npr--2020-07-23--'I Am Antifa': One Activist's Violent Death Became A Symbol For The Right And Left

' I Am Antifa ' : One Activist 's Violent Death Became A Symbol For The Right And Left News of an attack trickled out of Tacoma , Wash. , just after dawn on a summer morning in July 2019 .
The details were fuzzy at first — one dead , a fire , the local ICE facility — but those who were close to Willem van Spronsen all said the same thing : They just knew .
Van Spronsen , 69 , a Dutch-born immigrant , musician and father of two , was a lifelong activist and early member @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Club , an armed antifascist group in the Seattle area .
He stood up to far-right leaders at local rallies , and he was a fixture at demonstrations against U.S. immigration policies , especially family separation .
`` Kids in cages , '' he called it .
Van Spronsen 's belief in militancy to fight injustice showed up in his song lyrics and street protests .
Eventually , friends say , it shaped what they call his `` final action , '' which began around 4 a.m. that July 13 .
Armed with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ van Spronsen crept onto the grounds of a sprawling immigration jail , set his car on fire , tossed Molotov cocktails and died in a hail of police bullets .
As word of a death at the detention center got out , calls flew among members of the John Brown Gun Club .
`` Was it Will ? ''
they asked , hoping to be wrong about their suspicions .
Confirmation came that afternoon with the arrival of a farewell letter that van Spronsen had mailed in advance to a club member .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ close friends and family members — `` those burdened by the wreckage of my actions . ''
He wrote that he was `` a joyful revolutionary , '' motivated by love , by a desire to be `` useful . ''
`` Detention camps are an abomination , '' van Spronsen wrote .
`` I 'm not standing by . ''
Whether that 's a legitimate cause , van Spronsen 's words suggest a premeditated attack in service of a political goal — to federal authorities , that makes him a domestic terrorist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In his letter , van Spronsen wrote : `` I am antifa , '' a reference to antifascist activists who fight the far right in a variety of extrajudicial ways — but seldom with fatal violence .
`` What they 're not doing is killing many people .
In fact , killing almost no one , '' said Seth Jones , a terrorism analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies .
The Trump administration portrays antifa , militant antifascists , as the leftist equivalent to violent hate groups on the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's simply wrong , extremism researchers say .
In 2019 , according to domestic terrorism statistics , far-right extremists killed at least 38 people .
The death toll attributed to antifa : one .
The attacker himself , van Spronsen .
That asymmetry is inconvenient for the Trump administration 's search for a radical leftist boogeyman to bolster the president 's `` both sides '' rhetoric on homegrown extremism .
So , analysts say , van Spronsen 's attack at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement center immediately was seized upon to show that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to paint the far-left fringe as a deadly threat .
Surveillance video of van Spronsen 's fiery attack was played over and over on Fox News as pundits warned of `` a lot of lives in danger . ''
Headlines and TV chyrons latched on to van Spronsen 's antifa claim and dubbed him the `` ICE bomber . ''
One far-right commentator offered $ 1,000 for a copy of the letter .
And about a month after the attack , Trump floated the idea of labeling `` Antifa '' a terrorist organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even though it 's widely panned as unfeasible for a variety of legal and other reasons .
Meanwhile , van Spronsen was memorialized , virtually canonized , in some leftist quarters .
At the site of his death , supporters left signs saying , `` Rest in power , '' and `` Arm in arm with John Brown , '' likening him to the legendary white abolitionist whose violent crusade against slavery ended at the gallows .
In a Facebook post , the Seattle Antifascist Action group eulogized van Spronsen as a `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , `` May his death serve as a call to protest and direct action . ''
A year after van Spronsen 's death , NPR interviews with his daughter , Ariel , close friends and extremism researchers offer a closer look at the quixotic man behind the nation 's only deadly antifa attack recorded in the past four years .
Shannon McMinimee , van Spronsen 's friend and a fellow gun club member , said examining that night at the detention center is like looking into a kaleidoscope — people turn it around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In van Spronsen , the Trump administration sees a terrorist .
Antifa groups see a martyr .
Neither version captures the complexities of what domestic terrorism analysts call a singular case , an outlier in almost every way .
McMinimee said one point is not in dispute : `` He went there that night knowing that it would be his last night on earth . ''
One day about three years ago , longtime activist Duke Aaron was taking a stroll in Seattle 's Jefferson Park when he spotted swastikas scrawled on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes his child .
Aaron , who 's Jewish , was incensed .
It struck him as another troubling sign of a resurgence of racist , anti-Semitic hate .
Aaron already had been mulling more aggressive activism , he said , and the swastikas set his plan in motion .
In 2017 , he founded the Puget Sound John Brown Gun Club , part of a loose affiliation of armed leftists who offer firearms training to marginalized communities and who stand guard over unarmed protesters at rallies .
In Washington state , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members wear insignia to identify themselves in public .
As McMinimee put it : `` We 're nobody 's secret girlfriend . ''
The official launch date was May 9 , John Brown 's birthday .
Recruit No .
1 was Willem van Spronsen , a tall , lean European-born activist , carpenter and musician in his 60s .
Aaron laughed as he recalled how frustrated he 'd get with van Spronsen when the two of them — the efficient former union organizer and the free-spirited musician — were passing out pamphlets to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist community .
`` Will drove me nuts all day because he would start this conversation with somebody and end up with four or five people around him and it would take , like , an hour , '' Aaron said .
But in time , Aaron said , he saw how van Spronsen 's personal touch helped win over other activists who opposed guns and who had watched the club 's formation with a degree of suspicion .
`` He built those connections that really launched out how people viewed us , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a joint interview along with three club members : McMinimee , a white attorney ; Nick Vasiliy , a white Web designer who wears one of van Spronsen 's Kalashnikov rounds around his neck ; and a Mexican American who works in education and who for safety reasons asked to be identified only by his club nickname , Xicano .
`` I 'm a brown man living in Trump 's America , '' Xicano said .
Add a gun to the mix , he said , and `` I 'm the bull's-eye @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they wore masks and sat spaced several feet apart one recent afternoon at Jefferson Park , the same place Aaron had seen the swastikas .
Displayed on the grass were some of van Spronsen 's belongings : a John Brown T-shirt , military-green tactical gear , anti-cop buttons .
Vasiliy also brought a book that van Spronsen had given him about anarchists in Argentina during the 1920s .
The interview took place at the height of Seattle 's latest unrest , part of the wave that followed the police killing of George Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news — and enraged the president — by carving out a self-proclaimed autonomous zone in front of a vacated police station .
The John Brown Gun Club was among the groups providing armed security , their presence highlighted by conservative and far-right outlets .
`` They see us as the militia of antifa , '' Xicano said with a shrug .
The protest camp 's peaceful days were fleeting — it has since been dismantled after a string of fatal shootings .
At the time , however , the area was welcoming and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ street fair .
Van Spronsen 's friends said they wished he had lived to see that moment : the gun club serving as the first line of defense for a bold experiment in police-free community .
`` I can imagine him playing music on the sidewalk or just setting up a chair and talking to people , '' Vasiliy said .
The past year has left scars on the John Brown members .
They 're still grieving the loss of their friend while simultaneously dealing with the repercussions of his death .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role in the occupied zone and partly as a result of right-wing efforts to create an equivalency between the threat posed by antifa and the threat posed by far deadlier extremists on the right .
In a letter this month , two Democrats on the House Intelligence Committee asked the CIA and FBI to look into false information campaigns intended to whip up fears about antifa groups .
The lawmakers asked for evidence on who 's pushing campaigns in Idaho , North Carolina and other states about `` apparently nonexistent Antifa gatherings and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ militants at protests have shaped antifa 's image in the popular imagination in large part because the bulk of antifascist work is unseen , said Mark Bray , a veteran activist and Rutgers University historian who wrote Antifa : The Anti-Fascist Handbook .
Bray explained that antifa is not so much a movement as `` an activity . ''
Many antifa groups focus primarily on `` doxxing , '' identifying and exposing far-right extremists in the police , military and other positions of power .
Bray said antifa groups generally turn to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exhausted less risky avenues of attack .
`` That , in many cases , is a last resort when the other methods have failed , '' Bray said .
`` It 's just that those methods are more spectacular , public and newsworthy and generate a lot of the buzz around what antifa is . ''
Bray argued that it 's unfair to lump militants like van Spronsen into the terrorism category without a discussion of the violent ideologies they were targeting .
Antifascists , Bray said , are n't the ones going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how many people white supremacists are killing — shooting up synagogues and Black churches and so forth — it would be worse if antifa were n't stopping them from organizing and normalizing their politics in society , '' he said .
`` I understand the concerns about violence in general , but I think it needs to be situated in that context . ''
Jones , the terrorism analyst , said antifascist activism is protected — until it drifts into vigilante-style justice .
`` The problem is not that people have views that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , against racism .
That 's certainly defensible , and in fact it 's a good thing , '' Jones said .
`` The problem is when you start getting into violence .
That 's where you start to cross a line in the U.S. , and that 's where it starts to get into the terrorism arena . ''
Still , Jones said , the number of far-left incidents is minuscule , typically only a couple a year , and in the case of antifa , they mainly involve spontaneous `` melee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 's what makes van Spronsen 's case so unusual .
A 69-year-old lone gunman carrying out a premeditated operation with a fiery , fatal end is not the usual antifa playbook .
`` This is one of the few cases where it appears , '' Jones said , `` that someone was being proactive and potentially plotting an attack . ''
Because they are armed and were close to van Spronsen , members of the John Brown Gun Club said , they 've been called `` domestic terrorists '' so many times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` There 's no fear for me of , 'Am I going to be labeled antifa ?
Am I going to be labeled a terrorist ? '
`` Xicano said .
`` I am absolutely antifascist .
Who would n't be antifascist ? ''
In the weeks before van Spronsen 's `` final action , '' members said , he cut official ties with the John Brown Gun Club .
In hindsight , they get why he took extra time with those last goodbyes .
`` I remember him giving me a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the good work , '' McMinimee said .
She had assumed he was withdrawing because of problems in his personal life .
`` Now I realize he was distancing the club from the fallout of what he was going to do , '' she said .
After van Spronsen 's death , McMinimee said , the group voluntarily met with authorities and turned over the letter — unopened — that had arrived in the mail that afternoon .
`` Ultimately , we decided as a club , unanimously , that we were not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we were going to lean into what happened and to tell Will 's story , '' McMinimee said .
The Tacoma Police Department 's version goes like this : Before dawn on July 13 , 2019 , officers responded to a report of a gunman at the Northwest Detention Center .
Van Spronsen toted an AR-15-style rifle and was throwing homemade explosives .
He also had flares ; police say he placed one underneath a 500-gallon propane tank .
Footage released from that night shows van Spronsen 's car ablaze , the flames @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the surveillance camera .
Even as sirens signaled the arrival of police , the Tacoma police statement said , `` He made no attempt to flee . ''
At the scene , according to the police , officers ordered van Spronsen to drop the gun .
When he did n't , police said , the officers fired , striking van Spronsen with two fatal rounds .
Later , investigators recovered van Spronsen 's rifle , which appeared to have malfunctioned .
The Geo Group , which owns and operates the facility , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` shows the seriousness of the threat to our employees and immigrants '' at the center .
The company praised the Tacoma police for `` heroic actions in responding to this horrific act of terrorism . ''
Van Spronsen 's friends from the gun club insist that , based on his location in a transportation yard across the street from the main detention center , his target was n't the jail but nearby buses that were to be used to enforce family separations .
They believe he deliberately chose the middle of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
McMinimee said anybody who knew van Spronsen 's dedication to the families at the center would know that he 'd never deliberately put them in danger .
In her telling , there is no terrorism : `` For me , my friend was killed by the police while trying to destroy buses that were going to be used to round up and deport my neighbors . ''
`` People taking militant action , whatever that militant part means , is what keeps fascism at bay , '' Aaron said .
`` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to turn being against fascism into some sort of wrongdoing , some enemy of the state , says a lot more about them than it does anybody who 's ever confronted a Nazi or a militia guy . ''
Xicano said he was moved by how van Spronsen , a European immigrant , stood up for Latino immigrants by `` making the ultimate sacrifice . ''
`` This was n't , 'Oh , I 'm going to go do this and we 'll see what happens , ' `` Xicano said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be . ''
Ariel van Spronsen 's parents divorced when she was a toddler , and she grew up in a comfortable suburban life with her mom and stepfather .
On weekends , she got to visit her dad , Willem van Spronsen , who delighted in showing her Seattle landmarks like Pike Place Market .
`` I was a total daddy 's girl , madly in love with my dad , and we just had a really close bond , '' Ariel recalled one recent afternoon , speaking by phone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hairstylist in Montana , but she was back in Washington state to mark the anniversary of her father 's death .
The interview was her first time speaking publicly about what happened that night .
At the time of her father 's death , Ariel released a single statement that praised her father for his activism while making clear that she did n't share his stance on violent protest .
In the year since , she has been silent , out of grief and the sensitivities of being linked to a domestic terrorism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ self-protection and then part of it was : How could he do this ? ''
Ariel said .
`` I was mad that he ended it .
I wanted him around still . ''
In the early days of the investigation , the FBI showed up at her doorstep while she was in pajamas .
A news outlet mistakenly reported that her name was an alias of her dad 's .
Headlines reduced her to `` antifa daughter . ''
Ariel said she had long understood the risks involved in her father 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death left little space to process the shock and grief of actually losing him .
`` You ca n't possibly be ready for something like that , '' she said .
Ariel said she has spent the past year trying to come to terms with her father 's death and how it has been mythologized by both the right and the left .
Yes , she said , her father 's actions fit the technical definition of domestic terrorism .
But she said the deep personal problems van Spronsen was going through challenges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ villain or martyr .
`` If you can create a boogeyman and if you can make it about us vs. them , humans crave that , '' Ariel said .
`` And I think that 's a lot of what this is about .
Simplifying it , creating a mythology that people can believe in and rally around . ''
As a young girl , Ariel said , she moved overseas when her stepdad got a job in Saudi Arabia .
Her cherished weekend visits with van Spronsen ended , and from around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she had only sporadic contact with her father through letters and visits during summer break .
But when she moved back to Seattle in high school , Ariel said , she and her dad soon eased back into their old bond .
It was the grunge era , Ariel recalled , and he introduced her to the music , art and punk-inflected politics of the moment .
`` My dad 's life was always very artful , very cool , '' Ariel said .
`` I always used to tell people who did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cooler than I was . ''
Van Spronsen had long described himself as an anarchist ; `` antifascist '' came later .
In the early 2000s , Ariel said , her dad married for the fourth time and had a son .
The family lived in a converted bus on Vashon Island , a hub for artists and activists .
`` He believed only in home schooling .
They did a lot of herbalism for their medicine , '' Ariel said .
Ariel said her father seemed to be a good parent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'd lay off the anarchist rhetoric in front of her little brother .
`` He would say things like , 'The revolution is coming and I plan to protect my family , ' '' Ariel recalled .
She said she did n't say anything because she did n't see any harm to her brother , who was around 10 at the time , but she remembered thinking that it was `` a little much for him to process at his age . ''
Ariel said the only thing she recalls as a red @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in guns , which she said started around five years ago as a nerdy , gearhead 's fascination with the technical side of how firearms work .
Ariel said she was surprised when her father joined the John Brown group in 2017 .
She said she did n't disapprove ; she 'd always just assumed they both were opposed to gun ownership .
`` The way he explained it to me was that , in a perfect world , we would n't have to have guns , but that there were so many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and really starting to do damage that it was the only way to properly defend ourselves , '' Ariel said .
`` And we kind of agreed to disagree about that and still love each other . ''
Ariel says her dad was outraged by immigration policies like family separation ; he 'd already been arrested at the same ICE facility in 2018 in connection with assaulting an officer .
But she does n't think that 's what pushed him over the edge .
The real trigger , she says , was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the end of his fourth marriage .
Van Spronsen once described it to friends as a `` personal hell . ''
The ex-wife involved in the dispute , who asked not to be identified by name for security reasons , said van Spronsen was n't some peacenik who just snapped one day .
`` He got to be a martyr and end his life and not have to deal with the consequences he created , '' she said .
In a phone interview from Seattle , van Spronsen 's former wife said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stalking and threatening her .
She obtained four protective orders against him over the years ; she also was awarded full custody .
`` My son is safe and I 'm safe — that 's all I wanted , '' she said .
`` What I really wanted is for him to be a regular person who gets divorced and is a good dad . ''
Ariel said her father saw the conflict as doing irreparable damage to his relationship with his son .
Recent developments in the case had left van Spronsen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Still , she had no hint , she said , of what he was planning in secret .
Word of his death came when a message popped up on her Apple watch as she was working on a client 's hair at the salon in Montana .
She quickly drove to Seattle , handled arrangements for her father 's cremation and got in touch with authorities .
The family decided to postpone a memorial service .
`` I did n't think that a gathering of people at that point in time was appropriate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After a week or so in Seattle , Ariel said , she drove back to Montana , where she found a package from her father waiting for her .
It included a private letter that she said made clear that her father never intended to make it out alive that night .
For one thing , she said with a wry laugh , he apologized for blowing up the Volkswagen she 'd loaned him .
`` He expressed his love for me and hoped that I would understand his actions , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I believe I have my story of what was going on with him and why , but it took a long time , '' she said .
`` A very long time . ''
Ultimately , Ariel said , she believes her father 's militancy was driven by his strong sense of love and justice ; she does n't think he belongs on the same domestic terrorism list as violent white nationalists and others on the far right who massacre civilians out of hate .
`` No doubt to me that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big message , '' Ariel said .
`` So when I was seeing people talk about this wild , crazed man , I 'm like , 'No , that was not the case . '
`` Still , Ariel said , she ca n't get past the gun .
`` There are so many things that I love and stand by about who my dad was , '' she said .
`` I do n't condone the fact that he was carrying a weapon . ''
On a warm day this month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's death , Ariel and her dad 's second wife , Susan Harrell , kayaked onto Puget Sound .
They brought along Van Spronsen 's ashes , tucked inside a biodegradable flower-shaped container .
Being on the water was an escape , Ariel said — from the debate over her father 's legacy and her own struggle to reconcile his lessons about peace with the violent way his life ended .
`` There was this moment where the water got really calm , the sun came out from behind the clouds and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the moment , ' `` Ariel said .
`` And so we went ahead and released him into the water . ''
Jim Urquhart is a photojournalist based in the western United States .

'I Am Antifa': One Activist's Violent Death Became A Symbol For The Right And Left
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
News of an attack trickled out of Tacoma, Wash., just after dawn on a summer morning in July 2019. The details were fuzzy at first — one dead, a fire, the local ICE facility — but those who were close to Willem van Spronsen all said the same thing: They just knew.
Van Spronsen, 69, a Dutch-born immigrant, musician and father of two, was a lifelong activist and early member of the Puget Sound John Brown Gun Club, an armed antifascist group in the Seattle area. He stood up to far-right leaders at local rallies, and he was a fixture at demonstrations against U.S. immigration policies, especially family separation. "Kids in cages," he called it.
Van Spronsen's belief in militancy to fight injustice showed up in his song lyrics and street protests. Eventually, friends say, it shaped what they call his "final action," which began around 4 a.m. that July 13. Armed with a semiautomatic rifle, authorities say, van Spronsen crept onto the grounds of a sprawling immigration jail, set his car on fire, tossed Molotov cocktails and died in a hail of police bullets.
As word of a death at the detention center got out, calls flew among members of the John Brown Gun Club. "Was it Will?" they asked, hoping to be wrong about their suspicions. Confirmation came that afternoon with the arrival of a farewell letter that van Spronsen had mailed in advance to a club member.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
He sent versions of it to other close friends and family members — "those burdened by the wreckage of my actions." He wrote that he was "a joyful revolutionary," motivated by love, by a desire to be "useful."
"Detention camps are an abomination," van Spronsen wrote. "I'm not standing by."
Whether that's a legitimate cause, van Spronsen's words suggest a premeditated attack in service of a political goal — to federal authorities, that makes him a domestic terrorist. And a particularly rare one. In his letter, van Spronsen wrote: "I am antifa," a reference to antifascist activists who fight the far right in a variety of extrajudicial ways — but seldom with fatal violence.
"What they're not doing is killing many people. In fact, killing almost no one," said Seth Jones, a terrorism analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
The Trump administration portrays antifa, militant antifascists, as the leftist equivalent to violent hate groups on the right. By most any metric, that's simply wrong, extremism researchers say. In 2019, according to domestic terrorism statistics, far-right extremists killed at least 38 people. The death toll attributed to antifa: one. The attacker himself, van Spronsen.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
That asymmetry is inconvenient for the Trump administration's search for a radical leftist boogeyman to bolster the president's "both sides" rhetoric on homegrown extremism. So, analysts say, van Spronsen's attack at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement center immediately was seized upon to show that President Trump and his supporters had cause to paint the far-left fringe as a deadly threat.
Surveillance video of van Spronsen's fiery attack was played over and over on Fox News as pundits warned of "a lot of lives in danger." Headlines and TV chyrons latched on to van Spronsen's antifa claim and dubbed him the "ICE bomber." One far-right commentator offered $1,000 for a copy of the letter. And about a month after the attack, Trump floated the idea of labeling "Antifa" a terrorist organization, a proposal he has since repeated even though it's widely panned as unfeasible for a variety of legal and other reasons.
Meanwhile, van Spronsen was memorialized, virtually canonized, in some leftist quarters. At the site of his death, supporters left signs saying, "Rest in power," and "Arm in arm with John Brown," likening him to the legendary white abolitionist whose violent crusade against slavery ended at the gallows. In a Facebook post, the Seattle Antifascist Action group eulogized van Spronsen as a "good friend and comrade," adding, "May his death serve as a call to protest and direct action."
A year after van Spronsen's death, NPR interviews with his daughter, Ariel, close friends and extremism researchers offer a closer look at the quixotic man behind the nation's only deadly antifa attack recorded in the past four years.
Shannon McMinimee, van Spronsen's friend and a fellow gun club member, said examining that night at the detention center is like looking into a kaleidoscope — people turn it around until they see what they want. In van Spronsen, the Trump administration sees a terrorist. Antifa groups see a martyr.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Neither version captures the complexities of what domestic terrorism analysts call a singular case, an outlier in almost every way. McMinimee said one point is not in dispute: "He went there that night knowing that it would be his last night on earth."
The gun club's first recruit
One day about three years ago, longtime activist Duke Aaron was taking a stroll in Seattle's Jefferson Park when he spotted swastikas scrawled on a playground. The same playground where he takes his child. Aaron, who's Jewish, was incensed. It struck him as another troubling sign of a resurgence of racist, anti-Semitic hate.
Aaron already had been mulling more aggressive activism, he said, and the swastikas set his plan in motion.
In 2017, he founded the Puget Sound John Brown Gun Club, part of a loose affiliation of armed leftists who offer firearms training to marginalized communities and who stand guard over unarmed protesters at rallies. In Washington state, the club is an aboveground legal group whose members wear insignia to identify themselves in public. As McMinimee put it: "We're nobody's secret girlfriend."
The official launch date was May 9, John Brown's birthday. Recruit No. 1 was Willem van Spronsen, a tall, lean European-born activist, carpenter and musician in his 60s.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Aaron laughed as he recalled how frustrated he'd get with van Spronsen when the two of them — the efficient former union organizer and the free-spirited musician — were passing out pamphlets to introduce the club to Seattle's bustling activist community.
"Will drove me nuts all day because he would start this conversation with somebody and end up with four or five people around him and it would take, like, an hour," Aaron said. But in time, Aaron said, he saw how van Spronsen's personal touch helped win over other activists who opposed guns and who had watched the club's formation with a degree of suspicion.
"He built those connections that really launched out how people viewed us," Aaron said.
Aaron was speaking in a joint interview along with three club members: McMinimee, a white attorney; Nick Vasiliy, a white Web designer who wears one of van Spronsen's Kalashnikov rounds around his neck; and a Mexican American who works in education and who for safety reasons asked to be identified only by his club nickname, Xicano.
"I'm a brown man living in Trump's America," Xicano said. Add a gun to the mix, he said, and "I'm the bull's-eye."
As a coronavirus precaution, they wore masks and sat spaced several feet apart one recent afternoon at Jefferson Park, the same place Aaron had seen the swastikas. Displayed on the grass were some of van Spronsen's belongings: a John Brown T-shirt, military-green tactical gear, anti-cop buttons. Vasiliy also brought a book that van Spronsen had given him about anarchists in Argentina during the 1920s.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
The interview took place at the height of Seattle's latest unrest, part of the wave that followed the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. Seattle protesters made national news — and enraged the president — by carving out a self-proclaimed autonomous zone in front of a vacated police station. The John Brown Gun Club was among the groups providing armed security, their presence highlighted by conservative and far-right outlets.
"They see us as the militia of antifa," Xicano said with a shrug.
The protest camp's peaceful days were fleeting — it has since been dismantled after a string of fatal shootings. At the time, however, the area was welcoming and vibrant, with the feel of a street fair.
Van Spronsen's friends said they wished he had lived to see that moment: the gun club serving as the first line of defense for a bold experiment in police-free community.
"I can imagine him playing music on the sidewalk or just setting up a chair and talking to people," Vasiliy said.
The past year has left scars on the John Brown members. They're still grieving the loss of their friend while simultaneously dealing with the repercussions of his death. They face renewed scrutiny, partly for their role in the occupied zone and partly as a result of right-wing efforts to create an equivalency between the threat posed by antifa and the threat posed by far deadlier extremists on the right.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
In a letter this month, two Democrats on the House Intelligence Committee asked the CIA and FBI to look into false information campaigns intended to whip up fears about antifa groups. The lawmakers asked for evidence on who's pushing campaigns in Idaho, North Carolina and other states about "apparently nonexistent Antifa gatherings and 'invasions.' "
Scenes of black-clad militants at protests have shaped antifa's image in the popular imagination in large part because the bulk of antifascist work is unseen, said Mark Bray, a veteran activist and Rutgers University historian who wrote Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook.
Bray explained that antifa is not so much a movement as "an activity." Many antifa groups focus primarily on "doxxing," identifying and exposing far-right extremists in the police, military and other positions of power. Bray said antifa groups generally turn to the use of force only after they've exhausted less risky avenues of attack.
"That, in many cases, is a last resort when the other methods have failed," Bray said. "It's just that those methods are more spectacular, public and newsworthy and generate a lot of the buzz around what antifa is."
Bray argued that it's unfair to lump militants like van Spronsen into the terrorism category without a discussion of the violent ideologies they were targeting. Antifascists, Bray said, aren't the ones going on hate-fueled rampages.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"Looking at how many people white supremacists are killing — shooting up synagogues and Black churches and so forth — it would be worse if antifa weren't stopping them from organizing and normalizing their politics in society," he said. "I understand the concerns about violence in general, but I think it needs to be situated in that context."
Jones, the terrorism analyst, said antifascist activism is protected — until it drifts into vigilante-style justice.
"The problem is not that people have views that are against fascism, against white supremacy, against racism. That's certainly defensible, and in fact it's a good thing," Jones said. "The problem is when you start getting into violence. That's where you start to cross a line in the U.S., and that's where it starts to get into the terrorism arena."
Still, Jones said, the number of far-left incidents is minuscule, typically only a couple a year, and in the case of antifa, they mainly involve spontaneous "melee violence" at demonstrations. He said that's what makes van Spronsen's case so unusual. A 69-year-old lone gunman carrying out a premeditated operation with a fiery, fatal end is not the usual antifa playbook.
"This is one of the few cases where it appears," Jones said, "that someone was being proactive and potentially plotting an attack."
Because they are armed and were close to van Spronsen, members of the John Brown Gun Club said, they've been called "domestic terrorists" so many times that the label has lost its sting.
"There's no fear for me of, 'Am I going to be labeled antifa? Am I going to be labeled a terrorist?' " Xicano said. "I am absolutely antifascist. Who wouldn't be antifascist?"
In the weeks before van Spronsen's "final action," members said, he cut official ties with the John Brown Gun Club. In hindsight, they get why he took extra time with those last goodbyes.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"I remember him giving me a hug and telling me to keep up the good work," McMinimee said. She had assumed he was withdrawing because of problems in his personal life.
"Now I realize he was distancing the club from the fallout of what he was going to do," she said.
After van Spronsen's death, McMinimee said, the group voluntarily met with authorities and turned over the letter — unopened — that had arrived in the mail that afternoon.
"Ultimately, we decided as a club, unanimously, that we were not going to hide from this and that we were going to lean into what happened and to tell Will's story," McMinimee said.
The Tacoma Police Department's version goes like this: Before dawn on July 13, 2019, officers responded to a report of a gunman at the Northwest Detention Center. Van Spronsen toted an AR-15-style rifle and was throwing homemade explosives. He also had flares; police say he placed one underneath a 500-gallon propane tank. Footage released from that night shows van Spronsen's car ablaze, the flames so big they fill the frame of the surveillance camera.
Even as sirens signaled the arrival of police, the Tacoma police statement said, "He made no attempt to flee."
At the scene, according to the police, officers ordered van Spronsen to drop the gun. When he didn't, police said, the officers fired, striking van Spronsen with two fatal rounds. Later, investigators recovered van Spronsen's rifle, which appeared to have malfunctioned.
The Geo Group, which owns and operates the facility, said in a statement that the surveillance video "shows the seriousness of the threat to our employees and immigrants" at the center. The company praised the Tacoma police for "heroic actions in responding to this horrific act of terrorism."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Van Spronsen's friends from the gun club insist that, based on his location in a transportation yard across the street from the main detention center, his target wasn't the jail but nearby buses that were to be used to enforce family separations. They believe he deliberately chose the middle of the night when no one was milling around.
McMinimee said anybody who knew van Spronsen's dedication to the families at the center would know that he'd never deliberately put them in danger. In her telling, there is no terrorism: "For me, my friend was killed by the police while trying to destroy buses that were going to be used to round up and deport my neighbors."
Aaron agreed, calling van Spronsen a hero.
"People taking militant action, whatever that militant part means, is what keeps fascism at bay," Aaron said. "The fact that the federal government is now trying to turn being against fascism into some sort of wrongdoing, some enemy of the state, says a lot more about them than it does anybody who's ever confronted a Nazi or a militia guy."
Xicano said he was moved by how van Spronsen, a European immigrant, stood up for Latino immigrants by "making the ultimate sacrifice."
"This wasn't, 'Oh, I'm going to go do this and we'll see what happens,' " Xicano said. "He knew what the outcome was going to be."
A daughter's heartbreak
Ariel van Spronsen's parents divorced when she was a toddler, and she grew up in a comfortable suburban life with her mom and stepfather. On weekends, she got to visit her dad, Willem van Spronsen, who delighted in showing her Seattle landmarks like Pike Place Market.
"I was a total daddy's girl, madly in love with my dad, and we just had a really close bond," Ariel recalled one recent afternoon, speaking by phone from Seattle.
Ariel is a 46-year-old hairstylist in Montana, but she was back in Washington state to mark the anniversary of her father's death. The interview was her first time speaking publicly about what happened that night.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ariel van Spronsen Ariel van Spronsen
At the time of her father's death, Ariel released a single statement that praised her father for his activism while making clear that she didn't share his stance on violent protest. In the year since, she has been silent, out of grief and the sensitivities of being linked to a domestic terrorism case.
"Part of that was self-protection and then part of it was: How could he do this?" Ariel said. "I was mad that he ended it. I wanted him around still."
In the early days of the investigation, the FBI showed up at her doorstep while she was in pajamas. A news outlet mistakenly reported that her name was an alias of her dad's. Headlines reduced her to "antifa daughter." Ariel said she had long understood the risks involved in her father's activism, but the publicity around his death left little space to process the shock and grief of actually losing him.
"You can't possibly be ready for something like that," she said.
Ariel said she has spent the past year trying to come to terms with her father's death and how it has been mythologized by both the right and the left. Yes, she said, her father's actions fit the technical definition of domestic terrorism. But she said the deep personal problems van Spronsen was going through challenges the easy casting of him as either villain or martyr.
"If you can create a boogeyman and if you can make it about us vs. them, humans crave that," Ariel said. "And I think that's a lot of what this is about. Simplifying it, creating a mythology that people can believe in and rally around."
As a young girl, Ariel said, she moved overseas when her stepdad got a job in Saudi Arabia. Her cherished weekend visits with van Spronsen ended, and from around age 6 to her early teens, she had only sporadic contact with her father through letters and visits during summer break. But when she moved back to Seattle in high school, Ariel said, she and her dad soon eased back into their old bond.
It was the grunge era, Ariel recalled, and he introduced her to the music, art and punk-inflected politics of the moment.
"My dad's life was always very artful, very cool," Ariel said. "I always used to tell people who didn't know my dad that he was cooler than I was."
Van Spronsen had long described himself as an anarchist; "antifascist" came later. In the early 2000s, Ariel said, her dad married for the fourth time and had a son. The family lived in a converted bus on Vashon Island, a hub for artists and activists.
"He believed only in home schooling. They did a lot of herbalism for their medicine," Ariel said.
Ariel said her father seemed to be a good parent, though at times she privately wished he'd lay off the anarchist rhetoric in front of her little brother.
"He would say things like, 'The revolution is coming and I plan to protect my family,'" Ariel recalled. She said she didn't say anything because she didn't see any harm to her brother, who was around 10 at the time, but she remembered thinking that it was "a little much for him to process at his age."
Ariel said the only thing she recalls as a red flag was her father's growing interest in guns, which she said started around five years ago as a nerdy, gearhead's fascination with the technical side of how firearms work.
Ariel said she was surprised when her father joined the John Brown group in 2017. She said she didn't disapprove; she'd always just assumed they both were opposed to gun ownership.
"The way he explained it to me was that, in a perfect world, we wouldn't have to have guns, but that there were so many factions out there that were rising up and really starting to do damage that it was the only way to properly defend ourselves," Ariel said. "And we kind of agreed to disagree about that and still love each other."
toggle caption Ariel van Spronsen
Ariel says her dad was outraged by immigration policies like family separation; he'd already been arrested at the same ICE facility in 2018 in connection with assaulting an officer. But she doesn't think that's what pushed him over the edge. The real trigger, she says, was a bitter, long-running custody dispute that followed the end of his fourth marriage. Van Spronsen once described it to friends as a "personal hell."
The ex-wife involved in the dispute, who asked not to be identified by name for security reasons, said van Spronsen wasn't some peacenik who just snapped one day.
"He got to be a martyr and end his life and not have to deal with the consequences he created," she said.
In a phone interview from Seattle, van Spronsen's former wife said he had shown violent tendencies for years, stalking and threatening her. She obtained four protective orders against him over the years; she also was awarded full custody.
"My son is safe and I'm safe — that's all I wanted," she said. "What I really wanted is for him to be a regular person who gets divorced and is a good dad."
Ariel said her father saw the conflict as doing irreparable damage to his relationship with his son. Recent developments in the case had left van Spronsen devastated, she said. Hopeless. Still, she had no hint, she said, of what he was planning in secret.
Word of his death came when a message popped up on her Apple watch as she was working on a client's hair at the salon in Montana. She quickly drove to Seattle, handled arrangements for her father's cremation and got in touch with authorities. The family decided to postpone a memorial service.
"I didn't think that a gathering of people at that point in time was appropriate — or safe," Ariel said.
After a week or so in Seattle, Ariel said, she drove back to Montana, where she found a package from her father waiting for her. It included a private letter that she said made clear that her father never intended to make it out alive that night. For one thing, she said with a wry laugh, he apologized for blowing up the Volkswagen she'd loaned him.
"He expressed his love for me and hoped that I would understand his actions," she said.
And does she?
"I believe I have my story of what was going on with him and why, but it took a long time," she said. "A very long time."
Ultimately, Ariel said, she believes her father's militancy was driven by his strong sense of love and justice; she doesn't think he belongs on the same domestic terrorism list as violent white nationalists and others on the far right who massacre civilians out of hate.
"No doubt to me that it was an orchestrated suicide, with a big message," Ariel said. "So when I was seeing people talk about this wild, crazed man, I'm like, 'No, that was not the case.' "
Still, Ariel said, she can't get past the gun.
"There are so many things that I love and stand by about who my dad was," she said. "I don't condone the fact that he was carrying a weapon."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ariel van Spronsen Ariel van Spronsen
On a warm day this month, just before the anniversary of van Spronsen's death, Ariel and her dad's second wife, Susan Harrell, kayaked onto Puget Sound. They brought along Van Spronsen's ashes, tucked inside a biodegradable flower-shaped container.
Being on the water was an escape, Ariel said — from the debate over her father's legacy and her own struggle to reconcile his lessons about peace with the violent way his life ended.
"There was this moment where the water got really calm, the sun came out from behind the clouds and we thought, 'This is it — this is the moment,' " Ariel said. "And so we went ahead and released him into the water."
Jim Urquhart is a photojournalist based in the western United States.


npr--2020-07-23--How Long Will Immunity To The Coronavirus Last?

How Long Will Immunity To The Coronavirus Last ?
So many people are counting on a vaccine to help end the coronavirus pandemic that any hint of bad news gets a lot of attention .
That 's proving to be the case for a series of studies examining how long antibodies persist in people who have been infected with the coronavirus .
Antibodies help ward off infections .
In some diseases , they can prevent re-infection , though scientists ca n't say for sure if that 's true for the coronavirus .
And it 's also not clear how long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from China , Britain and now the United States – have called into question how long people carry antibodies after infection .
But the reality may be less dire than recent headlines suggest .
The latest of these papers is from a research group at UCLA .
It tracked antibodies in 34 people with the coronavirus and found that the average antibody levels dropped to half of where they started over a period of about 2 1/2 months .
`` The big caveat is of course that this is just one snapshot for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Dr. Otto Yang at UCLA , `` so we do n't know that it will continue that same rate of drop over time . ''
Scientists have noticed that people with milder symptoms — or no symptoms at all — tend to have a weaker immune response to the coronavirus .
And Yang 's letter , published online in The New England Journal of Medicine , focused on people with mild illness .
`` The majority just recovered at home with no hospital care , so their antibody titers [ levels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yang says .
`` Indeed , we have seen other people that have very , very high antibody titers , on the order of 10 to 100 times higher than these . ''
A research group based at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mt .
Sinai in New York looked at nearly 20,000 people with mild to moderate illness .
The group tells a more reassuring story in an unpublished research report .
It finds that 90 % of those people had antibody responses that lasted at least three months .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least in the lab .
`` It 's reasonable to assume that there will be protection for a time frame of one to three years.
, '' says Florian Krammer , one of the scientists on that study .
`` But of course , we are scientists .
We have to prove that , right ?
That 's why everyone 's cautious about it .
But I think that 's a pretty fair assumption . ''
Scientists focus a lot on antibodies as markers of immunity in part because they are easy to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over time in many instances , but when that happens , the immune system does n't necessarily have to start again from scratch .
Memory of a past infection can be stored in a cell called a memory B cell .
`` Those are cells that do n't actually make any antibodies unless the virus comes back , and then they see that virus again , '' Krammer says .
`` But then they react very , very quickly and make antibodies quickly .
So , there are many arms that the immune @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Yet another line of defense is a kind of immune cell called a T cell .
`` T cells are very important in fighting viruses , '' says Dr. Kari Nadeau at Stanford University .
They can kill viruses .
`` And so , one thing we 're looking at [ is ] as the antibodies wane , do the T-cell responses also wane ? ''
Scientists developing some of the coronavirus vaccines have noticed that their experimental products spark a strong T-cell response .
That includes the vaccine from the University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advanced stage of testing .
`` We know from many other infections , the vaccine response can be much more durable than the natural infection response , '' says Adrian Hill , who is the principal investigator for this vaccine study .
That 's partly because people get a strong dose with a vaccine , which stimulates strong immunity .
`` I 'm pretty confident that in COVID we 're going to see the vaccines are more durable than a natural COVID infection , '' Hill says .
`` But again , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to wait and see . ''
And , for now , people who have already been infected with the coronavirus will also have to wait and see whether they remain immune , and if so for how long .
Immunity to four milder coronaviruses , which circulate widely and cause common colds , does n't persist for years on end .
So , the duration of an antibody response may depend at least in part on whether an infection led to a significant illness – and a significant immune reaction .
You can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rharris @ npr.org .

How Long Will Immunity To The Coronavirus Last?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Simon Dawson/Pool via AP Simon Dawson/Pool via AP
So many people are counting on a vaccine to help end the coronavirus pandemic that any hint of bad news gets a lot of attention. That's proving to be the case for a series of studies examining how long antibodies persist in people who have been infected with the coronavirus.
Antibodies help ward off infections. In some diseases, they can prevent re-infection, though scientists can't say for sure if that's true for the coronavirus. And it's also not clear how long antibodies linger.
Three recent studies – from China, Britain and now the United States – have called into question how long people carry antibodies after infection. But the reality may be less dire than recent headlines suggest.
The latest of these papers is from a research group at UCLA. It tracked antibodies in 34 people with the coronavirus and found that the average antibody levels dropped to half of where they started over a period of about 2 1/2 months.
"The big caveat is of course that this is just one snapshot for a relatively short period of time," says Dr. Otto Yang at UCLA, "so we don't know that it will continue that same rate of drop over time."
Scientists have noticed that people with milder symptoms — or no symptoms at all — tend to have a weaker immune response to the coronavirus. And Yang's letter, published online in The New England Journal of Medicine, focused on people with mild illness.
"The majority just recovered at home with no hospital care, so their antibody titers [levels] weren't extremely high," Yang says. "Indeed, we have seen other people that have very, very high antibody titers, on the order of 10 to 100 times higher than these."
A research group based at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mt. Sinai in New York looked at nearly 20,000 people with mild to moderate illness. The group tells a more reassuring story in an unpublished research report.
It finds that 90% of those people had antibody responses that lasted at least three months. And these antibodies neutralized the virus, at least in the lab.
"It's reasonable to assume that there will be protection for a time frame of one to three years.," says Florian Krammer, one of the scientists on that study. "But of course, we are scientists. We have to prove that, right? That's why everyone's cautious about it. But I think that's a pretty fair assumption."
Scientists focus a lot on antibodies as markers of immunity in part because they are easy to measure. Antibodies do tend to wane over time in many instances, but when that happens, the immune system doesn't necessarily have to start again from scratch. Memory of a past infection can be stored in a cell called a memory B cell.
"Those are cells that don't actually make any antibodies unless the virus comes back, and then they see that virus again," Krammer says. "But then they react very, very quickly and make antibodies quickly. So, there are many arms that the immune system has to tackle this virus."
Yet another line of defense is a kind of immune cell called a T cell.
"T cells are very important in fighting viruses," says Dr. Kari Nadeau at Stanford University. They can kill viruses. "And so, one thing we're looking at [is] as the antibodies wane, do the T-cell responses also wane?"
Scientists developing some of the coronavirus vaccines have noticed that their experimental products spark a strong T-cell response. That includes the vaccine from the University of Oxford, which is in an advanced stage of testing.
"We know from many other infections, the vaccine response can be much more durable than the natural infection response," says Adrian Hill, who is the principal investigator for this vaccine study.
That's partly because people get a strong dose with a vaccine, which stimulates strong immunity.
"I'm pretty confident that in COVID we're going to see the vaccines are more durable than a natural COVID infection," Hill says. "But again, we don't know yet. We need to wait and see."
And, for now, people who have already been infected with the coronavirus will also have to wait and see whether they remain immune, and if so for how long.
Immunity to four milder coronaviruses, which circulate widely and cause common colds, doesn't persist for years on end. So, the duration of an antibody response may depend at least in part on whether an infection led to a significant illness – and a significant immune reaction.
You can contact NPR science correspondent Richard Harris at rharris@npr.org.


npr--2020-07-24--Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

Coronavirus World Map : Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak Since the new coronavirus was first reported in Wuhan , China , in December , the infectious respiratory disease COVID-19 has spread rapidly within China and to neighboring countries and beyond .
The first confirmed coronavirus cases outside China occurred on Jan. 20 , in Japan , Thailand and South Korea .
On Jan. 21 , the first case in the U.S. was identified in Washington state .
On Jan. 24 , the first two European cases were confirmed in France .
By Feb. 1 , eight European nations had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month later that count had risen to 24 countries with at least 2,200 cases , most of them in Italy .
On March 11 , Italy eclipsed 10,000 cases and the World Health Organization declared the outbreak a pandemic — the first since H1N1 in 2009 .
That 's also when China , the original epicenter , began seeing drops in daily counts of new cases .
March also saw exponential spread of the virus throughout the U.S. , with all 50 states reporting cases by March 17 .
This particular virus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the third strain of coronavirus known to frequently cause severe symptoms in humans .
The other two strains cause Middle East respiratory syndrome and severe acute respiratory syndrome .
Click here to see the state-by-state breakdown of cases in the United States .
This story was originally published on March 30 , 2020 .

Coronavirus world map: We've now passed the 600 million mark for infections
Editor's note: This page is no longer being updated. The last update was Sept. 5, 2022. For current data about COVID-19 cases and deaths around the world, Johns Hopkins University and Our World in Data are useful resources.
In late January 2020 only a few dozen COVID-19 infections had been identified outside of China. A year later, the world tallied its first 100 million cases. It took the globe just 7 more months to pass the 200 million mark— then another 5 months to hit 300 million, according to researchers at Johns Hopkins University. Now the virus has spread to every corner of the globe and has been blamed for more than 6 million deaths.
The United States, India and Brazil in that order have had the most COVID cases and the three nations collectively account for almost half of all recorded infections so far in the pandemic.
Explore the chart below to find a country-by-country breakdown of new and total cases since January 2020.
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Explore how the number of coronavirus cases have shifted in different parts of the world over time. The first chart compares each continent to each other, while the next charts highlight the number of cases in select countries by region.
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This story was originally published on March 30, 2020.


npr--2020-07-24--Tracking The Pandemic: Are Coronavirus Cases Rising Or Falling In Your State?

Tracking The Pandemic : Are Coronavirus Cases Rising Or Falling In Your State ?
More than 3.5 million people in the U.S. have tested positive for the coronavirus and more than 135,000 have died .
Though growth in new cases slowed in late spring , by mid-June new cases began to trend upward nationally .
In the graphics below , explore the trend in new cases in your state to see whether cases are rising , falling or staying level .
You can view the data via a heat map ( immediately below ) , a curve chart and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case trends over the last three weeks .
Or to see states ' total cases and deaths on a map , click here .
The following chart displays states ' trends in new daily case counts , total cases , and per capita totals .
To compare state outbreaks , the trend lines for average new daily cases are graphed against each state 's total case count to date .
This highlights a state 's daily growth relative to the overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case counts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As cases slow , the curve levels or bends down .
In New York , site of the country 's largest outbreak , the state 's curve rose sharply before reaching over 170,000 total cases in April .
Since then , new cases have fallen from about 10,000 per day in mid-April to under 800 per day in mid July .
Conversely , Florida peaked around 1,200 new cases per day on average in April , only to surge again to nearly 12,000 per day in mid-July Coronavirus case totals are much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the spring , a large share of U.S. cases were centered around New York City .
As of mid July , other large , populous states such as California , Florida and Texas have reached high totals as well .
Some other states such as Arizona and Louisiana show a heavy burden of infection relative to their population size .
Explore the map below to see totals and per capita figures around the country for both cases and deaths .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state , week over week .
States marked in shades of red are showing growth , those in shades of green , are showing declines .
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies .
This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department 's website .
Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships .
In early June , Michigan health authorities started including probable cases in its totals .
This resulted in a brief spike in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ JHU team was able to reconcile the historical data .
On June 25 , New Jersey included 1,854 previously-unreported probable deaths in its totals , resulting in a spike in the state 's daily death numbers .
This story was originally published on March 16 , 2020 .
Elena Renken was a co-author on that version .
Sean McMinn contributed to and Carmel Wroth edited this story .

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
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Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
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The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
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Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-07-24--Thoughts Of Suicide, Other Mental Health Struggles Still High For LGBTQ Youth

Thoughts Of Suicide , Other Mental Health Struggles Still High For LGBTQ Youth Forty percent of young LGBTQ people have considered suicide in the last year ; that rises to more than half for trans and non-binary youth .
That 's according to the second annual survey on LGBTQ youth mental health by The Trevor Project .
The non-profit organization provides crisis intervention and suicide prevention services to LGBTQ people under the age of 25 .
Two years of data is n't enough to show trends , says clinical psychologist Amy Green , who is also the director of research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do show , she says , is that `` the numbers are high and staying high , in terms of mental health . ''
`` LGBTQ youth already deal with housing instability , food insecurity and trouble accessing health care , '' she says .
`` All of that is exacerbated by a pandemic . ''
More than 40,000 people , age 13 to 24 , responded to the survey , which The Trevor Project says is the largest of its kind .
It was conducted between December 2019 and March 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold .
Many students and recent graduates had to decide whether to move back in with their families .
For 24-year old Mia Soza , going home was not an option .
Soza moved to Nashville earlier this year .
She quit her job at a flower shop when the stress of dealing with racist customers got to be too much .
Living in a new city was already hard ; the pandemic and unemployment only added to the pressure .
Soza says she has n't met anyone in Nashville who she can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brown . ''
`` I am very unstable right now , '' Soza says .
`` I am lucky to be living with friends .
But I do n't receive any support from my parents , largely because they do n't really accept me because of my identity .
They are Trump supporters and also Latino . ''
That sentiment is reflected in the survey results as well : 86 % of LGBTQ youth said recent politics have negatively impacted their well-being , up from 76 % last year .
While it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knowing '' who she is , Soza says she feels like a lot of things have n't changed since her middle and high school days .
`` I feel very much like that kid , there is no one to talk to . ''
The survey found that 46 % of LGBTQ youth said they wanted counseling from a mental health professional but were unable to receive it in the past 12 months .
The top barriers were affordability and parental permission .
Not being accepted by family members also can have an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 10 LGBTQ youth said that someone — a relative , religious leader — tried to convince them to change their sexuality or gender .
But even those who live in an accepting family face challenges .
Madison Hall was laid off from her job in February and had plans to go home to visit her parents in March .
But her two-week stay turned into multiple months due to the pandemic .
The 23-year-old says it 's the longest she 's spent with her parents since coming out to them as trans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affirming .
Yet , she says , she still was n't comfortable being her full self in front of them when she moved back in .
She characterizes the process as a `` trust exercise , '' requiring much back and forth .
`` Yes , I 'm her daughter and child , but those 'Let me dress you up ' kind of bonds that stem from childhood are n't necessarily there , '' Hall says of her mom .
`` She wants to be let in , and I have to let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's probably a good metaphor to transitioning in general for me .
It 's letting them know a little , little by little , until we 're on the same page . ''
The time together is improving Hall 's relationship with her parents , and she says it 's had a positive effect on her mental health .
Amit Paley , CEO of The Trevor Project , says that one affirming adult can have a big impact on LGBTQ youth .
`` We saw that LGBTQ young people who have an accepting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less likely to attempt suicide , which is is a huge impact from a public health perspective , '' he said during an interview with NPR .
Rhys Hilicki , 17 , also has supportive parents .
When he came out to them as trans two years ago , Hilicki says they began calling him by his correct name and pronouns almost immediately .
`` They remind me to take my medicine and my testosterone shots , they 've supported me through my transition and helped me financially with it , '' he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helped me come out of my shell . ''
Hilicki says knowing his parents see him fully helps with his depression and anxiety .
Feelings like these are common among LGBTQ youth : 68 % percent said they 'd experienced generalized anxiety disorder in the past two weeks at the time of the survey , including more than three in four transgender and non-binary youth .
Paley says he hopes the survey results help inform efforts to improve mental health outcomes for the community .
`` The reason they face these elevated risks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something inherently wrong with LGBTQ people , '' he says .
`` The reason that they are facing these negative outcomes is because of the discrimination and bias that exists in society today . ''
The survey found one in three LGBTQ youth reported that they had been physically threatened or harmed in their lifetime due to their LGBTQ identity .
Paley says support from parents and guardians can save lives .
`` We hope that people will see those stories of parents who are understanding that when someone comes out it does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he says .
`` It 's just a part of their identity and it allows them to hopefully be their fuller selves . ''

Thoughts Of Suicide, Other Mental Health Struggles Still High For LGBTQ Youth
Enlarge this image toggle caption Richard Drury/Getty Images Richard Drury/Getty Images
Forty percent of young LGBTQ people have considered suicide in the last year; that rises to more than half for trans and non-binary youth.
That's according to the second annual survey on LGBTQ youth mental health by The Trevor Project. The non-profit organization provides crisis intervention and suicide prevention services to LGBTQ people under the age of 25.
Two years of data isn't enough to show trends, says clinical psychologist Amy Green, who is also the director of research at The Trevor Project. But what they do show, she says, is that "the numbers are high and staying high, in terms of mental health."
"LGBTQ youth already deal with housing instability, food insecurity and trouble accessing health care," she says. "All of that is exacerbated by a pandemic."
Help is available If you are a young person in crisis, feeling suicidal, or in need of a safe and judgment-free place to talk, contact The Trevor Project's TrevorLifeline 24/7 at 1-866-488-7386, via chat every day or by texting "START" to 678-678.
More than 40,000 people, age 13 to 24, responded to the survey, which The Trevor Project says is the largest of its kind. It was conducted between December 2019 and March 2020 — as COVID-19 restrictions began to take hold.
Many students and recent graduates had to decide whether to move back in with their families.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mia Soza Mia Soza
For 24-year old Mia Soza, going home was not an option. Soza moved to Nashville earlier this year. She quit her job at a flower shop when the stress of dealing with racist customers got to be too much. Living in a new city was already hard; the pandemic and unemployment only added to the pressure.
Soza says she hasn't met anyone in Nashville who she can relate to about being "queer and brown."
"I am very unstable right now," Soza says. "I am lucky to be living with friends. But I don't receive any support from my parents, largely because they don't really accept me because of my identity. They are Trump supporters and also Latino."
That sentiment is reflected in the survey results as well: 86% of LGBTQ youth said recent politics have negatively impacted their well-being, up from 76% last year.
While it's "liberating to feel the comfort of knowing" who she is, Soza says she feels like a lot of things haven't changed since her middle and high school days. "I feel very much like that kid, there is no one to talk to."
The survey found that 46% of LGBTQ youth said they wanted counseling from a mental health professional but were unable to receive it in the past 12 months. The top barriers were affordability and parental permission.
Not being accepted by family members also can have an impact on mental health. Six out of 10 LGBTQ youth said that someone — a relative, religious leader — tried to convince them to change their sexuality or gender.
But even those who live in an accepting family face challenges.
Madison Hall was laid off from her job in February and had plans to go home to visit her parents in March. But her two-week stay turned into multiple months due to the pandemic. The 23-year-old says it's the longest she's spent with her parents since coming out to them as trans.
Hall says her parents were always affirming. Yet, she says, she still wasn't comfortable being her full self in front of them when she moved back in. She characterizes the process as a "trust exercise," requiring much back and forth.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Madison Hall Madison Hall
"Yes, I'm her daughter and child, but those 'Let me dress you up' kind of bonds that stem from childhood aren't necessarily there," Hall says of her mom. "She wants to be let in, and I have to let my parents in. I think that's probably a good metaphor to transitioning in general for me. It's letting them know a little, little by little, until we're on the same page."
The time together is improving Hall's relationship with her parents, and she says it's had a positive effect on her mental health.
Amit Paley, CEO of The Trevor Project, says that one affirming adult can have a big impact on LGBTQ youth.
"We saw that LGBTQ young people who have an accepting adult in their lives were 40% less likely to attempt suicide, which is is a huge impact from a public health perspective," he said during an interview with NPR.
Rhys Hilicki, 17, also has supportive parents. When he came out to them as trans two years ago, Hilicki says they began calling him by his correct name and pronouns almost immediately.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Rhys Hilicki Rhys Hilicki
"They remind me to take my medicine and my testosterone shots, they've supported me through my transition and helped me financially with it," he says. "And they've really helped me come out of my shell."
Hilicki says knowing his parents see him fully helps with his depression and anxiety.
Feelings like these are common among LGBTQ youth: 68% percent said they'd experienced generalized anxiety disorder in the past two weeks at the time of the survey, including more than three in four transgender and non-binary youth.
Paley says he hopes the survey results help inform efforts to improve mental health outcomes for the community.
"The reason they face these elevated risks of suicide is not because there is something inherently wrong with LGBTQ people," he says. "The reason that they are facing these negative outcomes is because of the discrimination and bias that exists in society today."
The survey found one in three LGBTQ youth reported that they had been physically threatened or harmed in their lifetime due to their LGBTQ identity. Paley says support from parents and guardians can save lives.
"We hope that people will see those stories of parents who are understanding that when someone comes out it doesn't change who they are," he says. "It's just a part of their identity and it allows them to hopefully be their fuller selves."


npr--2020-07-24--Thai Authorities Drop Charges Against Red Bull Billionaire In 2012 Hit-And-Run Death

The heir to the Red Bull energy drink fortune no longer faces criminal charges stemming from a hit-and-run nearly eight years ago that killed a Bangkok police officer .
Police Lt. Col. Thanawuth Sanguansuk announced Friday that all charges against Vorayuth Yoovidhya had been dropped , citing a cash payment to the family of the victim in exchange for not pressing charges .
In 2012 , Vorayuth , the billionaire grandson of the creator of Red Bull , allegedly hit and killed a Thai policeman while driving his Ferrari in Bangkok , reportedly dragging 47-year-old Sgt .
Maj. Wichean Glanprasert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for more than 300 feet .
Police followed a trail of oil leaking from the car 's engine to the family 's gated estate , where they found the badly damaged grey Ferrari .
Vorayuth , 27 at the time of the crash , goes by the nickname `` Boss . ''
He initially claimed that his chauffeur was the driver , but later admitted to driving the car himself .
He also tested with a high blood-alcohol level .
He was charged with hit-and-run , causing death by reckless driving and speeding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then released on bail .
For the last several years , Vorayuth dodged court appearances as he indulged his lavish lifestyle both inside the country and on frequent travel abroad on a Red Bull private jet .
Finally , in 2017 , authorities issued an arrest warrant and revoked his Thai passport , but by then Vorayuth had been out of the country for months .
His current whereabouts are unclear .
The authorities ' bungling efforts to bring Vorayuth to justice for his alleged crimes came for many to symbolize the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the wealthy and privileged classes .
Ultimately , the statute of limitations on the speeding and hit-and-run charges ran out .
At a news conference on Friday , police spokesman Col. Krissana Pattanacharoen insisted that dropping the charge of death by reckless driving was above board because of an agreement made in 2012 between the Yoovidhya family and the family of the victim .
The Associated Press reached Porn-anant Klunprasert , the brother of the officer killed in the hit-and-run , who acknowledged signing a contract for 3 million baht ( $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Such `` blood money '' arrangements are not uncommon in Thailand .
Even so , Porn-anant said he regretted the decision to drop charges .
`` It shows no justice for the poor , '' he told the news agency .
`` Thailand has a very wide gap between the rich and the poor in every aspect , and this case is a clear example . ''

Thai Authorities Drop Charges Against Red Bull Billionaire In 2012 Hit-And-Run Death
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt Dunham/AP Matt Dunham/AP
The heir to the Red Bull energy drink fortune no longer faces criminal charges stemming from a hit-and-run nearly eight years ago that killed a Bangkok police officer.
Police Lt. Col. Thanawuth Sanguansuk announced Friday that all charges against Vorayuth Yoovidhya had been dropped, citing a cash payment to the family of the victim in exchange for not pressing charges.
In 2012, Vorayuth, the billionaire grandson of the creator of Red Bull, allegedly hit and killed a Thai policeman while driving his Ferrari in Bangkok, reportedly dragging 47-year-old Sgt. Maj. Wichean Glanprasert, and the officer's motorcycle, for more than 300 feet.
Police followed a trail of oil leaking from the car's engine to the family's gated estate, where they found the badly damaged grey Ferrari.
Vorayuth, 27 at the time of the crash, goes by the nickname "Boss." He initially claimed that his chauffeur was the driver, but later admitted to driving the car himself. He also tested with a high blood-alcohol level.
He was charged with hit-and-run, causing death by reckless driving and speeding. Vorayuth was briefly taken into custody and then released on bail.
For the last several years, Vorayuth dodged court appearances as he indulged his lavish lifestyle both inside the country and on frequent travel abroad on a Red Bull private jet.
Finally, in 2017, authorities issued an arrest warrant and revoked his Thai passport, but by then Vorayuth had been out of the country for months. His current whereabouts are unclear.
The authorities' bungling efforts to bring Vorayuth to justice for his alleged crimes came for many to symbolize the double-standard of Thai jurisprudence and the untouchability of the wealthy and privileged classes.
Ultimately, the statute of limitations on the speeding and hit-and-run charges ran out.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sakchai Lalit/AP Sakchai Lalit/AP
At a news conference on Friday, police spokesman Col. Krissana Pattanacharoen insisted that dropping the charge of death by reckless driving was above board because of an agreement made in 2012 between the Yoovidhya family and the family of the victim.
The Associated Press reached Porn-anant Klunprasert, the brother of the officer killed in the hit-and-run, who acknowledged signing a contract for 3 million baht ($94,400) not to press charges. Such "blood money" arrangements are not uncommon in Thailand.
Even so, Porn-anant said he regretted the decision to drop charges.
"It shows no justice for the poor," he told the news agency. "Thailand has a very wide gap between the rich and the poor in every aspect, and this case is a clear example."


npr--2020-07-24--Susan Rice, Perhaps An Unlikely Contender, Lands On Biden's VP Shortlist

Susan Rice , Perhaps An Unlikely Contender , Lands On Biden 's VP Shortlist One of a series of reports looking at Joe Biden 's potential running mates Susan Rice has a ready answer when asked about possibly being Joe Biden 's pick for vice president .
`` Whether I 'm his running mate or I 'm a door-knocker , I do n't mind , '' Rice said during a recent appearance on NBC 's Meet the Press .
`` I 'm going to do everything I can to help get Joe Biden elected and to help him succeed as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ veteran of the past two Democratic administrations , serving in policymaking positions and as a top adviser .
But she has never held or even run for elective office , so her reported inclusion on Biden 's shortlist has surprised many .
But after the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor at the hands of police in Minneapolis and Louisville , Ky. , respectively , and the subsequent protests in cities across the U.S. , pressure has built for Biden to name an African American woman to the presidential ticket .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became more serious .
Biden told MSNBC this week that four of the finalists for the position are Black .
Rice grew up in Washington , D.C. After college at Stanford University , she studied at Oxford University as a Rhodes scholar .
During the Clinton administration , Rice worked on the National Security Council and at the State Department , eventually becoming assistant secretary of state for African affairs .
Bigger jobs followed during the Obama years , when she served as ambassador to the United Nations and then as national security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years that she also got to know then-Vice President Biden well .
Of all the potential Biden running mates , none can match Rice 's experience on foreign policy .
But that record also overlaps with — even duplicates — Biden 's .
He is a former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee , and in fact , it was Biden 's deep experience in that area that helped him become the running mate to the much less experienced Barack Obama back in 2008 .
Many dismiss concerns over their overlapping records @ @ @ @ @ @ @ huge asset when it comes to repairing U.S. relations with allies feeling bruised by their treatment from the Trump administration .
And certainly Rice 's overall life experience is significantly different from Biden 's , so she 'd complement him in other ways , if chosen .
But the one very big gap in Rice 's résumé is that she has never been a political candidate herself .
There can be a steep learning curve when you learn how to be a candidate at the highest level of campaigning .
But in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may make that less of an issue .
Campaigning has changed so much since big events began being canceled back in March : Gone are the rallies and speeches in arenas , high school gymnasiums and union halls .
Gone is door-to-door canvassing .
And there 's no more popping into the local diner in some battleground state to work the tables during the lunch hour .
`` That 's not happening anymore , '' said veteran Democratic strategist Patti Solis Doyle .
`` And so that skill , per se , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , four years ago . ''
Solis Doyle , who held top jobs on the presidential campaigns of Obama and Hillary Clinton , said the pandemic also complicates the process of vetting a running mate .
One-on-one , get-acquainted meetings between Biden and potential nominees will be different because of COVID-19 .
But Solis Doyle noted that Biden and Rice are already well acquainted , including through hours and hours spent meeting with President Obama and other advisers in the Oval Office .
`` If there 's one person that knows that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and can handle the pressure , it 's Joe Biden , '' Solis Doyle said .
`` Joe Biden has seen it firsthand . ''
Once line of attack that Republicans would likely use against Rice if she were on the ticket is Benghazi .
That 's the location of the 2012 assault on a U.S. diplomatic compound in Libya that killed four Americans .
When it happened , Rice went on TV and called the assault an act of spontaneous violence .
That was later shown to be incorrect .
All these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cry for Republicans .
In fact , just this month , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was on Fox News , and when asked about Rice 's criticism of President Trump regarding reports of Russian bounties on U.S. soldiers , he responded by referencing Benghazi .
`` She went out and made up a story about a video at a protest when she knew full well that this was a terror attack , '' Pompeo said .
In the end , multiple GOP-led congressional inquiries into Benghazi uncovered no wrongdoing by the Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spent time of late looking ahead to the day when Trump is no longer president .
Early this year — before the presumptive Democratic nominee was known — she was on a panel hosted by the liberal think tank Center for American Progress .
The discussion centered on challenges facing a new president , assuming a Democratic victory in the fall .
At one point , Rice had a word of caution that a new Democratic administration would need to respect institutions and traditional norms and show respect for political opponents — two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certainly has not done .
`` There will be those who question why a new administration ought to play by rules that the other team does n't , '' she said .
`` And I think we 've got to be very clear and very committed to resisting that temptation . ''
It is a pragmatic stance , and one that may rankle some progressives , but it is also an approach to governing that Biden has embraced .

Susan Rice, Perhaps An Unlikely Contender, Lands On Biden's VP Shortlist
Enlarge this image toggle caption Johannes Eisele/AFP via Getty Images Johannes Eisele/AFP via Getty Images
One of a series of reports looking at Joe Biden's potential running mates
Susan Rice has a ready answer when asked about possibly being Joe Biden's pick for vice president.
"Whether I'm his running mate or I'm a door-knocker, I don't mind," Rice said during a recent appearance on NBC's Meet the Press. "I'm going to do everything I can to help get Joe Biden elected and to help him succeed as president."
The 55-year-old is a veteran of the past two Democratic administrations, serving in policymaking positions and as a top adviser. But she has never held or even run for elective office, so her reported inclusion on Biden's shortlist has surprised many.
But after the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor at the hands of police in Minneapolis and Louisville, Ky., respectively, and the subsequent protests in cities across the U.S., pressure has built for Biden to name an African American woman to the presidential ticket. In that context, Rice's potential selection became more serious.
Biden told MSNBC this week that four of the finalists for the position are Black.
toggle caption Mike Theiler/Pool/Getty Images
Lengthy foreign policy experience
Rice grew up in Washington, D.C. After college at Stanford University, she studied at Oxford University as a Rhodes scholar. During the Clinton administration, Rice worked on the National Security Council and at the State Department, eventually becoming assistant secretary of state for African affairs.
Bigger jobs followed during the Obama years, when she served as ambassador to the United Nations and then as national security adviser. It was during the Obama years that she also got to know then-Vice President Biden well.
Of all the potential Biden running mates, none can match Rice's experience on foreign policy. But that record also overlaps with — even duplicates — Biden's. He is a former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and in fact, it was Biden's deep experience in that area that helped him become the running mate to the much less experienced Barack Obama back in 2008.
Many dismiss concerns over their overlapping records, noting that Rice would be a huge asset when it comes to repairing U.S. relations with allies feeling bruised by their treatment from the Trump administration.
And certainly Rice's overall life experience is significantly different from Biden's, so she'd complement him in other ways, if chosen.
But the one very big gap in Rice's résumé is that she has never been a political candidate herself. There can be a steep learning curve when you learn how to be a candidate at the highest level of campaigning.
But in this regard, at least, the pandemic may make that less of an issue. Campaigning has changed so much since big events began being canceled back in March: Gone are the rallies and speeches in arenas, high school gymnasiums and union halls. Gone is door-to-door canvassing. And there's no more popping into the local diner in some battleground state to work the tables during the lunch hour.
"That's not happening anymore," said veteran Democratic strategist Patti Solis Doyle. "And so that skill, per se, is not as valuable as it was, say, four years ago."
Solis Doyle, who held top jobs on the presidential campaigns of Obama and Hillary Clinton, said the pandemic also complicates the process of vetting a running mate. One-on-one, get-acquainted meetings between Biden and potential nominees will be different because of COVID-19. But Solis Doyle noted that Biden and Rice are already well acquainted, including through hours and hours spent meeting with President Obama and other advisers in the Oval Office.
"If there's one person that knows that Susan Rice has been in the room and can handle the pressure, it's Joe Biden," Solis Doyle said. "Joe Biden has seen it firsthand."
Benghazi as a GOP attack
Once line of attack that Republicans would likely use against Rice if she were on the ticket is Benghazi. That's the location of the 2012 assault on a U.S. diplomatic compound in Libya that killed four Americans. When it happened, Rice went on TV and called the assault an act of spontaneous violence. That was later shown to be incorrect.
All these years later, it remains a rallying cry for Republicans. In fact, just this month, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was on Fox News, and when asked about Rice's criticism of President Trump regarding reports of Russian bounties on U.S. soldiers, he responded by referencing Benghazi.
"She went out and made up a story about a video at a protest when she knew full well that this was a terror attack," Pompeo said.
In the end, multiple GOP-led congressional inquiries into Benghazi uncovered no wrongdoing by the Obama administration.
Rice, meanwhile, has spent time of late looking ahead to the day when Trump is no longer president.
Early this year — before the presumptive Democratic nominee was known — she was on a panel hosted by the liberal think tank Center for American Progress. The discussion centered on challenges facing a new president, assuming a Democratic victory in the fall.
At one point, Rice had a word of caution that a new Democratic administration would need to respect institutions and traditional norms and show respect for political opponents — two things she says the Trump White House certainly has not done.
"There will be those who question why a new administration ought to play by rules that the other team doesn't," she said. "And I think we've got to be very clear and very committed to resisting that temptation."
It is a pragmatic stance, and one that may rankle some progressives, but it is also an approach to governing that Biden has embraced.