npr--2020-08-15--Trump's Racist 'Birther' Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory

Trump 's Racist 'Birther ' Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory Twenty-four hours after entertaining and amplifying a false and racist birther conspiracy aimed at Sen. Kamala Harris , President Trump had an opportunity to correct the record .
He did n't .
Neither did his son-in-law and top adviser Jared Kushner .
For Trump , this is a return to familiar territory .
`` Unfortunately , this might have been inevitable , '' said Doug Heye , a former Republican National Committee communications director .
He said that when former Vice President Joe Biden first picked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw tweets from Democrats saying : `` Here comes the racism and sexism . ''
Heye says he rolled his eyes recalling Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin being mocked as `` Caribou Barbie . ''
But then , Trump went there , with Harris .
`` The problem with that is , [ the Democrats ] were n't wrong and they were n't wrong because this is where Trump went and Trump supporters went immediately , '' Heye said .
Heye argues it 's not a good strategy but says Trump is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down in the polls and the American public is worried about the coronavirus and overwhelmingly disapproves of the president 's handling of the crisis .
`` This is an old playbook , '' said Amanda Renteria , who was political director for Hillary Clinton 's presidential campaign .
The official response from the Trump campaign was to criticize Harris as a `` radical '' and `` phony . ''
That 's the script campaign surrogates stuck to during a call with reporters earlier this week .
`` You know , today we are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mate , Kamala Harris , or as we know her , Phony Kamala , '' said Stacy Washington , a Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board member , mispronouncing the senator 's first name .
Washington pointed to Harris ' co-sponsorship of Bernie Sanders ' `` Medicare for All '' bill and general support of the Green New Deal .
`` It could n't be clearer that with this VP pick , the extreme liberal takeover of Joe Biden is complete .
You do n't have to take our word for it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the record of Joe Biden 's new handler . ''
The language was colorful , but the focus was ostensibly on policy .
Trump , though , immediately went more personal , describing Harris as a `` mad woman , '' `` disrespectful , '' `` nasty '' and `` angry , '' playing into the old racist and sexist trope of the angry black woman .
On Thursday , given the opportunity to reject a birther conspiracy making the rounds on the Internet , Trump threw fuel on it .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does n't meet the requirements , '' Trump said when asked at a White House press briefing about a Newsweek opinion piece suggesting Harris ' immigrant parents mean she should n't qualify to be vice president or president .
`` And by the way , the lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified , very talented lawyer . ''
There is no question .
Harris was born in Oakland , Calif .
Yes , her father was an immigrant from Jamaica , her mother from India .
But Harris is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , whose own mother emigrated from Scotland .
And so as he often does , Trump did add a dose of plausible deniability .
`` I have no idea if that 's right , '' Trump said .
`` I would have assumed the Democrats would have checked out before she gets chosen to run for vice president . ''
This has echoes of language he has used in the past when pushing forward birther conspiracies about Barack Obama .
`` I have no idea , '' Trump said in a 2013 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the U.S. , even after the president had released his birth certificate .
`` Some people say that was not his birth certificate . ''
Birtherism is in the DNA of Trump 's political rise — from Obama to his 2016 primary opponent Ted Cruz .
`` You know based on things that I 've learned over the last few days , many lawyers are coming out saying he does n't even have a right to run , '' Trump said of Cruz .
During the same campaign , he briefly toyed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whose parents are Cuban may not be allowed to run , before moving on .
Trump always uses the same arm's-length , `` just asking questions '' formula to inject conspiracies into the American bloodstream .
On CBS this Friday , Kushner , Trump son-in-law and top adviser , went to a defense Trump allies use regularly .
`` He just said that he had no idea whether that 's right or wrong , '' said Kushner .
`` I do n't see that as promoting it .
But look , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's something that 's out there . ''
Having it out there , circulating , with an air of suspicion , would seem to be the goal .
`` If Republicans and Trump decide to go after Harris instead of Biden and say that she 's the Biden whisperer from the left , there is the substance there for them to do so , '' said Heye , who wrote about the birther conspiracy on CNN 's website and said Republicans should condemn it .
`` And just like there was plenty of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , these are the places he goes back to .
It almost is his safe space . ''
The Trump campaign has struggled to settle on a message attacking Harris that really sticks , much as they have toiled unsuccessfully to truly hurt Biden , said Renteria .
So , she says , the birther stuff , is a way for Trump to signal to his base that America is changing and that they should be afraid .
`` You know the energy that you 've seen of women of color of breaking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daughter of an immigrant , '' Renteria said , `` he 's immediately trying to strip that down and say that 's not American . ''

Trump's Racist 'Birther' Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory
Enlarge this image toggle caption Patrick Semansky/AP Patrick Semansky/AP
Twenty-four hours after entertaining and amplifying a false and racist birther conspiracy aimed at Sen. Kamala Harris, President Trump had an opportunity to correct the record. He didn't. Neither did his son-in-law and top adviser Jared Kushner.
For Trump, this is a return to familiar territory.
"Unfortunately, this might have been inevitable," said Doug Heye, a former Republican National Committee communications director.
He said that when former Vice President Joe Biden first picked Harris as his running mate, he saw tweets from Democrats saying: "Here comes the racism and sexism." Heye says he rolled his eyes recalling Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin being mocked as "Caribou Barbie."
But then, Trump went there, with Harris.
"The problem with that is, [the Democrats] weren't wrong and they weren't wrong because this is where Trump went and Trump supporters went immediately," Heye said.
Heye argues it's not a good strategy but says Trump is likely returning to it because he's down in the polls and the American public is worried about the coronavirus and overwhelmingly disapproves of the president's handling of the crisis.
"This is an old playbook," said Amanda Renteria, who was political director for Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign.
The official response from the Trump campaign was to criticize Harris as a "radical" and "phony." That's the script campaign surrogates stuck to during a call with reporters earlier this week.
"You know, today we are talking about Joe Biden's new running mate, Kamala Harris, or as we know her, Phony Kamala," said Stacy Washington, a Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board member, mispronouncing the senator's first name.
Washington pointed to Harris' co-sponsorship of Bernie Sanders' "Medicare for All" bill and general support of the Green New Deal.
"It couldn't be clearer that with this VP pick, the extreme liberal takeover of Joe Biden is complete. You don't have to take our word for it," Washington said. "Just look at the record of Joe Biden's new handler."
The language was colorful, but the focus was ostensibly on policy. Trump, though, immediately went more personal, describing Harris as a "mad woman," "disrespectful," "nasty" and "angry," playing into the old racist and sexist trope of the angry black woman.
Trump Calls Harris 'Nasty,' Claims He Will Win Vote Of Suburban Women Trump Calls Harris 'Nasty,' Claims He Will Win Vote Of Suburban Women Listen · 10:54 10:54
On Thursday, given the opportunity to reject a birther conspiracy making the rounds on the Internet, Trump threw fuel on it.
"I heard it today, that she doesn't meet the requirements," Trump said when asked at a White House press briefing about a Newsweek opinion piece suggesting Harris' immigrant parents mean she shouldn't qualify to be vice president or president. "And by the way, the lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified, very talented lawyer."
There is no question. Harris was born in Oakland, Calif. Yes, her father was an immigrant from Jamaica, her mother from India. But Harris is just as much a natural-born American as Trump, whose own mother emigrated from Scotland. And so as he often does, Trump did add a dose of plausible deniability.
"I have no idea if that's right," Trump said. "I would have assumed the Democrats would have checked out before she gets chosen to run for vice president."
This has echoes of language he has used in the past when pushing forward birther conspiracies about Barack Obama.
"I have no idea," Trump said in a 2013 ABC interview of whether Obama was born in the U.S., even after the president had released his birth certificate. "Some people say that was not his birth certificate."
Birtherism is in the DNA of Trump's political rise — from Obama to his 2016 primary opponent Ted Cruz.
"You know based on things that I've learned over the last few days, many lawyers are coming out saying he doesn't even have a right to run," Trump said of Cruz.
During the same campaign, he briefly toyed with the idea that Sen. Marco Rubio, whose parents are Cuban may not be allowed to run, before moving on.
Trump always uses the same arm's-length, "just asking questions" formula to inject conspiracies into the American bloodstream. On CBS this Friday, Kushner, Trump son-in-law and top adviser, went to a defense Trump allies use regularly.
"He just said that he had no idea whether that's right or wrong," said Kushner. "I don't see that as promoting it. But look, at the end of the day, it's something that's out there."
Having it out there, circulating, with an air of suspicion, would seem to be the goal.
"If Republicans and Trump decide to go after Harris instead of Biden and say that she's the Biden whisperer from the left, there is the substance there for them to do so," said Heye, who wrote about the birther conspiracy on CNN's website and said Republicans should condemn it. "And just like there was plenty of substance for Trump to go after Obama, these are the places he goes back to. It almost is his safe space."
The Trump campaign has struggled to settle on a message attacking Harris that really sticks, much as they have toiled unsuccessfully to truly hurt Biden, said Renteria. So, she says, the birther stuff, is a way for Trump to signal to his base that America is changing and that they should be afraid.
"You know the energy that you've seen of women of color of breaking barriers, sons and daughters, a daughter of an immigrant," Renteria said, "he's immediately trying to strip that down and say that's not American."


npr--2020-08-15--To Keep Campuses Safe, Some Colleges To Test Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week

To Keep Campuses Safe , Some Colleges To Test Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week As students return to the campus of University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign this month , they will be tested for COVID-19 .
And , then they 'll be tested , again .
`` We are requiring testing two times per week for access to campus facilities .
This is for students , faculty , and staff , '' explains Rebecca Lee Smith , an associate professor of epidemiology .
The university is one of several starting ambitious testing regimes as a means to enable students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Illinois is using a saliva-based test developed by a research team on campus .
Students will get the results within hours .
And their first test upon arrival will serve as an `` entry test '' , to ensure they 're healthy when returning to campus '' Those living in the dorms will be tested at check-in .
Others are asked to come to a testing location as soon as possible , '' Smith says .
This testing strategy is based on the latest evidence that frequent testing can help prevent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frequent , that 's absolutely the key , '' says Martin Burke , a professor of chemistry at Urbana-Champaign , who helped develop the saliva-based test .
Not only is it less invasive to collect a saliva sample , compared to doing a nasal swab , Burke and his collaborators have developed a streamlined process in the laboratory that leads to faster results , about 3 to 6 hours on average .
This is critical , Burke says , because that way the campus `` can quickly isolate individuals who tested positive .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is by no means the norm .
Many colleges are planning on holding classes online only this fall ; others are planning a single entry test before the semester starts ; others will do n't require any asymptomatic testing .
But some campuses are betting on biweekly testing , using a new generation of faster tests .
And , why two tests per week ?
Coronavirus diagnostic tests tend to catch people only during a short window when they 're most infectious .
So , a newly infected person may test negative if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before the virus has begun to replicate in their body .
But , if they 're tested again a few days later , the virus would likely be detected .
`` So , by testing frequently the chances of catching that person when their viral load goes up is very high , '' Burke says .
Some researchers say it 's time for colleges to embrace testing .
`` The case for frequency is quite strong now , '' says Rochelle Walensky , an infectious disease physician and a professor at Harvard Medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major component of what could be done to get us to a better place on college campuses , and it 's being completely underutilized right now , '' she says .
As part of a recent study published in JAMA Network Open , Walensky and her collaborators modeled different scenarios for safely re-opening campuses .
They found that simply asking students to report symptoms would not be sufficient .
`` We ran thousands of scenarios in our model and we failed to find even one plausible circumstance under which a strategy of simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sufficient to contain an outbreak , '' says Walensky 's co-author , David Paltiel a professor of public health at Yale School of Medicine .
The reason : `` There 's just so much silent spreading , '' Paltiel says .
A recent analysis published in PNAS found that silent disease transmission during the presymptomatic and asymptomatic stages are responsible for the majority of cases .
Paltiel and Walensky 's paper concludes that , in conjunction with social distancing and masking , frequent testing of all students might be required to control outbreaks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sensitivity '' tests which can produce more false negatives are acceptable .
`` You can capture a vast majority of the cases in a very short time by repeatedly testing , '' Paltiel says .
He says resistance to faster , less sensitive tests is a mistake .
`` The frequency makes up for a world of blemishes with regard to the accuracy of the test , '' he says .
Despite the growing call for more testing on campuses , currently , the CDC does not recommend `` entry '' testing for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this guidance could be dangerous .
`` It is baffling to me that the CDC has failed to update its guidance , in light of the accumulating evidence that `` silent spreaders '' are fueling outbreaks , '' he says .
The CDC guidance says that entry tests have not been systematically studied .
`` A lack of evidence is not the same thing as evidence of a lack of effectiveness , '' says physician Aaron Carroll , a professor at Indiana University School of Medicine .
`` From a public health perspective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is better than not . ''
He argues entry testing , especially for on-campus students , '' combined with a robust program of ongoing , regular testing of as many people as possible , seems like a good idea . ''
The CDC 's guidance on campus testing was last updated in late June .
Now , as the evidence continues to evolve , a spokesperson for the agency tells NPR they will re-evaluate the guidance in light of the new research .
`` CDC will incorporate this [ JAMA Network Open ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to date regarding entry testing for college students and will continue to evaluate the guidance , '' a spokesperson wrote in an email .
The agency points to many factors to consider including `` limited availability of dedicated resources and the logistics needed to conduct broad testing '' on campuses .
It 's true that with current testing technology and supply chain shortages , many campuses would n't be able to run frequent tests for all students .
And the types of rapid saliva tests some colleges have developed are not yet on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ currently seeking emergency use authorization from the FDA for its proprietary test , and Yale University received that authorization Saturday for a very similar test .
This authorization means other diagnostic labs may now start to use the test .
Researchers at these institutions say the challenge has been to develop a test that wo n't be subject to supply chain snags — and can deliver results faster and cheaper .
They say they 've found a way of working around a time-consuming step in the lab analysis of samples , by using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus .
`` We get rid of the most cumbersome step , '' says Nathan Grubaugh , an assistant professor of epidemiology at Yale School of Medicine .
`` You lose the most expensive step and the most time-consuming . ''
The new technique cuts down significantly the amount of skilled labor required , both in sample collection and lab processing , he says .
If approved , these tests could become more widespread fairly quickly , as commercial labs may begin to license them .
Meanwhile , Carroll says his school , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance and screening using a combination of saliva tests and antigen tests .
`` We are testing all on-campus students in all our campuses using antigen testing on arrival , '' he explains , and the school is developing plans for ongoing testing .
An antigen test , which can detect proteins from the virus , can pick up active infections and provide results in less than an hour .
The FDA says these are reliable if results are positive but negative results `` may need to be confirmed with a molecular test @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campuses continue to adjust their testing plans .
Harvard University is phasing in new testing protocols : Starting Aug. 16 students living on campus dorms and housing will be tested three times a week .
Students living on campus at Brandeis University will be tested two times per week ( every three or four days ) .
By comparison , at the University of Georgia , which typically enrolls about 30,000 undergraduates , asymptomatic testing is voluntary , and the university says it plans to conduct about 300 tests per day .

To Keep Campuses Safe, Some Colleges To Test Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sean Rayford/Getty Images Sean Rayford/Getty Images
Updated 4:10 p.m. ET
As students return to the campus of University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign this month, they will be tested for COVID-19. And, then they'll be tested, again.
"We are requiring testing two times per week for access to campus facilities. This is for students, faculty, and staff," explains Rebecca Lee Smith, an associate professor of epidemiology.
The university is one of several starting ambitious testing regimes as a means to enable students to safely return to campus.
The University of Illinois is using a saliva-based test developed by a research team on campus. Students will get the results within hours. And their first test upon arrival will serve as an "entry test", to ensure they're healthy when returning to campus
"Those living in the dorms will be tested at check-in. Others are asked to come to a testing location as soon as possible," Smith says.
This testing strategy is based on the latest evidence that frequent testing can help prevent outbreaks on campuses.
"Fast and frequent, that's absolutely the key," says Martin Burke, a professor of chemistry at Urbana-Champaign, who helped develop the saliva-based test. Not only is it less invasive to collect a saliva sample, compared to doing a nasal swab, Burke and his collaborators have developed a streamlined process in the laboratory that leads to faster results, about 3 to 6 hours on average.
This is critical, Burke says, because that way the campus "can quickly isolate individuals who tested positive."
This kind or regular testing regime is by no means the norm. Many colleges are planning on holding classes online only this fall; others are planning a single entry test before the semester starts; others will don't require any asymptomatic testing. But some campuses are betting on biweekly testing, using a new generation of faster tests.
And, why two tests per week? Coronavirus diagnostic tests tend to catch people only during a short window when they're most infectious. So, a newly infected person may test negative if the sample is taken too early, before the virus has begun to replicate in their body. But, if they're tested again a few days later, the virus would likely be detected.
"So, by testing frequently the chances of catching that person when their viral load goes up is very high," Burke says.
Some researchers say it's time for colleges to embrace testing. "The case for frequency is quite strong now," says Rochelle Walensky, an infectious disease physician and a professor at Harvard Medical School. "Testing is such a major component of what could be done to get us to a better place on college campuses, and it's being completely underutilized right now,"she says.
As part of a recent study published in JAMA Network Open, Walensky and her collaborators modeled different scenarios for safely re-opening campuses. They found that simply asking students to report symptoms would not be sufficient.
"We ran thousands of scenarios in our model and we failed to find even one plausible circumstance under which a strategy of simply waiting for symptoms to emerge would be sufficient to contain an outbreak," says Walensky's co-author, David Paltiel a professor of public health at Yale School of Medicine.
The reason: "There's just so much silent spreading," Paltiel says. A recent analysis published in PNAS found that silent disease transmission during the presymptomatic and asymptomatic stages are responsible for the majority of cases.
Paltiel and Walensky's paper concludes that, in conjunction with social distancing and masking, frequent testing of all students might be required to control outbreaks. And they conclude that "low sensitivity" tests which can produce more false negatives are acceptable.
"You can capture a vast majority of the cases in a very short time by repeatedly testing," Paltiel says. He says resistance to faster, less sensitive tests is a mistake. "The frequency makes up for a world of blemishes with regard to the accuracy of the test," he says.
Despite the growing call for more testing on campuses, currently, the CDC does not recommend "entry" testing for all returning college students.
Paltiel says this guidance could be dangerous. "It is baffling to me that the CDC has failed to update its guidance, in light of the accumulating evidence that "silent spreaders" are fueling outbreaks," he says.
The CDC guidance says that entry tests have not been systematically studied.
"A lack of evidence is not the same thing as evidence of a lack of effectiveness," says physician Aaron Carroll, a professor at Indiana University School of Medicine. "From a public health perspective, every case we identify and isolate is better than not." He argues entry testing, especially for on-campus students,"combined with a robust program of ongoing, regular testing of as many people as possible, seems like a good idea."
The CDC's guidance on campus testing was last updated in late June. Now, as the evidence continues to evolve, a spokesperson for the agency tells NPR they will re-evaluate the guidance in light of the new research. "CDC will incorporate this [JAMA Network Open] study into the body of scientific evidence to date regarding entry testing for college students and will continue to evaluate the guidance," a spokesperson wrote in an email.
The agency points to many factors to consider including "limited availability of dedicated resources and the logistics needed to conduct broad testing" on campuses.
It's true that with current testing technology and supply chain shortages, many campuses wouldn't be able to run frequent tests for all students.
And the types of rapid saliva tests some colleges have developed are not yet on the market. University of Illinois is currently seeking emergency use authorization from the FDA for its proprietary test, and Yale University received that authorization Saturday for a very similar test. This authorization means other diagnostic labs may now start to use the test.
Researchers at these institutions say the challenge has been to develop a test that won't be subject to supply chain snags — and can deliver results faster and cheaper. They say they've found a way of working around a time-consuming step in the lab analysis of samples, by using heat to "break open" the virus.
"We get rid of the most cumbersome step," says Nathan Grubaugh, an assistant professor of epidemiology at Yale School of Medicine. "You lose the most expensive step and the most time-consuming."
The new technique cuts down significantly the amount of skilled labor required, both in sample collection and lab processing, he says. If approved, these tests could become more widespread fairly quickly, as commercial labs may begin to license them.
Meanwhile, Carroll says his school, Indiana University, is ramping up its surveillance and screening using a combination of saliva tests and antigen tests. "We are testing all on-campus students in all our campuses using antigen testing on arrival," he explains, and the school is developing plans for ongoing testing.
An antigen test, which can detect proteins from the virus, can pick up active infections and provide results in less than an hour. The FDA says these are reliable if results are positive but negative results "may need to be confirmed with a molecular test."
And around the country, campuses continue to adjust their testing plans. Harvard University is phasing in new testing protocols: Starting Aug. 16 students living on campus dorms and housing will be tested three times a week. Students living on campus at Brandeis University will be tested two times per week (every three or four days).
By comparison, at the University of Georgia, which typically enrolls about 30,000 undergraduates, asymptomatic testing is voluntary, and the university says it plans to conduct about 300 tests per day.


npr--2020-08-16--The Pandemic Is Changing How People Get Around

The Pandemic Is Changing How People Get Around The thought of packing herself onto a crowded bus or train makes Magali Olson cringe .
`` I 'm afraid to really take the train , '' Olson says .
`` I mean , I do n't know if people are being clean or not , you know ? ''
She is able to work from home some days , but she 's had to ride Chicago 's Blue Line trains two days a week to her job at an insurance company downtown .
`` Although I had Clorox wipes to clean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anything , I was still a little scared , '' she says .
`` Some people were n't wearing masks , so it 's a little scary . ''
Like other transit systems , the Chicago Transit Authority requires riders to wear masks and frequently and thoroughly cleans trains and buses .
But like many Americans during this pandemic , Olson is still uncomfortable riding public transit , so she went out and bought herself an electric scooter .
`` It 's really , really easy '' to both ride and charge up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side , Olson says .
`` It does n't go more than 30 miles per hour so I can just take it down [ town ] ... and call it a day .
I 'm actually looking forward to going to the office . ''
Scooters are just one of the transportation modes increasing in popularity among commuters during the pandemic , which is changing how many of people get around .
Another of the two wheeled variety is the good old bicycle .
But if you do n't already have one , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find one .
Over at Kozy 's Cyclery , the phones are almost constantly ringing , but anyone looking to buy a bike is probably out of luck .
This huge shop , with three levels of retail space , is almost empty .
`` Everything in a 2020 model in a bike has basically left the building , '' says Sherdon Weir , a manager at one of the three family-owned Kozy 's Cyclery shops in Chicago .
`` We 're left with high-end road bikes and high-end electric bikes ... and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' bikes . ''
`` 2021 models are trickling in , '' Weir says , with just one or two sometimes arriving in a shipment .
He says they 're put together the night they arrive and go out the next day to customers who have been waiting for them .
`` We have a box filled with customers ' [ orders ] that have had bikes on hold since March . ''
Weir says electric bikes , which give a person 's pedaling a power boost , are especially popular among commuters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to be sweaty when they get into work , '' he says .
`` It is a game-changer .
Sales have basically tripled for electric bikes . ''
But while the sales side of the shop is empty of bikes , the service side is overflowing with them .
Weir says at times , 15 to 20 people will be lined up out in front of the shop ( social distancing limits the number of customers allowed inside at a time ) to get their older bikes fixed up and repaired .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bike , they 've dug up bikes from their basement that need either tires and tubes , that need tuneups . ''
It 's the same story at bicycle shops all across the country , and while some of the demand is coming from those who want bikes to commute , much of it is from recreational users who see it as way to enjoy the outdoors with their families , or spend time with friends in a safe and socially distant way .
`` Biking is really on fire right now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transportation for the Metropolitan Planning Council in Chicago , a regional nonprofit focused on urban planning .
She says many cities are expanding bike-share programs , like Chicago 's Divvy bikes , to accommodate the increased demand .
There are also more shared scooter programs , and some cities are working to accommodate the pandemic-related increase in walking , with new trails , sidewalk improvements and safety enhancements .
But as scores of bicyclists , skateboarders and rollerbladers whiz by her on Chicago 's busy Lakefront Trail , she points to the hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highway next to it , Lake Shore Drive .
`` We are seeing traffic levels , in terms of cars , having gone up to almost pre-COVID levels . ''
Even though many people are out of work or still working from home , many cities are seeing significant increases in motor vehicle traffic this summer .
In Chicago and in other cities with robust transit systems , people who have never owned cars before are suddenly buying them .
In New York City , some are calling it `` carmaggedon , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in July , the highest monthly total in years .
Meanwhile , NYC subway ridership is still down more than 75 % from last year .
Across the country , used car sales in particular are up , while people still largely avoid car-sharing and ride-hailing companies like Uber and Lyft .
Their business remains down significantly .
At the same time , many cities are at least temporarily closing off many streets to cars , turning them into bike lanes and shared spaces for pedestrians , outdoor dining and even play lots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point , '' says Wennink , `` and we can go one of two ways . ''
`` One , where we see a huge uptick in car usage and car ownership and congestion , '' Wennink says .
Alternatively , cities can support more active and sustainable transportation options , like walking and biking .
`` Because the long term problems that we have of climate change , of congestion , of constrained spaces in urban areas , those are still conditions that will continue to exist . ''
She and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's an opportunity in the COVID-19 crisis : to rethink how people get will around and use urban spaces differently in a post-pandemic world .

The Pandemic Is Changing How People Get Around
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Schaper/NPR David Schaper/NPR
The thought of packing herself onto a crowded bus or train makes Magali Olson cringe.
"I'm afraid to really take the train," Olson says. "I mean, I don't know if people are being clean or not, you know?"
She is able to work from home some days, but she's had to ride Chicago's Blue Line trains two days a week to her job at an insurance company downtown.
"Although I had Clorox wipes to clean everything, before I sat or touch anything, I was still a little scared," she says. "Some people weren't wearing masks, so it's a little scary."
Like other transit systems, the Chicago Transit Authority requires riders to wear masks and frequently and thoroughly cleans trains and buses. But like many Americans during this pandemic, Olson is still uncomfortable riding public transit, so she went out and bought herself an electric scooter.
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Schaper/NPR David Schaper/NPR
"It's really, really easy" to both ride and charge up in her garage on Chicago's northwest side, Olson says. "It doesn't go more than 30 miles per hour so I can just take it down[town] ... and call it a day. I'm actually looking forward to going to the office."
Scooters are just one of the transportation modes increasing in popularity among commuters during the pandemic, which is changing how many of people get around. Another of the two wheeled variety is the good old bicycle. But if you don't already have one, it's going to be difficult to find one.
Over at Kozy's Cyclery, the phones are almost constantly ringing, but anyone looking to buy a bike is probably out of luck. This huge shop, with three levels of retail space, is almost empty.
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Schaper/NPR David Schaper/NPR
"Everything in a 2020 model in a bike has basically left the building," says Sherdon Weir, a manager at one of the three family-owned Kozy's Cyclery shops in Chicago. "We're left with high-end road bikes and high-end electric bikes ... and we're down to the smallest kids' bikes."
"2021 models are trickling in," Weir says, with just one or two sometimes arriving in a shipment. He says they're put together the night they arrive and go out the next day to customers who have been waiting for them. "We have a box filled with customers' [orders] that have had bikes on hold since March."
Weir says electric bikes, which give a person's pedaling a power boost, are especially popular among commuters.
"Because most people don't want to be sweaty when they get into work," he says. "It is a game-changer. Sales have basically tripled for electric bikes."
But while the sales side of the shop is empty of bikes, the service side is overflowing with them. Weir says at times, 15 to 20 people will be lined up out in front of the shop (social distancing limits the number of customers allowed inside at a time) to get their older bikes fixed up and repaired.
"Since they can't get a bike, they've dug up bikes from their basement that need either tires and tubes, that need tuneups."
It's the same story at bicycle shops all across the country, and while some of the demand is coming from those who want bikes to commute, much of it is from recreational users who see it as way to enjoy the outdoors with their families, or spend time with friends in a safe and socially distant way.
"Biking is really on fire right now," says Audrey Wennink, director of transportation for the Metropolitan Planning Council in Chicago, a regional nonprofit focused on urban planning.
She says many cities are expanding bike-share programs, like Chicago's Divvy bikes, to accommodate the increased demand. There are also more shared scooter programs, and some cities are working to accommodate the pandemic-related increase in walking, with new trails, sidewalk improvements and safety enhancements.
But as scores of bicyclists, skateboarders and rollerbladers whiz by her on Chicago's busy Lakefront Trail, she points to the hundreds of cars jamming up on the eight-lane highway next to it, Lake Shore Drive.
"We are seeing traffic levels, in terms of cars, having gone up to almost pre-COVID levels."
Even though many people are out of work or still working from home, many cities are seeing significant increases in motor vehicle traffic this summer.
In Chicago and in other cities with robust transit systems, people who have never owned cars before are suddenly buying them. In New York City, some are calling it "carmaggedon," as residents there registered 40,000 new cars in July, the highest monthly total in years. Meanwhile, NYC subway ridership is still down more than 75% from last year.
Across the country, used car sales in particular are up, while people still largely avoid car-sharing and ride-hailing companies like Uber and Lyft. Their business remains down significantly.
At the same time, many cities are at least temporarily closing off many streets to cars, turning them into bike lanes and shared spaces for pedestrians, outdoor dining and even play lots.
"This is a real turning point," says Wennink, "and we can go one of two ways."
"One, where we see a huge uptick in car usage and car ownership and congestion," Wennink says. Alternatively, cities can support more active and sustainable transportation options, like walking and biking.
"Because the long term problems that we have of climate change, of congestion, of constrained spaces in urban areas, those are still conditions that will continue to exist."
She and other transportation and urban planning experts say there's an opportunity in the COVID-19 crisis: to rethink how people get will around and use urban spaces differently in a post-pandemic world.


npr--2020-08-16--Joe Biden's Long And Rocky Road To The Democratic Nomination

Joe Biden 's Long And Rocky Road To The Democratic Nomination When former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. becomes the Democratic Party 's official nominee for president on Thursday , he will complete two historic and improbable comebacks .
Earlier this year , Biden rose from roadkill status in early February voting to effectively claim the nomination by the end of March .
But 2020 was far from the first time Biden bid for the White House .
His nomination realizes the dream of a recurrent campaign first launched more than three decades ago — in another political era @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major party nominee has reached this plateau so many years after their first formal candidacy .
Most Americans know Biden as the Number Two who served eight years under Barack Obama .
They may know that Biden previously had been a high-profile , six-term senator from Delaware , chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and then the Foreign Relations Committee .
Fewer may recall that Biden was also a candidate for president in 2008 , dropping out after finishing fifth in the Iowa caucuses .
Fewer yet remember Biden 's brilliant flame-out in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early favorites for the 1988 nomination .
And few ever knew that Biden flirted with a campaign as far back as 1984 ( when he actually received one delegate 's vote at the national convention ) .
Biden was also mentioned as a potential candidate in more recent cycles , notably 2016 .
As Obama 's vice president , Biden might well have been competitive with Hillary Clinton , the eventual nominee .
He publicly considered a run in 2015 , but stepped back after his son Beau died of cancer in May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but several months later said he regretted not running `` every day . ''
What people do remember is that Biden began the current presidential cycle as the Democrats ' putative front-runner , that he stumbled along the way and nearly washed out early .
The Real Clear Politics average of polls showed him leading — but not dominating — the field throughout 2019 .
In a field that at one point teemed with more than 20 other hopefuls — Biden 's polling rarely surpassed 30 % .
He struggled at times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crossfire from rivals — including the one who is now his running-mate , Sen. Kamala Harris of California .
In the very first debate last year , her jab at Biden 's stand on school busing in the 1970s ( `` That little girl was me '' ) gave her fledgling campaign a bump .
It also left a bitter taste with some of Biden 's closest advisors that would hinder , but not prevent , her joining the ticket .
As the debates ground on and impeachment proceedings in Washington diverted media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the field .
When his main challenger , Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont , had a heart attack in October , some Sanders backers gravitated to Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and other candidates , not Biden .
By the end of the Iowa caucuses on Feb. 3 , Biden found himself an also-ran , just as in 2008 .
It was upstart candidate Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Ind.
, who shared the winner 's circle with Sanders .
Biden finished fourth .
Sanders and Buttigieg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary on Feb. 11 .
Biden came in fifth , the choice of only one out of every 12 voters .
As Sanders and Buttigieg dueled for delegates , it was Sanders who got the biggest boost in the polls .
His rise coincided with his big win in the Feb. 22 Nevada caucuses , where the avowed `` democratic socialist '' showed strong appeal among Hispanic voters and got nearly half the votes overall .
Media reports were routinely referring to him as the front-runner .
But Biden stayed alive in Nevada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was enough to carry him to South Carolina and redemption .
South Carolina 's first-in-the-South primary matters in the Democratic contest because it is the first event where African American voters — with whom Biden had residual appeal as Obama 's vice president — carry outsize influence .
As attention turned to the Palmetto State , its senior officeholder , James Clyburn , the highest ranking Black member of Congress as the House Majority Whip , announced his endorsement of Biden .
Clyburn 's backing all but guaranteed Biden would carry the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than that — it created the first real groundswell of energy for his campaign in months .
That weekend , Biden won the Black vote overwhelmingly , especially among women , fueling a blowout that saw his vote share and Sanders ' reversed from the Nevada tally .
In the biggest event of the year to date , Biden got nearly half the vote and Sanders a fifth .
No other candidate got enough to earn a delegate .
With Super Tuesday looming , both Buttigieg and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar dropped out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the candidate most likely to beat President Trump , which was the criterion most often cited as crucial by Democratic voters .
Warren remained in the hunt , but barely , giving Biden the one-on-one match with Sanders he had been wanting .
After Nevada , Sanders had been poised to win most of the 14 states voting in the March 3rd Super Tuesday contests .
But South Carolina shifted the momentum .
Sanders won in California , Colorado , Utah and his home state of Vermont .
Biden swept the rest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states where he won at least 55 % of votes among African Americans .
The shift in momentum dimmed Sanders ' hopes for recovery in states where he had done well in 2016 — such as Missouri , Michigan and Washington .
After Wisconsin joined that list on April 7 , Sanders dropped out .
Within a week , he endorsed Biden .
In the four months since , as other states have held their nominating events , Biden has continued to reap the delegate harvest essentially unopposed .
While the coronavirus has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events and interviews from his home in Wilmington , Del.
, Biden his gradually risen in the polls and built a lead over the incumbent president that stood at 11 points in the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll released Friday .
That trend has continued despite Biden 's relative inactivity , driven less by the Democrat than by Trump 's controversies , especially his handling of the virus , the economic fallout and the widespread racial unrest that followed the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis .
February was not the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Twice before he had been regarded as a promising contestant who faltered not far from the starting gate .
In 1987 , Biden was among several Democrats visiting Iowa and New Hampshire as the clock wound down on President Ronald Reagan 's second term .
Biden was then 45 and in his third term in the Senate , having first been elected in 1972 when not yet 30 years old on Election Day .
He was known for his extroverted personality and aggressive speaking style , and he traveled to Democratic dinners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speech reminiscent of John and Bobby Kennedy .
In the spring of that year , Biden was competitive in polls of the Democratic hopefuls , along with Sen. Al Gore of Tennessee and Gov .
Michael Dukakis of Massachusetts ( the eventual nominee ) .
Biden was regarded as a threat by the cycle 's early front-runner , former Senator Gary Hart of Colorado .
But Hart 's campaign collapsed in May after The Miami Herald reported he had entertained a young woman at his Washington townhouse while his wife was in Colorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden , but soon thereafter reporters received copies of a videotape of Biden giving a speech that borrowed from one given by a British politician .
This revived accounts of an accusation of plagiarism while Biden was in law school .
At an event in New Hampshire , Biden angrily denounced a man who questioned him .
It happened long before the internet and social media , but the footage was widely shared on news programs .
Biden suspended his campaign .
The following year he suffered a pair of life-threatening brain aneurysms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him from the Senate for weeks .
Having left the campaign trail , Biden focused on the Judiciary Committee , where he oversaw the highly contentious confirmation hearings of Supreme Court nominees Robert Bork ( rejected in 1987 ) and Clarence Thomas ( confirmed in 1991 ) .
Like most of his ambitious colleagues in the Senate , Biden saw no chance of beating President George H.W .
Bush in 1992 and did not enter the primaries that year .
In 2000 , the Democratic nomination was all but conceded to Gore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president .
In 2004 , several prominent Democrats sought the nomination against President George W. Bush , but not Biden .
Late in Bush 's second term , however , Biden joined the squad of senators — including Obama and Hillary Clinton — in a series of debates that began early in 2007 .
Biden did well in these meetings , but also occasionally displayed his proclivity for gaffes .
On one occasion he referred to Obama as the first presidential candidate who was a `` mainstream African-American who is articulate and bright @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Not long after that remark , Biden flopped in the Iowa caucuses that kicked off the voting in January 2008 .
How did Biden come back over time to bestride the party with such stature at this moment ?
Has Biden changed or have the Democrats changed , or is this a different country today ?
In varying degrees , all three have changed .
Often seen as garrulous and talkative in his Senate years , Biden has been more subdued in public during the current cycle .
He has also seemed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portents he sees in the governing mode of President Trump .
That matured persona has played well in the current climate , at least among Democrats , large majorities of whom view the COVID-19 crisis as a major concern and share a sense of anxiety and dread about Trump .
The Democratic Party today is younger and less Caucasian than it was when Biden first contemplated a run for president .
Biden will be the oldest nominee either party has ever had , and would be the oldest occupant of the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oath .
But the younger voters who preferred Sanders did not turn out in significant numbers during the primaries , a fact Sanders himself acknowledged .
And while Biden would seem miscast as the champion of people of color , he wound up benefiting most from their votes , which never coalesced around Harris , or Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey or Julian Castro of Texas – all of whom dropped out before Iowa .
This is also a more progressive Democratic Party , as shown by the success of Sanders ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's stands in 2020 .
Ideologically , Biden has been generally moderate to center-left , and while he has moved toward Sanders and Warren on health care and other issues since becoming the presumptive nominee , big differences remain .
In the end , Biden had just enough connection , whether through his often-mentioned association with Obama or his ties to officeholders and other party influencers , to overcome his deficits .
And as the nation 's oldest political party gathers in virtual space for its 2020 convention , it is less a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than it is a concentration of opposition to the incumbent president .
If the Obama-Biden ticket saw itself as groundbreaking , the Biden-Harris campaign will cast itself more as a rescue mission .

Joe Biden's Long And Rocky Road To The Democratic Nomination
Enlarge this image toggle caption Drew Angerer/Getty Images Drew Angerer/Getty Images
When former Vice President Joseph Biden Jr. becomes the Democratic Party's official nominee for president on Thursday, he will complete two historic and improbable comebacks.
Earlier this year, Biden rose from roadkill status in early February voting to effectively claim the nomination by the end of March.
But 2020 was far from the first time Biden bid for the White House. His nomination realizes the dream of a recurrent campaign first launched more than three decades ago — in another political era, in another century. No other major party nominee has reached this plateau so many years after their first formal candidacy.
Most Americans know Biden as the No. 2 who served eight years under Barack Obama. They may know that Biden previously had been a high-profile, six-term senator from Delaware, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and then the Foreign Relations Committee.
Fewer may recall that Biden was also a candidate for president in 2008, dropping out after finishing fifth in the Iowa caucuses. Fewer yet remember Biden's brilliant flame-out in 1987, when he was among the early favorites for the 1988 nomination. And few ever knew that Biden flirted with a campaign as far back as 1984 (when he actually received one delegate's vote at the national convention).
Biden was also mentioned as a potential candidate in more recent cycles, notably 2016. As Obama's vice president, Biden might well have been competitive with Hillary Clinton, the eventual nominee. He publicly considered a run in 2015, but stepped back after his son Beau died of cancer in May. He made his announcement in October, but several months later said he regretted not running "every day."
A rough start to 2020
What people do remember is that Biden began the current presidential cycle as the Democrats' putative front-runner, that he stumbled along the way and nearly washed out early. The Real Clear Politics average of polls showed him leading — but not dominating — the field throughout 2019. In a field that at one point teemed with more than 20 other hopefuls, Biden's polling rarely surpassed 30%.
He struggled at times in the debates, caught in the crossfire from rivals — including the one who is now his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris of California. In the very first debate last year, her jab at Biden's stand on school busing in the 1970s ("That little girl was me") gave her fledgling campaign a bump. It also left a bitter taste with some of Biden's closest advisers that would hinder, but not prevent, her joining the ticket.
As the debates ground on and impeachment proceedings in Washington diverted media attention, Biden struggled to break away from the field. When his main challenger, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, had a heart attack in October, some Sanders backers gravitated to Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and other candidates, not Biden.
By the end of the Iowa caucuses on Feb. 3, Biden found himself an also-ran, just as in 2008. It was upstart candidate Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Ind., who shared the winner's circle with Sanders. Biden finished fourth.
Sanders and Buttigieg again virtually tied in New Hampshire's primary on Feb. 11. Biden came in fifth, the choice of only one out of every 12 voters.
As Sanders and Buttigieg dueled for delegates, it was Sanders who got the biggest boost in the polls. His rise coincided with his big win in the Feb. 22 Nevada caucuses, where the avowed democratic socialist showed strong appeal among Hispanic voters and got nearly half the votes overall. Media reports were routinely referring to him as the front-runner.
But Biden stayed alive in Nevada, finishing second with 20%. It was enough to carry him to South Carolina and redemption.
Clyburn's crucial contribution
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bloomberg via Getty Images Bloomberg via Getty Images
South Carolina's first-in-the-South primary matters in the Democratic contest because it is the first event where African American voters — with whom Biden had residual appeal as Obama's vice president — carry outsize influence. As attention turned to the Palmetto State, its senior officeholder, James Clyburn, the highest ranking Black member of Congress as the House majority whip, announced his endorsement of Biden.
Clyburn's backing all but guaranteed Biden would carry the Black vote. But it did more than that — it created the first real groundswell of energy for his campaign in months. That weekend, Biden won the Black vote overwhelmingly, especially among women, fueling a blowout that saw his vote share and Sanders' reversed from the Nevada tally. In the biggest event of the year to date, Biden got nearly half the vote and Sanders a fifth. No other candidate got enough to earn a delegate.
With Super Tuesday looming, both Buttigieg and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar dropped out and endorsed Biden. They said he was the candidate most likely to beat President Trump, which was the criterion most often cited as crucial by Democratic voters. Warren remained in the hunt, but barely, giving Biden the one-on-one match with Sanders he had been wanting.
After Nevada, Sanders had been poised to win most of the 14 states voting in the March 3rd Super Tuesday contests. But South Carolina shifted the momentum. Sanders won in California, Colorado, Utah and his home state of Vermont. Biden swept the rest, including Texas and five other Southern states where he won at least 55% of votes among African Americans.
The shift in momentum dimmed Sanders' hopes for recovery in states where he had done well in 2016 — such as Missouri, Michigan and Washington. After Wisconsin joined that list on April 7, Sanders dropped out. Within a week, he endorsed Biden.
In the four months since, as other states have held their nominating events, Biden has continued to reap the delegate harvest essentially unopposed. While the coronavirus has limited his "campaigning" to remote events and interviews from his home in Wilmington, Del., Biden his gradually risen in the polls and built a lead over the incumbent president that stood at 11 points in the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll released Friday.
That trend has continued despite Biden's relative inactivity, driven less by the Democrat than by Trump's controversies, especially his handling of the virus, the economic fallout and the widespread racial unrest that followed the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis.
The longer comeback
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ron Edmonds/AP Ron Edmonds/AP
February was not the first time Biden's presidential prospects seemed lost. Twice before he had been regarded as a promising contestant who faltered not far from the starting gate.
In 1987, Biden was among several Democrats visiting Iowa and New Hampshire as the clock wound down on President Ronald Reagan's second term. Biden was then 45 and in his third term in the Senate, having first been elected in 1972 when not yet 30 years old on Election Day. He was known for his extroverted personality and aggressive speaking style, and he traveled to Democratic dinners around the country giving a carefully crafted speech reminiscent of John and Bobby Kennedy.
In the spring of that year, Biden was competitive in polls of the Democratic hopefuls, along with Sen. Al Gore of Tennessee and Gov. Michael Dukakis of Massachusetts (the eventual nominee). Biden was regarded as a threat by the cycle's early front-runner, former Sen. Gary Hart of Colorado. But Hart's campaign collapsed in May after The Miami Herald reported he had entertained a young woman at his Washington townhouse while his wife was in Colorado.
Hart's fall seemed to benefit Biden, but soon thereafter reporters received copies of a videotape of Biden giving a speech that borrowed from one given by a British politician. This revived accounts of an accusation of plagiarism while Biden was in law school. At an event in New Hampshire, Biden angrily denounced a man who questioned him. It happened long before the internet and social media, but the footage was widely shared on news programs. Biden suspended his campaign.
The following year he suffered a pair of life-threatening brain aneurysms that led to two surgeries and kept him from the Senate for weeks.
Having left the campaign trail, Biden focused on the Judiciary Committee, where he oversaw the highly contentious confirmation hearings of Supreme Court nominees Robert Bork (rejected in 1987) and Clarence Thomas (confirmed in 1991). Like most of his ambitious colleagues in the Senate, Biden saw no chance of beating President George H.W. Bush in 1992 and did not enter the primaries that year.
In 2000, the Democratic nomination was all but conceded to Gore, who by then was serving as vice president. In 2004, several prominent Democrats sought the nomination against President George W. Bush, but not Biden. Late in Bush's second term, however, Biden joined the squad of senators — including Obama and Hillary Clinton — in a series of debates that began early in 2007.
Biden did well in these meetings, but also occasionally displayed his proclivity for gaffes. On one occasion he referred to Obama as the first presidential candidate who was a "mainstream African-American who is articulate and bright and clean and a nice-looking guy." Not long after that remark, Biden flopped in the Iowa caucuses that kicked off the voting in January 2008.
What has changed?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Drew Angerer/Getty Images Drew Angerer/Getty Images
How did Biden come back over time to bestride the party with such stature at this moment? Has Biden changed or have the Democrats changed, or is this a different country today?
In varying degrees, all three have changed. Often seen as garrulous and talkative in his Senate years, Biden has been more subdued in public during the current cycle. He has also seemed sobered by the pandemic and by the portents he sees in the governing mode of President Trump. That matured persona has played well in the current climate, at least among Democrats, large majorities of whom view the COVID-19 crisis as a major concern and share a sense of anxiety and dread about Trump.
The Democratic Party today is younger and less Caucasian than it was when Biden first contemplated a run for president. Biden will be the oldest nominee either party has ever had, and would be the oldest occupant of the White House ever on the day he took the oath. But the younger voters who preferred Sanders did not turn out in significant numbers during the primaries, a fact Sanders himself acknowledged.
And while Biden would seem miscast as the champion of people of color, he wound up benefiting most from their votes, which never coalesced around Harris, or Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey or Julian Castro of Texas — all of whom dropped out before Iowa.
This is also a more progressive Democratic Party, as shown by the success of Sanders' two campaigns and the popularity of Warren's stands in 2020. Ideologically, Biden has been generally moderate to center-left, and while he has moved toward Sanders and Warren on health care and other issues since becoming the presumptive nominee, big differences remain.
In the end, Biden had just enough connection, whether through his often-mentioned association with Obama or his ties to officeholders and other party influencers, to overcome his deficits.
And as the nation's oldest political party gathers in virtual space for its 2020 convention, it is less a celebration of Biden, or Biden-Harris, than it is a concentration of opposition to the incumbent president. If the Obama-Biden ticket saw itself as groundbreaking, the Biden-Harris campaign will cast itself more as a rescue mission.


npr--2020-08-16--Protests May Prompt Dialogue On Racism, But 'It's Going To Be Uncomfortable'

Protests May Prompt Dialogue On Racism , But 'It 's Going To Be Uncomfortable' When Le Hoang Nguyen put up a bright yellow billboard in support of the Black Lives Matter movement in Houston , the pushback from his community , `` was immediate , it was vicious , my Facebook wall filled up with just hate speech . ''
Nguyen 's original idea for the billboard was to thank essential workers for their work during the pandemic , but when George Floyd was killed , he felt strongly about supporting BLM .
The insurance business owner knew that some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but he thought people would respectfully agree to disagree .
`` I was totally blindsided .
It was unnerving , '' he said .
`` They threatened with physically destroying our office , they called for a boycott of our business , people posted photos of my family online .
No one wanted to have a conversation , they were just making threats and demands . ''
In spite of the massive protests across the country in support of racial justice and the Black Lives Matter movement , racial divisiveness continues to manifest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can be more subtle .
Nguyen appeared on a local Vietnamese television show to explain himself to his community and he says that helped .
Eventually , people on social media started defending him , and this `` helped quell the haters . ''
Floyd was killed on May 25 , which was also Nguyen 's 50th birthday .
`` I broke down in tears when I heard him cry out for his mama before he drew his last breath , '' Nguyen said , adding that it could have been him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that video , `` underneath that knee . ''
Soon after Floyd 's death Nguyen came across an ad published in The New York Times in the late '70s by a group of Black leaders urging President Jimmy Carter and Congress to allow refugees from Southeast Asia into the country .
`` That was me , '' the Vietnamese-born U.S. citizen said .
`` I was an 8-year-old boy languishing in a camp , and halfway around the world a group of Black civil rights leaders spoke up for me . ''
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It 's not easy to talk about race , even in communities seen as more liberal .
In Brooklyn , N.Y. , a man protested a BLM sign , repeatedly asking the barista at Burly Coffee to remove it .
The New York Times recently reported that in Catskill , N.Y. , town leaders banned a BLM painting on main street .
Many communities have created groups to engage in conversation .
In New York there 's Hastings-on-Hudson , a village with its Hastings Against Racial Injustice , and Carmel , Ind .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` It 's going to be uncomfortable and you 're going to have legitimate fear , '' if you choose to engage in racial equity dialogue , said Kwame Christian , director of the American Negotiation Institute in Ohio .
`` When we are exposed to ideas that are different from our own , we interpret it as a threat , '' Christian said .
For many people it may not be worth the risk , but Christian says conflict is an opportunity .
He urges people to reflect , and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people to understand the impact of their action or inaction .
And he says people often lack compassionate curiosity or the ability to acknowledge someone else 's emotions .
`` I needed to say something '' Anya Randall Nebel is a 54-year old Black woman , her husband Joe is white .
They 've lived in Chevy Chase , Md.
, a wealthy enclave outside of Washington , D.C. , since 2006 .
Watching the video of Floyd being killed forced her to examine her own experiences in her community .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ silent , I needed to say something , '' Randall Nebel said .
Last month , the software expert wrote a message to her community 's e-mail listserv .
`` Black in Chevy Chase , '' Randall Nebel wrote in the subject line .
`` It has taken me quite a while to share with you my adventures in our fair town . ''
She wrote about attending the town 's annual Fourth of July picnic .
`` We were met with stares , rudeness , just the feeling of uneasiness , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with her daughter when people would ask if she 's a nanny or if she lives here .
She said she 's felt unwelcome .
People often made assumptions about her and her politics , especially during President Barack Obama 's tenure .
Randall Nebel said she wrote her email to start a real give and take conversation on race with her neighbors , but that did n't happen .
Several responded to Randall Nebel 's email but the moderators made the decision to not publish them essentially halting the conversation .
Randall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , `` but liberal where it 's [ a ] 'not in my backyard ' and 'it 's not my problem ' type thing . ''
`` This conversation , this dialogue has to happen [ in the open ] in order for us to get past or move on , '' she said .
`` I was waiting for it . ''
Randall Nebel said she values the opportunities her daughter has had living in the tree-lined suburban town , but as one of the few black residents she has also felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because it 's fashionable '' According to the 2010 Census , 94.3 % of residents in the Town of Chevy Chase are white .
The town is a subdivision of Chevy Chase , an expansive residential area founded by a segregationist , Sen. Francis G. Newlands in the late 1800s .
Blacks and Jews were not welcome .
Part of Newland 's legacy is a prominent sandstone fountain named for the senator .
Last month a neighborhood commission voted to change the name .
The Black Lives Matter movement is challenging convention , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fountain to BLM lawn signs .
Soon after Floyd was killed , Randall Nebel 's neighbors began raising the question of how to lend their voices to the social justice movement .
Several people mentioned Black Lives Matter yard signs .
Soon they began popping up in her neighborhood , Randall Nebel said .
`` I got tired of everybody going , 'Hey , let 's get these Black Lives Matter signs and put them in our yard , ' '' she said .
`` I 'm like , do n't do it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says it 's telling that many in her community felt safe putting up a BLM yard sign , but open dialogue made some uncomfortable .
`` It was a relief , '' she said .
`` It was a weight off of my shoulders , because I had been holding it in for a long time . ''
After Randall Nebel 's listserv email , the town formed a committee on racial and social justice to foster conversation .
She sees that as progress , but says white people need to be willing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect Black people to explain racism , she said , `` because we are tired of it . ''

Protests May Prompt Dialogue On Racism, But 'It's Going To Be Uncomfortable'
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mario Tama/Getty Images Mario Tama/Getty Images
When Le Hoang Nguyen put up a bright yellow billboard in support of the Black Lives Matter movement in Houston, the pushback from his community, "was immediate, it was vicious, my Facebook wall filled up with just hate speech."
Nguyen's original idea for the billboard was to thank essential workers for their work during the pandemic, but when George Floyd was killed, he felt strongly about supporting BLM.
The insurance business owner knew that some people wouldn't like the message, but he thought people would respectfully agree to disagree.
"I was totally blindsided. It was unnerving," he said. "They threatened with physically destroying our office, they called for a boycott of our business, people posted photos of my family online. No one wanted to have a conversation, they were just making threats and demands."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Le Hoang Nguyen Le Hoang Nguyen
In spite of the massive protests across the country in support of racial justice and the Black Lives Matter movement, racial divisiveness continues to manifest itself around the nation, though sometimes it can be more subtle.
Nguyen appeared on a local Vietnamese television show to explain himself to his community and he says that helped. Eventually, people on social media started defending him, and this "helped quell the haters."
Floyd was killed on May 25, which was also Nguyen's 50th birthday.
"I broke down in tears when I heard him cry out for his mama before he drew his last breath," Nguyen said, adding that it could have been him or any of his three children in that video, "underneath that knee."
Soon after Floyd's death Nguyen came across an ad published in The New York Times in the late '70s by a group of Black leaders urging President Jimmy Carter and Congress to allow refugees from Southeast Asia into the country.
"That was me," the Vietnamese-born U.S. citizen said. "I was an 8-year-old boy languishing in a camp, and halfway around the world a group of Black civil rights leaders spoke up for me."
"It's going to be uncomfortable"
It's not easy to talk about race, even in communities seen as more liberal. In Brooklyn, N.Y., a man protested a BLM sign, repeatedly asking the barista at Burly Coffee to remove it. The New York Times recently reported that in Catskill, N.Y., town leaders banned a BLM painting on main street. Many communities have created groups to engage in conversation. In New York there's Hastings-on-Hudson, a village with its Hastings Against Racial Injustice, and Carmel, Ind.'s Group For Carmel Against Racial Injustice.
"It's going to be uncomfortable and you're going to have legitimate fear," if you choose to engage in racial equity dialogue, said Kwame Christian, director of the American Negotiation Institute in Ohio.
"When we are exposed to ideas that are different from our own, we interpret it as a threat," Christian said.
For many people it may not be worth the risk, but Christian says conflict is an opportunity. He urges people to reflect, and to be intentional and informed because it helps people to understand the impact of their action or inaction. And he says people often lack compassionate curiosity or the ability to acknowledge someone else's emotions.
"I needed to say something"
Anya Randall Nebel is a 54-year old Black woman, her husband Joe is white. They've lived in Chevy Chase, Md., a wealthy enclave outside of Washington, D.C., since 2006. Watching the video of Floyd being killed forced her to examine her own experiences in her community.
"I felt that after 18 years of sitting silent, I needed to say something," Randall Nebel said.
Last month, the software expert wrote a message to her community's e-mail listserv.
"Black in Chevy Chase," Randall Nebel wrote in the subject line. "It has taken me quite a while to share with you my adventures in our fair town."
She wrote about attending the town's annual Fourth of July picnic. "We were met with stares, rudeness, just the feeling of uneasiness," and about the times at the playground with her daughter when people would ask if she's a nanny or if she lives here. She said she's felt unwelcome. People often made assumptions about her and her politics, especially during President Barack Obama's tenure.
Randall Nebel said she wrote her email to start a real give and take conversation on race with her neighbors, but that didn't happen. Several responded to Randall Nebel's email but the moderators made the decision to not publish them essentially halting the conversation.
Randall Nebel describes her neighborhood as largely liberal, "but liberal where it's [a] 'not in my backyard' and 'it's not my problem' type thing."
"This conversation, this dialogue has to happen [in the open] in order for us to get past or move on," she said. "I was waiting for it."
Randall Nebel said she values the opportunities her daughter has had living in the tree-lined suburban town, but as one of the few black residents she has also felt isolated.
"Don't do it because it's fashionable"
According to the 2010 Census, 94.3% of residents in the Town of Chevy Chase are white. The town is a subdivision of Chevy Chase, an expansive residential area founded by a segregationist, Sen. Francis G. Newlands in the late 1800s. Blacks and Jews were not welcome. Part of Newland's legacy is a prominent sandstone fountain named for the senator. Last month a neighborhood commission voted to change the name.
The Black Lives Matter movement is challenging convention, from the symbolism of the 82-year old fountain to BLM lawn signs.
Soon after Floyd was killed, Randall Nebel's neighbors began raising the question of how to lend their voices to the social justice movement. Several people mentioned Black Lives Matter yard signs. Soon they began popping up in her neighborhood, Randall Nebel said.
National 'Rednecks For Black Lives' Urges Southerners To Fight For Racial Justice 'Rednecks For Black Lives' Urges Southerners To Fight For Racial Justice Listen · 10:36 10:36
"I got tired of everybody going, 'Hey, let's get these Black Lives Matter signs and put them in our yard,'" she said. "I'm like, don't do it because it's fashionable."
She says it's telling that many in her community felt safe putting up a BLM yard sign, but open dialogue made some uncomfortable.
Sharing her experiences felt cathartic for Randall Nebel.
"It was a relief," she said. "It was a weight off of my shoulders, because I had been holding it in for a long time."
After Randall Nebel's listserv email, the town formed a committee on racial and social justice to foster conversation. She sees that as progress, but says white people need to be willing to do the hard work and not expect Black people to explain racism, she said, "because we are tired of it."


npr--2020-08-16--Postal Delays, Errors In Swing States Loom Over Election

A version of this story was first published by APM Reports and Wisconsin Watch Based on its own performance measures — and the loss of hundreds of Wisconsin ballots on their way to voters this summer — the U.S .
Postal Service has its work cut out for it before Election Day .
Among the 13 postal districts serving key presidential battleground states , four failed to meet any on-time service goals handling first-class mail between April 1 and June 30 , and six districts achieved only one .
The laggards are in five battleground states — Pennsylvania , Michigan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — politically competitive blends of urban and rural voters that will likely determine the presidential election .
Three of the postal districts with the worst records represent the largest metropolitan areas in their respective states — Philadelphia , Detroit and Milwaukee , Democratic strongholds in states that propelled Donald Trump to victory in 2016 , according to an analysis by APM Reports .
Any other year , a steady underperformance of mail delivery in swing states would go unnoticed .
This year , though , the delivery rates released Monday have taken on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counting controversies to come .
`` I believe it is highly likely that in the November General Election , the absentee ballots of at least tens of thousands of voters will arrive at election offices after Election Day and will not be counted unless the Ballot Receipt Deadline is extended , '' wrote Ronald Stroman , the deputy postmaster general from 2011 until June 1 , in a recent court filing challenging the Wisconsin deadline for ballot submission .
Lawyers representing Democrats , voting rights and civil rights groups are suing to allow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ envelopes have not yet arrived at polling sites but are postmarked by Election Day .
On-time mail delivery nationally already is suffering as a result of the coronavirus pandemic , presenting a worrisome picture for November as a rapidly rising number of people choose to steer clear of COVID-19 and vote by mail .
`` When I have people telling me that they 're going days without getting mail , that makes me nervous , '' said Tina Barton , city clerk for Rochester Hills in Michigan , where on-time delivery rates are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There 's also worry — mostly among Democrats — that such delays could worsen under recent management changes by U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy , a major donor to the Republican National Committee and to President Trump , who has repeatedly falsely claimed that mail-in voting is rife with fraud .
Three months into the job , DeJoy has ended overtime and insisted that trucks leave on time even if mail is n't fully loaded .
`` There 's always been a sense that the postal system will be there in a nonpartisan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Edward B. Foley , election law director at the Moritz College of Law at The Ohio State University .
`` This is the first time in my experience of studying elections that there 's a genuine fear that the postal system will be manipulated in a subversive way . ''
A spokeswoman for the postal service declined an interview request but issued a statement saying it is `` committed to fulfilling our role in the electoral process . ''
She also noted that delivery standards , in place for many years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decade , the consolidation of postal service processing centers now means mail can sometimes travel hours for processing and sorting even if the destination is blocks away .
In Wisconsin , elections officials continue to have problems with ballots not being delivered to voters .
Nearly 700 voters in the cities of Milwaukee and Wauwatosa did not receive ballots they requested in late June for the Aug. 11 primary .
The previously unreported missing deliveries follow April 's breakdown when thousands of ballots were n't delivered on time during the state 's primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of the country , continue to request absentee ballots in record numbers : 894,786 absentee ballots were issued for the August 11 primary — roughly eight times the number of ballots issued in 2016 .
The U.S .
Postal Service says voters should mail their ballots at least a week before Election Day to ensure on-time delivery , and to request their ballots at least a week before that .
APM Reports analyzed the on-time percentage scores for first-class mail , the type of mail recommended by the postal service for mailed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the postal service 's targets for overnight and two-day delivery standards , which are likely to be applied to mail sent and received locally .
On-time mail delivery mattered during Wisconsin 's April primary .
In addition to the failed delivery of hundreds of ballots to voters , 81,000 ballots were delivered after the primary , according to the Wisconsin Elections Commission .
Of those , 79,054 ballots were only accepted because of a court ruling .
Aliza Werner and her husband , Nick , are regular voters but very cautious about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The couple from Wauwatosa , Wisconsin requested absentee ballots June 25 — six weeks before the election — for the Aug. 11 partisan primary .
Werner says she kept checking myvote.wi.gov , the website operated by the Wisconsin Elections Commission , for the status of their ballots .
In June , clerks were able to print barcodes on outgoing ballot mailings that would allow the ballot to be tracked as it traveled through the mail .
`` At one point where it said it was in process or was submitted , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and it never went beyond that , '' Werner recalled .
When ballots did n't arrive after a month , Werner called the Wauwatosa City Clerk 's Office and was told their ballots had been in a batch that never made it to voters ' homes .
`` The only thing that they could think of was that something happened within the postal service , that they were not mailed to us , '' Werner said .
The couple ordered new ballots , and she dropped them off at Wauwatosa City Hall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she wonders what will happen in November when `` a whole lot more people that are going to be requesting absentee ballots . ''
In Wauwatosa , less than 10 miles west of downtown Milwaukee , a spokeswoman confirmed that 421 ballots mailed in late June to residents were never delivered .
Elections officials are n't sure if the postal service or the city 's mail vendor is at fault .
A mail vendor places postage and tracking information on the envelopes for the city .
The city clerk canceled the initial ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters .
Approximately 270 ballots mailed by the city of Milwaukee on June 29 also went missing .
They were accounted for when they were handed over to the vendor , said Claire Woodall-Vogg , director of the Milwaukee Election Commission .
She said the cause of the breakdown could not be determined .
Woodall-Vogg says the affected ballots were canceled and new ballots sent to voters .
In November , the city will hand-deliver the ballots to the postal service to ensure there are no problems with a third-party vendor , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Milwaukee come just months after the postal service was criticized for how it handled mail-in ballots during the April primary .
On the day after the polls closed , the postal service discovered three tubs of ballots at the Milwaukee processing center destined for voters in Appleton the Oshkosh .
Postal service employees also failed to deliver ballots to voters in Fox Point .
The postal service says it is meeting regularly with elections officials to discuss election mail and ballot design and will take steps to ensure better monitoring of election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now added to many outgoing Wisconsin ballots , the state also plans to issue absentee ballot applications to every registered voter to help take the workload off local elections officials and encourage voters to request a ballot sooner .
`` I 've been assured by our district manager that they will be doing everything they can to make sure all the mail gets delivered timely , '' said Barbara Goeckner , an official with the village of Cambridge .
Could postal service changes slow the mail ?
But Goeckner , who chairs a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election-related postal service issues , says she 's also wary of the recent operational changes enacted by DeJoy that could lead to slower mail delivery .
`` I have to say that that is a very big concern across the nation for postal mail , and election mail , '' she said .
In Lansing , Michigan , mail is processed 65 miles away in Grand Rapids , said Chris Swope , the city clerk .
While the consolidation saves money , it can be a problem for voters who wait until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mail .
`` It used to be in Lansing , if you mailed it today , the person in Lansing would get it tomorrow , and that 's generally not true anymore , '' Swope said .
DeJoy says the post office should not be blamed if state laws allow voters to request and return an absentee ballot too close to the election to meet delivery standards .
He also pledged the postal service could meet the standards despite the expected `` unprecedented '' increase in election mail .
But officials with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DeJoy 's efforts to curtail overtime will slow down the delivery of by-mail ballots .
`` It 's not going to undermine the integrity of the ballot , the safety of the ballot or the privacy of the ballot , '' said Mark Dimonstein , president of the American Postal Workers Union .
`` But it 's certainly going to make it more challenging for the states who run elections . ''
This story was reported in collaboration with APM Reports , the investigative and documentary journalism team at American Public Media .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ collaborates with Wisconsin Public Radio , PBS Wisconsin , other news media and the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Journalism and Mass Communication .
All works created , published , posted or disseminated by Wisconsin Watch do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of UW-Madison or any of its affiliates .

Postal Delays, Errors In Swing States Loom Over Election
Enlarge this image toggle caption Will Cioci/Wisconsin Watch/APM Reports Will Cioci/Wisconsin Watch/APM Reports
A version of this story was first published by APM Reports and Wisconsin Watch
Based on its own performance measures — and the loss of hundreds of Wisconsin ballots on their way to voters this summer — the U.S. Postal Service has its work cut out for it before Election Day.
Among the 13 postal districts serving key presidential battleground states, four failed to meet any on-time service goals handling first-class mail between April 1 and June 30, and six districts achieved only one.
The laggards are in five battleground states — Pennsylvania, Michigan, Florida, Wisconsin and North Carolina — politically competitive blends of urban and rural voters that will likely determine the presidential election.
Three of the postal districts with the worst records represent the largest metropolitan areas in their respective states — Philadelphia, Detroit and Milwaukee, Democratic strongholds in states that propelled Donald Trump to victory in 2016, according to an analysis by APM Reports.
Any other year, a steady underperformance of mail delivery in swing states would go unnoticed. This year, though, the delivery rates released Monday have taken on outsized importance: They may foreshadow ballot counting controversies to come.
"I believe it is highly likely that in the November General Election, the absentee ballots of at least tens of thousands of voters will arrive at election offices after Election Day and will not be counted unless the Ballot Receipt Deadline is extended," wrote Ronald Stroman, the deputy postmaster general from 2011 until June 1, in a recent court filing challenging the Wisconsin deadline for ballot submission.
Delays spark partisan concerns
Lawyers representing Democrats, voting rights and civil rights groups are suing to allow ballots to count even if the ballot envelopes have not yet arrived at polling sites but are postmarked by Election Day.
On-time mail delivery nationally already is suffering as a result of the coronavirus pandemic, presenting a worrisome picture for November as a rapidly rising number of people choose to steer clear of COVID-19 and vote by mail.
"When I have people telling me that they're going days without getting mail, that makes me nervous," said Tina Barton, city clerk for Rochester Hills in Michigan, where on-time delivery rates are among the lowest in the country.
There's also worry — mostly among Democrats — that such delays could worsen under recent management changes by U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a major donor to the Republican National Committee and to President Trump, who has repeatedly falsely claimed that mail-in voting is rife with fraud. Three months into the job, DeJoy has ended overtime and insisted that trucks leave on time even if mail isn't fully loaded.
"There's always been a sense that the postal system will be there in a nonpartisan way to deliver the mail," said Edward B. Foley, election law director at the Moritz College of Law at The Ohio State University. "This is the first time in my experience of studying elections that there's a genuine fear that the postal system will be manipulated in a subversive way."
A spokeswoman for the postal service declined an interview request but issued a statement saying it is "committed to fulfilling our role in the electoral process." She also noted that delivery standards, in place for many years, have not changed.
More missing ballots in Wisconsin
Over the past decade, the consolidation of postal service processing centers now means mail can sometimes travel hours for processing and sorting even if the destination is blocks away.
In Wisconsin, elections officials continue to have problems with ballots not being delivered to voters. Nearly 700 voters in the cities of Milwaukee and Wauwatosa did not receive ballots they requested in late June for the Aug. 11 primary.
The previously unreported missing deliveries follow April's breakdown when thousands of ballots weren't delivered on time during the state's primary.
Wisconsin voters, like those in much of the country, continue to request absentee ballots in record numbers: 894,786 absentee ballots were issued for the August 11 primary — roughly eight times the number of ballots issued in 2016.
The U.S. Postal Service says voters should mail their ballots at least a week before Election Day to ensure on-time delivery, and to request their ballots at least a week before that.
APM Reports analyzed the on-time percentage scores for first-class mail, the type of mail recommended by the postal service for mailed ballots. Reporters then compared the scores with the postal service's targets for overnight and two-day delivery standards, which are likely to be applied to mail sent and received locally.
On-time mail delivery mattered during Wisconsin's April primary. In addition to the failed delivery of hundreds of ballots to voters, 81,000 ballots were delivered after the primary, according to the Wisconsin Elections Commission. Of those, 79,054 ballots were only accepted because of a court ruling.
Wauwatosa, Milwaukee ballots disappear
Enlarge this image toggle caption Courtesy of Aliza Werner Courtesy of Aliza Werner
Aliza Werner and her husband, Nick, are regular voters but very cautious about going out in public during the pandemic. The couple from Wauwatosa, Wisconsin requested absentee ballots June 25 — six weeks before the election — for the Aug. 11 partisan primary.
Werner says she kept checking myvote.wi.gov, the website operated by the Wisconsin Elections Commission, for the status of their ballots. In June, clerks were able to print barcodes on outgoing ballot mailings that would allow the ballot to be tracked as it traveled through the mail.
"At one point where it said it was in process or was submitted, it was approved, they were preparing it — and it never went beyond that," Werner recalled.
When ballots didn't arrive after a month, Werner called the Wauwatosa City Clerk's Office and was told their ballots had been in a batch that never made it to voters' homes.
"The only thing that they could think of was that something happened within the postal service, that they were not mailed to us," Werner said.
The couple ordered new ballots, and she dropped them off at Wauwatosa City Hall to make sure they arrived. But she wonders what will happen in November when "a whole lot more people that are going to be requesting absentee ballots."
In Wauwatosa, less than 10 miles west of downtown Milwaukee, a spokeswoman confirmed that 421 ballots mailed in late June to residents were never delivered. Elections officials aren't sure if the postal service or the city's mail vendor is at fault. A mail vendor places postage and tracking information on the envelopes for the city. The city clerk canceled the initial ballots and mailed another batch to the affected voters.
Approximately 270 ballots mailed by the city of Milwaukee on June 29 also went missing. They were accounted for when they were handed over to the vendor, said Claire Woodall-Vogg, director of the Milwaukee Election Commission. She said the cause of the breakdown could not be determined.
Woodall-Vogg says the affected ballots were canceled and new ballots sent to voters. In November, the city will hand-deliver the ballots to the postal service to ensure there are no problems with a third-party vendor, she said.
Flashback to April 7
The missing ballots in Wauwatosa and Milwaukee come just months after the postal service was criticized for how it handled mail-in ballots during the April primary.
On the day after the polls closed, the postal service discovered three tubs of ballots at the Milwaukee processing center destined for voters in Appleton the Oshkosh. Postal service employees also failed to deliver ballots to voters in Fox Point.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Will Cioci/Wisconsin Watch/APM Reports Will Cioci/Wisconsin Watch/APM Reports
The postal service says it is meeting regularly with elections officials to discuss election mail and ballot design and will take steps to ensure better monitoring of election mail. In addition to the barcodes now added to many outgoing Wisconsin ballots, the state also plans to issue absentee ballot applications to every registered voter to help take the workload off local elections officials and encourage voters to request a ballot sooner.
"I've been assured by our district manager that they will be doing everything they can to make sure all the mail gets delivered timely," said Barbara Goeckner, an official with the village of Cambridge.
Could postal service changes slow the mail?
But Goeckner, who chairs a U.S. Elections Assistance Commission subcommittee on election-related postal service issues, says she's also wary of the recent operational changes enacted by DeJoy that could lead to slower mail delivery.
"I have to say that that is a very big concern across the nation for postal mail, and election mail," she said.
In Lansing, Michigan, mail is processed 65 miles away in Grand Rapids, said Chris Swope, the city clerk. While the consolidation saves money, it can be a problem for voters who wait until the last minute to put their ballot in the mail. "It used to be in Lansing, if you mailed it today, the person in Lansing would get it tomorrow, and that's generally not true anymore," Swope said.
DeJoy says the post office should not be blamed if state laws allow voters to request and return an absentee ballot too close to the election to meet delivery standards. He also pledged the postal service could meet the standards despite the expected "unprecedented" increase in election mail.
But officials with the unions representing 200,000 postal employees say DeJoy's efforts to curtail overtime will slow down the delivery of by-mail ballots.
"It's not going to undermine the integrity of the ballot, the safety of the ballot or the privacy of the ballot," said Mark Dimonstein, president of the American Postal Workers Union. "But it's certainly going to make it more challenging for the states who run elections."
This story was reported in collaboration with APM Reports, the investigative and documentary journalism team at American Public Media. The nonprofit Wisconsin Watch (wisconsinwatch.org) collaborates with Wisconsin Public Radio, PBS Wisconsin, other news media and the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Journalism and Mass Communication. All works created, published, posted or disseminated by Wisconsin Watch do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of UW-Madison or any of its affiliates.