npr--2020-10-29--Coronavirus Maps: How Severe Is Your State's Outbreak?

Coronavirus Maps : How Severe Is Your State 's Outbreak ?
More than 8 million people in the U.S. have had confirmed coronavirus infections and more than 225,000 have died of COVID-19 .
Tens of thousands of new cases are reported daily nationwide .
In the graphics below , explore the trends in your state .
View the data via a heat map ( immediately below ) , curve charts , a table of state-by-state trends over four weeks , or a map of total cases and deaths .
The map above shows the risk of infection in each state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These color-coded risk levels were developed by a consortium of researchers and public health experts .
The group advises states in the red category to issue stay-home orders .
Orange states may need to consider stay-home orders , along with increased testing and contact tracing .
Yellow states need to keep up social distancing and mask usage , and both yellow and green states should continue testing and contact tracing .
To compare state outbreaks , the chart above graphs trend lines for average new daily cases and deaths against each state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of visualization highlights a state 's daily growth or decline relative to the overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case and death counts grow quickly , the curves bend upward .
As new cases and deaths slow , the curves level or bend down .
In New York , the curve rose sharply before reaching over 170,000 total cases in April .
Since then , new cases have fallen from about 10,000 per day in mid-April to over 1,000 per day in mid October .
Explore the map @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures around the country for both new confirmed cases and reported deaths from COVID-19 .
New York was the original epicenter of the pandemic in the U.S. As of mid October , California , Florida and Texas surpass New York for total cases to date , though New York still has the highest death total .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths .
To show trends , the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state , week over week for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in shades of red have growing outbreaks ; those in shades of green , are declining .
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local media reports .
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies .
This may result in occasional data discrepancies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolves anomalies and updates its feeds .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department 's website .
Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships .
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases and or update their methodologies .
For example , in early June , Michigan health authorities started including probable cases in its totals .
This resulted in a brief spike in the state 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to reconcile the historical data .
On June 25 , New Jersey included 1,854 previously-unreported probable deaths in its totals , resulting in a spike in the state 's daily death numbers .
On Sept. 2 , Massachusetts changed its methodology for counting probable cases , which lowered its overall case and death numbers .
The JHU team maintains a list of such changes .
This story was originally published on March 16 , 2020 .
Elena Renken was a co-author on that version .
Sean McMinn contributed to and Carmel Wroth @ @ @ @

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
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Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
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The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
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Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-10-29--Germany Sees Generational Conflict Over Pandemic As Virus Spreads

German Chancellor Angela Merkel has announced a limited lockdown in a bid to stop the exponential growth in coronavirus cases , currently doubling every seven days .
Following long negotiations with Germany 's 16 state governors , Merkel , who 's been urging the public to dial down socializing for weeks , persuaded the governors that closing bars , restaurants , cafes , gyms , swimming pools , theaters , cinemas and concert venues is their best option .
`` We only need infection numbers to double another four times and the health system is finished , '' she warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect on Monday and is set to last until the end of November .
Merkel is adamant that schools and day care facilities should remain open as long as possible , a clear signal that education comes before entertainment .
She also announced that businesses forced to close will receive subsidies from the government that will partially cover their losses .
Despite the offer of financial aid , the lockdown will hit the economy hard .
Germany 's restaurant industry protested earlier restrictions that were put in place in October .
Yet with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 40 year-olds , epidemiologists are worried about the infection spreading to Germany 's sizeable elderly population .
That 's why politicians have been telling partygoers to stay home , and to avoid bars , clubs and restaurants .
This has not gone down well in Berlin , where nightlife has long been synonymous with hedonism and liberty – from the coke-fueled cabarets of the 1920s to the massive techno parties in abandoned buildings of the early '90s .
Bars and clubs are open round the clock and `` nights out '' can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Berlin an official coronavirus hot spot , its mayor says `` now is not the time to party '' and introduced closing hours last month for the first time in more than 70 years .
Now , with less than a week before bars will be forced to shutdown completely , drinkers are making the most of the freedom this city usually provides .
One of them is Nora Graf , who sits with a friend outside a well-known establishment in the Kreuzberg area , nursing a whiskey to keep warm in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she does n't feel it 's safe to sit inside .
`` You only have to look around this neighborhood to see that a lot of bar-hoppers do n't seem to have noticed that the virus is back with a vengeance , '' Graf says .
`` They should be adapting their behavior . ''
Graf , a 38-year-old architect , says she 's not looking forward to the lockdown but says restricting bars ' opening hours makes sense .
For her , it does n't make much of a difference ; late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Night life only until 11 p.m .
I 'd say that 's pretty family-friendly ! ''
she says .
But it 's not business-friendly .
Roberto Manteuffel , a barkeeper and founder of Berlin 's bar lobby , says `` our business hours are the nighttime , as bar owners .
This is a nightmare for all of us . ''
Manteuffel says being forced to close will damage the city 's tax base , but it wo n't do anything to stem infections because revelers will simply take their parties back home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least keep a record of who 's present , making contact tracing easier than at private parties .
`` Politicians ca n't say : young people stop being young ! ''
Manteuffel argues .
`` Of course , we all need to live with the virus but at the same time we ca n't stop being humans , whatever age we are . ''
For Angela Merkel , being human is precisely what this is all about .
She 's repeatedly appealed to partygoers to think of others .
Just last month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think about what 's most important .
Is n't it the health of your family , your grandparents ? ''
In an attempt to close the generational divide , Merkel added that `` going out and partying will still be there post Corona .
Right now , it 's being considerate and showing solidarity that counts . ''
Merkel 's tone was polite compared with a recent poster campaign here which featured a mask-wearing grandma giving the middle finger to rule-breakers and partygoers .
The posters were removed following complaints .
But both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ich werde nicht alt '' – which , in a party-going context , means ' I ca n't stay out late . '
Literally , though , it means ' I wo n't grow old ' – and that 's the scenario Merkel and Germany 's state governors are trying to prevent .

Germany Sees Generational Conflict Over Pandemic As Virus Spreads
Enlarge this image toggle caption Michael Probst/AP Michael Probst/AP
German Chancellor Angela Merkel has announced a limited lockdown in a bid to stop the exponential growth in coronavirus cases, currently doubling every seven days.
Following long negotiations with Germany's 16 state governors, Merkel, who's been urging the public to dial down socializing for weeks, persuaded the governors that closing bars, restaurants, cafes, gyms, swimming pools, theaters, cinemas and concert venues is their best option.
"We only need infection numbers to double another four times and the health system is finished," she warned Wednesday.
The lockdown will come into effect on Monday and is set to last until the end of November. Merkel is adamant that schools and day care facilities should remain open as long as possible, a clear signal that education comes before entertainment. She also announced that businesses forced to close will receive subsidies from the government that will partially cover their losses.
Despite the offer of financial aid, the lockdown will hit the economy hard. Germany's restaurant industry protested earlier restrictions that were put in place in October. Yet with the infection rate particularly high among 20- to 40-year-olds, epidemiologists are worried about the infection spreading to Germany's sizable elderly population.
That's why politicians have been telling partygoers to stay home and to avoid bars, clubs and restaurants.
This has not gone down well in Berlin, where nightlife has long been synonymous with hedonism and liberty – from the coke-fueled cabarets of the 1920s to the massive techno parties in abandoned buildings of the early '90s. Bars and clubs are open round the clock, and "nights out" can easily last 48 hours.
But with Berlin an official coronavirus hot spot, its mayor says that "now is not the time to party" and introduced closing hours last month for the first time in more than 70 years. Now, with less than a week before bars will be forced to shut down completely, drinkers are making the most of the freedom this city usually provides.
One of them is Nora Graf, who sits with a friend outside a well-known establishment in the Kreuzberg area, nursing a whiskey to keep warm in the cool, evening air. She says she doesn't feel it's safe to sit inside. "You only have to look around this neighborhood to see that a lot of bar-hoppers don't seem to have noticed that the virus is back with a vengeance," Graf says. "They should be adapting their behavior."
Graf, a 38-year-old architect, says she's not looking forward to the lockdown but says restricting bars' opening hours makes sense. For her, it doesn't make much of a difference; late nights are a distant memory. "Night life only until 11 p.m. I'd say that's pretty family-friendly!" she says.
But it's not business-friendly. Roberto Manteuffel, a barkeeper and founder of Berlin's bar lobby, says, "Our business hours are the nighttime, as bar owners. This is a nightmare for all of us."
Manteuffel says being forced to close will damage the city's tax base, but it won't do anything to stem infections because revelers will simply take their parties back home. He says bar owners can at least keep a record of who's present, making contact tracing easier than at private parties.
"Politicians can't say: Young people stop being young!" Manteuffel argues. "Of course, we all need to live with the virus, but at the same time we can't stop being humans, whatever age we are."
For Merkel, being human is precisely what this is all about. She's repeatedly appealed to partygoers to think of others. Just last month, Merkel said, "Take a minute to think about what's most important. Isn't it the health of your family, your grandparents?"
In an attempt to close the generational divide, Merkel added that "going out and partying will still be there post-corona. Right now, it's being considerate and showing solidarity that counts."
Merkel's tone was polite compared with a recent poster campaign here that featured a mask-wearing grandma giving the middle finger to rule-breakers and partygoers. The posters were removed following complaints.
But both messages echo the German saying – "Ich werde nicht alt" – which, in a partygoing context, means "I can't stay out late." Literally, though, it means "I won't grow old" – and that's the scenario Merkel and Germany's state governors are trying to prevent.


npr--2020-10-29--Pandemic Means Closing Time For Many New York City Restaurants And Bars

Pandemic Means Closing Time For Many New York City Restaurants And Bars Nitecap , a bar in Manhattan 's Lower East Side , did not have a big party to say goodbye .
It celebrated its final night in COVID-19 style .
Customers could pre-order drinks and pick them up through a small doorway .
Neshann Chan , 40 , lives in Jersey City but came into the city to pick up two bags of cocktails and ask Nitecap 's owner for an autographed menu .
Chan has been a regular at the bar for years and even spent a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There was this spectacular cocktail that was basically a riff on a banana daiquiri .
I mean , it was poetry , '' Chan says .
Natasha David , one of the bar 's owners , describes the inside of the bar as your fun , kooky aunt 's basement — full of kitsch , flowers , with a disco ball always on .
But Nitecap is in an actual basement , and David knew from the beginning of the pandemic the bar would take a huge hit to its revenue .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on that the bar would not be able to make its usual rent payments .
`` And did n't get a response , did n't get a response , did n't get a response . ''
Nitecap was not able to do outdoor dining , so its revenue stayed low for months , and rent debts piled up .
The bar basically reached a tipping point — with no agreement on reducing rent and no way to pay off accumulated rent debts , Nitecap had to close .
Some city restaurants have added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indoors at 25 % capacity .
But it 's still projected that up to one-half of the city 's restaurants may close permanently in the next six months to a year .
The coming of winter is adding to mounting financial pressures in the industry .
Jee Kim is one of the operators of Pado , a sushi restaurant in Manhattan that closed at the end of September .
`` Sushi sashimi were the most popular , and also crispy tuna rice . ''
Kim says Pado closed because the restaurant 's landlord @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rent to account for a drop in revenue .
And , because the outdoor dining that had been keeping Pado afloat did not seem viable in winter .
`` No one wants to eat cold , hard sushi outside .
That 's quite disgusting . ''
As debts keep piling up and winter approaches , restaurants in the city are up against stubborn math .
`` Outdoor dining is going to be less and less feasible for the vast majority of these restaurants that are doing outdoor dining and at 25 % indoor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to get to 50 % occupancy , that is not enough to save these restaurants , '' says Andrew Rigie , the Executive Director of NYC Hospitality Alliance , a hospitality industry trade group .
But Tracy Hadden Loh , a fellow at the Brookings Institution , says the pandemic is changing what it means for a restaurant to close .
Many restaurants recognize it 's the pandemic , not their business idea , that forced them to close .
Because of that , they are trying to reinvent themselves , beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we still love to buy food and drinks we did n't make .
`` And so there 's no reason to think that demand is going to go away .
And that is a market that creative entrepreneurs are going to find a way to sell to . ''
Loh says closed restaurants might do pop-ups , start food trucks , or move to a location with lower rent .
Basically , it 's just goodbye to this version of a restaurant or bar , in this kooky aunt 's basement .

Pandemic Means Closing Time For Many New York City Restaurants And Bars
Enlarge this image toggle caption Camille Petersen Camille Petersen
Nitecap, a bar in Manhattan's Lower East Side, did not have a big party to say goodbye. It celebrated its final night in COVID-19 style. Customers could pre-order drinks and pick them up through a small doorway.
Neshann Chan, 40, lives in Jersey City but came into the city to pick up two bags of cocktails and ask Nitecap's owner for an autographed menu. Chan has been a regular at the bar for years and even spent a New Year's Eve there.
"There was this spectacular cocktail that was basically a riff on a banana daiquiri. I mean, it was poetry," Chan says.
Natasha David, one of the bar's owners, describes the inside of the bar as your fun, kooky aunt's basement — full of kitsch, flowers, with a disco ball always on.
But Nitecap is in an actual basement, and David knew from the beginning of the pandemic the bar would take a huge hit to its revenue. She says she told Nitecap's landlord early on that the bar would not be able to make its usual rent payments.
"And didn't get a response, didn't get a response, didn't get a response."
Nitecap was not able to do outdoor dining, so its revenue stayed low for months, and rent debts piled up. The bar basically reached a tipping point — with no agreement on reducing rent and no way to pay off accumulated rent debts, Nitecap had to close.
Some city restaurants have added year-round outdoor dining, others are serving indoors at 25% capacity. But it's still projected that up to one-half of the city's restaurants may close permanently in the next six months to a year. The coming of winter is adding to mounting financial pressures in the industry.
Jee Kim is one of the operators of Pado, a sushi restaurant in Manhattan that closed at the end of September.
"Sushi sashimi were the most popular, and also crispy tuna rice."
Kim says Pado closed because the restaurant's landlord was not willing to negotiate a lower rent to account for a drop in revenue. And, because the outdoor dining that had been keeping Pado afloat did not seem viable in winter.
"No one wants to eat cold, hard sushi outside. That's quite disgusting."
As debts keep piling up and winter approaches, restaurants in the city are up against stubborn math.
"Outdoor dining is going to be less and less feasible for the vast majority of these restaurants that are doing outdoor dining and at 25% indoor dining, or even if we're able to get to 50% occupancy, that is not enough to save these restaurants," says Andrew Rigie, the Executive Director of NYC Hospitality Alliance, a hospitality industry trade group.
But Tracy Hadden Loh, a fellow at the Brookings Institution, says the pandemic is changing what it means for a restaurant to close. Many restaurants recognize it's the pandemic, not their business idea, that forced them to close.
Because of that, they are trying to reinvent themselves, beyond their old brick-and-mortar locations. After all, we still love to buy food and drinks we didn't make.
"And so there's no reason to think that demand is going to go away. And that is a market that creative entrepreneurs are going to find a way to sell to."
Loh says closed restaurants might do pop-ups, start food trucks, or move to a location with lower rent.
Basically, it's just goodbye to this version of a restaurant or bar, in this kooky aunt's basement.


npr--2020-10-29--VoteMobile Helps California Wildfire Victims And Seniors Cast Their Ballots

The Santa Cruz County VoteMobile looks like a taco truck .
But instead of tacos , you can order a ballot .
The front of the trailer has two glass customer service windows .
Let 's just say you ca n't miss it driving around town .
The trailer is brightly painted with an American Flag and the word `` vote '' written in giant letters on each side .
As early voters deal with long lines in some cities across the country , Santa Cruz , Calif. , is trying to make it easier for residents to vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the county this election season .
It serves those who ca n't venture far from their homes due to COVID-19 .
It 's also helping people who recently lost their homes to wildfire .
Since mid-October , the VoteMobile has visited farmers markets , a homeless services center and communities ravaged by recent wildfire .
`` Some people are just so ecstatic to have us around , '' said Elizabeth Perez , who helps run the VoteMobile .
`` And for them , it seems really convenient . ''
Perez and her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from quickly opening a canopy , which provides shade for four private voting booths , to firing up the generator , which powers the VoteMobile .
It 's all connected to the county 's election information management system .
Inside the trailer , pre-printed ballots for all of the county 's 168 voting precincts fill up a cabinet .
If they run out , a big printer can serve up the right ballot on demand .
The VoteMobile is essentially the county 's elections office on wheels , offering traditional voting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for those who marked mail-in ballots , to voter assistance in Spanish .
On a recent hot and sticky Santa Cruz day , the VoteMobile was stationed at La Posada Retirement Community .
Agnes Huff , 29 , cast her ballot there via the VoteMobile .
`` It feels good every time I vote , '' said Huff , who is a veteran .
Times have been tough for Huff as of late .
Her home burned down in the CZU Lightning Complex fire , which was ignited by lightning in mid-August .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santa Cruz and San Mateo counties , according to the state agency , Cal Fire .
Among the million things on Huff 's mind was voting .
`` I mean , I wanted to make sure that I could still get out there and make sure my voice was heard , '' Huff said .
`` Yeah , absolutely , it was definitely a concern . ''
The CZU Lightning Complex wildfire destroyed more than 900 homes in Santa Cruz County alone .
For some residents , mail-in ballots could n't be delivered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a change of address , so the ballots came back to the elections office as undeliverable , or residents thought their ballots would be automatically forwarded , which is n't allowed in California .
`` This community in Santa Cruz County , we pull for each other , '' Gail Pellerin , Santa Cruz County 's chief elections official , said .
`` We want to make sure everybody has access to voting .
You do n't see the kinds of shenanigans that are going on in other counties , in other states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really do believe in democracy and the importance of every voter having access to the ballot . ''
`` And when the pandemic hit , I thought , 'Now is the perfect time , ' `` Pellerin said .
Little did she know , it would also be valuable for fire survivors , who now have the elections office coming to them .
`` These are such amazing people , '' said Pellerin .
`` I mean , they are still in the throes of losing their home and figuring out where they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling me saying , ' I want to make sure I can vote and get my ballot . '
`` Voter registration is at a record number in Santa Cruz County according to Pellerin , and as of Monday , Oct. 26 , more than 500 people have used the VoteMobile , from fire survivors to first-time voters and seniors like 86-year-old Bridget Stennes .
She dropped off her mail-in ballot into a slot on the side of the trailer while it was parked at La Posada , where she lives .
La @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but COVID-19 changed that because of health concerns related to many voters coming through a senior housing facility .
`` I think it 's wonderful .
We need VoteMobiles everywhere .
Makes it easy for people to vote , '' Stennes said .
`` Especially for the elderly , they are afraid of the virus and they 're afraid to be out there to vote . ''
First-time voter Ian Ly , age 18 , stopped by the VoteMobile with his mom .
He said voting in a pandemic is interesting .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` It 's a good thing that they have this outdoors .
So I can vote safely and everyone else can vote safely . ''

VoteMobile Helps California Wildfire Victims And Seniors Cast Their Ballots
Enlarge this image toggle caption Erika Mahoney/KAZU Erika Mahoney/KAZU
The Santa Cruz County VoteMobile looks like a taco truck. But instead of tacos, you can order a ballot. The front of the trailer has two glass customer service windows. Let's just say you can't miss it driving around town. The trailer is brightly painted with an American Flag and the word "vote" written in giant letters on each side.
As early voters deal with long lines in some cities across the country, Santa Cruz, Calif., is trying to make it easier for residents to vote. The new mobile voting center is cruising throughout the county this election season. It serves those who can't venture far from their homes due to COVID-19. It's also helping people who recently lost their homes to wildfire.
Since mid-October, the VoteMobile has visited farmers markets, a homeless services center and communities ravaged by recent wildfire.
"Some people are just so ecstatic to have us around," said Elizabeth Perez, who helps run the VoteMobile. "And for them, it seems really convenient."
Perez and her two teammates have the VoteMobile setup perfected, from quickly opening a canopy, which provides shade for four private voting booths, to firing up the generator, which powers the VoteMobile. It's all connected to the county's election information management system.
Inside the trailer, pre-printed ballots for all of the county's 168 voting precincts fill up a cabinet. If they run out, a big printer can serve up the right ballot on demand. The VoteMobile is essentially the county's elections office on wheels, offering traditional voting in a booth, to ballot drop off for those who marked mail-in ballots, to voter assistance in Spanish.
On a recent hot and sticky Santa Cruz day, the VoteMobile was stationed at La Posada Retirement Community. Agnes Huff, 29, cast her ballot there via the VoteMobile.
"It feels good every time I vote," said Huff, who is a veteran.
Times have been tough for Huff as of late. Her home burned down in the CZU Lightning Complex fire, which was ignited by lightning in mid-August. The fire burned about 86,500 acres in Santa Cruz and San Mateo counties, according to the state agency, Cal Fire.
Among the million things on Huff's mind was voting.
"I mean, I wanted to make sure that I could still get out there and make sure my voice was heard," Huff said. "Yeah, absolutely, it was definitely a concern."
The CZU Lightning Complex wildfire destroyed more than 900 homes in Santa Cruz County alone. For some residents, mail-in ballots couldn't be delivered, either because they did not provide a change of address, so the ballots came back to the elections office as undeliverable, or residents thought their ballots would be automatically forwarded, which isn't allowed in California.
"This community in Santa Cruz County, we pull for each other," Gail Pellerin, Santa Cruz County's chief elections official, said. "We want to make sure everybody has access to voting. You don't see the kinds of shenanigans that are going on in other counties, in other states here in Santa Cruz County because we really do believe in democracy and the importance of every voter having access to the ballot."
Pellerin has wanted a mobile voting center for years.
"And when the pandemic hit, I thought, 'Now is the perfect time,' " Pellerin said.
Little did she know, it would also be valuable for fire survivors, who now have the elections office coming to them.
"These are such amazing people," said Pellerin. "I mean, they are still in the throes of losing their home and figuring out where they're going next. And they're calling me saying, 'I want to make sure I can vote and get my ballot.' "
Voter registration is at a record number in Santa Cruz County according to Pellerin, and as of Monday, Oct. 26, more than 500 people have used the VoteMobile, from fire survivors to first-time voters and seniors like 86-year-old Bridget Stennes.
She dropped off her mail-in ballot into a slot on the side of the trailer while it was parked at La Posada, where she lives. La Posada is typically a polling place, but COVID-19 changed that because of health concerns related to many voters coming through a senior housing facility.
"I think it's wonderful. We need VoteMobiles everywhere. Makes it easy for people to vote," Stennes said. "Especially for the elderly, they are afraid of the virus and they're afraid to be out there to vote."
First-time voter Ian Ly, age 18, stopped by the VoteMobile with his mom. He said voting in a pandemic is interesting.
"Weird situation overall," Ly said. "It's a good thing that they have this outdoors. So I can vote safely and everyone else can vote safely."


npr--2020-10-29--The 13 Races That Will Determine Senate Majority

The 13 Races That Will Determine Senate Majority Republicans hold the Senate 53-47 .
( There are two independents — Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont — but they caucus with Democrats and therefore should be counted that way in the math for Senate control . )
To flip the Senate , Democrats would need to net-gain four seats outright or three seats and control of the White House , because in a 50-50 Senate — which is possible this year — the vice president breaks the tie .
Republicans can lose up to three seats and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump wins reelection .
Democrats are forecast to gain two to six seats .
Control of the Senate remains a jump ball days out from Election Day .
These are the races that will decide it : Alabama : Sen. Doug Jones is the only Democratic incumbent in a tough race this year .
He is expected to lose to former Auburn University football coach Tommy Tuberville , the Republican challenger .
President Trump remains wildly popular in Alabama , and it would be very difficult for Jones to overcome that advantage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican pickup here would mean Democrats would need to pick up four GOP-held seats and win the White House for Senate control .
Republican-held seats ( Democrats favored to gain two to six seats ) Arizona : GOP Sen. Martha McSally is running against Democrat Mark Kelly , the popular and well-known former astronaut turned gun control advocate after the 2011 Tucson shooting of his wife , then-Rep. Gabby Giffords , D-Ariz. Kelly has led in all but one public poll in 2020 .
Kelly has also significantly outraised McSally .
Colorado : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former Gov .
John Hickenlooper , a former 2020 Democratic presidential candidate .
Hickenlooper initially indicated he was not interested in a Senate run but jumped in after his presidential campaign faded .
He has run a lackluster campaign , but the overall Democratic pull of the state is probably enough to carry Hickenlooper to victory .
Iowa : First-term GOP Sen. Joni Ernst is running against real estate developer Theresa Greenfield .
This race has gotten increasingly competitive in the closing months of the campaign .
Ernst had been the early favorite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become a toss-up in the close .
Maine : Republican Sen. Susan Collins is running against Democrat Sara Gideon , the state 's House speaker .
Few others have seen their political stock fall as fast as Collins has .
Once one of the most popular senators in the U.S. , she now ranks at the bottom .
The polarization of the Trump era has done no favors for centrist moderates .
Collins is a savvy campaigner and knows her state and how to win , but Gideon has been able to capitalize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-Trump sentiment .
Montana : Republican Sen. Steve Daines is running against term-limited Democratic Gov .
Steve Bullock , arguably the only Democrat who could make Montana competitive for the party .
Bullock is well-known and has generally been given decent marks by voters for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
Montana is a red state that wants to stay that way , and that helps Daines .
A Bullock victory would be a telling sign of a broader Democratic wave .
North Carolina : Republican Sen. Thom Tillis is running against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senator .
This is widely viewed as the tipping-point race — whoever wins here will likely represent the party in control of the Senate .
Cunningham had all the advantages , but late-breaking reports of marital infidelity will test whether old-school political scandals still register with voters .
Alaska : GOP Sen. Dan Sullivan is running against orthopedic surgeon Al Gross , who is technically an independent but will appear on the ballot as a Democrat .
Trump won Alaska by 16 points in 2016 , and Sullivan should be able to pull @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run a surprisingly strong campaign aided by waves of grassroots Democratic fundraising , including after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
There is n't regular or reliable polling in this race .
Georgia 1 : Republican Sen. David Perdue is running against Democrat Jon Ossoff , best known for running and losing a high-profile 2017 special election for a U.S. House seat .
Perdue has been a Trump loyalist in a state that is increasingly more purple than red .
Republicans are bullish that Perdue can win reelection , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real unless a candidate wins at least 50 % .
A third-party candidate , Libertarian Shane Hazel , is complicating that path .
Georgia special election : Appointed GOP Sen. Kelly Loeffler is running to serve out the term of former Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson , who retired early for health reasons .
Loeffler is a wealthy businesswoman .
If no candidate gets at least 50 % — which is unlikely — the top two vote-getters go to a Jan. 5 runoff .
Loeffler has to fend off both a Republican challenge from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic vote-getter , Raphael Warnock .
Warnock is a civil rights leader and pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta , the same church where Martin Luther King Jr. served .
If control of the Senate comes down to Georgia , it might not be known until January 2021 .
Kansas : This is an open-seat race because Republican Sen. Pat Roberts is retiring .
Republican Rep. Roger Marshall is running against doctor and state Sen. Barbara Bollier .
Marshall is the GOP establishment 's pick and is favored to win .
Bollier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focused on her medical background during the pandemic .
South Carolina : Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham is running against former Democratic congressional aide Jaime Harrison .
Trump won South Carolina by 14 points in 2016 , and Graham has transformed from Trump critic to Trump champion since then .
Harrison has been able to turn a long-shot bid into a well-funded campaign that is polling competitively .
The conservative roots of the state keep Graham as favored to win .
A loss could be an indication of a massive Democratic-wave election .
Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Democratic challenger MJ Hegar and has consistently led in public polling .
A Democratic victory here would be a major upset and would likely be contingent on a surprise Joe Biden win in the state .
Texas is also seeing a surge in voter turnout across the state , fueling Democratic hopes that the polls are wrong and 2020 is the year Texas goes blue .

The 13 Races That Will Determine The Senate Majority
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alex Brandon/AP Alex Brandon/AP
Republicans hold the Senate 53-47. (There are two independents — Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont — but they caucus with Democrats and therefore should be counted that way in the math for Senate control.)
To flip the Senate, Democrats would need to net-gain four seats outright or three seats and control of the White House, because in a 50-50 Senate — which is possible this year — the vice president breaks the tie. Republicans can lose up to three seats and hold the majority, as long as President Trump wins reelection.
Democrats are forecast to gain two to six seats. Control of the Senate remains a jump ball days out from Election Day. These are the races that will decide it:
Democratic-held seats (Republicans favored to gain one seat)
Alabama: Sen. Doug Jones is the only Democratic incumbent in a tough race this year. He is expected to lose to former Auburn University football coach Tommy Tuberville, the Republican challenger. Trump remains wildly popular in Alabama, and it would be very difficult for Jones to overcome that advantage in a nationalized political climate. A Republican pickup here would mean Democrats would need to pick up four GOP-held seats and win the White House for Senate control.
Republican-held seats (Democrats favored to gain two to six seats)
Arizona: GOP Sen. Martha McSally is running against Democrat Mark Kelly, the popular and well-known former astronaut turned gun control advocate after the 2011 Tucson shooting of his wife, then-Rep. Gabby Giffords, D-Ariz. Kelly has led in all but one public poll in 2020. Kelly has also significantly outraised McSally.
Colorado: Republican Sen. Cory Gardner is running against former Gov. John Hickenlooper, a former 2020 Democratic presidential candidate. Hickenlooper initially indicated he was not interested in a Senate run but jumped in after his presidential campaign faded. He has run a lackluster campaign, but the overall Democratic pull of the state is probably enough to carry Hickenlooper to victory.
Iowa: First-term GOP Sen. Joni Ernst is running against real estate developer Theresa Greenfield. This race has gotten increasingly competitive in the closing months of the campaign. Ernst had been the early favorite for reelection, but the race has become a toss-up in the close.
Maine: Republican Sen. Susan Collins is running against Democrat Sara Gideon, the state's House speaker. Few others have seen their political stock fall as fast as Collins has. Once one of the most popular senators in the U.S., she now ranks at the bottom. The polarization of the Trump era has done no favors for centrist moderates. Collins is a savvy campaigner and knows her state and how to win, but Gideon has been able to capitalize on Collins' sinking political clout and anti-Trump sentiment.
Montana: Republican Sen. Steve Daines is running against term-limited Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock, arguably the only Democrat who could make Montana competitive for the party. Bullock is well-known and has generally been given decent marks by voters for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic. Montana is a red state that wants to stay that way, and that helps Daines. A Bullock victory would be a telling sign of a broader Democratic wave.
North Carolina: Republican Sen. Thom Tillis is running against attorney Cal Cunningham, a former state senator. This is widely viewed as the tipping-point race — whoever wins here will likely represent the party in control of the Senate. Cunningham had all the advantages, but late-breaking reports of marital infidelity will test whether old-school political scandals still register with voters.
Potential election night surprises
Alaska: GOP Sen. Dan Sullivan is running against orthopedic surgeon Al Gross, who is technically an independent but will appear on the ballot as a Democrat. Trump won Alaska by 16 points in 2016, and Sullivan should be able to pull out a win. But Gross has run a surprisingly strong campaign aided by waves of grassroots Democratic fundraising, including after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. There isn't regular or reliable polling in this race.
Georgia 1: Republican Sen. David Perdue is running against Democrat Jon Ossoff, best known for running and losing a high-profile 2017 special election for a U.S. House seat. Perdue has been a Trump loyalist in a state that is increasingly more purple than red. Republicans are bullish that Perdue can win reelection, but the risk of a Jan. 5 runoff is real unless a candidate wins at least 50%. A third-party candidate, Libertarian Shane Hazel, is complicating that path.
Georgia special election: Appointed GOP Sen. Kelly Loeffler is running to serve out the term of former Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson, who retired early for health reasons. Loeffler is a wealthy businesswoman. If no candidate gets at least 50% — which is unlikely — the top two vote-getters go to a Jan. 5 runoff. Loeffler has to fend off both a Republican challenge from Rep. Doug Collins and the top expected Democratic vote-getter, Raphael Warnock. Warnock is a civil rights leader and pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, the same church where Martin Luther King Jr. served. If control of the Senate comes down to Georgia, it might not be known until January 2021.
Kansas: This is an open-seat race because Republican Sen. Pat Roberts is retiring. Republican Rep. Roger Marshall is running against doctor and state Sen. Barbara Bollier. Marshall is the GOP establishment's pick and is favored to win. Bollier is a Republican turned Democrat who has focused on her medical background during the pandemic.
South Carolina: Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham is running against former Democratic congressional aide Jaime Harrison. Trump won South Carolina by 14 points in 2016, and Graham has transformed from Trump critic to Trump champion since then. Harrison has been able to turn a long-shot bid into a well-funded campaign that is polling competitively. The conservative roots of the state keep Graham as favored to win. A loss could be an indication of a massive Democratic-wave election.
Texas: Republican Sen. John Cornyn is favored against Democratic challenger MJ Hegar and has consistently led in public polling. A Democratic victory here would be a major upset and would likely be contingent on a surprise Joe Biden win in the state. Texas is also seeing a surge in voter turnout across the state, fueling Democratic hopes that the polls are wrong and 2020 is the year Texas goes blue.


npr--2020-10-29--Opioid Crisis: Critics Say Trump Fumbled Response To Another Deadly Epidemic

Opioid Crisis : Critics Say Trump Fumbled Response To Another Deadly Epidemic When then-presidential candidate Donald Trump spoke in Manchester , N.H. , a week before the 2016 election , he said the opioid crisis was destroying lives and shattering families .
`` We are going to stop the inflow of drugs into New Hampshire and into our country 100 % , '' Trump promised .
It was a major campaign issue .
Overdoses were surging in battleground states key to the election , like New Hampshire , Ohio and Pennsylvania .
In 2017 — Trump 's first year in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from overdoses linked to heroin , fentanyl and prescription opioids , according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
Before coronavirus hit , opioids were widely viewed as the nation 's top public health crisis .
Trump declared a public health emergency in October 2017 , noting that overdoses had joined gun violence and car crashes as a leading cause of death in America .
`` No part of our society , not young or old , rich or poor , urban or rule has been spared this plague , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump signed legislation in 2018 that boosted federal funding for drug treatment .
During trade talks with China last year , Trump pushed to slow that country 's exports of fentanyl .
`` The federal government has taken some important steps to increase access to evidence-based treatment for opioid use disorder , '' said Beau Kilmer , who heads the Rand Corporation 's Drug Policy Research Center .
Kilmer also credits Trump for `` pressuring China to better regulate some of its synthetic opioids . ''
But while some progress was made , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scenes that hampered federal efforts , including the decision to sideline and defund the Office of National Drug Control Policy ( ONDCP .
An internal memo acquired by NPR in 2017 found the White House was contemplating a 94 % cut in resources to the agency , tasked since 1988 with developing and coordinating the nation 's drug addiction efforts .
That decision was later reversed but Trump handed leadership of the opioid response to a series of political appointees , including former New Jersey Gov .
Chris Christie and White House adviser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficult for people to understand , you know , who 's leading and coordinating the effort on opioids , '' Kilmer said .
Still , there seemed to be some success , with opioid deaths dipping slightly in 2018 .
`` This sign of progress is an example of what can happen when an administration prioritizes an issue , '' said ONDCP director Jim Carroll in a statement earlier this year .
But in 2019 , the number of overdoses surged again to a new record with more than 50,000 opioid-related fatalities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ big increase in deaths during the first four months of 2020 .
U.S. went two years without a national strategy Researchers also say fentanyl has continued to spread fast , despite interdiction efforts , contributing to more overdose deaths in the western United States where the synthetic opioid had been scarce .
In December , the Government Accountability Office issued a report blasting the administration for failing to come up with a coherent national opioid strategy as required by law .
`` ONDCP did not issue a national drug control strategy for either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concluded .
The ONDCP declined an interview request for this story , but a spokesman told NPR in an email that the agency has addressed the GAO 's concerns and is once again functioning in full compliance .
`` ONDCP has released several documents that together address all of the statutory requirements that GAO noted as missing , '' the spokesman said .
But in recent months , even some members of the Trump administration have begun voicing alarm .
`` Basically everything is pointed in the wrong direction , '' said Adm. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and an opioid policy expert at the Department of Health and Human Services .
During a panel discussion in late July , Giroir described recent increases in opioid overdoses as `` a nightmare , '' adding that `` all the progress that we made has been reversed and this is even before the pandemic . ''
Drug policy experts say things could grow even worse in the months ahead if Trump is successful in dismantling the Affordable Care Act .
The program created during the Obama administration subsidizes state Medicaid programs that provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans receiving opioid addiction treatment .
`` We 've seen very large increases in the number of individuals going to treatment programs , '' said Brendan Saloner , a researcher at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health .
If the Supreme Court strikes down the ACA , as Trump has urged , those gains in insurance coverage and care would likely be reversed .
`` The situation is bleak and it could be a lot bleaker , '' Saloner said .
Meanwhile , Democrat Joe Biden has released a plan of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if he 's elected .
His number one policy idea ?
Preserve and expand the Affordable Care Act .

Opioid Crisis: Critics Say Trump Fumbled Response To Another Deadly Epidemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jessica McGowan/Getty Images Jessica McGowan/Getty Images
When then-presidential candidate Donald Trump spoke in Manchester, N.H., a week before the 2016 election, he said the opioid crisis was destroying lives and shattering families.
"We are going to stop the inflow of drugs into New Hampshire and into our country 100%," Trump promised.
It was a major campaign issue. Overdoses were surging in battleground states key to the election, like New Hampshire, Ohio and Pennsylvania.
In 2017 — Trump's first year in office — more than 42,000 Americans died from overdoses linked to heroin, fentanyl and prescription opioids, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Before coronavirus hit, opioids were widely viewed as the nation's top public health crisis.
Trump declared a public health emergency in October 2017, noting that overdoses had joined gun violence and car crashes as a leading cause of death in America.
"No part of our society, not young or old, rich or poor, urban or rule has been spared this plague," he said.
Significant accomplishments followed. Trump signed legislation in 2018 that boosted federal funding for drug treatment. During trade talks with China last year, Trump pushed to slow that country's exports of fentanyl.
"The federal government has taken some important steps to increase access to evidence-based treatment for opioid use disorder," said Beau Kilmer, who heads the Rand Corporation's Drug Policy Research Center.
Kilmer also credits Trump for "pressuring China to better regulate some of its synthetic opioids."
A public health emergency, but no clear leadership
But while some progress was made, critics point to serious missteps behind the scenes that hampered federal efforts, including the decision to sideline and defund the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP.
An internal memo acquired by NPR in 2017 found the White House was contemplating a 94% cut in resources to the agency, tasked since 1988 with developing and coordinating the nation's drug addiction efforts.
That decision was later reversed but Trump handed leadership of the opioid response to a series of political appointees, including former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and White House adviser Kellyanne Conway.
"This made it difficult for people to understand, you know, who's leading and coordinating the effort on opioids," Kilmer said.
Still, there seemed to be some success, with opioid deaths dipping slightly in 2018. "This sign of progress is an example of what can happen when an administration prioritizes an issue," said ONDCP director Jim Carroll in a statement earlier this year.
But in 2019, the number of overdoses surged again to a new record with more than 50,000 opioid-related fatalities. The CDC's preliminary data shows another big increase in deaths during the first four months of 2020.
Loading...
U.S. went two years without a national strategy
Researchers also say fentanyl has continued to spread fast, despite interdiction efforts, contributing to more overdose deaths in the western United States where the synthetic opioid had been scarce.
In December, the Government Accountability Office issued a report blasting the administration for failing to come up with a coherent national opioid strategy as required by law.
"ONDCP did not issue a national drug control strategy for either 2017 or 2018," the GAO concluded.
The ONDCP declined an interview request for this story, but a spokesman told NPR in an email that the agency has addressed the GAO's concerns and is once again functioning in full compliance.
"ONDCP has released several documents that together address all of the statutory requirements that GAO noted as missing," the spokesman said.
But in recent months, even some members of the Trump administration have begun voicing alarm.
"Basically everything is pointed in the wrong direction," said Adm. Brett Giroir, assistant secretary for health and an opioid policy expert at the Department of Health and Human Services.
During a panel discussion in late July, Giroir described recent increases in opioid overdoses as "a nightmare," adding that "all the progress that we made has been reversed and this is even before the pandemic."
Trump attack on Affordable Care Act threatens opioid response
Drug policy experts say things could grow even worse in the months ahead if Trump is successful in dismantling the Affordable Care Act.
The program created during the Obama administration subsidizes state Medicaid programs that provide insurance coverage for roughly 40% of Americans receiving opioid addiction treatment.
"We've seen very large increases in the number of individuals going to treatment programs," said Brendan Saloner, a researcher at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.
If the Supreme Court strikes down the ACA, as Trump has urged, those gains in insurance coverage and care would likely be reversed.
"The situation is bleak and it could be a lot bleaker," Saloner said.
Meanwhile, Democrat Joe Biden has released a plan of his own promising to end the overdose crisis if he's elected. His number one policy idea? Preserve and expand the Affordable Care Act.


npr--2020-10-29--During A Mental Health Crisis, A Family's Call To 911 Turns Tragic

Rulennis Muñoz remembers the phone ringing on Sept. 13 .
Her mother was calling from the car , frustrated .
Rulennis could also hear her brother Ricardo shouting in the background .
Her mom told her that Ricardo , who was 27 , would n't take his medication .
He had been diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia five years earlier .
Ricardo lived with his mother in Lancaster , Pa. , but earlier that day he had been over at Rulennis ' house across town .
Rulennis remembers that her brother had been having what she calls `` an episode '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because his phone charger was missing .
When she found it for him , he insisted it was n't the same one .
Rulennis knew that her brother was in crisis and that he needed psychiatric care .
But she also knew from experience that there were few emergency resources available for Ricardo unless a judge deemed him a threat to himself or others .
After talking with her mom , Rulennis called a county crisis intervention line to see if Ricardo could be committed for inpatient care .
It was Sunday afternoon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call the police to see if the officers could petition a judge to force Ricardo to go to the hospital for psychiatric treatment , in what 's called an involuntary commitment .
Reluctant to call 911 , and wanting more information , Rulennis dialed the non-emergency police number .
Meanwhile , her mother , Miguelina Peña , was back in her own neighborhood .
Her other daughter , Deborah , lived only a few doors down .
Peña started telling Deborah what was going on .
Ricardo was becoming aggressive ; he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Back on their block , he was still yelling and upset , and could n't be calmed .
Deborah called 911 to get help for Ricardo .
She did n't know that her sister was trying the non-emergency line .
The problems and perils of calling 911 for help with mental health A recording and transcript of the 911 call show that the dispatcher gave Deborah three options : police , fire or ambulance .
Deborah was n't sure , so she said `` police . ''
Then she went on to explain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mental illness and needed to go to the hospital .
Meanwhile , Ricardo had moved on , walking up the street to where he and his mother lived .
When the dispatcher questioned Deborah further , she also mentioned that Ricardo was trying `` to break into '' his mom 's house .
She did n't mention that Ricardo also lived in that house .
She did mention that her mother `` was afraid '' to go back home with him .
The Muñoz family has since emphasized that Ricardo was never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the time police got the message , they believed they were responding to a `` domestic disturbance . ''
`` Within minutes of ... that phone call , he was dead , '' Rulennis says .
Ricardo 's mom , Miguelina Peña , recalls what she saw that day .
A Lancaster police officer walked toward the house .
Ricardo saw the officer approach through the living room window , and he ran upstairs to his bedroom .
When he came back down , he had a hunting knife in his hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camera , an unidentified officer walks toward the Muñoz residence .
Ricardo steps outside , and shouts `` Get the f—k back . ''
Ricardo comes down the stairs of the stoop and runs toward the officer .
The officer starts running down the sidewalk , but after a few steps , he turns back toward Ricardo , gun in hand , and shoots him several times .
Within minutes , Ricardo is dead .
After Ricardo crumples to the sidewalk , his mother 's screams can be heard , off camera .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few hours after Ricardo 's death , in an effort to dispel rumors about Ricardo 's death and quell rioting in the city .
The county district attorney has since deemed the shooting justified , and the officer 's name was never made public .
It was a tragedy for the Muñoz family — but it 's not that unusual .
According to a Washington Post tracker , police killed about a thousand people in the U.S. in the past 12 months .
Like Ricardo , a quarter of those people had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Across the U.S. , people with mental illnesses are 16 times more likely than the overall population to be killed by police , according to one study from the mental health nonprofit Treatment Advocacy Center .
Ricardo 's mother , Miguelina Peña , says she tried for years to get help for her son .
Among the problems , the family could n't find a psychiatrist who was taking new patients , Peña says .
Additionally , Peña speaks little English , and that made it difficult to help Ricardo enroll in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand what treatments he was receiving .
Ricardo got his prescriptions through a local nonprofit clinic for Latino men , Nuestra Clinica .
Instead of consistent medical care and a trusted therapeutic relationship , Ricardo got treatment that was sporadic and fueled by crisis : He often ended up in the hospital for a few days , then would be discharged back home with little or no follow-up .
This happened more times than his mother and sisters can recall .
`` There was an occasion where a judge was involved , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released home , '' Peña says .
`` And my question is why would the judge allow him to go home if he was n't doing well ? ''
When a patient refuses treatment , crisis care often falls to law enforcement Laws in Pennsylvania and many other states make it difficult for a family to get psychiatric care for someone who does n't want it ; it can only be imposed on the person if he or she poses an immediate threat , says Angela Kimball , advocacy and public policy director @ @ @ @ @ @ @ By that point , it 's often law enforcement , rather than mental health professionals , who are called in to help .
`` Law enforcement comes in and exerts a threatening posture , '' Kimball says .
`` For most people , that causes them to be subdued .
But if you 're experiencing a mental illness , that only escalates the situation . ''
People who have a family member with mental illness should learn what local resources are available and plan for a crisis , Kimball advises .
But she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frequently recommends , such as crisis hotlines or special response teams for mental health , are n't available in most parts of the country .
If 911 is the only option , calling it can be a difficult decision , Kimball says .
`` Dialing 911 will accelerate a response by emergency personnel , most often police , '' she says .
`` This option should be used for extreme crisis situations that require immediate intervention .
These first responders may or may not be appropriately trained and experienced in de-escalating psychiatric emergencies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Illness continues to advocate for more resources for families dealing with a mental health crisis .
The group says more cities should create crisis response teams that can respond at all hours , without involving armed police officers in most situations .
There has been progress on the federal level , as well .
Kimball was happy when President Trump signed a bipartisan Congressional bill , on Oct. 17 , to implement a three-digit national suicide prevention hotline .
The number — 988 — will eventually summon help when dialed anywhere in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few years before the system is up and running .
Rulennis Muñoz says the family never got to see how Ricardo would have responded to someone other than a police officer .
`` And instead of a cop just being there , there should have been other responders , '' Rulennis says .
`` There should have been someone that knew how to deal with this type of situation . ''
This story comes from NPR 's reporting partnership with WITF and Kaiser Health News .

During A Mental Health Crisis, A Family's Call To 911 Turns Tragic
toggle caption Brett Sholtis/WITF
Rulennis Muñoz remembers the phone ringing on Sept. 13. Her mother was calling from the car, frustrated. Rulennis could also hear her brother Ricardo shouting in the background. Her mom told her that Ricardo, who was 27, wouldn't take his medication. He had been diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia five years earlier.
Ricardo lived with his mother in Lancaster, Pa., but earlier that day he had been over at Rulennis' house across town. Rulennis remembers that her brother had been having what she calls "an episode" that morning. Ricardo had become agitated because his phone charger was missing. When she found it for him, he insisted it wasn't the same one.
Rulennis knew that her brother was in crisis and that he needed psychiatric care. But she also knew from experience that there were few emergency resources available for Ricardo unless a judge deemed him a threat to himself or others.
After talking with her mom, Rulennis called a county crisis intervention line to see if Ricardo could be committed for inpatient care. It was Sunday afternoon. The crisis worker told her to call the police to see if the officers could petition a judge to force Ricardo to go to the hospital for psychiatric treatment, in what's called an involuntary commitment. Reluctant to call 911, and wanting more information, Rulennis dialed the non-emergency police number.
Meanwhile, her mother, Miguelina Peña, was back in her own neighborhood. Her other daughter, Deborah, lived only a few doors down. Peña started telling Deborah what was going on. Ricardo was becoming aggressive; he had punched the inside of the car. Back on their block, he was still yelling and upset, and couldn't be calmed. Deborah called 911 to get help for Ricardo. She didn't know that her sister was trying the non-emergency line.
The problems and perils of calling 911 for help with mental health
A recording and transcript of the 911 call show that the dispatcher gave Deborah three options: police, fire or ambulance. Deborah wasn't sure, so she said "police." Then she went on to explain that Ricardo was being aggressive, had a mental illness and needed to go to the hospital.
Meanwhile, Ricardo had moved on, walking up the street to where he and his mother lived. When the dispatcher questioned Deborah further, she also mentioned that Ricardo was trying "to break into" his mom's house. She didn't mention that Ricardo also lived in that house. She did mention that her mother "was afraid" to go back home with him.
The Muñoz family has since emphasized that Ricardo was never a threat to them. However, by the time police got the message, they believed they were responding to a "domestic disturbance."
"Within minutes of ... that phone call, he was dead," Rulennis says.
Ricardo's mom, Miguelina Peña, recalls what she saw that day. A Lancaster police officer walked toward the house. Ricardo saw the officer approach through the living room window, and he ran upstairs to his bedroom. When he came back down, he had a hunting knife in his hand.
In video from a police body camera, an unidentified officer walks toward the Muñoz residence. Ricardo steps outside, and shouts "Get the f—k back." Ricardo comes down the stairs of the stoop and runs toward the officer. The officer starts running down the sidewalk, but after a few steps, he turns back toward Ricardo, gun in hand, and shoots him several times. Within minutes, Ricardo is dead.
After Ricardo crumples to the sidewalk, his mother's screams can be heard, off camera. Police made the body camera video public a few hours after Ricardo's death, in an effort to dispel rumors about Ricardo's death and quell rioting in the city. The county district attorney has since deemed the shooting justified, and the officer's name was never made public.
Fatal police shootings often involve a mental health crisis
It was a tragedy for the Muñoz family — but it's not that unusual. According to a Washington Post tracker, police killed about a thousand people in the U.S. in the past 12 months. Like Ricardo, a quarter of those people had a diagnosis of a serious mental illness.
Across the U.S., people with mental illnesses are 16 times more likely than the overall population to be killed by police, according to one study from the mental health nonprofit Treatment Advocacy Center.
Ricardo's mother, Miguelina Peña, says she tried for years to get help for her son.
Among the problems, the family couldn't find a psychiatrist who was taking new patients, Peña says. Additionally, Peña speaks little English, and that made it difficult to help Ricardo enroll in health insurance, or for her to understand what treatments he was receiving. Ricardo got his prescriptions through a local nonprofit clinic for Latino men, Nuestra Clinica.
Instead of consistent medical care and a trusted therapeutic relationship, Ricardo got treatment that was sporadic and fueled by crisis: He often ended up in the hospital for a few days, then would be discharged back home with little or no follow-up. This happened more times than his mother and sisters can recall.
"There was an occasion where a judge was involved, and the judge determined that he should be released home," Peña says. "And my question is why would the judge allow him to go home if he wasn't doing well?"
When a patient refuses treatment, crisis care often falls to law enforcement
Laws in Pennsylvania and many other states make it difficult for a family to get psychiatric care for someone who doesn't want it; it can only be imposed on the person if he or she poses an immediate threat, says Angela Kimball, advocacy and public policy director at National Alliance on Mental illness. By that point, it's often law enforcement, rather than mental health professionals, who are called in to help.
"Law enforcement comes in and exerts a threatening posture," Kimball says. "For most people, that causes them to be subdued. But if you're experiencing a mental illness, that only escalates the situation."
People who have a family member with mental illness should learn what local resources are available and plan for a crisis, Kimball advises. But she acknowledges that many of the services she frequently recommends, such as crisis hotlines or special response teams for mental health, aren't available in most parts of the country.
If 911 is the only option, calling it can be a difficult decision, Kimball says.
"Dialing 911 will accelerate a response by emergency personnel, most often police," she says. "This option should be used for extreme crisis situations that require immediate intervention. These first responders may or may not be appropriately trained and experienced in de-escalating psychiatric emergencies."
The National Alliance on Mental Illness continues to advocate for more resources for families dealing with a mental health crisis. The group says more cities should create crisis response teams that can respond at all hours, without involving armed police officers in most situations.
There has been progress on the federal level, as well. Kimball was happy when President Trump signed a bipartisan Congressional bill, on Oct. 17, to implement a three-digit national suicide prevention hotline. The number — 988 — will eventually summon help when dialed anywhere in the country. But it could take a few years before the system is up and running.
Rulennis Muñoz says the family never got to see how Ricardo would have responded to someone other than a police officer.
"And instead of a cop just being there, there should have been other responders," Rulennis says. "There should have been someone that knew how to deal with this type of situation."
This story comes from NPR's reporting partnership with WITF and Kaiser Health News.


npr--2020-10-29--As Biotech Crops Lose Their Power, Scientists Push For New Restrictions

As Biotech Crops Lose Their Power , Scientists Push For New Restrictions Some of the most popular products of biotechnology — corn and cotton plants that have been genetically modified to fend off insects — are no longer offering the same protection from those bugs .
Scientists say that the problem results from farmers overusing the crops , and are pushing for new regulations .
These crops were the original genetically modified organisms , or GMOs .
They were n't the first ones invented , but they were the first to be widely embraced by farmers , starting in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ features from a kind of bacteria that lives in the soil , called Bacillus thuringiensis , or Bt , which is poisonous to the larval stage of some major insect pests , including the corn rootworm and cotton bollworm .
Scientists inserted some of these bacterial genes into corn and cotton , and the plants themselves produced these insect-killing proteins .
Bt crops brought a two-fold benefit : Cotton and corn farmers did n't need to use so many chemicals to control the bollworm and related pests after they were released , starting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just plummeted , and there were guys who would n't have to treat at all , '' says David Kerns , an entomologist at Texas A & M University , speaking of cotton farmers .
This was also good news for the environment .
The Bt proteins are toxic to a relatively small number of insects , and they 're practically harmless to people and other animals .
Unlike the insecticides that they replaced , they were not killing significant numbers of pollinators like bees and butterflies , or beneficial insects that prey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under control .
Farmers like Jonathan Evans in North Carolina liked Bt cotton because it made farming easier .
`` It 's always better for the plant to protect itself , than for us to have to go out and spray for the worm , '' he says .
`` You can tend a lot more acres , with a lot less equipment . ''
Now all of those benefits are increasingly at risk .
Bt crops are losing their power .
New strains of bollworms , rootworms , and other pests have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bt plants without dying .
David Kerns says some farmers are pretty angry about it .
`` There are words I ca n't use , '' he says , `` but they want to know what the heck they 're doing , paying for a technology and then they 're still having to spray . ''
The current situation is complicated by the fact that biotech companies have deployed close to a dozen slightly different Bt genes , targeting a variety of insects .
In many cases , the bugs have evolved resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others , and the prevalence of Bt-resistant insects varies from place to place .
`` The impact can be patchy , but when it 's there , it 's big , '' says Julie Peterson , an entomologist at the University of Nebraska .
`` If you 're the farmer who ends up with all of their corn laying down on the ground because the roots have been completely fed on by rootworm beetles , that 's a huge impact to you . ''
Scientists have long warned about this risk .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the companies selling Bt crops , such as Monsanto , which has been acquired by Bayer .
Even before Monsanto started selling the first Bt crops , independent scientists pushed the Environmental Protection Agency to limit the amount of land that farmers could devote to Bt crops .
If Bt crops were planted everywhere , the scientists argued , it would create a situation in which , if a few rare insects happened to be genetically capable of surviving Bt proteins , they would be the sole survivors , quickly mate with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strain of resistant insects .
Biologists call this `` selection pressure . ''
The solution , they said , was a requirement that farmers devote some of their land to non-Bt crops .
This would allow plenty of non-resistant insects to survive , and make it less likely that the rare resistant insects would mate with each other .
The EPA adopted this strategy , but independent scientists and biotech companies have disagreed over the years about how big these refuges need to be .
In the case of some Bt crops , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the corn rootworm , scientists have urged the EPA to require that farmers to devote at least half of their fields to non-Bt corn .
The companies balked at that , since it would have limited sales of their products .
They convinced the EPA that such large refuges were n't necessary .
The warnings , however , turned out to be well-founded .
Over the past decade , insects like the corn rootworm , the cotton bollworm , and the Western bean cutworm have become resistant to one Bt gene after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , are pushing for tighter government rules .
`` We are at an important point , where we 've seen what can happen , and definitely do need to make some changes , '' Julie Peterson says .
The biggest proposed changes are an attempt to preserve one particular Bt gene , called called Vip3A , which has been incorporated into both corn and cotton plants .
Vip3A came on the market a little later , and it is slightly different from other Bt genes , `` so it still is effective against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's sort of carrying a lot of the weight right now , '' Peterson says .
The company Syngenta sells it under the trade name Agrisure Viptera .
Scientists are worried that it will soon break under the weight of overuse , especially in cotton-growing areas of the South .
There , the Vip3A gene is currently deployed in both corn and cotton to fight off an insect known both as the cotton bollworm and the corn earworm .
Kerns says that he and his colleagues have found a recessive genetic trait for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If the gene is widely used , insects carrying this gene will be more likely to survive , mate , and produce fully resistant offspring .
Two years ago , a group of the EPA 's outside scientific advisors recommended unanimously that the agency prohibit the use of Vip3A in corn in the South .
This would preserve its effectiveness in cotton , they said , where it 's much more valuable .
The company that owns the Vip3A gene — Syngenta — argued that such a prohibition was n't necessary or fair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the issue , the EPA backed away from the idea .
Instead , the agency proposed a variety of other measures .
They include a requirement that companies plant and monitor `` sentinel plots '' of Bt crops that could provide early warning of insect resistance , and also that companies force farmers to abide by existing requirements to plant non-Bt refuges .
Studies have found many farmers ignoring these rules .
Peterson says that if current farming practices do n't change , it 's possible that all of the Bt genes currently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within a decade .

As Biotech Crops Lose Their Power, Scientists Push For New Restrictions
Enlarge this image toggle caption Rich Pedroncelli/AP Rich Pedroncelli/AP
Some of the most popular products of biotechnology — corn and cotton plants that have been genetically modified to fend off insects — are no longer offering the same protection from those bugs. Scientists say that the problem results from farmers overusing the crops, and are pushing for new regulations.
These crops were the original genetically modified organisms, or GMOs. They weren't the first ones invented, but they were the first to be widely embraced by farmers, starting in the late 1990s.
They got their bug-resistant features from a kind of bacteria that lives in the soil, called Bacillus thuringiensis, or Bt, which is poisonous to the larval stage of some major insect pests, including the corn rootworm and cotton bollworm. Scientists inserted some of these bacterial genes into corn and cotton, and the plants themselves produced these insect-killing proteins.
Bt crops brought a two-fold benefit: Cotton and corn farmers didn't need to use so many chemicals to control the bollworm and related pests after they were released, starting in 1996. "Our insecticide sprays just plummeted, and there were guys who wouldn't have to treat at all," says David Kerns, an entomologist at Texas A&M University, speaking of cotton farmers.
This was also good news for the environment. The Bt proteins are toxic to a relatively small number of insects, and they're practically harmless to people and other animals. Unlike the insecticides that they replaced, they were not killing significant numbers of pollinators like bees and butterflies, or beneficial insects that prey on pests and help to keep them under control.
Farmers like Jonathan Evans in North Carolina liked Bt cotton because it made farming easier. "It's always better for the plant to protect itself, than for us to have to go out and spray for the worm," he says. "You can tend a lot more acres, with a lot less equipment."
Now all of those benefits are increasingly at risk. Bt crops are losing their power. New strains of bollworms, rootworms, and other pests have emerged that are able to feed on Bt plants without dying. David Kerns says some farmers are pretty angry about it. "There are words I can't use," he says, "but they want to know what the heck they're doing, paying for a technology and then they're still having to spray."
The current situation is complicated by the fact that biotech companies have deployed close to a dozen slightly different Bt genes, targeting a variety of insects. In many cases, the bugs have evolved resistance to some Bt proteins, but not others, and the prevalence of Bt-resistant insects varies from place to place. "The impact can be patchy, but when it's there, it's big," says Julie Peterson, an entomologist at the University of Nebraska. "If you're the farmer who ends up with all of their corn laying down on the ground because the roots have been completely fed on by rootworm beetles, that's a huge impact to you."
Scientists have long warned about this risk. They've been engaged in a long-running argument with the companies selling Bt crops, such as Monsanto, which has been acquired by Bayer.
Even before Monsanto started selling the first Bt crops, independent scientists pushed the Environmental Protection Agency to limit the amount of land that farmers could devote to Bt crops. If these crops were planted everywhere, the scientists argued, it would create a situation in which, if a few rare insects happened to be genetically capable of surviving Bt proteins, they would be the sole survivors, quickly mate with each other, and produce a new strain of resistant insects. Biologists call this "selection pressure."
The solution, they said, was a requirement that farmers devote some of their land to non-Bt crops. This would allow plenty of non-resistant insects to survive, and make it less likely that the rare resistant insects would mate with each other.
The EPA adopted this strategy, but independent scientists and biotech companies have disagreed over the years about how big these refuges need to be. In the case of some Bt crops, such as corn hybrids with genes targeting the corn rootworm, scientists have urged the EPA to require that farmers to devote at least half of their fields to non-Bt corn. The companies balked at that, since it would have limited sales of their products. They convinced the EPA that such large refuges weren't necessary.
The warnings, however, turned out to be well-founded. Over the past decade, insects like the corn rootworm, the cotton bollworm, and the Western bean cutworm have become resistant to one Bt gene after the other.
Now scientists, once again, are pushing for tighter government rules. "We are at an important point, where we've seen what can happen, and definitely do need to make some changes," Julie Peterson says.
The biggest proposed changes are intended to preserve one particular Bt gene, called called Vip3A, which has been incorporated into both corn and cotton plants.
Vip3A came on the market a little later, and it is slightly different from other Bt genes, "so it still is effective against a lot of insects, and it's sort of carrying a lot of the weight right now," Peterson says. The company Syngenta sells it under the trade name Agrisure Viptera.
Scientists are worried that it will soon break under the weight of overuse, especially in cotton-growing areas of the South. There, the Vip3A gene is currently deployed in both corn and cotton to fight off an insect known both as the cotton bollworm and the corn earworm. Kerns says that he and his colleagues have found a recessive genetic trait for Vip3A resistance in this insect population. If Vip3A is widely used, insects carrying this resistance trait will be more likely to survive, mate, and produce fully resistant offspring.
Two years ago, a group of the EPA's outside scientific advisors recommended unanimously that the agency prohibit the use of Vip3A in corn in the South. This would preserve its effectiveness in cotton, they said, where it's much more valuable.
The company that owns the Vip3A gene — Syngenta — argued that such a prohibition wasn't necessary or fair. In its latest draft document on the issue, the EPA backed away from the idea. Instead, the agency proposed a variety of other measures. They include a requirement that companies plant and monitor "sentinel plots" of Bt crops that could provide early warning of insect resistance, and also that companies force farmers to abide by existing requirements to plant non-Bt refuges. Studies have found many farmers ignoring these rules.
Peterson says that if current farming practices don't change, it's possible that all of the Bt genes currently on the market will stop working reliably within a decade.


npr--2020-10-29--'Guns, Protests And Elections Do Not Mix': Conflict Experts See Rising Warning Signs

'Guns , Protests And Elections Do Not Mix ' : Conflict Experts See Rising Warning Signs Members of a Quaker congregation in Maryland are so concerned that President Trump will prematurely declare victory when states are still counting ballots — a process that could take days — that they are ready to take to the streets in nonviolent resistance .
They say such a scenario would amount to a `` coup '' — even if it involves lawyers fighting in court , and not the military .
`` To use the word 'coup ' in the United States just seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're supposed to be this beacon of democracy , '' said Alaine Duncan , an acupuncturist and Quaker who lives just outside Washington , D.C. `` But it does n't seem like we 're being a beacon of democracy right now . ''
With Election Day less than a week away , anxiety , distrust and suspicion are running high .
Activists and extremists on both the right and left are worried the other side will somehow steal the election , and they 're making plans for what to do if they believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conflict warn this is a toxic brew and that conditions are ripe for conflict and maybe even violence in the U.S .
There 's a good chance that no clear winner will emerge on election night , and experts are concerned about what will happen after that — especially if protesters and counter-protesters collide in the streets .
Several human rights and conflict resolution groups that typically monitor elections abroad , mostly in fledgling democracies or places where sectarian violence could erupt , are now turning their attention to the United States for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the founder and CEO of the nonprofit Beyond Conflict , has worked in deeply divided societies in South Africa and Northern Ireland .
He never imagined U.S. democracy would face similar challenges .
`` We thought we were immune to it , '' he said .
`` When we looked at our own problems , we thought : 'Of course we have some big issues , but we 're in a sense immune from an us-versus-them mindset , a sectarian mindset , where there could be real conflict . '
'' Experts see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election in the U.S .
They point to growing polarization along racial and identity lines , and extremist groups threatening the use of force .
Another warning sign they 've seen in other countries : Political rivals seeking to gain total power — and cutting out the other side .
`` We look for early signs so that we can come up with early interventions before all hell breaks loose , '' said Hrair Balian , director of the Conflict Resolution Program at the Carter Center , started by former President Jimmy Carter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the developing world .
Now Balian and the Carter Center are focusing on U.S. elections .
The center is operating behind the scenes , working with local faith leaders in an effort to keep everyone calm .
`` I never imagined that in this country I would worry about the same things that I was worried about when I lived in Lebanon , '' said Balian , who has worked in the Balkans , Eastern Europe and the former Soviet states .
Balian said he does n't want to sound like an alarmist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sees happening in this country are , frankly , alarming .
`` What we fear is that guns , protests and elections do not mix well , '' he said .
People on both sides of the political spectrum feel this rising tension , too .
`` There 's a lot of anxiety .
I think there 's some fear .
I think there 's some anger , '' said Duncan , a Quaker from the Washington , D.C. , area .
`` You know , how could this be happening ? ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ preparing for the days after the election with a series of virtual training sessions on Zoom .
They talk about the Quaker tradition of nonviolent resistance and how they might apply those principles to the current moment .
`` When coups are defeated , they 're defeated very rapidly .
And we 're talking about three days to a week , '' said Michael Levi , who ran one of the sessions last week .
`` So if there is going to be an attempted coup , we need a lot of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're also worried about a violent response from supporters of the president .
President Trump has drawn a lot of criticism for telling his far-right supporters , some of whom have a track record of violence , to `` stand by . ''
`` There is always a touch of fear that goes with armed groups that could show up to try to intimidate people , '' said Kierstyn Zolfo , a volunteer with the progressive advocacy group Indivisible .
Zolfo lives in Bucks County , Penn.
, outside Philadelphia , where she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day after the election , part of a nationwide effort called Protect The Results .
`` It 's important to support the fact that everyone 's vote counts , '' Zolfo said .
`` We feel that that 's more important than letting fear rule our decisions . ''
Meanwhile , the Trump campaign has recruited an `` army '' of citizen poll watchers , and the president often claims , without evidence , that mail-in ballots that have been widely used in this pandemic are rife with fraud .
There 's also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — about the role self-styled militias could play after a teenager allegedly shot and killed two protesters in Kenosha , Wis. , earlier this year , and after the FBI says it thwarted a plot in Michigan to kidnap Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer .
But militia leaders interviewed for this story say that 's not what they 're about .
`` We 're not going to just go start a fight .
It 's not going to happen .
I 'm not going to go down to Chicago or Kenosha or Minneapolis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walt Madsen , the head of a group that calls itself the U.S. Northern Militia .
Madsen said he 's been talking to a lot of other militia leaders , and many of them feel like he does .
`` If Joe Biden does win the election .
I 'm not going to sit there and scream , 'He 's not my president . '
OK ? ''
said Madsen , an Iraq War veteran who 's now a county supervisor in northern Wisconsin .
`` I 'm not going to go and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of other Americans , '' he said .
In fact , some militia leaders say they are afraid of the protesters — on the left .
`` No matter what way the election goes , there 's going to be people dissatisfied with the result , and the possibility for unrest is quite strong , '' said Michael Lackomar , a team leader with the Southeast Michigan Volunteer Militia .
Lackomar said members of his group are preparing to protect their communities if there 's rioting or violent unrest , like the protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` If you 're coming at my house and my family 's there , I 'm going to do everything in my power and every tool in my box to make sure that my family is safe , '' Lackomar said .
Police departments and the National Guard say they 're preparing for tensions and the possibility of violence in the days or weeks ahead .
Global conflict experts say it 's not inevitable that the election or its aftermath will devolve into chaos .
But they say it 's crucial for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tensions in case there 's a long contested election .
`` Probably the biggest issue is the president of the United States right now , who has portrayed himself as somebody who , you know , is not necessarily interested in calming the waters , '' said Stephen Pomper , senior director for policy at the International Crisis Group .
He added that Trump `` might actually court unrest in order to serve his political and personal goals . ''
Still , Balian at the Carter Center hopes it wo n't come to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we have started dehumanizing the other side , '' Balian said .
`` We are at the edge of an abyss , and we better see this and try to step back before it is too late . ''

'Guns, Protests And Elections Do Not Mix': Conflict Experts See Rising Warning Signs
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson/Getty Images
Members of a Quaker congregation in Maryland are so concerned that President Trump will prematurely declare victory when states are still counting ballots — a process that could take days — that they are ready to take to the streets in nonviolent resistance.
They say such a scenario would amount to a "coup" — even if it involves legal fights and not military action.
"To use the word 'coup' in the United States just seems like such a foreign concept when we're supposed to be this beacon of democracy," said Alaine Duncan, an acupuncturist and Quaker who lives just outside Washington, D.C. "But it doesn't seem like we're being a beacon of democracy right now."
With Election Day less than a week away, anxiety, distrust and suspicion are running high. Activists and extremists on both the right and left are worried the other side will somehow steal the election, and they're making plans for what to do if they believe that's happening.
Experts in global conflict warn that this is a toxic brew and that conditions are ripe for conflict and maybe even violence in the U.S. There's a good chance that no clear winner will emerge on election night, and experts are concerned about what will happen after that — especially if protesters and counterprotesters collide in the streets.
Several human rights and conflict resolution groups that typically monitor elections abroad, mostly in fledgling democracies or places where sectarian violence could erupt, are now turning their attention to the United States for the first time.
Tim Phillips, the founder and CEO of the nonprofit Beyond Conflict, has worked in deeply divided societies in South Africa and Northern Ireland. He never imagined U.S. democracy would face similar challenges.
"We thought we were immune to it," he said. "When we looked at our own problems, we thought: 'Of course we have some big issues, but we're in a sense immune from an us-versus-them mindset, a sectarian mindset, where there could be real conflict.' "
Experts see rising signs of potential violence around the election in the U.S. They point to growing polarization along racial and identity lines, and extremist groups threatening the use of force. Another warning sign they've seen in other countries: political rivals seeking to gain total power — and cutting out the other side.
"We look for early signs so that we can come up with early interventions before all hell breaks loose," said Hrair Balian, director of the Conflict Resolution Program at The Carter Center, started by former President Jimmy Carter in part to ensure fair elections in the developing world.
'What we fear'
Now Balian and the Carter Center are focusing on U.S. elections. The center is operating behind the scenes, working with local faith leaders in an effort to keep everyone calm.
"I never imagined that in this country, I would worry about the same things that I was worried about when I lived in Lebanon," said Balian, who has also worked in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the former Soviet states.
Balian said he doesn't want to sound like an alarmist but some of the things he sees happening in this country are, frankly, alarming. "What we fear is that guns, protests and elections do not mix well," he said.
People on both sides of the political spectrum feel this rising tension, too.
"There's a lot of anxiety. I think there's some fear. I think there's some anger," said Duncan, the D.C.-area Quaker. "You know, how could this be happening?"
Members of Duncan's congregation have been preparing for the days after the election with a series of virtual training sessions on Zoom. They talk about the Quaker tradition of nonviolent resistance and how they might apply those principles to the current moment.
"When coups are defeated, they're defeated very rapidly. And we're talking about three days to a week," said Michael Levi, who ran one of the sessions last week. "So if there is going to be an attempted coup, we need a lot of people to act very quickly."
They're also worried about a violent response from supporters of the president. President Trump has drawn a lot of criticism for telling his far-right supporters, some of whom have a track record of violence, to "stand by."
"There is always a touch of fear that goes with armed groups that could show up to try to intimidate people," said Kierstyn Zolfo, a volunteer with the progressive advocacy group Indivisible. Zolfo lives in Bucks County, Pa., outside Philadelphia, where she's helping organize a demonstration for the day after the election, part of a nationwide effort called Protect The Results.
"It's important to support the fact that everyone's vote counts," Zolfo said. "We feel that that's more important than letting fear rule our decisions."
Meanwhile, the Trump campaign has recruited an "army" of citizen poll watchers, and the president often claims, without evidence, that mail-in ballots that have been widely used in this pandemic are rife with fraud.
There's also widespread concern — particularly on the left — about the role self-styled militias could play after two protesters were fatally shot in Kenosha, Wis., earlier this year, and after the FBI says it thwarted a plot in Michigan to kidnap Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.
But militia leaders interviewed for this story say that's not what they're about.
"We're not going to just go start a fight. It's not going to happen. I'm not going to go down to Chicago or Kenosha or Minneapolis or Washington, D.C.," said Walt Madsen, the head of a group that calls itself the U.S. Northern Militia.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Spencer Platt/Getty Images Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Possibility for unrest is strong
Madsen said he has been talking to other militia leaders, and many feel the same as he does.
"If Joe Biden does win the election. I'm not going to sit there and scream, 'He's not my president.' OK?" said Madsen, an Iraq War veteran who's now a county supervisor in northern Wisconsin.
"I'm not going to go and take my militia and threaten the lives of other Americans," he said.
In fact, some militia leaders say they are afraid of the protesters on the left.
"No matter what way the election goes, there's going to be people dissatisfied with the result, and the possibility for unrest is quite strong," said Michael Lackomar, a team leader with the Southeast Michigan Volunteer Militia.
Lackomar said members of his group are preparing to protect their communities if there's rioting or violent unrest, like during protests earlier this year in Seattle and Portland, Ore.
"If you're coming at my house and my family's there, I'm going to do everything in my power and every tool in my box to make sure that my family is safe," Lackomar said.
Police departments and the National Guard say they're preparing for tensions and the possibility of violence in the days or weeks ahead.
Global conflict experts say it's not inevitable that the election or its aftermath will devolve into chaos. But they say it's crucial for political leaders on all sides to deescalate tensions in case there's a long contested election.
"Probably the biggest issue is the president of the United States right now, who has portrayed himself as somebody who, you know, is not necessarily interested in calming the waters," said Stephen Pomper, senior director for policy at the International Crisis Group. He added that Trump "might actually court unrest in order to serve his political and personal goals."
Still, Balian at the Carter Center hopes it won't come to that.
"We have become intolerant, we have started dehumanizing the other side," Balian said. "We are at the edge of an abyss, and we better see this and try to step back before it is too late."