npr--2020-11-18--How Biden Won: Ramping Up The Base And Expanding Margins In The Suburbs

How Biden Won : Ramping Up The Base And Expanding Margins In The Suburbs There was a debate in the runup to this year 's presidential election about whether it 'd be a base election or a persuasion one .
In other words , what would matter more for a candidate — turning out one side 's core voters , or winning over undecideds and wavering supporters of President Trump ?
Based on an NPR analysis of the more than 3,000 counties across the country , it was , in fact , mostly a base election with some key persuasion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden by wider margins than for Hillary Clinton in 2016 .
In 2020 , there have been far fewer counties that flipped from one major party to the other , as compared with four years earlier .
In 2016 , 237 counties changed allegiances from 2012 — 216 of them went from former President Barack Obama to Trump .
In 2020 , just 77 counties total have flipped so far , and Biden won 59 of them .
Many metropolitan areas with high concentrations of Democratic-leaning voters went more strongly for Biden than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blew out margins in populous suburbs in key states like Pennsylvania and Georgia .
But Trump 's promise to turn out more voters open to his message worked , too .
The president won by even wider margins in many rural areas than he did in 2016 .
The result : sky-high turnout .
More than 155 million ballots have been tallied , and with the counting still going in some states , that tally could go higher than 158 million .
That would be a turnout rate of eligible voters of almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump was the top factor in the 2020 election , and he turned out record numbers of voters — for him and against .
When looking at the map of how all 3,141 counties or county equivalents in the 50 states , plus Washington , D.C. , shifted — or did n't — from 2016 to 2020 , it 's clear this is a very divided country .
The overwhelming majority of counties did n't change hands .
But voters in many parts of the highly populated Northeast ; in cities in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ West Coast ; as well as in lots of suburban areas went for Biden by wider margins than for Clinton .
And rural areas and many places with high concentrations of white voters without college degrees went even more strongly for Trump than in 2016 .
That was seen as a tall task , given he won a record margin with this core group four years ago .
Trump promised to turn out more of them and did so , but Biden 's gains , primarily in the suburbs , offset that turnout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the popular vote .
Trump lost by almost 3 million in 2016 .
Notably , Trump also made inroads in counties with significant Latino populations in places like South Florida and South Texas .
Those improvements helped Trump win those two big states more comfortably than the pre-election polls had shown .
In Texas in particular , it 's notable that Biden did better than Clinton in 2016 in Dallas , Austin , Houston and in some surrounding suburban counties .
But that was offset by Trump 's gains in South Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas .
So just looking at the map , the country looks stretched even further apart .
Trump remains one of the most polarizing figures in American presidential history , and President-elect Biden inherits a deeply divided nation in the midst of health , economic and racial crises .
A deeper look at 5 key states that flipped red to blue Arizona : Every election , most of the vote in Arizona comes from Maricopa County , home to Phoenix .
That was no different this year , as more than 60 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maricopa .
So winning it is key .
And that 's exactly what Biden did .
Biden became the first Democrat since Harry Truman in 1948 to win Maricopa , which is fast-growing and diversifying .
( Note that in the graphic below , Maricopa is listed solely as an urban county . )
Biden defeated Trump there , 50 % to 48 % , or by about 45,000 votes .
His statewide margin : a little over 10,000 .
Trump actually increased his margins in the rural counties overall , but Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where Tucson is .
There , Biden won by 40,000 more votes than Clinton in 2016 .
Michigan : Votes for Democrats in Michigan start in Detroit , or Wayne County .
About one-in-five Biden votes in the state came from Wayne County .
He won it by 32,000 more than Clinton did .
But Biden also flipped Kent County , home to Grand Rapids , winning 31,000 more votes than Democrats did 2016 .
Biden made up even more votes in the suburbs , improving more than 94,000 over 2016 just from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Macomb and Ottawa .
And more than half of those votes came from Oakland .
Like in other places , Trump expanded here in rural areas , but not enough to offset Biden 's improvements , for a 51 % -to-48 % win , or 145,000 votes .
Remember , this is a state Trump won by just over 10,000 votes in 2016 .
Pennsylvania : For as much attention as Philadelphia vote-counting has attracted from the president , Pennsylvania was all about the Philadelphia suburbs .
Biden actually won Philadelphia by thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than made up for it in the suburbs .
In just four counties — Montgomery , Delaware , Chester and Bucks — Biden improved on the 2016 margin by about 100,000 votes .
Trump did gain in some rural counties , but this is one state where Biden did cut into Trump 's margins in some redder places , like Lancaster County .
Wisconsin : Trump won here in 2016 by fewer than 23,000 votes .
Biden , though , won it by 20,500 votes ( pending a recount ) .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more Milwaukee County voters and won by a 20,000 more votes than Clinton did in 2016 .
But Biden 's biggest vote gain came from Dane County , home to Madison and the University of Wisconsin .
He won there by 35,000 more votes than Clinton did in 2016 .
Biden also chipped away in some more rural and suburban areas , even Waukesha , the heavily Republican county .
Biden cut into Trump 's margin there by 7,500 votes .
Georgia : Like Pennsylvania , Georgia was all about the suburbs around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Associated Press has n't called a winner in the narrowly contested state , Biden rode a demographic wave of change in Georgia to likely become the first Democrat to win it since Bill Clinton in 1992 .
Back then , though , Georgia was far more white .
Now , it is nearly evenly split white to nonwhite .
Trump won the state by more than 211,000 votes in 2016 , but Biden made up for that in and around Atlanta .
Biden won an almost 65,000 wider vote margin than Clinton in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but also more than 190,000 in the suburbs of DeKalb , Gwinnett , Cobb , Clayton and Henry counties .

How Biden Won: Ramping Up The Base And Expanding Margins In The Suburbs
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jessica McGowan/Getty Images Jessica McGowan/Getty Images
There was a debate in the runup to this year's presidential election about whether it would be a base election or a persuasion one. In other words, what would matter more for a candidate — turning out one side's core voters, or winning over undecideds and wavering supporters of President Trump?
Based on an NPR analysis of the more than 3,000 counties, it was, in fact, mostly a base election with some key persuasion in Democratic-leaning suburbs that went for Joe Biden by wider margins than they did for Hillary Clinton in 2016.
In 2020, there have been far fewer counties that flipped from one major party to the other, as compared with four years earlier. In 2016, 237 counties changed allegiances from 2012 — 216 of them went from President Barack Obama to Donald Trump.
In 2020, just 77 counties total have flipped so far, and Biden won 59 of them.
Many metropolitan areas with high concentrations of Democratic-leaning voters went more strongly for Biden than for Clinton in 2016, and he blew out margins in populous suburbs in key states like Pennsylvania and Georgia.
But Trump's promise to turn out more voters open to his message worked, too. The president won by even wider margins in many rural areas than he did in 2016.
The result: sky-high turnout. More than 155 million ballots have been tallied, and with the counting still going in some states, that tally could go higher than 158 million. That would be a turnout rate of eligible voters of almost 67%, the highest since 1900.
Trump was the top factor in the 2020 election, and he turned out record numbers of voters — both for and against him.
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A polarized America
When looking at the map of how all 3,141 counties or county equivalents in the 50 states, plus Washington, D.C., shifted — or didn't — from 2016 to 2020, it's clear this is a very divided country.
The overwhelming majority of counties didn't change hands. But voters in many parts of the highly populated Northeast; in cities in key Midwestern states, the West and West Coast; and in many suburban areas went for Biden by wider margins than for Clinton.
And rural areas and many places with high concentrations of white voters without college degrees went even more strongly for Trump than they had in 2016. That was seen as a tall task, given he won a record margin with this core group four years ago.
Trump promised to turn out more of them and did so, but Biden's gains, primarily in the suburbs, offset that turnout. Biden currently holds almost a 6 million-vote lead in the popular vote. Trump lost the popular vote by almost 3 million in 2016.
Notably, Trump also made inroads in counties with significant Latino populations in places like South Florida and South Texas. Those improvements helped Trump win those two big states more comfortably than the preelection polls had shown.
In Texas in particular, it's notable that Biden did better than Clinton had in 2016 in Dallas, Austin, Houston and in some surrounding suburban counties. But that was offset by Trump's gains in South Texas and the increased turnout in more rural areas.
So just looking at the map, the country looks stretched even further apart. Trump remains one of the most polarizing figures in American presidential history, and President-elect Biden inherits a deeply divided nation in the midst of health, economic and racial crises.
A deeper look at 5 key states that flipped red to blue
Arizona: Every election, most of the vote in Arizona comes from Maricopa County, home to Phoenix. That was no different this year, as more than 60% of the state's vote came from Maricopa. So winning it is key. And that's exactly what Biden did.
Biden became the first Democrat since Harry Truman in 1948 to win Maricopa, which is fast-growing and diversifying. (Note that in the graphic below, Maricopa is listed solely as an urban county.) Biden defeated Trump there, 50% to 48%, or by about 45,000 votes. Biden's statewide margin: a little over 10,000.
Trump actually increased his margins in the rural counties overall, but Biden also gained significantly in Pima County, where Tucson is. There, Biden won by 40,000 more votes than Clinton in 2016.
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Michigan: Votes for Democrats in Michigan start in Detroit, or Wayne County. About 1 in 5 Biden votes in the state came from Wayne County. He won it by 32,000 more votes than Clinton did.
But Biden also flipped Kent County, home to Grand Rapids, winning 31,000 more votes than Democrats did in 2016.
Biden made up even more votes in the suburbs, improving more than 94,000 over 2016 just from four counties — Oakland, Washtenaw, Macomb and Ottawa. And more than half of those votes came from Oakland.
Like in other places, Trump expanded here in rural areas but not enough to offset Biden's improvements, for a 51% to 48% win, or 145,000 votes.
Remember, this is a state Trump won by just over 10,000 votes in 2016.
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Pennsylvania: For as much attention as Philadelphia vote-counting has attracted from the president, Pennsylvania was all about the Philadelphia suburbs.
Biden actually won Philadelphia by thousands fewer votes than Clinton. But he more than made up for it in the suburbs. In just four counties — Montgomery, Delaware, Chester and Bucks — Biden improved on the 2016 margin by about 100,000 votes.
Trump did gain in some rural counties, but this is one state where Biden did cut into Trump's margins in some redder places, like Lancaster County.
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Wisconsin: Trump won here in 2016 by fewer than 23,000 votes. Biden, though, won it by 20,500 votes (pending a recount). So every vote counted.
Biden turned out more Milwaukee County voters and won by a 20,000 more votes than Clinton did in 2016. But Biden's biggest vote gain came from Dane County, home to Madison and the University of Wisconsin. He won there by 35,000 more votes than Clinton did in 2016.
Biden also chipped away in some more rural and suburban areas, even Waukesha, the heavily Republican county. Biden cut into Trump's margin there by 7,500 votes.
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Georgia: Like Pennsylvania, Georgia was all about the suburbs around one city, Atlanta. Though The Associated Press hasn't called a winner in the narrowly contested state, Biden rode a demographic wave of change in Georgia to likely become the first Democrat to win it since Bill Clinton in 1992.
Back then, though, Georgia was far more white. Now, it is nearly evenly split between white and nonwhite. Trump won the state by more than 211,000 votes in 2016, but Biden made up for that in and around Atlanta.
Biden won an almost 65,000 wider vote margin than Clinton in Fulton, where Atlanta itself is, but also more than 190,000 in the suburbs of DeKalb, Gwinnett, Cobb, Clayton and Henry counties.
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Sean McMinn and Daniel Wood contributed research and data visualizations.


npr--2020-11-18--Trump Launched A Trade War Against China. Don't Look To Biden To Reverse It

Trump Launched A Trade War Against China .
Do n't Look To Biden To Reverse It President Trump 's slash-and-burn rhetoric against China may have brought few lasting economic benefits so far , but it has succeeded in one fundamental way : No administration can now afford to play nice with the United States ' biggest rival .
Trump made hostility toward China a centerpiece of his `` America First '' trade agenda , launching bitter attacks against Beijing 's policies and setting off a trade war by slapping tariffs on two-thirds of Chinese imports .
All those attacks have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ superpowers , according to experts .
And although president-elect Joe Biden will likely set a more polite tone , he can ill afford to ease off on China as American attitudes toward trade and big global deals have soured in recent years .
Meanwhile , skepticism toward China abounds in both parties , especially among the progressives who helped elect Biden .
`` I think the continued inflammatory rhetoric that President Trump has used toward China has basically made it impossible for any administration to immediately come in and change course , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Peterson Institute for International Economics .
It 's a marked change for an incoming president who voted for NAFTA , despite later expressing misgivings about it .
He also once voted to set the path for China to enter the World Trade Organization , eventually helping fuel the Asian country 's incredible rise as a manufacturing superpower .
But Trump , experts note , has successfully shifted the debate on China by repeatedly accusing Beijing of predatory policies that gutted American industries , even if few companies have relocated back to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job losses and factory closures have hardened public views about trade , especially in key electoral states such as Pennsylvania , Ohio and Michigan , according to Arthur Dong , a professor at Georgetown University 's McDonough School of Business .
`` Biden , I think , is well aware of that , '' says Dong .
The hostility toward China is shared by unions and left-wing groups that helped elect Biden and see previous Democratic support for trade agreements such as NAFTA as a betrayal .
`` I do n't think the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's electorate or today 's economy , and I hope that Joe Biden appoints personnel around him who understand that , '' says Waleed Shahid , spokesman for Justice Democrats , a progressive group tied to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York .
That pressure on the left – and the right – means Biden is unlikely to reverse Trump 's tariffs with the stroke of a pen , leaving him with few good options to pressure China .
And Biden could also be constrained by changes to global sentiment towards the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the campaign , Biden criticized what he sees as Trump 's go-it-alone approach to China and said that the U.S. needs to ally itself with Asia and Europe to force Beijing to play by the rules on trade .
`` If we do n't set the rules , we in fact are going to find ourselves with China setting the rules , and that 's why we need to organize the world to stop China to stop the corrupt practices that are under way , '' he said in a 2019 Democratic debate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done .
Joining with allies to contain Beijing was the impetus for the Obama administration 's Trans-Pacific Partnership ( TPP ) , a gargantuan trade deal among 12 Pacific-Rim nations that excluded China .
But the TPP was scrapped by Trump as soon as he took office , and Biden has said he wo n't support it without significant improvements in labor and environmental safeguards .
Meanwhile , the world has moved on without the United States .
Over the weekend , China and 15 other countries signed a trade pact of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Biden 's effort to lead other countries in containing China faces another barrier as well .
Trump clashed over trade not just with China but with friendly countries such as Canada and Mexico , angering key allies and damaging U.S. leadership abroad , says Wendy Cutler , former acting U.S. deputy trade representative .
`` There 's a lot of mistrust among our allies and partners with the United States , specifically with respect to trade , '' Cutler says .
`` And , frankly , countries are increasingly fed up with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's the biggest hurdle of all : Biden 's top priority will be bringing the U.S. economy back from the pandemic 's economic downturn , pushing other issues to the side , according to Cutler .
`` Trade is not going to be a front-and-center issue for this administration as it was for the Trump Administration , '' she said .
`` There are a lot of domestic issues that need urgent attention . ''
Still , there is one way Biden is widely expected to change the U.S. relationship with China .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bitter attacks against China , including over the pandemic , most experts expect at least the tone will change .
`` Trump 's trade policy has been defined by protectionism and cronyism and mean-spiritedness , '' says Dan Ikenson of the pro-trade Cato Institute .
`` I think President Biden 's trade policy will be more polite . ''

Trump Launched A Trade War Against China. Don't Look To Biden To Reverse It
Enlarge this image toggle caption Susan Walsh/AP Susan Walsh/AP
President Trump's slash-and-burn rhetoric against China may have brought few lasting economic benefits so far, but it has succeeded in one fundamental way: No administration can now afford to play nice with the United States' biggest rival.
Trump made hostility toward China a centerpiece of his "America First" trade agenda, launching bitter attacks against Beijing's policies and setting off a trade war by slapping tariffs on two-thirds of Chinese imports.
All those attacks have changed the relationship between the two economic superpowers, according to experts. And although President-elect Joe Biden will likely set a more polite tone, he can ill afford to ease off on China as American attitudes toward trade and big global deals have soured in recent years.
Meanwhile, skepticism toward China abounds in both parties, especially among the progressives who helped elect Biden.
"I think the continued inflammatory rhetoric that President Trump has used toward China has basically made it impossible for any administration to immediately come in and change course," says Chad Bown, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics.
It's a marked change for an incoming president who voted for the North American Free Trade Agreement, despite later expressing misgivings about it. He also once voted to set the path for China to enter the World Trade Organization, eventually helping fuel the Asian country's incredible rise as a manufacturing superpower.
But Trump, experts note, has successfully shifted the debate on China by repeatedly accusing Beijing of predatory policies that gutted American industries, even if few companies have relocated back to the United States.
Meanwhile, years of job losses and factory closures have hardened public views about trade, especially in key electoral states such as Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan, according to Arthur Dong, a professor at Georgetown University's McDonough School of Business.
"Biden, I think, is well aware of that," says Dong.
The hostility toward China is shared by unions and left-wing groups that helped elect Biden and see previous Democratic support for trade agreements such as NAFTA as a betrayal.
"I don't think the 1990s-style Democratic Party is fit for today's electorate or today's economy, and I hope that Joe Biden appoints personnel around him who understand that," says Waleed Shahid, spokesman for Justice Democrats, a progressive group tied to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
That pressure on the left – and the right – means Biden is unlikely to reverse Trump's tariffs with the stroke of a pen, leaving him with few good options to pressure China.
And Biden could also be constrained by changes to global sentiment toward the United States under the Trump administration.
During the campaign, Biden criticized what he sees as Trump's go-it-alone approach to China and said that the U.S. needs to ally itself with Asia and Europe to force Beijing to play by the rules on trade.
"If we don't set the rules, we in fact are going to find ourselves with China setting the rules, and that's why we need to organize the world to stop China to stop the corrupt practices that are under way," he said in a 2019 Democratic debate.
That may be easier said than done. Joining with allies to contain Beijing was the impetus for the Obama administration's Trans-Pacific Partnership, a gargantuan trade deal among 12 Pacific-Rim nations that excluded China.
But the TPP was scrapped by Trump as soon as he took office, and Biden has said he won't support it without significant improvements in labor and environmental safeguards.
Meanwhile, the world has moved on without the United States. Over the weekend, China and 14 other countries signed a trade pact of their own, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
Biden's effort to lead other countries in containing China faces another barrier as well.
Trump clashed over trade not just with China but also with friendly countries such as Canada and Mexico, angering key allies and damaging U.S. leadership abroad, says Wendy Cutler, former acting U.S. deputy trade representative.
"There's a lot of mistrust among our allies and partners with the United States, specifically with respect to trade," Cutler says. "And, frankly, countries are increasingly fed up with us."
And then, there's the biggest hurdle of all: Biden's top priority will be bringing the U.S. economy back from the pandemic's economic downturn, pushing other issues to the side, according to Cutler.
"Trade is not going to be a front-and-center issue for this administration as it was for the Trump administration," she said. "There are a lot of domestic issues that need urgent attention."
Still, there is one way Biden is widely expected to change the U.S. relationship with China. After nearly four years of Trump's bitter attacks against China, including over the pandemic, most experts expect at least the tone will change.
"Trump's trade policy has been defined by protectionism and cronyism and mean-spiritedness," says Dan Ikenson of the pro-trade Cato Institute. "I think President Biden's trade policy will be more polite."


npr--2020-11-18--Pelosi Set To Be Reelected Speaker Despite House Losses

Pelosi Set To Be Reelected Speaker Despite House Losses Nancy Pelosi is expected to be reelected speaker of the House by her caucus for the next session of Congress , marking what will be her fourth term with the gavel .
Pelosi , 80 , does not face any challenge inside her caucus for her post , but she will also need to secure a simple majority — 218 Democratic votes — by the full House of Representatives in January to be sworn in again as speaker .
In 2019 several Democrats voted for someone other than her on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the 2020 election , she can not afford to lose more than a handful of votes from her caucus .
House Democrats are slated to hold leadership elections as they grapple with unexpected losses and the prospects again for a divided Congress , with the GOP likely to maintain control of the Senate .
House Republicans picked up at least eight seats and several races are too close to call .
Other top party leaders — House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer , D-Md.
, and Majority Whip Jim Clyburn , D-S.C. — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also running unopposed .
House Democratic Caucus Chair Hakeem Jeffries does also not face any competition for his post as the fifth-ranking leader .
Rep. Cheri Bustos , D-Ill. , who ran the House Democrats ' campaign arm , said she would not run for another term , and two Democrats — Rep. Tony Cardenas of California and Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney of New York — are vying for the position that will be decided later this month .
Top leaders and political analysts forecasted that Democrats would expand their majority — potentially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — but the disappointing results sparked a blame game inside the Democratic caucus that has increased tensions about policy priorities going forward .
Moderates who were ousted or won only very narrowly say progressives who pressed to `` defund the police '' or advocated for sweeping policies like the Green New Deal gave GOP opponents an opening by taking the party off message when voters were concerned about the economy or the coronavirus .
Progressives , on the other hand , have argued their message drove turnout among young voters and people of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gains , pointing out that Democrats flipped 40 seats in the 2018 midterms — a figure that meant they had more incumbents to protect this year .
She also claimed that Democrats deserve credit for boosting turnout in key swing states , helping the Biden-Harris ticket ultimately win those states .
The speaker circulated a letter on Monday urging unity among Democrats , saying that `` President-elect Biden 's message and mandate as a unifier have given the American people hope . ''
When Pelosi was reelected two years ago , she agreed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaker , but the caucus never formally adopted rules to lock in the term limit for the speaker or other top leadership positions .
She did move to expand the slots on the leadership ladder as a way of responding to sentiment inside the caucus that she held on too tightly to power and had not given more opportunities for newer members to gain valuable experience .
The caucus will vote on some contested races for those lower-level leadership jobs on Thursday .
Jeffries , 50 , asked about the prospects to potentially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future , said the current team has a `` tremendous mix of experience . ''
The New York Democrat , who has been mentioned as a possible successor to Pelosi , called her `` a legendary speaker , one of the best who has ever done it – ever in the history of the republic .
She certainly has my strong support . ''
Pelosi will need to manage various ideological factions inside her caucus who already have different priorities for next year , when the party will have a Democrat in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broad climate change legislation and significant expansion for health care coverage will face challenges .
The California Democrat has negotiated those differences before and brushed off questions last week from reporter pressing her if she would need to modify her approach to legislation .
`` Not at all , '' Pelosi insisted .
She added that `` our leverage and our power is greatly enhanced by having a Democratic president in the White House , especially Joe Biden . ''
House Republicans held their leadership elections on Tuesday and reelected the same slate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Kevin McCarthy of California will be House minority leader , Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana will serve as minority whip and Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming will remain House GOP Conference chair .

Pelosi Reelected Speaker By House Democrats Despite Party's Losses
Enlarge this image toggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP J. Scott Applewhite/AP
Updated at 1:21 p.m. ET
Nancy Pelosi has been reelected speaker of the House by her caucus for the next session of Congress, marking what will be her fourth term with the gavel. The caucus vote was conducted virtually, but Pelosi was approved by a voice vote.
Pelosi, 80, did not face any challenge for her post, but she will also need to secure a simple majority — 218 Democratic votes — by the full House of Representatives in January to be sworn in again as speaker. She indicated after the vote that the upcoming term could be her last.
In 2019, several Democrats voted for someone other than her on the floor, but with a slimmer margin in the majority after the 2020 election, she cannot afford to lose more than a handful of votes.
In remarks to her colleagues after the vote Wednesday, Pelosi made a pitch for unity.
"As we go forward with liberty and justice for all, we must do so listening to the American people, listening to each other with respect, acting to unify — Joe Biden is a unifier, so that will make it easier for us — remembering the guidance of our Founders: E pluribus unum, from many, one," she said.
House Democrats are holding leadership elections as they grapple with unexpected losses and the prospects for a Congress that remains divided. The GOP appears likely to maintain control of the Senate. Plus House Republicans picked up at least eight seats, and several races are too close to call.
Other top Democratic leaders — Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-Md., and Majority Whip Jim Clyburn, D-S.C. — who are 81 and 80 — also ran unopposed and were approved by the caucus to serve in those roles next year. House Democratic Caucus Chair Hakeem Jeffries of New York did not face any competition for his post as the fifth-ranking leader and was reelected on Wednesday.
For the fourth-ranking post, assistant speaker, Massachusetts Rep. Katherine Clark defeated Rep. David Cicilline of Rhode Island.
Rep. Cheri Bustos, D-Ill., who ran the House Democrats' campaign arm, said she would not run for another term. Reps. Tony Cardenas of California and Sean Patrick Maloney of New York are vying for the position, which will be decided later this month.
Unexpected losses
Before the election, top leaders and political analysts had forecast that Democrats would expand their majority — potentially picking up as many as 15 seats. But the party's disappointing results sparked a blame game that has increased tensions about policy priorities going forward.
Moderates who were ousted or won very narrowly say progressives who pressed to "defund the police" or advocated for sweeping policies like the Green New Deal gave GOP opponents an opening by taking the party off-message when voters were concerned about the economy or the coronavirus.
Progressives, on the other hand, have argued their message drove turnout among young voters and people of color.
Pelosi has downplayed the GOP gains, pointing out that Democrats flipped 40 seats in the 2018 midterms — a figure that meant they had more incumbents to protect this year. She also said Democrats deserve credit for boosting turnout in key swing states, helping the Joe Biden-Kamala Harris ticket ultimately win in those places.
The speaker circulated a letter on Monday urging unity among Democrats, saying that "President-elect Biden's message and mandate as a unifier have given the American people hope."
Managing factions
When Pelosi was reelected two years ago, she agreed to limit herself to two terms as speaker, but the caucus never formally adopted rules to lock in the term limit for the speaker or other top leadership positions.
After winning support from her colleagues, Pelosi suggested on Wednesday that she would stick by that pledge. She noted that the caucus did not choose to enact term limits for leaders or committee chairs, but told reporters, "Whether it passes or not, I will abide by those limits that are there."
She has moved to expand the slots on the leadership ladder as a way of responding to sentiment inside the caucus that she held on too tightly to power and had not given more opportunities for newer members to gain valuable experience.
The caucus will vote on some contested races for those lower-level leadership jobs on Thursday.
Jeffries, 50, who was asked about recruiting other members for leadership posts in the future, said the current team has a "tremendous mix of experience."
The New Yorker, who has been mentioned as a possible successor to Pelosi, called her "a legendary speaker, one of the best who has ever done it – ever in the history of the republic. She certainly has my strong support."
Pelosi will need to manage various ideological factions inside her caucus, which already have different priorities for next year, with a Democrat in the White House.
Progressive hopes for broad climate change legislation and significant expansion for health care coverage will face challenges. The California Democrat has negotiated those differences before and brushed off questions last week from reporter who pressed whether she would need to modify her approach to legislation.
"Not at all," Pelosi insisted. She added that "our leverage and our power is greatly enhanced by having a Democratic president in the White House, especially Joe Biden."
Republicans restore McCarthy
House Republicans staged their leadership elections on Tuesday and reelected the same slate of leaders to the top posts: Rep. Kevin McCarthy of California will be House minority leader, Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana will serve as minority whip and Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming will remain House GOP Conference chair.


npr--2020-11-18--Biden's Win Shows Rural-Urban Divide Has Grown Since 2016

President-elect Joe Biden will be taking over a country that is even more sharply divided on urban-rural lines .
One of the biggest reasons why the divide got bigger in 2020 may be the coronavirus pandemic .
For conservatives such as Judy Burges , a longtime state legislator from rural Arizona , President Trump did as well as he could have managing the response to COVID-19 .
As she waited in line to vote this fall , Burges said the economic fallout has been worse in small towns dependent on small businesses .
`` This coronavirus has really shut down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` We have a lot of small businesses going out of business and we 're losing sales tax revenue . ''
Rural Republicans mostly spurned the COVID-19 business shutdowns .
Many Democrats called them essential to protect public health .
While some in America blasted the president 's chaotic pandemic response and his spreading of racist conspiracy theories , Trump racked up wins in some rural counties by even bigger margins than in 2016 .
`` There 's this sense that decisions about the pandemic are being made in cities and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' said Kathy Cramer , an expert on the rural-urban divide at the University of Wisconsin .
`` That does n't sit well with a lot of folks and may have driven them further from the Democratic Party . ''
Wisconsin was a flashpoint for divisions over coronavirus policy .
Even as many rural counties saw alarming spikes in cases and hospitalizations leading up to the election , Cramer says Trump was able to capitalize on rural resentment .
There tends to be mistrust in government authority in rural America , and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to mask mandates and social distancing laws .
Trump also sent billions in subsidies to farmers .
`` People who have been following Trump , supporting Trump , have been told , 'you 're right , they do n't care about you and they 're not paying attention to you , ' '' Cramer says .
So can a President Biden make inroads into Trump 's red America in 2021 ?
The new administration 's agenda will face big obstacles especially in the Senate , which gives disproportionate power to rural states .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sen. Jon Tester of Montana , is trying to stay optimistic .
`` If he gets a good person in as the Secretary of [ Agriculture ] , and he 's willing to listen first , and , as I say , react to what you 're hearing , I think we 'll be in fine shape , '' Tester says .
Tester , a farmer , says Republicans have been winning in the heartland lately on what he calls hot button issues .
But he faults both parties for mostly shunning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are n't solvable over one election cycle .
`` The American family farmer and rancher are going away and the party that can figure out how to stop that from happening will win rural America , '' Tester says .
Analysts say the rural-urban divide is sharpest in the middle of the country , which has been hit especially hard economically and where many small towns are losing population .
Democrats like Tester see an opening in the West though , where in 2021 the party will control all the Senate seats in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colorado for the first time since 1941 .
`` I think rural America is literally up for grabs , '' Tester says .
The 2020 Election also exposed vulnerabilities for Republicans in states like Colorado .
Like in a lot of the country , the GOP lost even worse than it did in 2016 in Colorado 's cities and suburbs and also its rural counties with ski resorts and tourist dependent economies .
`` There was a lot of frustration going into this election , '' says Rose Pugliese , a Republican commissioner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County , Colo. Pugliese says her region picked up some big wins during the Trump era , especially with oil and gas development on public land , including a large natural gas pipeline project connecting western Colorado to the Oregon coast .
Pugliese is skeptical about what a Biden administration will mean for rural economies .
But she 's eager to listen .
`` I mean , really when we talk about what 's important to all parties , and all political persuasions , they want to make sure they have economic opportunities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 'll be interesting to see how he talks about rural America and our economic opportunities . ''
For now , Pugliese says rural counties like hers are mostly worried about the potential for more lockdowns due to coronavirus .
She says she hopes the new administration will continue to leave those decisions to states and local jurisdictions .

Biden's Win Shows Rural-Urban Divide Has Grown Since 2016
Enlarge this image toggle caption JamesBrey/Getty Images JamesBrey/Getty Images
President-elect Joe Biden will be taking over a country that is even more sharply divided on urban-rural lines. One of the biggest reasons why the divide got bigger in 2020 may be the coronavirus pandemic.
For conservatives such as Judy Burges, a longtime state legislator from rural Arizona, President Trump did as well as he could have managing the response to COVID-19. As she waited in line to vote this fall, Burges said the economic fallout has been worse in small towns dependent on small businesses.
"This coronavirus has really shut down a lot of businesses," Burges said. "We have a lot of small businesses going out of business and we're losing sales tax revenue."
Rural Republicans mostly spurned the COVID-19 business shutdowns. Many Democrats called them essential to protect public health. While some in America blasted the president's chaotic pandemic response and his spreading of racist conspiracy theories, Trump racked up wins in some rural counties by even bigger margins than in 2016.
"There's this sense that decisions about the pandemic are being made in cities and kind of imposed on rural spaces," said Kathy Cramer, an expert on the rural-urban divide at the University of Wisconsin. "That doesn't sit well with a lot of folks and may have driven them further from the Democratic Party."
Wisconsin was a flashpoint for divisions over coronavirus policy. Even as many rural counties saw alarming spikes in cases and hospitalizations leading up to the election, Cramer says Trump was able to capitalize on rural resentment. There tends to be mistrust in government authority in rural America, and a proud tradition of individualism when it comes to mask mandates and social distancing laws. Trump also sent billions in subsidies to farmers.
"People who have been following Trump, supporting Trump, have been told, 'you're right, they don't care about you and they're not paying attention to you,'" Cramer says.
So can a President Biden make inroads into Trump's red America in 2021? The new administration's agenda will face big obstacles especially in the Senate, which gives disproportionate power to rural states. The Democratic rural dean of that chamber, Sen. Jon Tester of Montana, is trying to stay optimistic.
"If he gets a good person in as the secretary of [agriculture], and he's willing to listen first, and, as I say, react to what you're hearing, I think we'll be in fine shape," Tester says.
Tester, a farmer, says Republicans have been winning in the heartland lately on what he calls hot button issues. But he faults both parties for mostly shunning rural America and its complex problems that aren't solvable over one election cycle.
"The American family farmer and rancher are going away and the party that can figure out how to stop that from happening will win rural America," Tester says.
Analysts say the rural-urban divide is sharpest in the middle of the country, which has been hit especially hard economically and where many small towns are losing population. Democrats like Tester see an opening in the West though, where in 2021 the party will control all the Senate seats in New Mexico, Nevada, Arizona and Colorado for the first time since 1941.
"I think rural America is literally up for grabs," Tester says.
The 2020 election also exposed vulnerabilities for Republicans in states like Colorado. Like in a lot of the country, the GOP lost even worse than it did in 2016 in Colorado's cities and suburbs and also its rural counties with ski resorts and tourist-dependent economies.
Politics Urban And Rural Americans Have More In Common Than They Might Think Urban And Rural Americans Have More In Common Than They Might Think Listen · 3:56 3:56
"There was a lot of frustration going into this election," says Rose Pugliese, a Republican commissioner in the longtime conservative stronghold of Mesa County, Colo.
Pugliese says her region picked up some big wins during the Trump era, especially with oil and gas development on public land, including a large natural gas pipeline project connecting western Colorado to the Oregon coast.
Pugliese is skeptical about what a Biden administration will mean for rural economies. But she's eager to listen.
"I mean, really when we talk about what's important to all parties, and all political persuasions, they want to make sure they have economic opportunities," Pugliese says. "So it'll be interesting to see how he talks about rural America and our economic opportunities."
For now, Pugliese says rural counties like hers are mostly worried about the potential for more lockdowns due to coronavirus. She says she hopes the new administration will continue to leave those decisions to states and local jurisdictions.


npr--2020-11-18--For Immigrants, Election Promises Relief From An 'Atmosphere Of Terror'

For Immigrants , Election Promises Relief From An 'Atmosphere Of Terror' For years , immigrants in the Atlanta suburbs lived in fear that a routine traffic stop would lead to deportation .
Thousands of immigrants in the country illegally have been deported for minor offenses , advocates say , because of close ties between county jails and immigration authorities .
But now , there are some new sheriffs in town .
`` I 'm the sheriff of Gwinnett County for everybody , regardless of your race , regardless of your gender , regardless of your immigration status , '' said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County , outside Atlanta .
The 2020 election is expected to usher in a major shift in immigration enforcement .
On the federal level , the Biden administration plans to rein in Immigration and Customs Enforcement , starting with a temporary moratorium on deportations .
On the local level , a number of sheriffs known for their hardline immigration stances retired or lost their reelection bids .
In Georgia , the blue wave that delivered the state to Biden also helped to elect several county sheriffs who have pledged to limit how they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat and the first Black man ever elected to the job .
He ran on a promise to get rid of a longstanding cooperation agreement with ICE signed by his Republican predecessor .
He says he 'll follow through on that promise the first day he takes office in January .
Taylor says there 's no evidence that the agreement was helping public safety .
And , he says , it was hurting trust in law enforcement in his county , where more than one in four residents was born outside the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trust and transparency between law enforcement and the community , '' said Taylor .
In neighboring Cobb County , Democrat Craig Owens ousted the longtime Republican sheriff .
Owens has pledged to end his county 's agreement with ICE , too .
`` There 's nothing that we can find anywhere to say the program took a large scale of violent criminals off the road , '' Owens said .
`` From my perspective , it seems like it 's doing more profiling of individuals versus keeping our community safe . ''
These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are formally known , have been around since the mid-2000s .
They were supposed to make it easier to identify and deport dangerous criminals .
But in practice , critics say these agreements have created a deportation pipeline — particularly in the Atlanta suburbs , where immigrant advocates say police use traffic violations as a pretext to pull over anyone who looks Latinx , or like an immigrant .
Here 's how it worked , according to advocates .
First the immigrant gets pulled over and detained , often for driving without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sheriff 's deputy at the county jail calls ICE .
`` It 's created an atmosphere of terror for immigrant communities going about their lives , '' said Azadeh Shahshahani , a lawyer with Project South , an advocacy group based in Atlanta .
It 's hard to overstate how relieved those communities are to see these agreements coming to an end .
`` We are so , so happy .
We were crying here at the office waiting for the results of the election , '' said Adelina Nicholls , director and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Human Rights , which has been working toward ending these agreements for years .
`` This has been a long journey with a lot of suffering , and family separations as well . ''
But not all immigrant communities are heaving a sigh of relief .
Several sheriffs known for their hardline stance on immigration fended off challengers who said they would end local 287 ( g ) agreements .
High profile sheriffs who won reelection include Sheriff Bill Waybourn in Tarrant County , Texas , and Bob Gualtieri , the sheriff in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been particularly outspoken about his support for ICE and its work .
He drew national attention for his remarks at a White House press conference last year .
Standing alongside the ICE director , Waybourn said that many of the immigrants in his jails are criminals and repeat offenders .
`` If we have to turn them loose or they get released , they 're coming back to your neighborhood and my neighborhood , '' he said .
`` These drunks will run over your children and they will run over my children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said : `` The perception of the program leads people to the erroneous belief that it is all bad when it 's not . ''
`` We have people that are in this country illegally and they 've committed crimes , '' Gualtieri said .
`` We do n't want to release them back into the community , especially when those crimes are serious crimes . ''
Federal immigration enforcement might change next year .
But Gualtieri says the sheriff 's office in Pinellas County will not .

For Immigrants, Election Promises Relief From An 'Atmosphere Of Terror'
Enlarge this image toggle caption Meg Kinnard/AP Meg Kinnard/AP
For years, immigrants in the Atlanta suburbs lived in fear that a routine traffic stop would lead to deportation. Thousands of immigrants in the country illegally have been deported for minor offenses, advocates say, because of close ties between county jails and immigration authorities.
But now, there are some new sheriffs in town.
"I'm the sheriff of Gwinnett County for everybody, regardless of your race, regardless of your gender, regardless of your immigration status," said Keybo Taylor, the sheriff-elect in Gwinnett County, outside Atlanta.
The 2020 election is expected to usher in a major shift in immigration enforcement. On the federal level, the Biden administration plans to rein in Immigration and Customs Enforcement, starting with a temporary moratorium on deportations.
On the local level, a number of sheriffs known for their hardline immigration stances retired or lost their reelection bids. In Georgia, the blue wave that delivered the state to Biden also helped to elect several county sheriffs who have pledged to limit how they cooperate with ICE.
Taylor is a Democrat and the first Black man ever elected to the job. He ran on a promise to get rid of a longstanding cooperation agreement with ICE signed by his Republican predecessor. He says he'll follow through on that promise the first day he takes office in January.
Taylor says there's no evidence that the agreement was helping public safety. And, he says, it was hurting trust in law enforcement in his county, where more than one in four residents was born outside the U.S.
"It definitely undermined the confidence and trust and transparency between law enforcement and the community," said Taylor.
In neighboring Cobb County, Democrat Craig Owens ousted the longtime Republican sheriff. Owens has pledged to end his county's agreement with ICE, too.
"There's nothing that we can find anywhere to say the program took a large scale of violent criminals off the road," Owens said. "From my perspective, it seems like it's doing more profiling of individuals versus keeping our community safe."
These 287(g) agreements, as they are formally known, have been around since the mid-2000s. They were supposed to make it easier to identify and deport dangerous criminals.
But in practice, critics say these agreements have created a deportation pipeline — particularly in the Atlanta suburbs, where immigrant advocates say police use traffic violations as a pretext to pull over anyone who looks Latinx, or like an immigrant.
Here's how it worked, according to advocates. First the immigrant gets pulled over and detained, often for driving without a license or insurance. Then a sheriff's deputy at the county jail calls ICE.
"It's created an atmosphere of terror for immigrant communities going about their lives," said Azadeh Shahshahani, a lawyer with Project South, an advocacy group based in Atlanta.
It's hard to overstate how relieved those communities are to see these agreements coming to an end.
"We are so, so happy. We were crying here at the office waiting for the results of the election," said Adelina Nicholls, director and co-founder of the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights, which has been working toward ending these agreements for years. "This has been a long journey with a lot of suffering, and family separations as well."
But not all immigrant communities are heaving a sigh of relief.
Several sheriffs known for their hardline stance on immigration fended off challengers who said they would end local 287(g) agreements. High profile sheriffs who won reelection include Sheriff Bill Waybourn in Tarrant County, Texas, and Bob Gualtieri, the sheriff in Pinellas County, Florida.
Waybourn has been particularly outspoken about his support for ICE and its work. He drew national attention for his remarks at a White House press conference last year. Standing alongside the ICE director, Waybourn said that many of the immigrants in his jails are criminals and repeat offenders.
"If we have to turn them loose or they get released, they're coming back to your neighborhood and my neighborhood," he said. "These drunks will run over your children and they will run over my children."
In an interview, Gaultieri said: "The perception of the program leads people to the erroneous belief that it is all bad when it's not."
"We have people that are in this country illegally and they've committed crimes," Gualtieri said. "We don't want to release them back into the community, especially when those crimes are serious crimes."
Federal immigration enforcement might change next year. But Gualtieri says the sheriff's office in Pinellas County will not.


npr--2020-11-17--FDA Approves First At-Home Coronavirus Test

Updated at 3:20 a.m .
ET The first COVID-19 diagnostic at-home self-test that provides rapid results has been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration , the agency announced Tuesday .
The Lucira COVID-19 All-In-One Test Kit is a molecular single-use test and is expected to cost $ 50 or less , the company said on its website .
`` While COVID-19 diagnostic tests have been authorized for at-home collection , this is the first that can be fully self-administered and provide results at home , '' FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn said in a statement .
Hahn added : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important diagnostic advancement to address the pandemic and reduce the public burden of disease transmission . ''
The test , which works by swirling a self-collected swabbed sample in a vial which is then placed in a hand-held test unit , can provide results in 30 minutes or less , according to the agency .
The unit 's light-up display shows whether a person is positive or negative for the SARS-CoV-2 virus .
Until now , people have had to visit a doctor 's office , clinic , hospital or some other site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ else collect a sample at home for mailing to a lab for analysis .
The test will be available by prescription to people 14 and older who have symptoms that could indicate COVID-19 .
Patients under 14 could be given the test if it 's administered by a health care provider , the FDA said .
Initially , it will be available on a limited basis in Florida and California .
It is expected to be available widely by the spring .
Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar said in a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to our constantly expanding arsenal of COVID-19 testing options . ''
`` The Trump Administration has built the world 's largest testing system , and we will continue supporting both the development and manufacturing of cutting-edge options to make COVID-19 testing even easier and more accessible for the American people , '' he said .
Jeff Shuren , the director of the FDA 's Center for Devices and Radiological Health , said that the test represents `` a significant step toward the FDA 's nationwide response to COVID-19 . ''
`` Now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be able to take immediate action , based on their results , to protect themselves and those around them , '' Shuren said .
Testing shortages have been a massive problem since the pandemic began , crippling the nation 's ability to fight the spread of the virus .
The recent surge in cases has again put additional strain on the nation 's precarious coronavirus testing system , especially as more people try to get tested ahead of the holidays .
The approval of at-home self-tests could have a big impact on the @ @ @ @ @ @

FDA Approves 1st At-Home Coronavirus Test
Enlarge this image toggle caption Rick Bowmer/AP Rick Bowmer/AP
Updated at 3:20 a.m. ET
The first COVID-19 diagnostic at-home self-test that provides rapid results has been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, the agency announced Tuesday.
The Lucira COVID-19 All-In-One Test Kit is a molecular single-use test and is expected to cost $50 or less, the company said on its website.
"While COVID-19 diagnostic tests have been authorized for at-home collection, this is the first that can be fully self-administered and provide results at home," FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn said in a statement.
Hahn added: "This new testing option is an important diagnostic advancement to address the pandemic and reduce the public burden of disease transmission."
The test works by swirling a self-collected swabbed sample in a vial, which is then placed in a hand-held test unit. It can provide results in 30 minutes or less, according to the agency. The unit's light-up display shows whether a person is positive or negative for the SARS-CoV-2 virus.
Until now, people have had to visit a doctor's office, clinic, hospital or some other site to have a sample taken or they could collect a sample at home for mailing to a lab for analysis.
The test will be available by prescription to people 14 and older who have symptoms that could indicate COVID-19. Patients under 14 could be given the test if it's administered by a health care provider, the FDA said.
Initially, it will be available on a limited basis in Florida and California. It is expected to be available widely by the spring.
Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar said in a statement Tuesday that the new test adds "to our constantly expanding arsenal of COVID-19 testing options."
"The Trump Administration has built the world's largest testing system, and we will continue supporting both the development and manufacturing of cutting-edge options to make COVID-19 testing even easier and more accessible for the American people," he said.
Jeff Shuren, the director of the FDA's Center for Devices and Radiological Health, said that the test represents "a significant step toward the FDA's nationwide response to COVID-19."
"Now, more Americans who may have COVID-19 will be able to take immediate action, based on their results, to protect themselves and those around them," Shuren said.
Testing shortages have been a massive problem since the pandemic began, crippling the nation's ability to fight the spread of the virus. The recent surge in cases has again put additional strain on the nation's precarious coronavirus testing system, especially as more people try to get tested ahead of the holidays.
As NPR's Rob Stein reported:
The approval of at-home self-tests could have a big impact on the testing regime throughout the U.S.


npr--2020-11-17--Trump Fires Election Security Director Who Corrected Voter Fraud Disinformation

Christopher Krebs , the Department of Homeland Security director who had spearheaded a campaign to counter rumors about voter fraud , has been fired , President Trump tweeted on Tuesday .
Trump , in two misleading tweets about the security of the U.S. election , said Krebs ' termination was `` effective immediately . ''
The tweets , from Trump 's verified Twitter account , were flagged by the social media platform for promoting misinformation .
In response , Krebs tweeted , `` Honored to serve .
We did it right .
Defend Today , Secure [ Tomorrow ] .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ President-elect Joe Biden in both the popular vote and electoral vote .
Trump had for weeks prior to the election erroneously railed against mail-in voting as being ripe for fraud .
The president had encouraged his supporters to vote in person on Nov. 3 — he later complained about the number of absentee ballots that supported his opponent .
Krebs ' firing came after his agency , the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency , last week released a statement calling the 2020 election `` the most secure in American history . ''
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes , changed votes , or was in any way compromised . ''
The CISA campaign , led by Krebs , was originally intended to target foreign interference .
However , as the president continued to repeat dangerously misleading information about the security of the election , the agency 's focus turned to rebutting many of the rumors and baseless allegations of widespread voter fraud that Trump had promoted from the White House .
A DHS official who has worked with Krebs but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told NPR last week that Krebs ' firing would `` rock CISA . ''
`` Chris has earned the trust of staff all across the agency , '' the official said .
`` He 's easily been the most competent and able of any political appointee I 've worked with . ''
In statements Tuesday evening , lawmakers criticized Krebs ' ousting .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called the firing a `` dangerous and shameful charade . ''
Sen. Ben Sasse said Krebs `` did a really good job '' and that `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ''

Trump Fires Election Security Director Who Corrected Voter Fraud Disinformation
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
Updated at 9:34 p.m. ET
Christopher Krebs, the Department of Homeland Security director who had spearheaded a campaign to counter rumors about voter fraud, has been fired, President Trump tweeted on Tuesday.
Trump, in two misleading tweets about the security of the U.S. election, said Krebs' termination was "effective immediately."
The tweets, from Trump's verified Twitter account, were flagged by the social media platform for promoting misinformation.
In response, Krebs tweeted, "Honored to serve. We did it right. Defend Today, Secure [Tomorrow]."
Trump lost the presidential election to President-elect Joe Biden in both the popular vote and electoral vote. Trump had for weeks prior to the election erroneously railed against mail-in voting as being ripe for fraud. The president had encouraged his supporters to vote in person on Nov. 3 — he later complained about the number of absentee ballots that supported his opponent.
Krebs' firing came after his agency, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, last week released a statement calling the 2020 election "the most secure in American history."
It added, in boldface, "There is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes, changed votes, or was in any way compromised."
The CISA campaign, led by Krebs, was originally intended to target foreign interference. However, as the president continued to repeat dangerously misleading information about the security of the election, the agency's focus turned to rebutting many of the rumors and baseless allegations of widespread voter fraud that Trump had promoted from the White House.
A DHS official who has worked with Krebs but spoke on background for fear of retaliation told NPR last week that Krebs' firing would "rock CISA."
"Chris has earned the trust of staff all across the agency," the official said. "He's easily been the most competent and able of any political appointee I've worked with."
In statements Tuesday evening, lawmakers criticized Krebs' ousting. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called the firing a "dangerous and shameful charade." Sen. Ben Sasse said Krebs "did a really good job" and that "he obviously should not be fired."
Senate Intelligence Chair Mark Warner called Krebs an "extraordinary public servant."


npr--2020-11-17--House Hints It May Drop Supreme Court Case Seeking Mueller Grand Jury Info

The House Judiciary Committee is asking the U.S. Supreme Court to postpone arguments set for Dec. 2 in a case testing whether the committee has the right to see grand jury materials related to the Trump impeachment inquiry .
The committee has sought the material since July 2019 when it went to court after Attorney General William Barr refused to provide the panel with an unredacted copy of Special Counsel Robert Mueller 's report .
Two lower courts ruled that the committee 's work was related to a judicial proceeding — impeachment — and that the panel was thus entitled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other normally secret materials presented to the grand jury .
Those materials involved both the question of Donald Trump 's ties to Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign and whether his subsequent actions as president amounted to obstruction of justice .
Previous presidents facing impeachment inquiries in modern times — Presidents Nixon and Clinton — allowed similar grand jury materials to be turned over to the House .
`` To our knowledge , '' said lawyers for the House in their briefs , `` no court has ever turned down a request @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connection with impeachment . ''
But the Trump administration refused , prompting the Judiciary Committee to go to court nearly a year and a half ago .
Even as Trump fought the committee in the lower courts , the House impeached him last December , and the GOP-controlled Senate acquitted him in February 2020 .
Meanwhile in the courts , Trump was batting 0 for 2 .
Ultimately , after two lower court losses , he appealed to the Supreme Court , where the justices this past July agreed to hear the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Now , however , in the aftermath of Trump 's loss of the presidency , the House has filed a motion with the Supreme Court , asking the justices to `` recalendar '' arguments in the case for a time after the swearing in of a new president on Jan. 20 , and the swearing in of a new Congress even before that , on Jan. 3 .
`` Once those events occur , the newly constituted [ Judiciary ] committee will have to decide whether it wishes to continue pursuing ... @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to this case , '' the House said in its motion to the court , adding that `` postponing argument would be in the interest of the parties and may conserve judicial resources . ''
That 's a fancy way of saying , or almost saying , the following : Yes , the House could still impeach Trump and remove him permanently from office .
But when oral arguments take place , the justices will almost certainly ask the lawyers for the House , whether the Judiciary Committee is actually considering doing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said it was indeed still considering another impeachment if the evidence it found in the Mueller grand jury materials justified a second impeachment .
In fact , the House briefs said that new avenues of inquiry had recently arisen , including the Justice Department 's request for leniency for Trump 's longtime confidant , Roger Stone , convicted of witness tampering and perjury , and the Justice Department 's request to dismiss its case against former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn , who pleaded guilty twice to lying to federal investigators .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ justices this year that it still wanted to see information about whether Trump had obstructed justice , a subject on which Mueller refused to take a position .
Prior to the election , the notion of a continued interest in a second impeachment was at least a plausible argument .
But in the aftermath of the election , that would be a much more difficult argument to make , especially since former Vice President Joe Biden has been projected to receive more than a sufficient number of Electoral College votes to win the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave office on Jan. 20 .
The House filing in the Supreme Court on Tuesday does appear to leave wiggle room in case Trump , who has refused to concede the election , refuses to leave the White House .
But assuming he does turn over the presidency as he is supposed to , there would appear to be little incentive for the newly constituted Judiciary Committee to continue with the impeachment-related litigation .
And there is almost zero chance that Biden , once president , would want the House to continue its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it could .
The House lawyers indicated in their motion that they had given the Justice Department the opportunity to join in the motion to postpone argument in the case and that the Trump administration had refused .
That may mean the Trump Justice Department may instead seek an outright dismissal of the case prior to Trump 's leaving office .
But Chief Justice John Roberts will almost certainly ask the Justice Department for the administration 's position in the case .
Should the Supreme Court agree to such a dismissal , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indirectly come to the aid of the president in this particular case .
By agreeing to hear the case last July — a full year after the House Committee 's request for the full Mueller report — the court all but ensured that the Mueller report would not be made public in its entirety until after the election .
At the time , Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler , D-N.Y. , expressed disappointment , declaring that , Trump and Attorney General Barr `` are continuing to try to run out the clock on @ @ @ @ @ @

House Hints It May Drop Supreme Court Case Seeking Mueller Grand Jury Info
Enlarge this image Alex Brandon/AP Alex Brandon/AP
The House Judiciary Committee is asking the U.S. Supreme Court to postpone arguments set for Dec. 2 in a case testing whether the committee has the right to see grand jury materials related to the Trump impeachment inquiry.
The committee has sought the material since July 2019 when it went to court after Attorney General William Barr refused to provide the panel with an unredacted copy of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report.
Two lower courts ruled that the committee's work was related to a judicial proceeding — impeachment — and that the panel was thus entitled to have access to the unredacted report and other normally secret materials presented to the grand jury. Those materials involved both the question of Donald Trump's ties to Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign and whether his subsequent actions as president amounted to obstruction of justice.
Trump runs out the clock
Previous presidents facing impeachment inquiries in modern times — Presidents Nixon and Clinton — allowed similar grand jury materials to be turned over to the House. "To our knowledge," said lawyers for the House in their briefs, "no court has ever turned down a request for grand jury materials by Congress in connection with impeachment."
But the Trump administration refused, prompting the Judiciary Committee to go to court nearly a year and a half ago. Even as Trump fought the committee in the lower courts, the House impeached him last December, and the GOP-controlled Senate acquitted him in February 2020.
Meanwhile in the courts, Trump was batting 0 for 2. Ultimately, after two lower court losses, he appealed to the Supreme Court, where the justices this past July agreed to hear the case and later scheduled arguments for Dec. 2.
Now, however, in the aftermath of Trump's loss of the presidency, the House has filed a motion with the Supreme Court, asking the justices to "recalendar" arguments in the case for a time after the swearing in of a new president on Jan. 20, and the swearing in of a new Congress even before that, on Jan. 3.
"Once those events occur, the newly constituted [Judiciary] committee will have to decide whether it wishes to continue pursuing ... the grand jury materials that gave rise to this case," the House said in its motion to the court, adding that "postponing argument would be in the interest of the parties and may conserve judicial resources."
That's a fancy way of saying, or almost saying, the following: Yes, the House could still impeach Trump and remove him permanently from office. But when oral arguments take place, the justices will almost certainly ask the lawyers for the House, whether the Judiciary Committee is actually considering doing that.
In previous filings, the House said it was indeed still considering another impeachment if the evidence it found in the Mueller grand jury materials justified a second impeachment. In fact, the House briefs said that new avenues of inquiry had recently arisen, including the Justice Department's request for leniency for Trump's longtime confidant, Roger Stone, convicted of witness tampering and perjury, and the Justice Department's request to dismiss its case against former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn, who pleaded guilty twice to lying to federal investigators.
In addition, the House told the justices this year that it still wanted to see information about whether Trump had obstructed justice, a subject on which Mueller refused to take a position.
Election makes a once plausible argument implausible
Prior to the election, the notion of a continued interest in a second impeachment was at least a plausible argument.
But in the aftermath of the election, that would be a much more difficult argument to make, especially since former Vice President Joe Biden has been projected to receive more than a sufficient number of Electoral College votes to win the presidency, and Trump is supposed to leave office on Jan. 20.
The House filing in the Supreme Court on Tuesday does appear to leave wiggle room in case Trump, who has refused to concede the election, refuses to leave the White House. But assuming he does turn over the presidency as he is supposed to, there would appear to be little incentive for the newly constituted Judiciary Committee to continue with the impeachment-related litigation. And there is almost zero chance that Biden, once president, would want the House to continue its impeachment investigation of Trump, even if it could.
The House lawyers indicated in their motion that they had given the Justice Department the opportunity to join in the motion to postpone argument in the case and that the Trump administration had refused. That may mean the Trump Justice Department may instead seek an outright dismissal of the case prior to Trump's leaving office. But Chief Justice John Roberts will almost certainly ask the Justice Department for the administration's position in the case.
Should the Supreme Court agree to such a dismissal, it would be the second time it has indirectly come to the aid of the president in this particular case. By agreeing to hear the case last July — a full year after the House Committee's request for the full Mueller report — the court all but ensured that the Mueller report would not be made public in its entirety until after the election. At the time, Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler, D-N.Y., expressed disappointment, declaring that, Trump and Attorney General Barr "are continuing to try to run out the clock on any and all accountability."


npr--2020-11-18--How The U.S. Fended Off Serious Foreign Election Day Cyberattacks

How The U.S. Fended Off Serious Foreign Election Day Cyberattacks On Election Day , Geoff Brown watched lines of text flow by on monitors at New York City Cyber Command in downtown Manhattan .
Brown , the head of the city 's cybersecurity operation , was plugged into a bank of virtual conference rooms , checking in with partners at the local , state and federal levels working together to monitor election systems for any security breaches or disinformation campaigns that might target the voting process .
After all the waiting , after months of hardening defenses , the serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a long night .
It was sort of a lonely night , perhaps , because we 're all in our own rooms in this day and age , '' Brown reflected .
He singled out for particular praise his counterparts at the Department of Homeland Security , especially Christopher Krebs , `` who I think has done an absolute , tremendous job in their mission . ''
President Trump 's Tuesday evening firing of Krebs , director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency at DHS , which oversaw federal efforts on election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlights a broader point : After all the concerns raised about foreign adversaries hacking into systems and launching disinformation campaigns such as those that marred the 2016 presidential election , the 2020 race went smoothly on both fronts .
`` After millions of Americans voted , we have no evidence any foreign adversary was capable of preventing Americans from voting or changing vote tallies , '' Krebs wrote in a statement following Election Day .
That was two weeks before he was fired .
In some ways Nov. 3 turned out to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Despite widespread fears of chaos , the system held and disaster was averted .
`` From a Y2K perspective , the beauty and elegance in the mitigation of the catastrophic events that we were all expecting was because people prepared , because they took a step back and spent time thinking about the potential impacts , '' said Stu Solomon , chief operating officer of the cybersecurity firm Recorded Future .
Ultimately the fact that Election Day came and went without serious cybersecurity or foreign disinformation campaigns suggests that the lessons of 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this election were real .
`` I was surprised at how well this happened because there are so many interests , both criminal or otherwise , '' Solomon said .
`` And because it is so easy to go out and create these impacts , the fact that we were able to mitigate them as effectively as we were is surprising , but certainly a very pleasant surprise . ''
The most serious foreign threats included the prospect of cyberattacks against key elections systems and the potential for foreign disinformation campaigns .
Between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials acted to prevent a repeat of 2016 when Russian leak operations and foreign misinformation networks wreaked havoc on the presidential race between Hillary Clinton and Trump .
Throughout 2020 , Facebook repeatedly took down fake accounts backed by the Chinese , Iranian and Russian governments .
`` It 's obvious to me that Facebook and other social media companies have massively upped the spending on resources to identify these sources within their platforms , '' said Mark Arena , CEO of Intel 471 , a cyber intelligence firm .
`` They should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials also took action to prevent intrusions inside key election systems : DHS worked with local election officials in nearly all 50 states to shore up their cyberdefenses by , among other things , testing the systems and suggesting fixes and patches .
Another threat that was hobbled before Election Day was the disruption of a network of zombie computers that were controlled by Russia-linked hackers .
The botnet was called TrickBot , and it is rather famous for planting ransomware and malware on computer systems around the world .
If U.S. election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials said later , it was likely TrickBot would be part of it .
So it got special attention from the U.S. government and the private sector .
In the months before the election , the U.S. military 's Cyber Command reportedly mounted an operation to disrupt it temporarily .
`` So the idea is you can cut the head off the snake or you can cut all the snakes which connect to the head .
And that was what the objective was .
And we saw it , '' Arena said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the snakes , but the reality is it did probably cut off a lot of those connections . ''
Microsoft took its own action to support the U.S. cyber force 's efforts .
It moved to disable the same botnet , arguing that the network 's ability to disrupt American computer systems used for election results and voter rolls was `` one of the largest threats to the upcoming elections . ''
`` The fact that it was disrupted right at the same time that the elections were kicking into high gear is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NPR .
`` And yes , it definitely had impact . ''
These actions have been publicly announced .
Analysts said there were likely others that were not .
`` What we 're seeing is only a small amount of what 's actually happening .
So I think there 's probably a huge amount of effort happening behind the scenes , '' Arena said .
`` People toiling in the dark , working in dark rooms , knowing that their successes are probably not going to be public . ''
But success preventing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only paints a partial picture : Domestic disinformation about the validity of the election has been widespread , even without intervention from abroad .
`` I think on some level , we 're always fighting the last war .
So we made significant strides on the threats we identified from 2016 around the cybersecurity of election infrastructure and the threat of foreign interference in our election , '' said Lindsay Gorman , a fellow at the Alliance for Securing Democracy .
`` And now I think what we have to really contend with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ''

How The U.S. Fended Off Serious Foreign Election Day Cyberattacks
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hiroshi Watanabe/Getty Images Hiroshi Watanabe/Getty Images
On Election Day, Geoff Brown watched lines of text flow by on monitors at New York City Cyber Command in downtown Manhattan.
Brown, the head of the city's cybersecurity operation, was plugged into a bank of virtual conference rooms, checking in with partners at the local, state and federal levels working together to monitor election systems for any security breaches or disinformation campaigns that might target the voting process.
After all the waiting, after months of hardening defenses, the serious threats never came.
"It was a long night. It was sort of a lonely night, perhaps, because we're all in our own rooms in this day and age," Brown reflected. He singled out for particular praise his counterparts at the Department of Homeland Security, especially Christopher Krebs, "who I think has done an absolute, tremendous job in their mission."
Enlarge this image toggle caption New York City Cyber Command New York City Cyber Command
President Trump's Tuesday evening firing of Krebs, director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency at DHS, which oversaw federal efforts on election security and countering voting system disinformation, highlights a broader point: After all the concerns raised about foreign adversaries hacking into systems and launching disinformation campaigns such as those that marred the 2016 presidential election, the 2020 race went smoothly on both fronts.
"After millions of Americans voted, we have no evidence any foreign adversary was capable of preventing Americans from voting or changing vote tallies," Krebs wrote in a statement following Election Day. That was two weeks before he was fired.
In some ways Nov. 3 turned out to be like the Y2K of election nights: Despite widespread fears of chaos, the system held and disaster was averted.
"From a Y2K perspective, the beauty and elegance in the mitigation of the catastrophic events that we were all expecting was because people prepared, because they took a step back and spent time thinking about the potential impacts," said Stu Solomon, chief operating officer of the cybersecurity firm Recorded Future.
Ultimately the fact that Election Day came and went without serious cybersecurity or foreign disinformation campaigns suggests that the lessons of 2016 were learned — because the threats to this election were real.
"I was surprised at how well this happened because there are so many interests, both criminal or otherwise," Solomon said. "And because it is so easy to go out and create these impacts, the fact that we were able to mitigate them as effectively as we were is surprising, but certainly a very pleasant surprise."
The most serious foreign threats included the prospect of cyberattacks against key elections systems and the potential for foreign disinformation campaigns.
Between election cycles, tech companies and government officials acted to prevent a repeat of 2016 when Russian leak operations and foreign misinformation networks wreaked havoc on the presidential race between Hillary Clinton and Trump.
Throughout 2020, Facebook repeatedly took down fake accounts backed by the Chinese, Iranian and Russian governments.
"It's obvious to me that Facebook and other social media companies have massively upped the spending on resources to identify these sources within their platforms," said Mark Arena, CEO of Intel 471, a cyber intelligence firm. "They should be commended for it."
Government officials also took action to prevent intrusions inside key election systems: DHS worked with local election officials in nearly all 50 states to shore up their cyberdefenses by, among other things, testing the systems and suggesting fixes and patches.
Another threat that was hobbled before Election Day was the disruption of a network of zombie computers that were controlled by Russia-linked hackers. The botnet was called TrickBot, and it is rather famous for planting ransomware and malware on computer systems around the world. If U.S. election systems were to be compromised, intelligence officials said later, it was likely TrickBot would be part of it.
So it got special attention from the U.S. government and the private sector. In the months before the election, the U.S. military's Cyber Command reportedly mounted an operation to disrupt it temporarily.
"So the idea is you can cut the head off the snake or you can cut all the snakes which connect to the head. And that was what the objective was. And we saw it," Arena said. "It probably didn't get all the snakes, but the reality is it did probably cut off a lot of those connections."
Microsoft took its own action to support the U.S. cyber force's efforts. It moved to disable the same botnet, arguing that the network's ability to disrupt American computer systems used for election results and voter rolls was "one of the largest threats to the upcoming elections."
"The fact that it was disrupted right at the same time that the elections were kicking into high gear is not a coincidence," Solomon told NPR. "And yes, it definitely had impact."
These actions have been publicly announced. Analysts said there were likely others that were not.
"What we're seeing is only a small amount of what's actually happening. So I think there's probably a huge amount of effort happening behind the scenes," Arena said. "People toiling in the dark, working in dark rooms, knowing that their successes are probably not going to be public."
But success preventing foreign adversaries from interfering with the election only paints a partial picture: Domestic disinformation about the validity of the election has been widespread, even without intervention from abroad.
"I think on some level, we're always fighting the last war. So we made significant strides on the threats we identified from 2016 around the cybersecurity of election infrastructure and the threat of foreign interference in our election," said Lindsay Gorman, a fellow at the Alliance for Securing Democracy. "And now I think what we have to really contend with is the threat of domestic disinformation."


npr--2020-11-18--Former Special Forces Captain Guilty Of Espionage

Former Army Green Beret Peter Rafael Dzibinski Debbins could spend the rest of his life in prison after pleading guilty to charges of espionage Wednesday .
Debbins , a 45-year-old Virginia man with Minnesota roots , had an illustrious military career .
He spent seven years on active duty , three of them serving in special forces , spying for Russia during that time and after he left the Army .
`` Debbins today acknowledged that he violated this country 's highest trust by passing sensitive national security information to the Russians , '' said John Demers , Assistant Attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ betrayed his oath , his country , and his Special Forces team members with the intent to harm the United States and help Russia . ''
According to court documents , Debbins ' mother was born in the former Soviet Union and he had visited Russia before going on active duty with the Army .
Prosecutors say Debbins was contacted by an agent of Russian intelligence services while studying in Russia in 1996 at age 19 .
This contact led to his 15-year run of conspiracy and espionage .
His code name : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Minnesota and received his commission from the Army one year later .
He was granted secret and top secret clearances over the course of his career .
Debbins abused his access by sharing information about his chemical and special forces units with Russian intelligence agents .
He provided the names of his colleagues , which were evaluated for intelligence uses .
Debbins is scheduled to be sentenced in Alexandria , Va. , on Feb. 26 by a federal judge .
Last November , former CIA officer Jerry Chun Shing was sentenced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charges .

Former Special Forces Captain Guilty Of Espionage
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alexandria, Va., Sheriff's Office via AP Alexandria, Va., Sheriff's Office via AP
Former Army Green Beret Peter Rafael Dzibinski Debbins could spend the rest of his life in prison after pleading guilty to charges of espionage Wednesday.
Debbins, a 45-year-old Virginia man with Minnesota roots, had an illustrious military career. He spent seven years on active duty, three of them serving in special forces, spying for Russia during that time and after he left the Army.
"Debbins today acknowledged that he violated this country's highest trust by passing sensitive national security information to the Russians," said John Demers, Assistant Attorney General for National Security. "Debbins betrayed his oath, his country, and his Special Forces team members with the intent to harm the United States and help Russia."
According to court documents, Debbins' mother was born in the former Soviet Union and he had visited Russia before going on active duty with the Army.
Prosecutors say Debbins was contacted by an agent of Russian intelligence services while studying in Russia in 1996 at age 19. This contact led to his 15-year run of conspiracy and espionage. His code name: Ikar Lesnikov. Debbins graduated from the University of Minnesota and received his commission from the Army one year later.
He was granted secret and top secret clearances over the course of his career. Debbins abused his access by sharing information about his chemical and special forces units with Russian intelligence agents. He provided the names of his colleagues, which were evaluated for intelligence uses.
Debbins is scheduled to be sentenced in Alexandria, Va., on Feb. 26 by a federal judge. Last November, former CIA officer Jerry Chun Shing was sentenced to 19 years in prison on similar charges.


npr--2020-11-18--MLB Suspends NY Met Robinson Cano For Doping

There 's been a significant suspension for doping in Major League Baseball .
MLB announced Wednesday that New York Mets second baseman Robinson Cano will miss all of next season , without pay , after he tested positive for an anabolic steroid banned by baseball .
Cano 's ban is 162 games , the length of a normal MLB regular season .
He also has to forfeit his $ 24 million salary for 2021 .
The punishment is severe because this is Cano 's second doping ban .
In 2018 , he was suspended for 80 games when he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was for using a diuretic , which athletes sometimes take to mask the presence of a performance-enhancing drug .
Mets President Sandy Alderson said in a statement the team is `` extremely disappointed '' that Cano broke baseball 's anti-doping rules .
Cano is 38 and an eight-time All Star .
He had what baseball insiders called a rebound season in 2020 , after several down years .
In 49 games , he hit 10 home runs and had a batting average of .316 in the pandemic-shortened season .
Cano is n't the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Most recently , Houston Astros pitcher Francis Martes was banned for all of last season .
Others receiving 162-game suspensions include Marlon Byrd in 2016 and superstar Alex Rodriguez in 2014 .
A-Rod originally was suspended 211 games , but an arbitrator eventually ruled it should be 162 .
At that time , it was the longest doping suspension in MLB history .
Cano 's 162-game suspension during the pandemic raises an interesting question .
If , like during this past season , baseball plays a reduced schedule in 2021 , will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spilling over into the following season ?
MLB and the players union reached an agreement that said some suspensions longer than 60 games — the length of the 2020 regular season — would not carry over into the following season .
There 's no word if this might apply to Cano .
With coronavirus cases surging throughout the country , baseball has n't yet made a determination how long the 2021 regular will last .
As of today , though , he has to serve a 162-game ban for testing positive for Stanozolol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a performance enhancer by some athletes .
And it has an infamous past in the sporting world .
In one of the most notorious doping incidents in Olympic history , sprinter Ben Johnson was stripped of the 100 meters gold medal at the 1988 Summer Games after testing positive for the substance .

MLB Suspends NY Met Robinson Canó For Doping
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mark Brown/Getty Images Mark Brown/Getty Images
There's been a significant suspension for doping in Major League Baseball.
MLB announced Wednesday that New York Mets second baseman Robinson Canó will miss all of next season, without pay, after he tested positive for an anabolic steroid banned by baseball.
Canó's ban is 162 games, the length of a normal MLB regular season. He also has to forfeit his $24 million salary for 2021.
The punishment is severe because this is Canó's second doping ban. In 2018, he was suspended for 80 games when he was with the Seattle Mariners. That suspension was for using a diuretic, which athletes sometimes take to mask the presence of a performance-enhancing drug.
Mets President Sandy Alderson said in a statement the team is "extremely disappointed" that Canó broke baseball's anti-doping rules.
Canó is 38 and an eight-time All Star. He had what baseball insiders called a rebound season in 2020, after several down years. In 49 games, he hit 10 home runs and had a batting average of .316 in the pandemic-shortened season.
Canó isn't the first to receive a lengthy doping sanction. Most recently, Houston Astros pitcher Francis Martes was banned for all of last season. Others receiving 162-game suspensions include Marlon Byrd in 2016 and superstar Alex Rodriguez in 2014. A-Rod originally was suspended 211 games, but an arbitrator eventually ruled it should be 162. At that time, it was the longest doping suspension in MLB history.
Canó's 162-game suspension during the pandemic raises an interesting question. If, like during this past season, baseball plays a reduced schedule in 2021, will the ban have to be completed by spilling over into the following season?
MLB and the players union reached an agreement that said some suspensions longer than 60 games — the length of the 2020 regular season — would not carry over into the following season. There's no word if this might apply to Canó. With coronavirus cases surging throughout the country, baseball hasn't yet made a determination how long the 2021 regular will last.
As of today, though, he has to serve a 162-game ban for testing positive for Stanozolol. It's a powerful steroid used as a performance enhancer by some athletes. And it has an infamous past in the sporting world. In one of the most notorious doping incidents in Olympic history, sprinter Ben Johnson was stripped of the 100 meters gold medal at the 1988 Summer Games after testing positive for the substance.