npr--2020-12-13--Coronavirus Is Surging: How Severe Is Your State's Outbreak?

Coronavirus Is Surging : How Severe Is Your State 's Outbreak ?
More than 16 million people in the U.S. have had confirmed coronavirus infections and more than 290,000 have died of COVID-19 .
Tens of thousands of new cases are reported daily nationwide .
In the graphics below , explore the trends in your state .
View the data via a heat map ( immediately below ) , curve charts , a table of state-by-state trends over four weeks , or a map of total cases and deaths .
The map above shows the risk of infection in each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capita .
The consortium of researchers and public health experts who developed these risk levels advises states in the red category to issue stay-home orders .
They advise orange states to consider stay-home orders , along with increased testing and contact tracing .
Yellow states need to keep up social distancing and mask usage , and all states should continue testing and contact tracing .
To compare state outbreaks , the chart above graphs trend lines for average new daily cases and deaths against each state 's totals to date .
This type @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growth or decline relative to the overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case and death counts grow quickly , the curves bend upward .
As new cases and deaths slow , the curves level or bend down .
In New York , the curve rose sharply before reaching over 170,000 total cases in April .
New cases fell from about 10,000 per day in mid-April to under 900 a day most of the summer , before starting to rise in the fall .
Explore the map above to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country for both new confirmed cases and reported deaths from COVID-19 .
New York was the original epicenter of the pandemic in the U.S. As of mid October , California , Florida and Texas surpass New York for total cases to date , though New York still has the highest death total .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths .
To show trends , the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state , week over week for the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of red have growing outbreaks ; those in shades of green , are declining .
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local media reports .
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies .
This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and updates its feeds .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department 's website .
Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships .
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases and or update their methodologies .
For example , in early June , Michigan health authorities started including probable cases in its totals .
This resulted in a brief spike in the state 's daily numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconcile the historical data .
On June 25 , New Jersey included 1,854 previously-unreported probable deaths in its totals , resulting in a spike in the state 's daily death numbers .
On Sept. 2 , Massachusetts changed its methodology for counting probable cases , which lowered its overall case and death numbers .
The JHU team maintains a list of such changes .
This story was originally published on March 16 , 2020 .
Elena Renken was a co-author on that version .
Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
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Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
Loading...
The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
Loading...
Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-12-13--Jewish Cantors Celebrate Hanukkah With Virtual Concerts

Hanukkah , the Jewish festival of lights , falls in the darkest time of year .
Days are short , sunlight is scarce , and this year , there 's the added darkness of a pandemic .
Cantors from around the country have stepped in to bring music and spirit to the Jewish community .
In Wisconsin , the group Cantors of Wisconsin has found a `` silver lining '' in sheltering at home .
With virtual conferencing , it became easier for them to meet and organize .
`` Just before the High Holy Days , we decided , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Hanukkah concert for the community ? '
`` says Cantor David Barash of Congregation Emanu-El B'ne Jeshurun of Milwaukee .
`` Because we can do this in a much easier fashion in the sense that we 're spread out geographically , but if people join in on Zoom , we can be close together almost instantaneously . ''
On Sunday evening , for the first time ever , about a dozen Wisconsin cantors will virtually broadcast a mix of Hanukkah tunes , both traditional and reimagined .
Some performances will be live @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engineer mixed together two tunes of the whole group singing separately and then pieced them together .
There will be favorites like `` Ma'oz Tzur '' and `` Al HaNissim '' and also lesser-known melodies , like `` Boruch Ato , '' which is sung in Yiddish .
Cantors are also staging other virtual events around the country .
On Thursday , Congregation Kol Emeth of Palo Alto , Calif. , is organizing a National Virtual Hanukkah Celebration .
In Chicago , Israel 's consulate is holding a virtual candle lighting ceremony featuring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kulanu , an organization that supports Jewish communities around the globe , is holding a benefit with music from Guatemala , Zimbabwe , Madagascar , Indonesia and elsewhere .
The holiday commemorates the rededication of the Second Temple in Jerusalem .
People traditionally gather around the table at home , sing songs , light candles and exchange gifts .
This year , because of the pandemic , most people wo n't invite over extended family or go to in-person community events .
It 's a different feeling , says Cantor Barash .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he says .
`` To have services , to come together to do social action projects , whatever it is , we do this as a community .
Most of our prayers are structured in the plural , as opposed to in the singular . ''
Their concert on Sunday night will try to bring back some of that soul — with technology , says Cantor David Perper of Congregation Shalom in Milwaukee .
`` Zoom has been a godsend , '' he says .
`` Imagine if we had to go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He is singing in the Wisconsin concert with his wife , Cantor Faith Steinsnyder .
`` Look , I think Hanukkah happens during the time of year where we need all the light we can get , '' says Perper .
`` And with all the other layers , all the more reason , all the more now , to give people as much fulfillment and joy and music as we can , in whatever channels are available to us . ''
The holiday tells the story of the Maccabees , a small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Second Temple in Jerusalem in the second century B.C .
The holiday is eight days long because , as Cantor Barash says , `` the story that many people know is that there was only enough oil for one day to keep the temple illuminated .
And miraculously , the oil lasted for eight days . ''
Barash says the real miracle is that God was able to help the Jews overcome adversity .
`` And I think that kind of is the story .
That perhaps even in these times of COVID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a feeling of depression all around us , there is hope , '' he says .
`` We see the vaccine is coming out , and there 's hope that things will get better . ''

Jewish Cantors Celebrate Hanukkah With Virtual Concerts
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Barash David Barash
Hanukkah, the Jewish festival of lights, falls in the darkest time of year. Days are short, sunlight is scarce, and this year, there's the added darkness of a pandemic.
Cantors from around the country have stepped in to bring music and spirit to the Jewish community. In Wisconsin, the group Cantors of Wisconsin has found a "silver lining" in sheltering at home. With virtual conferencing, it became easier for them to meet and organize.
"Just before the High Holy Days, we decided, 'Wouldn't it be nice to present a Hanukkah concert for the community?' " says Cantor David Barash of Congregation Emanu-El B'ne Jeshurun of Milwaukee.
"Because we can do this in a much easier fashion in the sense that we're spread out geographically, but if people join in on Zoom, we can be close together almost instantaneously."
On Sunday evening, for the first time ever, about a dozen Wisconsin cantors will virtually broadcast a mix of Hanukkah tunes, both traditional and reimagined. Some performances will be live and some prerecorded. A professional sound engineer mixed together two tunes of the whole group singing separately and then pieced them together.
There will be favorites like "Ma'oz Tzur" and "Al HaNissim" and also lesser-known melodies, like "Boruch Ato," which is sung in Yiddish.
Cantors are also staging other virtual events around the country. On Thursday, Congregation Kol Emeth of Palo Alto, Calif., is organizing a National Virtual Hanukkah Celebration. In Chicago, Israel's consulate is holding a virtual candle lighting ceremony featuring cantors and musicians from Chicago and Israel.
Kulanu, an organization that supports Jewish communities around the globe, is holding a benefit with music from Guatemala, Zimbabwe, Madagascar, Indonesia and elsewhere.
The holiday commemorates the rededication of the Second Temple in Jerusalem. People traditionally gather around the table at home, sing songs, light candles and exchange gifts.
This year, because of the pandemic, most people won't invite over extended family or go to in-person community events. It's a different feeling, says Cantor Barash.
"Judaism is built on community," he says. "To have services, to come together to do social action projects, whatever it is, we do this as a community. Most of our prayers are structured in the plural, as opposed to in the singular."
Their concert on Sunday night will try to bring back some of that soul — with technology, says Cantor David Perper of Congregation Shalom in Milwaukee.
"Zoom has been a godsend," he says. "Imagine if we had to go through this without the Internet." He is singing in the Wisconsin concert with his wife, Cantor Faith Steinsnyder.
"Look, I think Hanukkah happens during the time of year where we need all the light we can get," says Perper. "And with all the other layers, all the more reason, all the more now, to give people as much fulfillment and joy and music as we can, in whatever channels are available to us."
The holiday tells the story of the Maccabees, a small band of Jews who won back the Second Temple in Jerusalem in the second century B.C.
The holiday is eight days long because, as Cantor Barash says, "the story that many people know is that there was only enough oil for one day to keep the temple illuminated. And miraculously, the oil lasted for eight days."
Barash says the real miracle is that God was able to help the Jews overcome adversity. "And I think that kind of is the story. That perhaps even in these times of COVID when there's all this adversity and a feeling of depression all around us, there is hope," he says. "We see the vaccine is coming out, and there's hope that things will get better."


npr--2020-12-13--How Disinformation Spreads, And Why It's So Hard To Combat

How Disinformation Spreads , And Why It 's So Hard To Combat NPR 's Lulu Garcia-Navarro speaks to Harvard Shorenstein @ @ @ @ @ mass political disinformation , and her project , The Media Manipulation Casebook .

How Disinformation Spreads, And Why It's So Hard To Combat
LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST:
This past week, President Trump tweeted a single hashtag - #OVERTURN. It's part of a pattern of amplifying hashtags already out there or creating new ones. For the uninitiated, it may seem meaningless or random, but our next guest argues it is part of a calculated campaign of disinformation and propaganda.
Emily Dreyfuss works with the Harvard Shorenstein Center's Media Manipulation Casebook, and she joins us now from San Francisco to talk about how it works. Welcome to the program.
EMILY DREYFUSS: Thanks so much for having me, Lulu.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Just after the election, you wrote an op-ed for The New York Times with the title "Trump's Tweeting Isn't Crazy: It's Strategic, Typos And All." So let's first talk about how something like the #OVERTURN hashtag sort of metastasizes on social media when someone with such an enormous following like Trump uses it.
DREYFUSS: So hashtags like #OVERTURN or #StopTheSteal or, in the case of my New York Times op-ed, #BidenCrimeFamily, they work as a viral slogan is what we call them. And it is a way to distill a very complicated agenda down into one soundbite. And then it allows people who are interested in furthering that agenda to amplify it much further.
When it comes to President Trump, he has a huge following on Twitter. Everything that he tweets is not only news for journalists but also is watched very closely by people online who are waiting around to amplify everything that he says. They are his most excited supporters. And there is an entire machinery online that is waiting to sort of amplify everything that he is putting out there. Additionally, he is a very savvy user of the media ecosystem that we are in, and he knows which soundbites and slogans and hashtags to amplify. He himself is the most effective amplifier.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: You have described a technique called typosquatting (ph). What is that? And how did President Trump use it?
DREYFUSS: Well, in the case of the #BidenCrimeFamily, what I was talking about is the media manipulation life cycle of the specific media manipulation campaign to get the #BidenCrimeFamily slogan to trend. Now, the typosquatting tactic was - in this case, #BidenCrimeFamily was the original hashtag seeded around the Internet by people like Giuliani and Sean Hannity and very influential conservative members of the media. And it was to push misinformation at the time before the election about Hunter Biden. So Twitter de-indexed it which meant that if you clicked on the #BidenCrimeFamily hashtag, you would get no results even though those posts were live. So before the election, when Donald Trump tweeted #BidenCrimeFamily, he did something incredibly savvy, which was that he put a typo in the hashtag. He spelled the word family with two I's. Now, we call this typosquatting. You could say it was an error. You could say it was just a coincidence. But it wasn't because that version of #BidenCrimeFamily with the two I's, the typosquatted version, had been in use by members of the conservative media and influential Internet sphere in order to get around Twitter's mitigation of the original hashtag. And to this day, that version with the typosquatted two I's is still not banned or de-indexed on Twitter. And it is now - you can see it constantly or frequently in use in posts that are also pushing things like #StopTheSteal.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Yeah, because putting those words together, if I'm not interested in the story, I know nothing about it, it might affect people who are exposed to it, right?
DREYFUSS: Absolutely. And, you know, social science studies have shown that the more a person hears something or is exposed to something, the more true it sounds. It's kind of a glitch in the human brain. It has evolutionarily served us before. But in a disinformation ecosystem, it really is dangerous. And what these hashtags do, what viral slogans and all of these - even memes - what they do is they take really complicated, nuanced issues that people can debate about, that people feel passionate about, and they distill them down to this really simple piece of information that becomes unstoppable in some ways.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Your work at the Shorenstein Center isn't all about political disinformation. We're seeing a huge influx of coronavirus vaccine disinformation right now. What are you tracking?
DREYFUSS: Yeah, we are - we have been watching this for a while in anticipation of the vaccine. And a lot of these media manipulation campaigns, and especially when it comes to vaccine hesitancy, they really prey on existing social ledges and cultural inequalities. So groups of people who may already be hesitant and distrustful of doctors are often targeted. People whose children have died of unexplained circumstances and now, you know, are looking for something to blame and are - and have been targeted by the anti-vaccination community to blame vaccines then become mouthpieces to spread misinformation about the vaccine. So there is a - not a vacuum, but there's definitely a deficit of trustworthy information coming from the government, coming from trustworthy sources, partially just because the coronavirus is confusing, and scientists have been working overtime to understand it. But in that environment where people are looking for answers and there aren't necessarily simple and easy answers readily available, into that environment flows disinformation.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Emily Dreyfuss is a journalist with the Harvard Shorenstein Center's Technology and Social Change Project. Thank you very much.
DREYFUSS: Thank you.
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-12-13--Protests Grow Violent After Trump Supporters Gather Again In D.C.

Protests Grow Violent After Trump Supporters Gather Again In D.C .
The latest national rallies to protest the 2020 election @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's most ardent supporters to Washington , D.C. , and several state capitols .

Protests Grow Violent After Trump Supporters Gather Again In D.C.
LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST:
There were clashes with police, arrests and at least four stabbings yesterday as supporters of President Trump held a MAGA march here in Washington, D.C. The crowds were smaller, but the message stayed the same - a defiant rejection of Joe Biden as the next president based on debunked accounts of election fraud. NPR's Hannah Allam was at the rally, and she is here with us now. Good morning.
HANNAH ALLAM, BYLINE: Hi. Good morning.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: By now, states have certified their election results. Courts have weighed in, and there's simply no evidence of significant voter fraud. What's left for Trump supporters to say with these rallies?
ALLAM: Well, they definitely want to keep up the pressure and keep alive the stop-the-steal narrative, this baseless idea that the election was rigged. But it's also about much more than that. It's a networking and recruiting opportunity for the right-wing groups that always show up to events like this. And while some say they'll never accept Biden as president, the reality is setting in for others now that, you know, their guy will indeed have to leave the White House. So several speakers were talking about looking ahead, organizing around some of their other pet issues, the Second Amendment, rejecting a coronavirus vaccine, keeping, quote-unquote, "the socialists at bay." So it's just a rich soup of conspiracy and disinformation that doesn't go away when Trump leaves.
And then for a smaller fringe, there was a much more overtly violent tone than the last March, not only in the chanting and the slogans but in actual violence and beatings. I witnessed late last night after the rally some really chilling scenes. And so, yeah, the most militant right-wing activists have said quite clearly now that they won't be settling for marching in the streets and that they're ready to fight.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Even before the rally began, one extremist group made headlines. The leader of the Proud Boys, Enrique Tarrio, visited the White House early Saturday. The Proud Boys, of course, are known as a violent gang. Some extremism trackers call them a hate group. Trump famously told them during a debate to stand back and stand by. So what, may I ask, was the leader of the Proud Boys doing at the White House?
ALLAM: Yeah, that's still a bit of a mystery. The White House has said Tarrio was not specifically invited, that he was part of a public tour. But that's just not exactly how it works for the general public. I saw Enrique Tarrio at the rally and asked him directly about the visit. He told me he was there, quote, "as just a guest." He said he didn't see or meet with the president. He didn't get into specifics, though. I also asked what it meant for the Proud Boys to have that kind of access. And he said it shows they've come a long way, as he put it. And he says they're using their platform to push for election reforms, for example, a federal voting card. Here's Tarrio.
ENRIQUE TARRIO: If not, for the next four years, this is all you're going to see. When Biden preaches a message of unity, he has listen to us, too.
ALLAM: So the problem with Tarrio talking like he's moderate, who's interested in Biden's message of unity, is that you can't say that by day and then unleash your members at night to roam the streets harassing and beating up anyone you perceive as a leftist. And that's exactly what I and many others recorded the Proud Boys doing last night.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: What are the national security implications of the ideologies we saw swirling around yesterday at this big public rally?
ALLAM: Well, for many years now, according to the FBI, the violent far-right has been the deadliest and most active domestic terrorism threat. But these ideologies and groups were mainly confined to the fringe. Now we see the leader of the Proud Boys getting a tour of the White House. Later the same day, I saw his members corner and beat two young Black men. The member - Proud Boys were filmed ripping a Black Lives Matter banner off a historic Black church in D.C. As you noted, there were stabbings and arrests. So, yeah, the mainstreaming of extremist groups is a hallmark of the Trump era. And analysts say it's going to be a heavy lift for the Biden administration to reverse that and to prevent political violence from snowballing.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: That's NPR's Hannah Allam. Thank you very much.
ALLAM: Thank you, Lulu.
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-12-13--On Immigration, Activists' Demands May Exceed Biden Realities

Immigration activists are gearing up for a fight to push President-elect Joe Biden to do more to counter the measures taken by President Trump that made life more uncomfortable for the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the county .
But they may find they get less than they hope for from the Biden administration , which finds itself having to balance the demands of activists with the inherent limits on executive powers .
Biden pledged during his campaign to use those powers to reverse many of President Trump 's most controversial actions .
His plan includes a 100-day moratorium @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants brought to the country illegally as children , and eliminating Trump 's restrictions on asylum seekers .
But some immigrant-rights groups like the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services , Movimiento Cosecha and United We Dream want more .
`` We need advocates and people who wake up every day thinking about how they 're going to fix the system so that people like myself and people like my family and others who are seeking refuge here have the ability to have a better life , '' said Erika @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocacy director for RAICES .
Recognizing that the political divide in Congress makes a major overhaul of the immigration system unlikely , the groups are pushing for Biden to use the power of his pen to take steps sooner rather than later .
Their requests include returning undocumented immigrants wrongfully deported under Trump , stopping detention of asylum seekers , expanding the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , and using other executive powers like Temporary Protected Status to protect more undocumented immigrants .
Biden transition officials did not directly address some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they have already had dozens of meetings with groups who are sharing their views .
Transition spokesperson Jennifer Molina said Biden is committed to ensuring his administration 's immigration policies `` restore order , dignity and fairness to our system . ''
She cited his commitments to help those seeking asylum , reinstate DACA and introduce legislation that includes a pathway to citizenship .
`` President-elect Biden is also committed to having an open dialogue with groups across a wide spectrum to ensure his administration is meeting the needs of the community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promised to reverse Trump 's most restrictive immigration policies , he did not include immigration among his four top priorities : the coronavirus pandemic , economic recovery , racial equity and climate change .
That was intentional , said a person familiar with transition discussions .
He told NPR that the Biden campaign and then the transition team felt that immigration activists had become too adversarial .
`` There are a number of people within Team Biden who are just uncomfortable with a lot of the policy initiatives that they recommend , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four core issues immigration was not one of them , '' he said .
The divide between the incoming administration and activists dates back to the Obama administration when immigration-rights advocates were not happy with how former President Obama handled enforcement issues — a period where Obama had been dubbed the `` deporter-in-chief '' for his record on deportations .
It was n't until his second term that Obama shifted his focus and began prioritizing the removal of those with serious criminal records or who posed national security threats .
Biden is largely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that were in place at the end of the Obama administration .
Theresa Cardinal Brown , the director of immigration and cross-border policy at the Bipartisan Policy Center and a former senior adviser on immigration in both the Bush and Obama administrations , says the Biden administration must be careful not to unwind Trump 's restrictions too quickly before getting their own processing system in place — or they will risk a new surge at the border .
`` They ca n't say , 'Oh , wait , migrants — do n't arrive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be nasty to you .
But do n't come for another two months so we can get this in place . '
Like , that 's not how it works , '' she said .
The administration ca n't just stop enforcing immigration law , Brown said .
`` Activists are going to be active .
That 's their job .
Their job is to try to push as hard as they can , '' Brown says .
`` But reality for the party and governance is they have to balance those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done . ''
But turning the clock back to the Obama years is not enough , said Bruna Sollod , communications director at United We Dream , an immigrant youth-led organization .
`` When you talk to Latinx folks in states like Arizona , like there is a mandate there from this administration to go bold , to do progressive action , '' she said .
`` It 's not to go back to what it was under Obama , because that certainly did n't work .
It 's not to keep things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to actually take action . ''
More moderate groups like the National Immigration Forum support rolling back many of Trump 's executive orders but cautioned the Biden team against going too far .
Executive Director Ali Noorani , who has had multiple conversations with the transition team , has urged the incoming administration to return to the priority enforcement practices of the Obama administration .
`` From the perspective of the immigrant community , they want to live in a safe community just like anybody else , '' Noorani said .
`` So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community wants to see a moratorium on the deportation of public safety threats . ''
Supporters of Biden say executive orders often are only short term gains because they can be overturned by the next administration — or challenged in court .
Litigation has also become a weapon used by opponents to stop or limit policy making from the executive side .
DACA , for example , faces a significant legal challenge that could lead to its end – or eliminate work authorization permissions .
A case on DACA is currently before a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signaled in the past that Obama exceeded his authority when he launched the program .
`` If the nation truly wants a DACA program , '' U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen wrote in 2018 , `` it is up to Congress to say so . ''
The incoming administration is sensitive to activists ' demands .
Biden nodded to the concerns when he picked the first Latino immigrant to lead the Department of Homeland Security , which oversees immigration enforcement .
Introducing Alejandro Mayorkas as his pick for Homeland Security Secretary , Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation of laws and values . ''
Advocates remember Mayorkas from his work crafting the DACA program .
which protected hundreds of thousands of young immigrants from deportation .
In a Biden video promoting his pick , Mayorkas spoke about his Cuban heritage and his family 's migration to the United States .
There was no mention of enforcement — which will be a key part of his job .
`` I hope I represent for others the opportunities that this country provides to everyone based on hard work , dedication and commitment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mayorkas said .

On Immigration, Activists' Demands May Exceed Biden Realities
Enlarge this image toggle caption Win McNamee/Getty Images Win McNamee/Getty Images
Updated Dec. 15 at 8:45 p.m.
Immigration activists are gearing up for a fight to push President-elect Joe Biden to do more to counter the measures taken by President Trump that made life more uncomfortable for the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States.
But they may find they get less than they hope for from the Biden administration, which finds itself having to balance the demands of activists with the inherent limits on executive powers.
Biden pledged during his campaign to use those powers to reverse many of Trump's most controversial actions. Biden's plan includes a 100-day moratorium on deportations, restoring protections for young immigrants brought to the country illegally as children and eliminating Trump's restrictions on asylum-seekers.
But some immigrant rights groups, like the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services, Movimiento Cosecha and United We Dream, want more.
"We need advocates and people who wake up every day thinking about how they're going to fix the system so that people like myself and people like my family and others who are seeking refuge here have the ability to have a better life," said Erika Andiola, an immigrant rights activist and advocacy director for RAICES.
Recognizing that the political divide in Congress makes a major overhaul of the immigration system unlikely, the groups are pushing for Biden to use the power of his pen to take steps sooner rather than later.
Their requests include returning undocumented immigrants wrongfully deported under Trump, stopping detention of asylum-seekers, expanding the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and using other executive powers, like granting temporary protected status, to protect more undocumented immigrants.
Biden transition officials did not directly address some of the activists' demands but said they have already had dozens of meetings with groups that are sharing their views.
Transition spokesperson Jennifer Molina said Biden is committed to ensuring that his administration's immigration policies "restore order, dignity and fairness to our system." She cited his commitments to help those seeking asylum, reinstate DACA and introduce legislation that includes a pathway to citizenship.
"President-elect Biden is also committed to having an open dialogue with groups across a wide spectrum to ensure his administration is meeting the needs of the community," Molina said.
Although Biden promised to reverse Trump's most restrictive immigration policies, he didn't include immigration among his top four priorities: the coronavirus pandemic, economic recovery, racial equity and climate change.
That doesn't mean immigration isn't a prime concern, said Molina, who noted that foreign policy and several other core issues were not listed in the outline of the four pillars of Biden's agenda – even though they remain priorities.
But a person familiar with transition discussions said it was intentional. He told NPR that the Biden campaign and then the transition team felt that immigration activists had become too adversarial.
"There are a number of people within Team Biden who are just uncomfortable with a lot of the policy initiatives that they recommend, which is why when you saw Biden's four core issues, immigration was not one of them," he said.
Enforcement a source of tension
The divide between the incoming administration and activists dates back to the Obama administration, when immigration rights advocates were not happy with how then-President Barack Obama handled enforcement issues — a period when Obama had been dubbed the "deporter in chief" for his record on deportations.
It wasn't until his second term that Obama shifted his focus and began prioritizing the removal of those with serious criminal records or who posed national security threats.
Reality for the party and governance is they have to balance those demands with what they can actually get done.
Biden is largely expected to go back to the priorities that were in place at the end of the Obama administration.
Theresa Cardinal Brown, the director of immigration and cross-border policy at the Bipartisan Policy Center and a former senior adviser on immigration in both the Bush and Obama administrations, says the Biden administration must be careful not to unwind Trump's restrictions too quickly before getting its own processing system in place — or it will risk a new surge at the border.
"They can't say, 'Oh, wait, migrants — don't arrive just yet. We're not going to be nasty to you. But don't come for another two months so we can get this in place.' Like, that's not how it works," she said.
The administration can't just stop enforcing immigration laws, Brown said.
"Activists are going to be active. That's their job. Their job is to try to push as hard as they can," Brown said. "But reality for the party and governance is they have to balance those demands with what they can actually get done."
But turning the clock back to the Obama years is not enough, said Bruna Sollod, communications director at United We Dream, an immigrant youth-led organization.
"When you talk to Latinx folks in states like Arizona, like there is a mandate there from this administration to go bold, to do progressive action," she said. "It's not to go back to what it was under Obama, because that certainly didn't work. It's not to keep things in the status quo. It's to actually take action."
More moderate groups like the National Immigration Forum support rolling back many of Trump's executive orders but have cautioned the Biden team against going too far. Executive Director Ali Noorani, who has had multiple conversations with the transition team, has urged the incoming administration to return to the priority enforcement practices of the Obama administration.
"From the perspective of the immigrant community, they want to live in a safe community just like anybody else," Noorani said. "So I don't think that the immigrant community wants to see a moratorium on the deportation of public safety threats."
Supporters of Biden say executive orders often are only short-term gains because they can be overturned by the next administration — or be challenged in court.
Litigation has also become a weapon used by opponents to stop or limit policymaking from the executive side. DACA, for example, faces a significant legal challenge that could lead to its end — or eliminate its work authorization permissions.
A case on DACA is currently before a federal judge in Texas who has already signaled in the past that Obama exceeded his authority when he launched the program. "If the nation truly wants a DACA program," U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen wrote in 2018, "it is up to Congress to say so."
The incoming administration is sensitive to activists' demands. Biden nodded to their concerns when he picked the first Latino immigrant to lead the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees immigration enforcement.
Introducing Alejandro Mayorkas as his pick for secretary of homeland security, Biden said Mayorkas knows "we are a nation of laws and values."
Advocates remember Mayorkas from his work crafting the DACA program, which has protected hundreds of thousands of young immigrants from deportation.
In a Biden video promoting his pick, Mayorkas spoke about his Cuban heritage and his family's migration to the United States. There was no mention of enforcement — which will be a key part of his job.
"I hope I represent for others the opportunities that this country provides to everyone based on hard work, dedication and commitment to things that matter most," Mayorkas said.


npr--2020-12-13--Why I'm A Vaccine Volunteer: Doing What Needs To Be Done

Why I 'm A Vaccine Volunteer : Doing What Needs To Be Done I come from people who did what needed to be done when faced with personal or community crisis .
And I have a long history of experience with vaccines .
So , when I heard about the COVID-19 vaccine trial taking place where I live in Salt Lake City , I did n't hesitate .
I already knew the research team because I 'd been through two unrelated vaccine trials in the last year .
I was familiar with the pin pricks , protocols , clinic visits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paperwork .
I already knew the trial 's doctor , nurses and medical assistants .
`` Sure , '' the nurse told me when I called the clinic .
`` We need people for this trial and you 'd be great . ''
I seemed like a good candidate because I 'm at the pandemic-risky age of 66 , but relatively healthy and active .
My wife Wanda fits that description as well .
So , we both endured two hours of questions , medical history reviews , and checks of temperature , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We scrupulously read informed consent forms , considered all the caveats , did our own research , and signed .
Needles and vials came out and we had our first sharp but gentle jabs .
It was a big production that day and later for the second round of injections .
The medical assistants , nurse and doctor flitted in and out of the tiny examination room , always politely apologizing for the questions , the probing , the crowding , and especially the paperwork .
We were patients 2 and 3 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the routine .
They were checking each other along the way .
`` Did you have them sign this page ? ''
`` Did you tell them about that ? ''
`` Did you get their blood ? ''
We did n't know then and we still do n't know who in our group of volunteers got the real vaccine and who got the placebo .
The research team does n't know .
It 's a double-blind study .
So , even Moderna , the vaccine developer , is n't supposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are supposed to have access to that information .
Like everyone else , Wanda and I have been trying to guess , based on our reactions to the vaccines .
But those reactions were minor , so it 's hard to say .
Moderna has promised that eventually everyone in the placebo group will be offered the vaccine , so we 'll find out then .
In any case , we are n't worried .
We know that the Moderna vaccine uses synthetic COVID-19 mRNA .
There 's nothing in it that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the early preliminary trial with a very small group , there were no serious side effects .
Still , friends asked us why we did this .
That got me thinking about my people and their history , and my own long experience with vaccines .
First , there 's the example set by my grandmother .
When she boarded the New Rochelle , a massive passenger ship , in Le Havre , France , in 1921 , she was 24 and pregnant .
Really pregnant — close to delivery .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kicked off the ship before it left port , or deported once she arrived at Ellis Island .
She and 22-year-old Moise , the man who would become my grandfather , could n't again face deadly pogroms , severely restricted lives , and forced service in armies fighting hopeless battles .
That 's what they and other Jews were fleeing in eastern Europe .
Moise and Ruchel were determined to get to America , their promised land , so Ruchel did what needed to be done .
She put on layer after layer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the entire voyage .
It was winter on the high seas so that may have seemed sensible .
Other immigrants wore lots of clothes , too , so they had more room for more things in their luggage .
It worked for Ruchel .
She hid that pregnancy from the 2,000 other migrants on board , from the ship 's crew , and from the immigration officers at Ellis Island .
One officer did note a medical problem on the immigration arrival form , so my family suspects that a government doctor discovered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it go — doing what needed to be done for these young refugees desperate for new lives .
Ruchel and Moise Berkes ' daughter Reba was born four days later ; the new father sold apples on the street to support his suddenly expanded family .
My father Milton came along a few years after that .
He eventually became a local elected official in a Philadelphia suburb .
In 1957 , when I was 3 , the first non-white family moved into a Levittown neighborhood , and my father and other community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who rioted night after night .
The rioters burned a cross , honked horns , and screamed ugly insults and threats .
My dad and a group of other leaders stood with the family , as they all stood up to the mob , which required unblinking commitment and some physical and political risk .
The rioting subsided , the Black family stayed , and more families of color moved in , too .
In his own time of reckoning , my father did what needed to be done .
Later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first drug czar , my father Milton authored a law that transformed Pennsylvania 's treatment of drug addiction , turning state policy away from incarceration and toward rehabilitation .
His work on drug policy resulted in another test — for both of us .
I was in my early teens , home alone one night , forced to field the regular phone calls we 'd get from people looking for my dad , often looking for his help .
One caller that night was desperate .
Suicidal .
He talked about his drug @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's no point in going on , '' he cried .
So , I just talked and talked , kid to kid , thinking fast about what to say .
`` There 's help , '' I told him .
`` There are people who can get you through this .
Hang on .
I 'll get someone to call you . ''
My dad phoned the desperate caller back later and he did provide help and hope , connecting him with a treatment program .
That night we both did what needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this , when I think about why I signed up for experimental shots aimed at COVID-19 : I have my own long and deep experience with vaccines , starting at a very early age .
I still have a wrinkled yellow certificate dated November 1954 , from the Pennsylvania Department of Health .
It proved to all who cared that I had a `` successful vaccination '' for smallpox in my right arm at age 9 months .
And maybe more influential was my experience three years later .
when the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called polio .
First came the Salk vaccine , which required a series of three injections .
People waited in lines for hours to get their shots , my mom among them .
My mom Ethel saved for decades a tiny newspaper clipping with a brief headline : `` Three-Year-Old Overshot . ''
I was that 3-year-old , and had gone with my mother to the local hospital .
She was getting a Salk vaccine polio shot herself , and I was just standing in line alongside her .
I 'd already had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure the nurse at the front of the line knew that .
But in the rush of people getting poked , and with my mom distracted , a doctor suddenly nailed me in the arm with my own fourth shot .
My mom freaked , but , the doctor told her not to worry .
The extra vaccination would n't hurt me .
Think of it as a booster shot , he said .
She kept a sharp eye on me as time wore on , but I was fine .
After that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – a dutiful pincushion for shots , when necessary , against diphtheria , tetanus , pertussis , measles , mumps and rubella .
There was one exception in 1976 , when I was 22 , and an outbreak of swine flu at an Army base in New Jersey triggered fears of a pandemic .
No one off the base became infected and the vaccine that was rushed out seemed to be involved in some rare but nasty side effects .
That scared me and I wound up avoiding flu shots for the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peril .
But with advancing age and increased risk from flu I decided it was time to man up .
I not only subjected myself to vaccines again , but became a voluntary guinea pig in trials for new flu and pneumonia vaccines .
I suffered no major side effects from either of those vaccines ( or any other ) and , coincidentally , both trials were handled by the research team at my medical clinic , which is also conducting the Moderna COVID-19 vaccine trial here in Utah .
So , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Moderna trial .
And , beneath it all , there 's this : I ca n't make people wear masks .
I ca n't force anybody to maintain safe physical distance .
I ca n't revive the 280,000 Americans who 've died .
I ca n't protect the 15 million who 've been diagnosed .
I ca n't restore jobs and paychecks .
I ca n't keep people from losing homes .
I ca n't reopen schools , restaurants , gyms and bars .
I ca n't keep ICU 's from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't magically ease the burden of doctors , nurses and other medical professionals who are risking their lives every day , and sometimes falling ill and dying themselves .
And I ca n't force politicians to exercise leadership , and to ignore the selfish political `` do n't tread on me '' resistance to doing what needs to be done .
But I can be Patient 3 , tolerating two needle pricks in the arm in a month , giving up vial after vial of blood , enduring multiple deep swabs into my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any changes in my medications or health .
These are actually very small acts with negligible risk .
But , right here and right now , it 's precisely what needs to be done .
Howard Berkes is a retired NPR Investigations Correspondent living in Salt Lake City .
He spent 38 years at NPR and has earned more than 40 national journalism awards .

Why I'm A Vaccine Volunteer: Doing What Needs To Be Done
Enlarge this image toggle caption Berkes family Berkes family
I come from people who did what needed to be done when faced with personal or community crisis. And I have a long history of experience with vaccines.
So, when I heard about the COVID-19 vaccine trial taking place where I live in Salt Lake City, I didn't hesitate. I already knew the research team because I'd been through two unrelated vaccine trials in the last year. I was familiar with the pin pricks, protocols, clinic visits, informed consent forms and piles of paperwork. I already knew the trial's doctor, nurses and medical assistants.
"Sure," the nurse told me when I called the clinic. "We need people for this trial and you'd be great."
I seemed like a good candidate because I'm at the pandemic-risky age of 66, but relatively healthy and active. My wife Wanda fits that description as well. So, we both endured two hours of questions, medical history reviews, and checks of temperature, blood pressure, hearts and lungs. We scrupulously read informed consent forms, considered all the caveats, did our own research, and signed. Needles and vials came out and we had our first sharp but gentle jabs.
It was a big production that day and later for the second round of injections. The medical assistants, nurse and doctor flitted in and out of the tiny examination room, always politely apologizing for the questions, the probing, the crowding, and especially the paperwork. We were patients 2 and 3 and they were still working out the kinks of the routine. They were checking each other along the way. "Did you have them sign this page?" "Did you tell them about that?" "Did you get their blood?"
We gave lots of blood.
We didn't know then and we still don't know who in our group of volunteers got the real vaccine and who got the placebo. The research team doesn't know. It's a double-blind study. So, even Moderna, the vaccine developer, isn't supposed to know. Only the independent vaccine overseers are supposed to have access to that information.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Howard Berkes Howard Berkes
Like everyone else, Wanda and I have been trying to guess, based on our reactions to the vaccines. But those reactions were minor, so it's hard to say. Moderna has promised that eventually everyone in the placebo group will be offered the vaccine, so we'll find out then.
In any case, we aren't worried. We know that the Moderna vaccine uses synthetic COVID-19 mRNA. There's nothing in it that could actually give us the coronavirus. And in the early preliminary trial with a very small group, there were no serious side effects.
Still, friends asked us why we did this.
That got me thinking about my people and their history, and my own long experience with vaccines.
First, there's the example set by my grandmother. When she boarded the New Rochelle, a massive passenger ship, in Le Havre, France, in 1921, she was 24 and pregnant. Really pregnant — close to delivery. And she feared that alone would get her kicked off the ship before it left port, or deported once she arrived at Ellis Island. She and 22-year-old Moise, the man who would become my grandfather, couldn't again face deadly pogroms, severely restricted lives, and forced service in armies fighting hopeless battles. That's what they and other Jews were fleeing in eastern Europe.
Moise and Ruchel were determined to get to America, their promised land, so Ruchel did what needed to be done. She put on layer after layer of heavy coats, and wore them the entire voyage. It was winter on the high seas so that may have seemed sensible. Other immigrants wore lots of clothes, too, so they had more room for more things in their luggage.
It worked for Ruchel. She hid that pregnancy from the 2,000 other migrants on board, from the ship's crew, and from the immigration officers at Ellis Island.
One officer did note a medical problem on the immigration arrival form, so my family suspects that a government doctor discovered the pregnancy during an examination but let it go — doing what needed to be done for these young refugees desperate for new lives.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Marcy Lutzker Marcy Lutzker
Ruchel and Moise Berkes' daughter Reba was born four days later; the new father sold apples on the street to support his suddenly expanded family.
My father Milton came along a few years after that. He eventually became a local elected official in a Philadelphia suburb. In 1957, when I was 3, the first non-white family moved into a Levittown neighborhood, and my father and other community leaders found themselves facing down white racists, who rioted night after night. The rioters burned a cross, honked horns, and screamed ugly insults and threats.
My dad and a group of other leaders stood with the family, as they all stood up to the mob, which required unblinking commitment and some physical and political risk. The rioting subsided, the Black family stayed, and more families of color moved in, too. In his own time of reckoning, my father did what needed to be done.
Later, as a state representative and Pennsylvania's first drug czar, my father Milton authored a law that transformed Pennsylvania's treatment of drug addiction, turning state policy away from incarceration and toward rehabilitation. His work on drug policy resulted in another test — for both of us.
I was in my early teens, home alone one night, forced to field the regular phone calls we'd get from people looking for my dad, often looking for his help. One caller that night was desperate. Suicidal. He talked about his drug use and his hopelessness. "There's no point in going on," he cried. So, I just talked and talked, kid to kid, thinking fast about what to say. "There's help," I told him. "There are people who can get you through this. Hang on. I'll get someone to call you."
My dad phoned the desperate caller back later and he did provide help and hope, connecting him with a treatment program. That night we both did what needed to be done.
There's also this, when I think about why I signed up for experimental shots aimed at COVID-19: I have my own long and deep experience with vaccines, starting at a very early age.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Howard Berkes Howard Berkes
I still have a wrinkled yellow certificate dated November 1954, from the Pennsylvania Department of Health. It proved to all who cared that I had a "successful vaccination" for smallpox in my right arm at age 9 months.
And maybe more influential was my experience three years later. when the United States was panicking about the crippling infectious disease called polio. First came the Salk vaccine, which required a series of three injections. People waited in lines for hours to get their shots, my mom among them.
My mom Ethel saved for decades a tiny newspaper clipping with a brief headline: "Three-Year-Old Overshot."
I was that 3-year-old, and had gone with my mother to the local hospital. She was getting a Salk vaccine polio shot herself, and I was just standing in line alongside her. I'd already had my three shots — my mom made sure the nurse at the front of the line knew that. But in the rush of people getting poked, and with my mom distracted, a doctor suddenly nailed me in the arm with my own fourth shot.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Howard Berkes Howard Berkes
My mom freaked, but, the doctor told her not to worry. The extra vaccination wouldn't hurt me. Think of it as a booster shot, he said. She kept a sharp eye on me as time wore on, but I was fine.
After that, I was all in for vaccines – a dutiful pincushion for shots, when necessary, against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, measles, mumps and rubella.
There was one exception in 1976, when I was 22, and an outbreak of swine flu at an Army base in New Jersey triggered fears of a pandemic. No one off the base became infected and the vaccine that was rushed out seemed to be involved in some rare but nasty side effects. That scared me and I wound up avoiding flu shots for the next 40 years, probably at my own peril.
But with advancing age and increased risk from flu I decided it was time to man up. I not only subjected myself to vaccines again, but became a voluntary guinea pig in trials for new flu and pneumonia vaccines.
I suffered no major side effects from either of those vaccines (or any other) and, coincidentally, both trials were handled by the research team at my medical clinic, which is also conducting the Moderna COVID-19 vaccine trial here in Utah.
So, it was easy for me to sign up for the Moderna trial.
And, beneath it all, there's this: I can't make people wear masks. I can't force anybody to maintain safe physical distance. I can't revive the 280,000 Americans who've died. I can't protect the 15 million who've been diagnosed. I can't restore jobs and paychecks. I can't keep people from losing homes. I can't reopen schools, restaurants, gyms and bars. I can't keep ICU's from overflowing with coronavirus patients. I can't magically ease the burden of doctors, nurses and other medical professionals who are risking their lives every day, and sometimes falling ill and dying themselves.
And I can't force politicians to exercise leadership, and to ignore the selfish political "don't tread on me" resistance to doing what needs to be done.
But I can be Patient 3, tolerating two needle pricks in the arm in a month, giving up vial after vial of blood, enduring multiple deep swabs into my nostril and throat, and regularly reporting any changes in my medications or health.
These are actually very small acts with negligible risk. But, right here and right now, it's precisely what needs to be done.
Howard Berkes is a retired NPR Investigations Correspondent living in Salt Lake City. He spent 38 years at NPR and has earned more than 40 national journalism awards.


npr--2020-12-12--At Least 23 Arrested After Trump Supporters, Counterprotesters Clash In D.C

At Least 23 Arrested After Trump Supporters , Counterprotesters Clash In D.C Updated at 1:20 a.m ET Sunday Thousands of President Trump 's supporters — four weeks after a similar protest — flocked to the nation 's capital for a protest in support of the president and his false claims of a stolen election .
This weekend 's Million MAGA March , along with other named rallies , follows a Nov. 14 protest that brought masses of the president 's supporters to Washington , D.C .
Clashes between rallygoers and counterprotesters escalated into violence and nearly two dozen people were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last month 's protest marched again on Saturday .
Those included the Proud Boys , a self-proclaimed `` Western-chauvinist '' organization known for violent confrontations with left-wing protesters .
It 's considered a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center .
By Saturday evening , Proud Boys and counterprotesters were facing off in scattered skirmishes downtown .
Police tried to separate the two sides .
Counterprotesters also clashed with police at times , DCist reported .
By nightfall , clashes between the two groups of protesters became violent .
The Washington Post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of eight people injured , at least four people were stabbed .
They were taken to the hospital , possibly with life-threatening injuries .
It was not immediately clear whether the victims were supporters of President Trump or counterprotesters .
Two police officers were also taken to the hospital with moderate injuries , according to the Post .
At least 23 people were arrested Saturday night in relation to the protests , according to multiple sources citing the mayor 's office and D.C. police .
The arrests included 6 assaults on a police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ riotous acts .
Reporter Jenny Gathright of NPR member station WAMU observed members of the group marching through Freedom Plaza earlier Saturday .
Some of them were holding white power symbols .
On Saturday morning , a White House spokesman confirmed that as the group gathered in D.C. , one of its leaders , Enrique Tarrio , took a public tour of the White House .
Tarrio posted about his visit to the right-wing social media app Parler .
The White House says that Tarrio did not meet with the president nor was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visit `` shows we 've come a long way . ''
Among Saturday 's speakers at the rally was former national security adviser Michael Flynn , who in his first public remarks since he was pardoned by Trump sought to deny President-elect Joe Biden 's victory .
`` People ask me this all the time now , in the last couple of days certainly , on a scale of one to 10 , who 's going to be the next president of the United States .
And I say 1o , Donald J.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crowd .
Flynn was pardoned by President Trump late last month .
He pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election .
Other speakers at the rally included My Pillow CEO Mike Lindell and right-wing activist Jack Posobiec .
Elsewhere , right-wing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones was spotted on the National Mall .
Jones also attended last month 's march .
Similar to last 's month larger rally , Saturday 's demonstration brought participants into D.C. from far and wide .
Louis Murray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WAMU that even if Trump 's legal efforts to overturn the election fail , `` we can still celebrate Trumpism , '' and `` get ready for 2024 . ''
`` This is a very hopeful day for conservatives in America , '' Murray told WAMU .
President Trump broadcast his approval of Saturday 's demonstration , tweeting , `` Wow !
Thousands of people forming in Washington ( D.C. ) for Stop the Steal .
Did n't know about this , but I 'll be seeing them !
# MAGA . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ flew overhead with the president onboard en route to another event .
During last month 's protest , Trump made an impromptu visit , riding by the rally in his presidential motorcade .
Meanwhile , local Black Lives Matter activists and allies gathered in response at the city 's Black Lives Matter Plaza , a center for activism since the summer .
`` We 're not counterprotesting , '' said Anthony Lorenzo Green , an organizer with Black Lives Matter 's D.C. chapter .
Green told DCist , `` We 're really just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ folks do n't feel oppressed or bothered or feel like , you know , 'Why are these folks coming to our city bringing this type of violence to our city ? '
We 're pushing back against that , saying , 'No , this is D.C. , this is who we are , we 're resilient , and we 're going to have our joy in the midst of all that may be going on in the city . '
`` On Friday , according to WAMU , Trump supporters and counterprotesters clashed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to several arrests .
Hours after last month 's rally , Trump supporters brawled with counterprotesters , with at least one person stabbed , two police officers injured and at least 20 arrests .
Demonstrators are gathering at a time when cases of the coronavirus have been surging in Washington , D.C. , as in most of the nation .
As in November , many of the participants in the pro-Trump gathering were seen without masks or face coverings .

4 Stabbed, 33 Arrested After Trump Supporters, Counterprotesters Clash In D.C.
Enlarge this image Tyrone Turner Tyrone Turner
Updated at 2:23 p.m. ET Sunday
Thousands of President Trump's supporters — four weeks after a similar protest — flocked to the nation's capital for a protest in support of the president and his false claims of a stolen election.
By Saturday night, clashes between rallygoers and counterprotesters escalated into violence, with four people stabbed and 33 people arrested into Sunday morning. Nine people were transported to hospitals, according to Washington, D.C.'s Fire and EMS Department. Two of the nine were police officers with injuries that were not life-threatening.
Several groups that attended last month's protest marched again on Saturday. Those included the Proud Boys, a self-proclaimed "Western-chauvinist" organization known for violent confrontations with left-wing protesters. It's considered a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
On Saturday evening, Proud Boys and counterprotesters were facing off in scattered skirmishes downtown. Police tried to separate the two sides. Counterprotesters also clashed with police at times, DCist reported.
About 30 mins ago, an intense skirmish happened when about 30 to 40 Proud Boys emerged from the alley and approached counter protestors from behind. pic.twitter.com/ueD4tfD5lr — Matt Blitz (@WhyBlitz) December 13, 2020
A total of nine injured people were transported from D.C.'s downtown to hospitals after 7 p.m., the fire department said. Police said Sunday that 33 people were arrested between Saturday into Sunday morning, on charges including simple assault, possession of a prohibited weapon, assault on a police officer, crossing a police line, assault with a dangerous weapon and other charges.
Reporter Jenny Gathright of NPR member station WAMU observed members of the Proud Boys marching through Freedom Plaza earlier Saturday. Some of them were holding up white power symbols.
On Saturday morning, a White House spokesman confirmed that as the group gathered in D.C., one of its leaders, Enrique Tarrio, took a public tour of the White House. Tarrio posted about his visit to the right-wing social media app Parler. The White House says that Tarrio did not meet with the president, nor was he specifically invited. Tarrio said the visit "shows we've come a long way."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Among the speakers at the pro-Trump rally during the day was former national security adviser Michael Flynn, who in his first public remarks since he was pardoned by Trump sought to deny President-elect Joe Biden's victory.
"People ask me this all the time now, in the last couple of days certainly: On a scale of 1 to 10, who's going to be the next president of the United States? And I say 1o, Donald J. Trump! 10!" Flynn told the crowd.
Flynn was pardoned by Trump late last month. He had pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election.
Other speakers at the rally included My Pillow CEO Mike Lindell and right-wing activist Jack Posobiec.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Elsewhere, right-wing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones was spotted on the National Mall. Jones also attended last month's march.
Similar to last's month larger rally, Saturday's demonstration brought participants into D.C. from far and wide. Louis Murray, who came from Boston, told WAMU that even if Trump's legal efforts to overturn the election fail, "we can still celebrate Trumpism" and "get ready for 2024."
"This is a very hopeful day for conservatives in America," Murray told WAMU.
Trump broadcast his approval of Saturday's demonstration, tweeting, "Wow! Thousands of people forming in Washington (D.C.) for Stop the Steal. Didn't know about this, but I'll be seeing them! #MAGA."
On Saturday, crowds cheered as Marine One flew overhead with the president on board en route to another event. During last month's protest, Trump made an impromptu visit, riding by the rally in his presidential motorcade.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Enlarge this image Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR Dee Dwyer for NPR
Meanwhile, local Black Lives Matter activists and allies gathered in response at the city's Black Lives Matter Plaza, a center for activism since the summer.
"We're not counterprotesting," said Anthony Lorenzo Green, an organizer with Black Lives Matter's D.C. chapter. Green told DCist, "We're really just trying to create spaces of liberation so folks don't feel oppressed or bothered or feel like, you know, 'Why are these folks coming to our city bringing this type of violence to our city?' We're pushing back against that, saying, 'No, this is D.C. This is who we are, we're resilient and we're going to have our joy in the midst of all that may be going on in the city.' "
Tyrone Turner/WAMU
toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU
toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU
toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR
toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU
On Friday, according to WAMU, Trump supporters and counterprotesters clashed at Black Lives Matter Plaza, which led to several arrests.
Hours after last month's rally, Trump supporters brawled with counterprotesters, with at least one person stabbed, two police officers injured and at least 20 arrests.
Demonstrators are gathering at a time when coronavirus cases have been surging in Washington, D.C., as in most of the United States. As in November, many participants in the pro-Trump gathering were seen without masks or face coverings.
toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR
toggle caption Dee Dwyer for NPR


npr--2020-12-13--UPS Executive: Vaccine Shipments Will Reach Distribution Centers Monday Morning

With the U.S. death toll at about 300,000 , the first doses of the first authorized COVID-19 vaccine are officially en route to distribution centers across the country .
Federal officials authorized emergency use of the Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine on Friday night , setting in motion the logistically challenging process of getting the first doses to states safely and quickly .
On Saturday , Army Gen. Gustave Perna , chief operating officer of Operation Warp Speed , said shipping containers were being packed at a Pfizer facility .
From there , he said , the vaccines would be sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then to 636 predetermined sites , with 145 sites expected to receive their shipments on Monday .
The first shipment of vaccines left Pfizer 's facility in Kalamazoo , Mich. , on Sunday morning .
They will arrive at all locations by 10:30 a.m. Monday , according to UPS Healthcare President Wes Wheeler .
UPS and FedEx are working together to ship the vaccines around the country .
Wheeler told NPR 's All Things Considered on Sunday that his team , which has long worked closely with Operation Warp Speed , is singularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We 're ready , we 're very confident , '' Wheeler said .
`` We 're very , very pleased and proud to be part of this , all the UPS-ers here , working very hard to make this work . ''
Workers packed out the trailers overnight Saturday and into Sunday morning , Wheeler said .
Two trailers left the Pfizer facility for a nearby airport around 9 a.m. , and reached the UPS Worldport in Louisville , Ky. just after noon .
From there , he said shipments are being shipped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hub facilities , where UPS drivers will receive them .
`` Our job starts at Pfizer and ends when we have an approved person with a government ID showing us their ID at the end point , '' Wheeler said .
`` Between that point of time we have total control of the network . ''
Earlier this year , he said , the company developed a technology to have a small label containing a Bluetooth device and three radios attached to each package .
That means UPS can see exactly where packages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terms of security we have eyes on these packages the whole way through , '' he added .
`` We can see them anytime , anywhere within 10 feet . ''
Another logistical challenge involves storing the vaccine at the extreme temperature of -94 degrees Fahrenheit , which Wheeler said can only be done using dry ice .
A specially designed package holds 50 lbs of dry ice above and below the trays of vaccine vials , and a GPS tracking device and temperature probe on top of the box allow UPS to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccine box .
According to Perna , the government expects to be able to ship the Pfizer vaccine to all state-designated distribution centers in as soon as three weeks .
By the end of the year , he said , he expects there will be enough shipments to give 20 million people two doses of the vaccine .
In a nod to the daunting and historic task at hand , Wheeler quoted Army Maj. Gen. Christopher Sharpsten of Operation Warp Speed as saying that `` sleep is now not an option . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ up with doing this work right now , and so excited about it and so anxious about it and making it work for this country , and the world , that we have n't even thought about the impact yet to ourselves personally , '' Wheeler said .

UPS Executive: Vaccine Shipments Will Reach Distribution Centers Monday Morning
Enlarge this image toggle caption Michael Clevenger/Getty Images Michael Clevenger/Getty Images
With the U.S. death toll at about 300,000, the first doses of the first authorized COVID-19 vaccine are officially en route to distribution centers across the country.
Federal officials authorized emergency use of the Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine on Friday night, setting in motion the logistically challenging process of getting the first doses to states safely and quickly.
On Saturday, Army Gen. Gustave Perna, chief operating officer of Operation Warp Speed, said shipping containers were being packed at a Pfizer facility. From there, he said, the vaccines would be sent to UPS and FedEx hubs, and then to 636 predetermined sites, with 145 sites expected to receive their shipments on Monday.
The first shipment of vaccines left Pfizer's facility in Kalamazoo, Mich., on Sunday morning.
They will arrive at all locations by 10:30 a.m. Monday, according to UPS Healthcare President Wes Wheeler. UPS and FedEx are working together to ship the vaccines around the country.
Wheeler told NPR's All Things Considered on Sunday that his team, which has long worked closely with Operation Warp Speed, is singularly focused on the historic task.
"We're ready, we're very confident," Wheeler said. "We're very, very pleased and proud to be part of this, all the UPS-ers here, working very hard to make this work."
Workers packed out the trailers overnight Saturday and into Sunday morning, Wheeler said. Two trailers left the Pfizer facility for a nearby airport around 9 a.m., and reached the UPS Worldport in Louisville, Ky. just after noon.
From there, he said shipments are being shipped on UPS aircraft to its gateway and hub facilities, where UPS drivers will receive them.
"Our job starts at Pfizer and ends when we have an approved person with a government ID showing us their ID at the end point," Wheeler said. "Between that point of time we have total control of the network."
Earlier this year, he said, the company developed a technology to have a small label containing a Bluetooth device and three radios attached to each package. That means UPS can see exactly where packages are, Wheeler said.
"In terms of security we have eyes on these packages the whole way through," he added. "We can see them anytime, anywhere within 10 feet."
Another logistical challenge involves storing the vaccine at the extreme temperature of -94 degrees Fahrenheit, which Wheeler said can only be done using dry ice.
A specially designed package holds 50 lbs of dry ice above and below the trays of vaccine vials, and a GPS tracking device and temperature probe on top of the box allow UPS to see the temperature and location of every vaccine box.
According to Perna, the government expects to be able to ship the Pfizer vaccine to all state-designated distribution centers in as soon as three weeks. By the end of the year, he said, he expects there will be enough shipments to give 20 million people two doses of the vaccine.
In a nod to the daunting and historic task at hand, Wheeler quoted Army Maj. Gen. Christopher Sharpsten of Operation Warp Speed as saying that "sleep is now not an option."
"I think we're so caught up with doing this work right now, and so excited about it and so anxious about it and making it work for this country, and the world, that we haven't even thought about the impact yet to ourselves personally," Wheeler said.


npr--2020-12-13--Chinese Lunar Probe Is On Its Way Back To Earth, Carrying Moon Rocks

Chinese Lunar Probe Is On Its Way Back To Earth , Carrying Moon Rocks China is days away from becoming the third country to bring moon rocks back to Earth .
China 's state news agency Xinhua announced Sunday that the country 's lunar probe , Chang ' e-5 , had completed its second orbital maneuver , and entered the `` moon-Earth transfer orbit . ''
The craft is expect to land in China 's Inner Mongolia region later this week .
It 's been more than 40 years since the Soviet Union last brought pieces of the moon back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bring back moon rocks is the U.S. , which collected several lunar samples during the Apollo program before it ended in 1972 .
The Chang ' e-5 probe launched on Nov. 24 , and touched down on the near side of the moon on Dec. 1 .
The plan was to gather more than 4 pounds of samples .
The lander 's ascender module then lifted off from the moon on Dec. 3 .
It had to take off from the moon before the sun set , as it was n't designed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lunar night .
Sunday 's orbital maneuver entailed a 22-minute burn from four engines , Chinese state media reported .
Planetary scientists are eagerly awaiting the samples , which could help them understand volcanic activity on the moon , and calibrate a technique to estimate the age of craters and other surfaces .
`` This is a really audacious mission , '' David S. Draper , deputy chief scientist at NASA , told The New York Times .
`` They 're going to move the ball down the field in a big way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things that are important about lunar history . ''
The mission is part of a long-term Chinese plan to explore the moon , and ultimately to potentially establish an international research station and human colony there .

Chinese Lunar Probe Is On Its Way Back To Earth, Carrying Moon Rocks
Enlarge this image toggle caption China National Space Administration/Xinhua via AP China National Space Administration/Xinhua via AP
China is days away from becoming the third country to bring moon rocks back to Earth.
China's state news agency Xinhua announced Sunday that the country's lunar probe, Chang'e-5, had completed its second orbital maneuver, and entered the "moon-Earth transfer orbit." The craft is expect to land in China's Inner Mongolia region later this week.
It's been more than 40 years since the Soviet Union last brought pieces of the moon back to our planet. The other country to bring back moon rocks is the U.S., which collected several lunar samples during the Apollo program before it ended in 1972.
The Chang'e-5 probe launched on Nov. 24, and touched down on the near side of the moon on Dec. 1. The plan was to gather more than 4 pounds of samples.
The lander's ascender module then lifted off from the moon on Dec. 3. It had to take off from the moon before the sun set, as it wasn't designed to survive the frigid temperatures of a lunar night. Sunday's orbital maneuver entailed a 22-minute burn from four engines, Chinese state media reported.
Planetary scientists are eagerly awaiting the samples, which could help them understand volcanic activity on the moon, and calibrate a technique to estimate the age of craters and other surfaces.
"This is a really audacious mission," David S. Draper, deputy chief scientist at NASA, told The New York Times. "They're going to move the ball down the field in a big way with respect to understanding a lot of things that are important about lunar history."
The mission is part of a long-term Chinese plan to explore the moon, and ultimately to potentially establish an international research station and human colony there.


npr--2020-12-13--Op-Ed Urging Jill Biden To Drop The 'Dr.' Sparks Outrage Online

An opinion column in The Wall Street Journal came under fire over the weekend for asking educator and incoming first lady Jill Biden — who holds two master 's degrees and a doctorate in education — to stop using the title `` Dr. '' In the op-ed published Friday evening , writer and former editor of The American Scholar magazine Joseph Epstein urged Biden to drop the title , a message that public figures and women in academia panned on Twitter as misogynistic both in substance and tone .
`` Madame First Lady — Mrs. Biden — Jill — kiddo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Any chance you might drop the 'Dr . '
before your name ?
'Dr .
Jill Biden ' sounds and feels fraudulent , not to say a touch comic . ''
Biden earned her doctorate from the University of Delaware in 2007 .
Biden 's Obama White House biography describes the dissertation as focusing on `` maximizing student retention in community colleges . ''
Epstein disparaged the title of that dissertation as `` unpromising . ''
`` A wise man once said that no one should call himself 'Dr . '
unless he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued .
`` Think about it , Dr. Jill , and forthwith drop the doc . ''
Epstein went on to argue that the prestige of Ph.D.s and honorary degrees has been diminished by political correctness and the relaxation of academic standards , before urging Biden to `` forget the small thrill of being Dr. Jill , and settle for the larger thrill of living for the next four years in the best public housing in the world as First Lady Jill Biden . ''
Northwestern University , where Epstein wrote that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement saying it `` strongly disagrees with Mr. Epstein 's misogynistic views '' and noting he has not been a lecturer there since 2003 .
The university 's English department said in a separate statement that it rejects the opinion piece `` as well as the diminishment of anyone 's duly-earned degrees in any field , from any university . ''
Biden 's spokesperson called the piece a `` disgusting and sexist attack '' in a tweet that addressed Wall Street Journal editors directly , adding , `` If you had any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remove this repugnant display of chauvinism from your paper and apologize to her . ''
The Wall Street Journal has not responded to NPR 's request for comment .
`` What patronizing , sexist , elitist drivel , '' tweeted Kate Bedingfield , the president-elect 's communications director .
`` Dr. B earned a doctorate in education , so we call her Doctor .
The title Mr. Epstein has earned here is perhaps not fit for mixed company . ''
Other voices from the Democratic Party weighed in on Twitter , expressing support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ misogynistic .
`` The author could 've used fewer words to just say `` ya know in my day we did n't have to respect women , '' Chasten Buttigieg , husband of Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg , wrote in a tweet that has since garnered more than 87,000 likes .
Douglas Emhoff , husband of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris , praised Biden 's `` hard work and pure grit '' in a tweet on Saturday , adding , `` This story would have never been written about a man . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the title `` Dr. '' should only apply to medical doctors .
The Merriam-Webster dictionary noted in a tweet Saturday that the word `` doctor '' comes from the Latin word for `` teacher , '' which the dictionary said first described theologians .
Bernice King , minister and daughter of civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr. , reminded Biden in a tweet that her father was a nonmedical doctor .
`` And his work benefited humanity greatly , '' King wrote .
`` Yours does , too . ''
Epstein @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women in academia , who took to Twitter with their own searing criticisms and messages of empowerment .
Scores of women with doctorate degrees added `` Dr. '' to their Twitter names in an act of solidarity .
Many did so alongside the hashtag # mytitleisdr , encouraged by academics including archaeologist Sarah Parcak .
Biden famously taught at Northern Virginia Community College while serving as second lady from 2008 to 2016 , and plans to continue teaching after President-elect Joe Biden takes office .
In a 2013 interview with NPR , Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political role in the classroom .
`` I think I have a separate role there as an English teacher and that 's who I want to be , '' she said .
`` I want to be Dr. B , their English teacher . ''

Op-Ed Urging Jill Biden To Drop The 'Dr.' Sparks Outrage Online
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chris O'Meara/AP Chris O'Meara/AP
Updated at 8:25 a.m. ET Monday
An opinion column in The Wall Street Journal came under fire over the weekend for asking educator and incoming first lady Jill Biden — who holds two master's degrees and a doctorate in education — to stop using the title "Dr."
In the op-ed published Friday evening, writer Joseph Epstein, former editor of The American Scholar magazine, urged Biden to drop the title, a message that public figures and women in academia panned on Twitter as misogynistic both in substance and tone.
"Madame First Lady — Mrs. Biden — Jill — kiddo," the piece begins. "Any chance you might drop the 'Dr.' before your name? 'Dr. Jill Biden' sounds and feels fraudulent, not to say a touch comic."
Biden earned her doctorate from the University of Delaware in 2007. Biden's Obama White House biography describes the dissertation as focusing on "maximizing student retention in community colleges." Epstein disparaged the title of that dissertation as "unpromising."
"A wise man once said that no one should call himself 'Dr.' unless he has delivered a child," he continued. "Think about it, Dr. Jill, and forthwith drop the doc."
Epstein went on to argue that the prestige of doctorates and honorary degrees has been diminished by political correctness and the relaxation of academic standards before urging Biden to "forget the small thrill of being Dr. Jill, and settle for the larger thrill of living for the next four years in the best public housing in the world as First Lady Jill Biden."
In a tweet Sunday night, Biden said, "Together, we will build a world where the accomplishments of our daughters will be celebrated, rather than diminished."
The backlash over Epstein's op-ed was swift.
Northwestern University, where Epstein wrote that he had taught for 30 years, issued a statement saying it "strongly disagrees with Mr. Epstein's misogynistic views" and noting he has not been a lecturer there since 2003. The university's Department of English said in a separate statement that it rejects the opinion piece "as well as the diminishment of anyone's duly-earned degrees in any field, from any university."
Biden's spokesperson called the piece a "disgusting and sexist attack" in a tweet that addressed Wall Street Journal editors directly, adding, "If you had any respect for women at all you would remove this repugnant display of chauvinism from your paper and apologize to her."
The Wall Street Journal has not responded to NPR's request for comment.
"What patronizing, sexist, elitist drivel," tweeted Kate Bedingfield, the president-elect's communications director. "Dr. B earned a doctorate in education, so we call her Doctor. The title Mr. Epstein has earned here is perhaps not fit for mixed company."
Other voices from the Democratic Party weighed in on Twitter, expressing support for Biden and slamming the op-ed as misogynistic.
"The author could've used fewer words to just say 'ya know in my day we didn't have to respect women,' " Chasten Buttigieg, husband of former Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg, wrote in a tweet that has since garnered more than 87,000 likes.
Doug Emhoff, husband of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, praised Biden's "hard work and pure grit" in a tweet Saturday, adding, "This story would have never been written about a man."
Other prominent voices shot down the idea that the title "Dr." should only apply to medical doctors.
The Merriam-Webster dictionary noted in a tweet Saturday that the word "doctor" comes from the Latin word for "teacher," which the dictionary said first described theologians.
Bernice King, minister and daughter of civil rights activist the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., reminded Biden in a tweet that her father was a nonmedical doctor.
"And his work benefited humanity greatly," King wrote. "Yours does, too."
Epstein's article struck a particular chord among women in academia, who took to Twitter with their own searing criticisms and messages of empowerment.
Scores of women with doctorate degrees added "Dr." to their Twitter names in an act of solidarity. Many did so alongside the hashtag #mytitleisdr, encouraged by academics, including archaeologist Sarah Parcak.
Biden famously taught at Northern Virginia Community College while serving as second lady from 2008 to 2016, and plans to continue teaching after President-elect Joe Biden takes office. In a 2013 interview with NPR, Biden said she did not talk about her political role in the classroom.
"I think I have a separate role there as an English teacher and that's who I want to be," she said. "I want to be Dr. B, their English teacher."