suppression and intimidation in 1981, and a lawsuit against the Republican National Committee placed the RNC under a consent decree, a court order, that forbade it to use many methods of voter purging, voter intimidation. The Republicans had rounded up large numbers of law enforcement and former military people wearing armbands and guns, carrying radios, confronting voters and demanding evidence of their right to vote, warning them that it's a felony to vote when you're not eligible in the correct neighborhood, confronting poll workers who tried to help voters as they're legally allowed to do. This was in New Jersey, but it was a nationwide consent decree. And the methods that had been used in New Jersey were widely known methods and had been used for decades to suppress, in particular, the votes of people of color in this country. ...
And there was a consent decree here that lasted for decades, and it expired in 2018. And this time the Election Day operations of the Republican side are going to be free of court supervision. They're going to be able to decide for themselves how they operate that day, and maybe they'll be sued after the fact, but it will be too late to make much difference in terms of the outcome. The Trump campaign is recruiting what it's calling "an army for Trump." The president's son [Donald Trump Jr.] has gone on television calling for "all able-bodied men and women" — Why able-bodied? What kind of physical confrontation does he have in mind at the polls? — "all able-bodied men and women to stop the election from being stolen by Democrats."
On some of the other ways Trump might contest results
I think there's reasonable concern that when the president and his son are using the rhetoric they're using about the need to secure an election against people trying to steal it, when the president has supporters who are prepared to carry weapons and to appoint themselves into militia-like roles, there's a significant concern that there will be violence or physical disorder at the polls on election night and afterward during the canvass.
Here we get purely into the realm of speculation, but I think with a president like Trump who has shown a complete disregard for boundaries of law and norms, we have to worry also about what he might do that no one's done before. He's the incumbent president. He's the chief law enforcement officer of the country under the Constitution. He's the commander in chief of the armed services. What is he prepared to do in terms of deployment of U.S. forces? Is he prepared to order postal inspectors to seize and impound mail-in ballots on grounds that they have been forged or that there's been an investigation into foreign fraud and therefore all those ballots must be seized and frozen in place and not counted? Is he prepared to send in U.S. marshals or Justice or [Department of Homeland Security] officials from other sub agencies to secure the peace, to secure the ballots, to preserve evidence, ostensibly. There are a lot of ways this could go very badly. And I think that no president has done it before. There are laws that would seem to constrain him from doing that. But I have little doubt that Bill Barr, the attorney general, is capable of finding executive authority for the president to do whatever he likes on Election Day. The question to me is, really, whether he thinks he can get away with it.
On what we can do to prepare for Election Day
The worst case is that the president is ahead on election night and that a fuller count of the vote over coming days and weeks shows that Biden wins. That's a very bad case because you have the possibility of weeks of serious disturbance in between.
I think because the mail-in ballots are going to be so much the subject of litigation, I've changed my own mind personally on how I'm going to vote. I'm going to vote in person because I think the worst case is that the president is ahead on election night and that a fuller count of the vote over coming days and weeks shows that Biden wins. That's a very bad case because you have the possibility of weeks of serious disturbance in between.
I think anyone who can volunteer to be a poll worker should do so. I think if you know anyone who is open to reason, you should make sure they know that it's normal and natural and lawful and proper for the count to continue to change after election night and that it's sure to do so this time.
And then think about where you stand in relation to the election. If you were a mayor, you might want to think about how you deploy your police on Election Day to prevent the intervention of outsiders with bad intent. If you are a law enforcement officer, think about how the primacy of your mission to protect the vote, the most fundamental right we have in this country. If you're a member of the military chain of command, you should pause to remember that you have an obligation to disobey unlawful orders and think about ways in which you might be misused during the course of an election.
If you're a civil servant, we need you more than ever, I think, to say "no" to the wrong thing, to do the right thing, when you're asked to do the wrong thing. You go down the list. There are a lot of people who have an influence over, broadly speaking, this moment of transition in this country between one presidential administration and another. And it may be a second term for Trump. I certainly don't rule out that he could be reelected legitimately. But we have to make sure that the vote is counted, that all the votes are counted and that the election is decided by the voters and not by some other machinations.
Lauren Krenzel and Seth Kelley produced and edited this interview for broadcast. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.