npr--2020-07-31--What Are Parents Doing For Child Care? Here Are 3 Options (With Trade-Offs)

What Are Parents Doing For Child Care ?
Here Are 3 Options ( With Trade-Offs ) Kirk Gallegos is a single father of four .
He works construction in Barstow , Calif. Prudence Carter is a single mother of one .
She 's the dean of the Graduate School of Education at the University of California , Berkeley .
Both of them share the same problem with tens of millions of other parents around the country : Their public schools are n't operating full time in-person this fall .
And the rest of the child care system , which had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is itself under pressure .
The child care sector consists for the most part of small businesses and nonprofits supported by a patchwork of public subsidies .
Centers and in-home day cares are mostly owned and operated by women , disproportionately women of color , many of whom live at poverty wages .
Child care centers and after-school programs have lost income during shutdowns and because of state and local budget cuts , and many have been forced to close for safety reasons .
Republicans have proposed $ 15 billion for the child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ package ; Democrats are seeking more than three times that .
In the interim , families are being left to improvise .
They 're having to consider not only their children 's safety , but also their academic progress and their well-being after months of isolation .
`` I think parents are just trying to do what they have to do to survive in this moment , '' sums up Carter , who is a scholar of inequality in education .
Parents have a few different options , but none of them come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ available to all families equally .
The first resort for parents , and particularly mothers , is working less to take care of their own children .
We 're in an employment crisis anyway , but caregiving responsibilities are keeping some parents from even looking for work .
A recent survey from the Bipartisan Policy Center found that 55 % of Hispanic and 44 % of Black parents on unemployment insurance were not planning to or did not accept an offer to return to work due to caregiving needs .
Gallegos , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ juggle job hunting with taking care of his girls , who range in age from 1 to 10 .
`` I would take them with me [ on interviews ] , or [ search ] online .
I did n't want to use the day care unless I really , really , really needed to . ''
For those who have the relative privilege to work from home , there is a subtler toll on productivity and well-being , particularly for mothers .
Many are splitting their schedules , getting up early and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sleep .
Carter cites an analysis from her own field of higher education , suggesting that across disciplines , male scholars are producing relatively more work than their female counterparts , more so than before the pandemic .
Even as she 's working to shift policies to make sure that her own faculty , staff and students who are caregivers are n't penalized for lagging research and publication under these conditions , Carter laments her own loss of `` concentrated time . ''
`` It 's really hard to write .
I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ground this summer . ''
For school-aged children who do n't have a family member to watch them for free , organized group child care and afterschool programs are the most common option , according to a recent policy analysis by the Urban Institute .
But the pandemic has shut many of those as well , because the group sizes are too large for social distancing and cohorting , or because they 've lost access to public school buildings , or both .
That leaves the next most popular option : in-home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighborhood businesses took care of 7 million children , including around 30 percent of infants and toddlers , according to the nonprofit Home Grown .
Across the country almost all of these providers are women and almost half are women of color .
In-home care is the most affordable option for most families too — averaging around $ 300 a week for up to 11 or 12 hours a day , depending on the location and the age of children .
The costs tend to be lower if you qualify for public subsidies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in home day cares have fewer licensing requirements .
And industry experts said less staffing and overhead mean that women who run their own home-based day cares can make more money than they can in a standalone center .
`` The long term vision of our company is to get more people to actually start their own home daycare , '' says Jessica Chang , the CEO of WeeCare .
WeeCare is a platform that works sort of like a Lyft for in-home day cares , making thousands of these businesses searchable and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Chang , and Chris Bennett of Wonderschool , a similar platform , both argue this is a model that is nimble enough to potentially scale up to meet the sudden demand for care for school-aged children — if it had the right support .
`` We 're getting a lot of interest from folks who want to start microschools , and a number of our providers are expanding , too , '' says Bennett .
Gallegos qualified for a county subsidy to send his four daughters to Little Barstow WeeCare .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the morning and picks them up in the evening .
`` They love it .
I drop them off and sometimes they forget to say bye , they 're running down the hallway to do whatever they want to do . ''
Maria Jensen , the owner-operator , helped him get in touch with the principal at his older daughters ' public school to make sure they would have computers to do their schoolwork .
When school starts remotely Aug. 10 , Jensen will oversee them while they study .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they said they had room and they could take them , but they were n't doing the school part — the academic part .
That was one of the most important parts to me . ''
Natalie Renew directs Home Grown , a nonprofit dedicated to improving the quality of in-home child care .
She says many centers already take older kids after school , and she sees this sector stepping up to care for school aged children during the day .
`` We 're definitely hearing that there is demand and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school districts release their plans for the fall . ''
But even as demand is growing , supply is in danger of falling .
Child care providers who lost headcount and revenue during shutdowns are in danger of losing not only their businesses but their homes .
Without a bailout , says Renew , `` It 's really sort of looking over the edge of a cliff .
Many , many providers are already starting to close . ''
Health and safety is another key concern for in-home providers , as it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
Renew says there is n't a lot of good evidence yet on just how safe these settings might be .
But there are hopes that , `` given the small group size of home based child care , that the threat of transmission may be lower there . ''
Ani Angel Gharibian runs Busy Bee , another WeeCare , in Los Angeles .
She serves many children of essential workers , and is investing in desks and other equipment to expand to take in more school-aged kids during the day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She says it 's impossible to socially distance from infants , and she does n't like making children wear masks all day , because , she says , it 's bad for their language development and makes them `` timid '' .
She and her employees are nervous , but she says , `` people are desperate for income at the moment .
So even if they do have some reservations , priorities take over . ''
One of the options that 's gotten the most attention is associated with families of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` learning pod , '' or `` pandemic pod . ''
Generally , this means getting together a group of a few children to share the cost of a tutor , typically hosted at families ' homes .
Ivan Kerbel is the founder of the Seattle area Facebook Group for founders of what he calls `` pandemic-era nano-schools . ''
He has two young children .
Like so many parents , he 's `` in this impossible pickle of child care , parenting and schooling while doing our ostensible jobs . ''
Kerbel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to play safely with other kids and to learn subjects like math and science by cooking and gardening , not just on the computer .
So he started this group to find other families who were interested in doing the same .
There are now over 4,000 members in the Seattle area .
Pandemic pod matchmaking groups like these have sprung up quickly all over the country .
And the critiques have come just as fast and furious .
In Oakland , Calif. , a group of 14 public school principals signed an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One aspect that particularly bothers critics is the idea of hiring teachers directly away from public schools who may be wary of the classroom this fall for safety reasons .
Melinda Anderson , a journalist covering education and equity , calls the practice `` pandemic driven opportunity hoarding . ''
`` Opportunity hoarding '' is a sociological concept that basically means a group in power is grabbing up resources and excluding a less powerful group .
Anderson says , `` parents forming pandemic pods and micro-schools did not create school inequalities , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking out options unavailable to everyone . ''
Some critics have gone farther .
A Washington Post column compared the practice to that of white families a half-century ago seceding from the public school system and forming `` segregation academies '' in resistance to Brown vs. Board of Education .
Carter , the dean of the graduate school of education at Berkeley , does n't see things in quite those terms .
`` Is this like post-Brown ?
I do n't think so .
I think the country 's consciousness is at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in terms of race and class leaves out affluent , educated parents of color like herself , she said , and `` there is a presumption that working class and poor parents do n't want these pods themselves . ''
Carter happens to be thinking about forming a learning pod , not only to get more time to write , but also because her son is lonely .
`` My child is crying , as an only child , saying , ' I miss my friends . '
`` At the same time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` thinking about how to minimize the impact of privilege on children 's learning . ''
For example , Carter says it 's important that pandemic pods be as temporary and informal as possible , and that families keep their spot in public schools , if possible , using the remote learning offered by the district , so that schools can hold on to the funding .
She does n't like the idea of parents going fully out on their own — leasing spaces and forming more permanent `` micro-schools . ''
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of public education and this becoming an alternative . ''
She also suggests that parents of means not push their children too hard academically this year .
Everyone will have catching up to do when in-person schooling resumes , and age-based standards , she says , are arbitrary anyway .
`` I do n't know about you , but when I was a little girl , I was n't reading by the end of kindergarten . ''
One idea that 's popped up to address equity concerns is to have each pod include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ivan Kerbel says he 's trying to institute a rule in his Seattle group : `` If you have a group of four kids , the fourth kid is free , if you have a group of five kids , the fifth kid is free . ''
For example , Kerbel says that he 's planning to set up ukulele lessons for his 5-year-old .
He is in touch with a local refugee resettlement agency to see if a Somali refugee child is able to join .
Carter cautions that pods that include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work hard to be inclusive .
`` What are you going to do socially and culturally to make sure that that child feels deeply included ? ''
Kerbel has personal experience with this .
He says when he emigrated from Eastern Europe as a child , barely speaking English , a classmate was assigned to be his friend .
He remembers feeling grateful .
He adds that he feels that children are going to learn not only math or music right now , but also directly from the choices we make : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic ?
Did they widen their social circle ?
Did they broaden their horizons ?
Or did they just sort of hunker down and , you know , shut the rest of the world out ? ''
Carter sees the pandemic magnifying all kinds of inequities , but in some ways it 's also putting many different kinds of families in the same boat .
`` We do n't have leadership .
Resources are so minimal .
And so people are trying to use their innovation to just make things work so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the families . ''

What Are Parents Doing For Child Care? Here Are 3 Options (With Trade-Offs)
Enlarge this image SDI Productions/Getty Images SDI Productions/Getty Images
Kirk Gallegos is a single father of four. He works construction in Barstow, Calif. Prudence Carter is a single mother of one. She's the dean of the Graduate School of Education at the University of California, Berkeley.
Both share the same problem with tens of millions of other parents around the country: Their public schools aren't operating full time in-person this fall. And the rest of the child care system, which had been stretched even before the pandemic, is itself under pressure.
The child care sector consists for the most part of small businesses and nonprofits supported by a patchwork of public subsidies. Centers and in-home day cares are mostly owned and operated by women, disproportionately women of color, many of whom live at poverty wages. Child care centers and after-school programs have lost income during shutdowns and because of state and local budget cuts, and many have been forced to close for safety reasons. Republicans have proposed $15 billion for the child care sector in the latest coronavirus aid package; Democrats are seeking more than three times that amount.
In the interim, families are being left to improvise. They're having to consider not only their children's safety but also their academic progress and their well-being after months of isolation.
"I think parents are just trying to do what they have to do to survive in this moment," sums up Carter, who is a scholar of inequality in education.
Parents have a few options, but none of them come without trade-offs, and they aren't available to all families equally.
Option 1: Step back from the workforce
The first resort for parents, and particularly mothers, is working less to take care of their own children. We're in an employment crisis anyway, but caregiving responsibilities are keeping some parents from even looking for work. A recent survey from the Bipartisan Policy Center found that 55% of Hispanic and 44% of Black parents on unemployment insurance were not planning to or did not accept an offer to return to work due to caregiving needs.
Gallegos, the construction worker, until recently had to juggle job hunting with taking care of his girls, who range in age from 1 to 10. "I would take them with me [on interviews] or [search] online. I didn't want to use the day care unless I really, really, really needed to."
For those who have the relative privilege to work from home, there is a subtler toll on productivity and well-being, particularly for mothers. Many are splitting their schedules, getting up early and staying up late to work while children sleep. Carter cites an analysis from her own field of higher education, suggesting that across disciplines, male scholars are producing relatively more work than their female counterparts, more so than before the pandemic.
Even as she's working to shift policies to make sure that her own faculty, staff and students who are caregivers aren't penalized for lagging research and publication under these conditions, Carter laments her own loss of "concentrated time." "It's really hard to write. I was hoping to get a new project off the ground this summer."
Option 2: In-home day cares
For school-age children who don't have a family member to watch them for free, organized group child care and after-school programs are the most common option, according to a recent policy analysis by the Urban Institute. But the pandemic has shut many of those as well, because the group sizes are too large for social distancing and cohorting, or because they've lost access to public school buildings, or both.
That leaves the next most popular option: in-home day cares. Pre-pandemic, these small neighborhood businesses took care of 7 million children, including around 30% of infants and toddlers, according to the nonprofit Home Grown. Across the country almost all of these providers are women, and almost half are women of color.
In-home care is the most affordable option for most families, too — averaging around $300 a week for up to 11 or 12 hours a day, depending on the location and the age of children. The costs tend to be lower if you qualify for public subsidies.
Because of their size, these in home day cares have fewer licensing requirements. And industry experts said less staffing and overhead mean that women who run their own home-based day cares can make more money than they can in a standalone center.
"The long-term vision of our company is to get more people to actually start their own home day care," said Jessica Chang, CEO of WeeCare. WeeCare is a platform that works sort of like a Lyft for in-home day cares, making thousands of these businesses searchable and helping with overhead such as marketing and billing.
Chang and Chris Bennett of Wonderschool, a similar platform, both argue this is a model that is nimble enough potentially to scale up to meet the sudden demand for care for school-age children — if it had the right support.
"We're getting a lot of interest from folks who want to start micro-schools, and a number of our providers are expanding, too," Bennett said.
Gallegos qualified for a county subsidy to send his four daughters to Little Barstow WeeCare. He drops them off at 6:30 or 7 a.m. and picks them up in the evening. "They love it. I drop them off, and sometimes they forget to say bye, they're running down the hallway to do whatever they want to do," he said.
Maria Jensen, the owner-operator, helped him get in touch with the principal at his older daughters' public school to make sure they would have computers to do their schoolwork. When school starts remotely Aug. 10, Jensen will oversee them while they study.
"I talked to a few other day cares, they said they had room and they could take them, but they weren't doing the school part — the academic part," Gallegos said. "That was one of the most important parts to me."
Natalie Renew directs Home Grown, a nonprofit dedicated to improving the quality of in-home child care. She said many centers already take older kids after school, and she sees this sector stepping up to care for school-age children during the day.
"We're definitely hearing that there is demand, and providers are getting calls from parents as school districts release their plans for the fall," she said.
But even as demand is growing, supply is in danger of falling. Child care providers who lost head count and revenue during shutdowns are in danger of losing not only their businesses but their homes. Without a bailout, Renew said, "It's really sort of looking over the edge of a cliff. Many, many providers are already starting to close."
Health and safety is another key concern for in-home providers, as it is for anywhere people gather indoors during the pandemic. Renew said there isn't a lot of good evidence yet on just how safe these settings might be. But there are hopes that, "given the small group size of home-based child care, that the threat of transmission may be lower there."
Ani Angel Gharibian runs Busy Bee, another WeeCare, in Los Angeles. She serves many children of essential workers, and is investing in desks and other equipment to expand to take in more school-age kids during the day, as LA schools are coming back online-only. She said it's impossible to socially distance from infants, and she doesn't like making children wear masks all day, because, she said, it's bad for their language development and makes them "timid." She and her employees are nervous, but she said, "People are desperate for income at the moment. So even if they do have some reservations, priorities take over."
Option 3: "Pandemic pod"
One of the options that's gotten the most attention is associated with families of greater means — variously known as a "learning pod," or "pandemic pod." Generally, this means getting together a group of a few children to share the cost of a tutor, typically hosted at families' homes.
Ivan Kerbel is the founder of the Seattle area Facebook group for founders of what he calls "pandemic-era nano-schools." He has two young children. Like so many parents, he said he's "in this impossible pickle of child care, parenting and schooling while doing our ostensible jobs."
Kerbel also wants his children to be able to play safely with other kids and to learn subjects such as math and science by cooking and gardening, not just on the computer.
Education 'Pandemic Pods' Raise Concerns About Equity 'Pandemic Pods' Raise Concerns About Equity Listen · 5:23 5:23
Education Without National Strategy For School Reopenings, Parents Face Uncertainty Without National Strategy For School Reopenings, Parents Face Uncertainty Listen · 6:54 6:54
So he started this group to find other families who were interested in doing the same. There are now over 4,000 members in the Seattle area. Pandemic pod matchmaking groups such as these have sprung up quickly all over the country. And the critiques have come just as fast and furious. In Oakland, Calif., a group of 14 public school principals signed an open letter this week criticizing the practice.
One aspect that particularly bothers critics is the idea of hiring teachers directly away from public schools who may be wary of the classroom this fall for safety reasons. Melinda Anderson, a journalist covering education and equity, calls the practice "pandemic-driven opportunity hoarding." "Opportunity hoarding" is a sociological concept that basically means a group in power is grabbing up resources and excluding a less powerful group. Anderson said, "Parents forming pandemic pods and micro-schools did not create school inequalities, but they're certainly exacerbating inequalities by seeking out options unavailable to everyone."
Some critics have gone further. A Washington Post column compared the practice to that of white families a half-century ago seceding from the public school system and forming "segregation academies" in resistance to Brown v. Board of Education.
Carter, the dean of the Graduate School of Education at Berkeley, doesn't see things in quite those terms. "Is this like post-Brown? I don't think so. I think the country's consciousness is at a different level." Casting these issues in terms of race and class leaves out affluent, educated parents of color such as herself, she said, and "there is a presumption that working-class and poor parents don't want these pods themselves."
Carter happens to be thinking about forming a learning pod, not only to get more time to write, but also because her son is lonely. "My child is crying, as an only child, saying, 'I miss my friends.' " At the same time, as a scholar, she said she's " thinking about how to minimize the impact of privilege on children's learning."
For example, Carter said it's important that pandemic pods be as temporary and informal as possible, and that families keep their spot in public schools, if possible, using the remote learning offered by the district, so that schools can hold on to the funding. She doesn't like the idea of parents going fully out on their own — leasing spaces and forming more permanent micro-schools.
"I am not interested in the privatization of public education and this becoming an alternative." She also suggests that parents of means not push their children too hard academically this year. Everyone will have catching up to do when in-person schooling resumes, and age-based standards, she said, are arbitrary anyway. "I don't know about you, but when I was a little girl, I wasn't reading by the end of kindergarten."
One idea that's popped up to address equity concerns is to have each pod include a sliding scale or scholarship spot. Kerbel said he's trying to institute a rule in his Seattle group: "If you have a group of four kids, the fourth kid is free, if you have a group of five kids, the fifth kid is free." For example, Kerbel said that he's planning to set up ukulele lessons for his 5-year-old. He is in touch with a local refugee resettlement agency to see if a Somali refugee child is able to join.
Carter cautions that pods that include a "diversity" slot also have to work hard to be inclusive. "What are you going to do socially and culturally to make sure that that child feels deeply included?"
Kerbel has personal experience with this. He said when he emigrated from Eastern Europe as a child, barely speaking English, a classmate was assigned to be his friend. He remembers feeling grateful.
He added that he feels that children are going to learn not only math or music right now but also directly from the choices we make: "How did their parents respond to the pandemic? Did they widen their social circle? Did they broaden their horizons? Or did they just sort of hunker down and, you know, shut the rest of the world out?"
Carter sees the pandemic magnifying all kinds of inequities, but in some ways it's also putting many different kinds of families in the same boat.
"We don't have leadership. Resources are so minimal. And so people are trying to use their innovation to just make things work so that they can actually continue to support the families."


npr--2020-07-31--National Conversation About Race Brews In Rural Western Kentucky

If you spend any time on social media , you know it can be a war of words out there .
Whether it 's the debate over wearing masks , the racial unrest sweeping across the U.S. or the impending presidential election — everyone 's got an opinion and someone is always ready to give a hot take .
But if you 're from a small community , it can be hard to hide behind the anonymity of the Internet .
Everyone knows everyone .
It 's likely that you 're fairly connected to the person whose Facebook status you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up together and remained close with mutual friends , or your parents pass the peace every Sunday at church , or you work with someone in that person 's family .
Webster County , Ky. , is one of those places .
With a population of a little over 13,000 , the western Kentucky county is rural , working class , predominantly conservative and mostly white .
Generally , race is n't something spoken about openly .
I know this because I grew up there .
But as the reckoning over systemic racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents have taken to social media to express their views .
Jason S. Niupulusū , 40 , a construction worker , identifies as Samoan American and is part of Webster County 's small community of color .
Niupulusū posts frequently about his support of the Black Lives Matter movement and is a vocal critic of police brutality .
Every day , sometimes many times a day , he posts news stories , thoughts and comments about issues related to systemic racism to his Facebook feed .
Niupulusū 's posts attracted the attention of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is white and works as a plumber .
Niupulusū and Hobgood both grew up in Webster County and were in the same high school graduating class .
They 've remained acquaintances .
Hobgood has pushed back on Niupulusū 's Facebook posts , calling into question the motive behind George Floyd 's killing , the thought process behind the Black Lives Matter movement and the tearing-down of Confederate monuments .
I 'm a Facebook friend with Niupulusū , and a fellow brown person from the county , so the exchanges caught my eye .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ do often post on social media when incidents like what happened to Floyd occur , it seemed like this time was different : The conversation has been frequent and sustained .
`` I do n't support any group that promotes one race over another , '' Hobgood commented on a post by Niupulusū in late June .
`` The thought that anyone is owed anything other than individual respect is ludicrous .
Nobody is owed anything in life .
Especially based solely on their race . ''
`` You do n't understand the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` They 're not saying they 're better than any other race .
An til you quit with the all lives matter mindset .
You wo n't ever understand it . ''
As their Facebook exchanges have unfolded , it has become clear that the reckoning on racial justice taking place in big cities is also happening in smaller , more rural towns and communities like Webster County — a quiet place that prides itself on being friendly , helpful and welcoming .
But what would happen if , instead of escalating tension @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and tried talking to one another face to face on Zoom ?
Would a real-life discussion simply rehash territory that so often derails Facebook threads — or would it facilitate civility ?
When I asked Niupulusū and Hobgood to come out from behind their keyboards to talk frankly about race and navigating those conversions in a small community on Morning Edition , they agreed .
They had hopes for what Hobgood called a `` good faith '' discussion .
In an interview with NPR 's David Greene , they argued over race at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revealed the scope of their vast differences .
But then , a disclosure about deeply personal history led to a bit of unexpected common ground .
To hear their conversation , press the audio button above .
Lilly Quiroz produced the broadcast version of this story .

National Conversation About Race Brews In Rural Western Kentucky
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Hobgood, Jason Niupulusū Scott Hobgood, Jason Niupulusū
If you spend any time on social media, you know it can be a war of words out there. Whether it's the debate over wearing masks, the racial unrest sweeping across the U.S. or the impending presidential election — everyone's got an opinion and someone is always ready to give a hot take.
But if you're from a small community, it can be hard to hide behind the anonymity of the Internet. Everyone knows everyone. It's likely that you're fairly connected to the person whose Facebook status you just commented on — maybe you grew up together and remained close with mutual friends, or your parents pass the peace every Sunday at church, or you work with someone in that person's family.
Webster County, Ky., is one of those places. With a population of a little over 13,000, the western Kentucky county is rural, working class, predominantly conservative and mostly white. Generally, race isn't something spoken about openly. I know this because I grew up there.
But as the reckoning over systemic racism envelops the country, some Webster County residents have taken to social media to express their views.
toggle caption Ashley Westerman/NPR
Jason S. Niupulusū, 40, a construction worker, identifies as Samoan American and is part of Webster County's small community of color. Niupulusū posts frequently about his support of the Black Lives Matter movement and is a vocal critic of police brutality. Every day, sometimes many times a day, he posts news stories, thoughts and comments about issues related to systemic racism to his Facebook feed.
Niupulusū's posts attracted the attention of Scott Hobgood. Hobgood, 40, is white and works as a plumber. Niupulusū and Hobgood both grew up in Webster County and were in the same high school graduating class. They've remained acquaintances. Hobgood has pushed back on Niupulusū's Facebook posts, calling into question the motive behind George Floyd's killing, the thought process behind the Black Lives Matter movement and the tearing-down of Confederate monuments.
I'm a Facebook friend with Niupulusū, and a fellow brown person from the county, so the exchanges caught my eye. While people of color from the community do often post on social media when incidents like what happened to Floyd occur, it seemed like this time was different: The conversation has been frequent and sustained.
"I don't support any group that promotes one race over another," Hobgood commented on a post by Niupulusū in late June. "The thought that anyone is owed anything other than individual respect is ludicrous. Nobody is owed anything in life. Especially based solely on their race."
"You don't understand the movement then," Niupulusū replied. "They're not saying they're better than any other race. An til you quit with the all lives matter mindset. You won't ever understand it."
Facebook/Screenshot by NPR
As their Facebook exchanges have unfolded, it has become clear that the reckoning on racial justice taking place in big cities is also happening in smaller, more rural towns and communities like Webster County — a quiet place that prides itself on being friendly, helpful and welcoming.
But what would happen if, instead of escalating tension online, the two actually sat down and tried talking to one another face to face on Zoom? Would a real-life discussion simply rehash territory that so often derails Facebook threads — or would it facilitate civility?
When I asked Niupulusū and Hobgood to come out from behind their keyboards to talk frankly about race and navigating those conversions in a small community on Morning Edition, they agreed. They had hopes for what Hobgood called a "good faith" discussion.
In an interview with NPR's David Greene, they argued over race at first, and predictably, the clash revealed the scope of their vast differences. But then, a disclosure about deeply personal history led to a bit of unexpected common ground.
To hear their conversation, press the audio button above.
Lilly Quiroz produced the broadcast version of this story.


npr--2020-07-31--Fueled By Suburbs, Democrats Are Poised For Gains In Key States, Analysis Finds

Fueled By Suburbs , Democrats Are Poised For Gains In Key States , Analysis Finds A new report from the centrist Democratic group Third Way , and shared first with NPR , finds that Democrats are on track to win the suburbs in five of six key states they lost in the 2016 presidential election .
The analysis — which is based on voter-file data from the progressive-aligned firm Catalist , and models that measure the likelihood of people to vote Democratic or Republican — finds : Democrats are in position to win majorities in the Michigan and Pennsylvania suburbs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ win both states .
Democrats should get close or just reach a majority in the Florida , North Carolina , and Wisconsin suburbs , which would put them in a dead heat with Republicans in these states .
And Democrats are on target to win a majority in Arizona 's suburbs , but preliminary estimates still show Republicans with a slim advantage statewide .
But additional analysis is needed for Arizona .
In other words , based on this analysis and Democrats ' current polling strength in the suburbs , they are on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and are on the precipice of doing so in Florida , North Carolina and Wisconsin .
If in this fall 's election , Joe Biden , the presumptive Democratic nominee , were to win Michigan and Pennsylvania and hold all of the states Hillary Clinton won in 2016 against President Trump , Biden would be at 268 electoral votes .
That 's just two electoral votes short of the majority needed to be president , meaning Biden would need just one more state to cross the 270 threshold .
Either way , this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Democrats up and down the ballot in key states .
The findings establish the kind of baseline that Democratic campaigns would use to measure which voters are most likely to turn out for them or their opponent , or are persuadable .
This analysis is not a poll and is not tied to a specific candidate .
In some states , Trump is doing worse in surveys than this baseline measure shows .
In Arizona , for example , the analysis shows Democrats at 48 % .
Biden is averaging around that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is 8 points below what a Republican might get statewide .
That is likely because of external factors , according to Ryan Pougiales , a senior political analyst with the group and who wrote the report .
Trump 's handling of the coronavirus and race relations , for example , have weighed him down in recent months , and in some places there may be a significant percentage of Republicans who would be willing to vote for a GOP presidential candidate — but are n't comfortable with Trump .
Overall , Third @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states by a combined 455,204 votes .
She lost suburban counties in those same states by 560,412 , more than accounting for the margins in those states .
Biden has been polling ahead of Trump by historic margins in the suburbs , and that will be necessary for him to win , Pougiales writes .
`` A theme across the battlegrounds is that Democrats ' potential gains are concentrated in smaller , red-to-purple suburban counties rather than bigger ones that are already reliably blue , '' he notes .
`` But Democrats will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suburbs to win .
Beating Trump this year wo n't be easy , Democrats have to hit their marks across the map , but it begins and ends with winning America 's suburbs . ''

Fueled By Suburbs, Democrats Are Poised For Gains In Key States, Analysis Finds
Enlarge this image toggle caption Elaine Cromie/Getty Images Elaine Cromie/Getty Images
A new report from the centrist Democratic group Third Way, shared first with NPR, finds that Democrats are on track to win the suburbs in five of six key states they lost in the 2016 presidential election.
The analysis is based on voter-file data from the progressive-aligned firm Catalist and models that measure the likelihood of people to vote Democratic or Republican. It finds the following:
Democrats are in position to win majorities in the Michigan and Pennsylvania suburbs, which would set them up to win both states. Democrats should get close or just reach a majority in the Florida, North Carolina, and Wisconsin suburbs, which would put them in a dead heat with Republicans in these states. And Democrats are on target to win a majority in Arizona's suburbs, but preliminary estimates still show Republicans with a slim advantage statewide. But additional analysis is needed for Arizona.
In other words, based on this analysis and Democrats' current polling strength in the suburbs, they are on track to win Michigan and Pennsylvania and are on the precipice of doing so in Florida, North Carolina and Wisconsin.
If in this fall's election, Joe Biden (the presumptive Democratic nominee) were to win Michigan and Pennsylvania and hold all of the states Hillary Clinton won in 2016 against President Trump, Biden would be at 268 electoral votes. That's just two electoral votes short of the majority needed to be president, meaning Biden would need just one more state to cross the 270 threshold.
Either way, this measure finds the water level has risen for Democrats up and down the ballot in key states. The findings establish the kind of baseline that Democratic campaigns would use to measure which voters are most likely to turn out for them or their opponent, or are persuadable.
This analysis is not a poll and is not tied to a specific candidate. In some states, Trump is doing worse in surveys than this baseline measure shows.
In Arizona, for example, the analysis shows Democrats at 48%. Biden is averaging around that or slightly higher in polls, but Trump is 8 points below what a Republican might get statewide.
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That is likely because of external factors, according to Ryan Pougiales, who wrote the report and is a senior political analyst with the group. Trump's handling of the coronavirus and race relations, for example, have weighed him down in recent months, and in some places there may be a significant percentage of Republicans who would be willing to vote for a GOP presidential candidate — but aren't comfortable with Trump.
Overall, Third Way notes that Clinton lost these six states by a combined 455,204 votes. She lost suburban counties in those same states by 560,412, more than accounting for the margins in those states.
Biden has been polling ahead of Trump by historic margins in the suburbs, and that will be necessary for him to win, Pougiales writes.
"A theme across the battlegrounds is that Democrats' potential gains are concentrated in smaller, red-to-purple suburban counties rather than bigger ones that are already reliably blue," he notes. "But Democrats will have to deliver big numbers across the suburbs to win. Beating Trump this year won't be easy, Democrats have to hit their marks across the map, but it begins and ends with winning America's suburbs."


npr--2020-07-31--MLB Commemorates The 100th Anniversary Of The Negro Leagues

MLB Commemorates The 100th Anniversary Of The Negro Leagues As protests over racial injustice in the U.S. continue , Major League Baseball is honoring an institution created 100 years ago because of its own racist past .
The Negro Leagues showcased Black baseball players when they were banned from the big leagues .
MLB had to reschedule a celebration of the leagues ' centennial originally set for June because of the COVID-19 pandemic .
The number of Negro Leaguers left to celebrate is dwindling .
The Negro Leagues Baseball Museum in Kansas City , Mo.
, estimates there are about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Leagues began in 1920 when owners of independent Black baseball teams from the Midwest created the Negro National League .
Today , Negro Leagues stars such as Josh Gibson , Buck Leonard and Satchel Paige are in the Baseball Hall of Fame .
But thousands of Black and Latino players endured bigotry throughout their careers .
Minnie Forbes owned the Detroit Stars from 1956 to 1958 .
She lives in Grand Rapids , Mich. , and is the last living Negro Leagues team owner .
`` The players , traveling , they had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so they slept in the buses .
And they could n't go in places to eat , '' Forbes said .
`` So , one person would go to the back door , and get food for all the players . ''
Pedro Sierra pitched for the Indianapolis Clowns and Detroit Stars in the 1950s .
He grew up in Cuba and it was tough to accept the level of racism in the U.S. '' I knew about it .
I heard about it .
But I had n't experienced it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in New Jersey .
After briefly playing in the Negro Leagues , Jackie Robinson broke baseball 's color barrier in 1947 with the Brooklyn Dodgers .
Others followed , but many elite Black players had already missed their shot .
The last of the leagues folded in the early 1960s .
At age 88 , Forbes worries about being one of the few left to tell the story .
`` I just wonder if I 'm worthy of representing and speaking about the Negro League because when I got involved , things was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ones before me , '' she said .
Forbes will keep sharing her stories .
Others will , too .
Major League Baseball has rescheduled its day to honor the leagues to Aug. 16 .
The Negro Leagues Baseball Museum has pushed back its celebration of the centennial to next year and renamed it `` Negro Leagues 101 . ''

MLB Commemorates The 100th Anniversary Of The Negro Leagues
Enlarge this image toggle caption Courtesy of Minnie Forbes Courtesy of Minnie Forbes
As protests over racial injustice in the U.S. continue, Major League Baseball is honoring an institution created 100 years ago because of its own racist past. The Negro Leagues showcased Black baseball players when they were banned from the big leagues.
MLB had to reschedule a celebration of the leagues' centennial originally set for June because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of Negro Leaguers left to celebrate is dwindling. The Negro Leagues Baseball Museum in Kansas City, Mo., estimates there are about 100 players still living.
The Negro Leagues began in 1920 when owners of independent Black baseball teams from the Midwest created the Negro National League.
Today, Negro Leagues stars such as Josh Gibson, Buck Leonard and Satchel Paige are in the Baseball Hall of Fame. But thousands of Black and Latino players endured bigotry throughout their careers.
Minnie Forbes owned the Detroit Stars from 1956 to 1958. She lives in Grand Rapids, Mich., and is the last living Negro Leagues team owner.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Doug Tribou /Michigan Radio Doug Tribou /Michigan Radio
"The players, traveling, they had nowhere to stay because of the discrimination, so they slept in the buses. And they couldn't go in places to eat," Forbes said. "So, one person would go to the back door, and get food for all the players."
Pedro Sierra pitched for the Indianapolis Clowns and Detroit Stars in the 1950s. He grew up in Cuba and it was tough to accept the level of racism in the U.S.
"I knew about it. I heard about it. But I hadn't experienced it," said Sierra, who now lives in New Jersey.
After briefly playing in the Negro Leagues, Jackie Robinson broke baseball's color barrier in 1947 with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Others followed, but many elite Black players had already missed their shot.
The last of the leagues folded in the early 1960s. At age 88, Forbes worries about being one of the few left to tell the story.
"I just wonder if I'm worthy of representing and speaking about the Negro League because when I got involved, things was easier for me than it was for the ones before me," she said.
Forbes will keep sharing her stories. Others will, too. Major League Baseball has rescheduled its day to honor the leagues to Aug. 16.
The Negro Leagues Baseball Museum has pushed back its celebration of the centennial to next year and renamed it "Negro Leagues 101."


npr--2020-07-31--COVID-19 Hospital Data System That Bypasses CDC Plagued By Delays, Inaccuracies

Earlier this month , when the Trump administration told hospitals to send crucial data about coronavirus cases and intensive care capacity to a new online system , it promised the change would be worth it .
The data would be more complete , transparent , and an improvement over the old platform run by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , administration officials said .
Instead , the public data hub created under the new system is updated erratically and is rife with inconsistencies and errors , data analysts say .
Lawmakers plan to grill members of the White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change , and what 's being done to ensure the data remains public and reliable , in a Friday morning hearing of the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus .
Several House subcommittees have already launched an investigation into to the data change .
The delays and problems with data on the availability of beds , ventilators and safety equipment could have profound consequences as infections and deaths soar throughout most of the country , public health experts say .
`` If the information is not accurate , it could cost time — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lee , formerly the chief science officer for public health surveillance at CDC , now at Virginia Tech .
For instance , knowing which hospitals have the capacity to take on new patients is critical , she explains .
`` If all the ICU beds are taken up , emergency medical personnel need to take [ new patients ] to the next town over or to the next county . ''
HHS is standing by its decision .
While some hospital associations and states have had `` difficulty , '' HHS has worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` are pleased with the progress we have made during this transition and the actionable data it is providing , '' a spokesperson wrote to NPR in a statement .
When infection numbers start to rise in a state , public health officials and residents worry about whether there are enough hospital beds for seriously ill patients .
An area 's hospital capacity is an estimate , fed by the data that individual hospitals report .
Public health officials rely on the estimates to see if hospitals are at risk of being overwhelmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the federal government the total many beds they have , the number occupied and the availability of intensive care beds .
Under the new system , the Department of Health and Human Services aggregates the information at a state level , and shares a daily spreadsheet of the information that has been reported — gaps and all .
But the old CDC approach interpreted the data a step further .
CDC posted estimates derived from the data to show an approximation of the actual availability of ICU beds , accounting for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimates — promised on the HHS website — have not been updated in over a week .
By contrast , the CDC estimates was updated three times a week .
And while the data sent to CDC was vetted for accuracy before being posted publicly , the data sent to the new platform appears to be posted as it is received and contains multiple anomalies , analysts note .
Since the beginning of the pandemic , hospitals have been reporting bed capacity and other key data to CDC through its National Healthcare Safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interviewed by NPR described problems with this system .
They said it had been used by hospitals for 15 years to monitor the impact of other illnesses , and that staff are comfortable with it .
The established system was disrupted by a memo dated July 10 , issued to hospitals by HHS .
In the memo , HHS took the unusual step of instructing hospitals to stop reporting the capacity data to CDC , and to instead use a reporting platform developed recently by the private contractor , TeleTracking .
As NPR @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the contract was awarded to TeleTracking are unclear .
Hospitals got only a few days notice of the change and scrambled to adapt .
The sudden reporting switch to HHS , bypassing CDC , prompted an immediate outcry .
Public health groups objected to the change as unnecessary and burdensome for hospitals in the midst of a pandemic .
Open government organizations demanded that HHS rescind its guidance and return control of the data to CDC .
On Tuesday , 22 state attorneys general added to the chorus of those demanding that HHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistant secretary for public affairs , framed the switch at the time in a statement to NPR as a technology upgrade from `` the CDC 's old data gathering operation , '' which `` just can not keep up with this pandemic . ''
`` The new faster and complete data system is what our nation needs to defeat the coronavirus , '' Caputo wrote .
The promise of better data , unfulfilled The data now available to the public appears to be neither faster nor more complete .
When HHS took over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capacity data , it promised to update `` multiple times each day . ''
Later , the agency walked that back to say it would be updated daily .
Those daily updates have yet to materialize .
On Thursday , an HHS spokesperson told NPR via e-mail , `` We will be updating the site to make it clear that the estimates are only updated weekly . ''
The HHS Protect Public Data Hub , the public-facing website set up by HHS , offers three items as a `` Hospital Utilization Snapshot , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is over a week old .
• A `` Downloadable Dataset '' estimating how many hospital beds are occupied by state — last updated on July 21 .
• A table tallying the total number of hospital beds occupied across the country , which has not been updated since July 23 .
• A map showing the percent of hospital beds occupied by state , which has not been updated since July 23 .
Still , hospitals are required to report this data daily to TeleTracking , either directly or via their state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could affect the state 's access to remdesivir , one of the few drugs that 's shown promise in treating severe COVID-19 cases , according to the HHS guidance to hospitals and the American Hospital Association .
Ryan Panchadsaram , co-founder of the tracking website CovidExitStrategy.org , expressed frustration over the delays in a tweet : `` 2 weeks since the switch from @ HHSGov to @ CDCgov ... Daily updates never happened ... 29 states see increased hospitalizations & this critical indicator is still missing . ''
The only information about hospital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the HHS Protect site is the percentage of hospitals that have submitted data in the past seven days .
HHS 's Caputo wrote in a statement to NPR in mid-July that CDC 's voluntary reporting system `` provided data from only 85 percent of hospitals ; the President 's COVID response requires 100 percent to report . ''
The new data set does not show 100 % compliance .
According to the dataset posted on July 30 , 92 % of hospitals have reported some information to HHS in the past week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 100 % in eight states , including Nevada , Iowa , and Minnesota .
Asked about compliance , an HHS spokesperson told NPR Thursday , `` The consistency is improving , and we are proud of the progress that has been made . ''
But the higher level of compliance is not the whole picture , according to a CDC official familiar with the former reporting system .
The tallies do not include certain categories of hospitals , including rehabilitation or veterans ' hospitals , which have suffered COVID-19 outbreaks .
These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been included in the data reported by CDC , says the official , who spoke to NPR on background because they were not authorized to speak on the record .
`` It 's not unusual to split out categories of hospitals and only focus on the subset of acute care hospitals , '' says Thomas Tsai , an assistant professor of health policy and management at Harvard University .
Tsai pointed out that general hospitals care for the bulk of COVID-19 cases , and patients in alternate systems like military and veterans hospitals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ population .
Still , omitting these hospitals from the count means better compliance with the data mandate can be attained with fewer hospitals reporting .
`` These hospitals are not on our list of priority hospitals that we are seeking daily information from because they treat very few , if any , COVID-19 patients , '' an HHS spokesperson explained in response to questions about the omitted facilities .
After the data reporting switch , unusual numbers started cropping up in data that show how many hospital beds are filled in a given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some states , the bed occupancy rates soared , even though the number of hospitalized COVID-19 patients dropped or only increased modestly .
Take , for example , Arizona .
Under the old system , in data last collected by CDC on July 14 , an estimated 3,205 COVID-19 patients in Arizona occupied 24 % of the state 's inpatient hospital beds .
After the switch to the new HHS reporting system , an analogous dataset posted by HHS showed 82 fewer COVID-19 patients hospitalized , but the bed occupancy rate had jumped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how fewer patients could be occupying more hospital capacity .
There are similar anomalies in the data for other states , including Georgia and New Mexico .
In Colorado , the hospitalization data maintained by HHS conflicts with the state 's data posted to a daily dashboard .
As of July 30 , the state dashboard lists 341 patients hospitalized in Colorado with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 cases .
A dataset maintained by the HHS , updated on July 30 , lists 491 patients in Colorado .
`` There 's either a difference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's a difference in how we 're reporting , '' Dr. Stephen Cantrill , an emergency physician at Denver Health , a health care system in Colorado .
`` Is this a systemic issue or is this just a one state issue ? ''
Cantrill says he 's been hearing from colleagues of data inconsistencies in other states , too .
COVID-19 tracking websites that had relied on the data collected and reported by CDC have also found anomalies .
In a post , members of The COVID Tracking Project from The Atlantic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` highly erratic in recent weeks , '' and noted that data has been missing or incomplete from many states , including California , Texas , South Carolina , Idaho , Missouri and Wyoming , due to complications related to switching reporting systems .
An agency spokesperson acknowledged that some facilities have had trouble making that switch , suggesting that this is the cause of the data anomalies .
`` When HHS identifies errors in the data submissions , we work directly with the state or hospital association to quickly resolve them , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` The goal of full transparency is to acknowledge when we find discrepancies in the data and correct them . ''
The organizers of the tracking website COVID Exit Strategy initially found the data provided by HHS Protect to be unusable .
`` It had some states like Rhode Island having an inpatient bed utilization of above 100 % , '' says site co-founder Ryan Panchadsaram , `` And Rhode Island is a state where hospitalizations are quite low for COVID . ''
The site stopped pulling hospital capacity data from HHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporting on July 30 , using a dataset from HealthData.gov with a `` user beware '' warning that reads in part : `` For the time being , we recommend cross-checking these numbers with the ones reported on a state 's official website to get an accurate picture . ''
`` Everyone can see where the inconsistencies are , '' says Panchadsaram .
`` The public can see it .
The states can see it .
The federal government can see it . ''
`` We 're sort of stuck in this moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debugging and a lot of aligning of data is happening , '' he says .
He 's hoping , though , that the issues will be resolved soon .

COVID-19 Hospital Data System That Bypasses CDC Plagued By Delays, Inaccuracies
Enlarge this image toggle caption Spencer Platt/Getty Images Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Earlier this month, when the Trump administration told hospitals to send crucial data about coronavirus cases and intensive care capacity to a new online system, it promised the change would be worth it. The data would be more complete and transparent and an improvement over the old platform run by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, administration officials said.
Instead, the public data hub created under the new system is updated erratically and is rife with inconsistencies and errors, data analysts say.
Lawmakers planned to grill members of the White House Coronavirus Task Force about the reporting change and what is being done to ensure the data remains public and reliable, in a Friday morning hearing of the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus. Several House subcommittees have already launched an investigation into the data change.
The delays and problems with data on the availability of beds, ventilators and safety equipment could have profound consequences as infections and deaths soar throughout most of the country, public health experts say.
"If the information is not accurate, it could cost time — and lives," says Lisa M. Lee, formerly the chief science officer for public health surveillance at CDC. She is now at Virginia Tech. For instance, knowing which hospitals have the capacity to take on new patients is critical, she explains. "If all the ICU beds are taken up, emergency medical personnel need to take [new patients] to the next town over or to the next county."
The Department of Health and Human Services is standing by its decision. While some hospital associations and states have had "difficulty," HHS has worked to quickly resolve errors, and they "are pleased with the progress we have made during this transition and the actionable data it is providing," a spokesperson wrote to NPR in a statement.
Hospitals report to an untested contractor
When infection numbers start to rise in a state, public health officials and residents worry about whether there are enough hospital beds for seriously ill patients. An area's hospital capacity is an estimate, fed by the data that individual hospitals report. Public health officials rely on the estimates to see whether hospitals are at risk of being overwhelmed.
Hospitals are supposed to report daily to the federal government how many beds they have, the number occupied and the availability of intensive care beds. Under the new system, the Department of Health and Human Services aggregates the information at a state level and shares a daily spreadsheet of the information that has been reported — gaps and all.
But the old CDC approach interpreted the data a step further. CDC posted estimates derived from the data to show an approximation of the actual availability of ICU beds, accounting for the lags and gaps in reporting. These estimates — promised on the HHS website — have not been updated in over a week.
By contrast, the CDC estimates was updated three times a week. And while the data sent to CDC was vetted for accuracy before being posted publicly, the data sent to the new platform appears to be posted as it is received and contains multiple anomalies, analysts note.
Since the beginning of the pandemic, hospitals have been reporting bed capacity and other key data to CDC through its National Healthcare Safety Network COVID-19 module. No hospital staff interviewed by NPR described problems with this system. They said that it had been used by hospitals for 15 years to monitor the impact of other illnesses and that staff are comfortable with it.
The established system was disrupted by a memo dated July 10, issued to hospitals by HHS. In the memo, HHS took the unusual step of instructing hospitals to stop reporting the capacity data to CDC and to instead use a reporting platform developed recently by private contractor TeleTracking. As NPR has reported, the details of how the contract was awarded to TeleTracking are unclear.
Hospitals received only a few days notice of the change and scrambled to adapt.
The sudden reporting switch to HHS, bypassing CDC, prompted an immediate outcry. Public health groups objected to the change as unnecessary and burdensome for hospitals in the midst of a pandemic. Open government organizations demanded that HHS rescind its guidance and return control of the data to CDC. On Tuesday, 22 state attorneys general added to the chorus of those demanding that HHS reverse course.
Michael Caputo, HHS assistant secretary for public affairs, framed the switch at the time in a statement to NPR as a technology upgrade from "the CDC's old data gathering operation," which "just cannot keep up with this pandemic."
"The new faster and complete data system is what our nation needs to defeat the coronavirus," Caputo wrote.
The promise of better data, unfulfilled
The data now available to the public appears to be neither faster nor more complete.
When HHS took over the collection and reporting of this hospital capacity data, it promised to update "multiple times each day." Later, the agency walked that back to say it would be updated daily.
Those daily updates have yet to materialize. On Thursday, an HHS spokesperson told NPR via email, "We will be updating the site to make it clear that the estimates are only updated weekly."
The HHS Protect Public Data Hub, the public-facing website set up by HHS, offers three items as a "Hospital Utilization Snapshot," all of which have data that is over a week old.
A "Downloadable Dataset" estimating how many hospital beds are occupied by state — last updated on July 21.
A table tallying the total number of hospital beds occupied across the country, which has not been updated since July 23.
A map showing the percent of hospital beds occupied by state, which has not been updated since July 23.
Still, hospitals are required to report this data daily to TeleTracking, either directly or via their state health department. Failure to do so could affect the state's access to remdesivir, one of the few drugs that has shown promise in treating severe COVID-19 cases, according to the HHS guidance to hospitals and the American Hospital Association.
Ryan Panchadsaram, co-founder of the tracking website CovidExitStrategy.org, expressed frustration over the delays in a tweet: "2 weeks since the switch from @HHSGov to @CDCgov...Daily updates never happened... 29 states see increased hospitalizations & this critical indicator is still missing."
Moving the goal posts?
The only information about hospital capacity that appears to be updated regularly on the HHS Protect site is the percentage of hospitals that have submitted data in the past seven days.
HHS's Caputo wrote in a statement to NPR in mid-July that CDC's voluntary reporting system "provided data from only 85 percent of hospitals; the President's COVID response requires 100 percent to report."
The new dataset does not show 100% compliance. According to the dataset posted on July 30, 92% of hospitals have reported some information to HHS in the past week, ranging from 75% in Delaware to 100% in eight states, including Nevada, Iowa, and Minnesota.
Asked about compliance, an HHS spokesperson told NPR Thursday, "The consistency is improving, and we are proud of the progress that has been made."
But the higher level of compliance is not the whole picture, according to a CDC official familiar with the former reporting system. The tallies do not include certain categories of hospitals, including rehabilitation or veterans' hospitals, which have suffered COVID-19 outbreaks. These rehabilitation and veterans' hospitals had previously been included in the data reported by CDC, says the official, who spoke to NPR on background because they were not authorized to speak on the record.
"It's not unusual to split out categories of hospitals and only focus on the subset of acute care hospitals," says Thomas Tsai, an assistant professor of health policy and management at Harvard University. Tsai pointed out that general hospitals care for the bulk of COVID-19 cases, and patients in alternate systems like military and veterans hospitals access COVID-19 care differently than the broader population.
Still, omitting these hospitals from the count means better compliance with the data mandate can be attained with fewer hospitals reporting.
"These hospitals are not on our list of priority hospitals that we are seeking daily information from because they treat very few, if any, COVID-19 patients," an HHS spokesperson explained in response to questions about the omitted facilities.
Anomalies and inconsistencies
After the data reporting switch, unusual numbers started cropping up in data that show how many hospital beds are filled in a given state, data analysts say. In some states, the bed occupancy rates soared, even though the number of hospitalized COVID-19 patients dropped or only increased modestly.
Take, for example, Arizona. Under the old system, in data last collected by CDC on July 14, an estimated 3,205 COVID-19 patients in Arizona occupied 24% of the state's inpatient hospital beds. After the switch to the new HHS reporting system, an analogous dataset posted by HHS showed 82 fewer COVID-19 patients hospitalized, but the bed occupancy rate had jumped to 42%. It's unclear how fewer patients could be occupying more hospital capacity.
There are similar anomalies in the data for other states, including Georgia and New Mexico.
In Colorado, the hospitalization data maintained by HHS conflicts with the state's data posted to a daily dashboard. As of July 30, the state dashboard lists 341 patients hospitalized in Colorado with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 cases. A dataset maintained by the HHS, updated on July 30, lists 491 patients in Colorado.
"There's either a difference in how we're accounting or there's a difference in how we're reporting," Dr. Stephen Cantrill, an emergency physician at Denver Health, a health care system in Colorado. "Is this a systemic issue or is this just a one-state issue?"
Cantrill says he has been hearing about data inconsistencies from colleagues in other states.
COVID-19 tracking websites that had relied on the data collected and reported by CDC have also found anomalies. In a post, members of The COVID Tracking Project from The Atlantic describe the hospital capacity data as being "highly erratic in recent weeks," and noted that data has been missing or incomplete from many states, including California, Texas, South Carolina, Idaho, Missouri and Wyoming, because of complications related to switching reporting systems.
An agency spokesperson acknowledged that some facilities have had trouble making that switch, suggesting that this is the cause of the data anomalies. "When HHS identifies errors in the data submissions, we work directly with the state or hospital association to quickly resolve them," an agency spokesperson wrote to NPR. "The goal of full transparency is to acknowledge when we find discrepancies in the data and correct them."
The organizers of the tracking website COVID Exit Strategy initially found the data provided by HHS Protect to be unusable. "It had some states like Rhode Island having an inpatient bed utilization of above 100%," says site co-founder Ryan Panchadsaram. "And Rhode Island is a state where hospitalizations are quite low for COVID."
The site stopped pulling hospital capacity data from HHS Protect for several days but resumed the reporting on July 30, using a dataset from HealthData.gov with a "user beware" warning that reads in part: "For the time being, we recommend cross-checking these numbers with the ones reported on a state's official website to get an accurate picture."
"Everyone can see where the inconsistencies are," says Panchadsaram. "The public can see it. The states can see it. The federal government can see it."
"We're sort of stuck in this moment where it's like a lot of debugging and a lot of aligning of data is happening," he says. He's hoping, though, that the issues will be resolved soon.


npr--2020-07-31--Judge Releases Trove Of Sealed Records Related To Case Against Ghislaine Maxwell

Judge Releases Trove Of Sealed Records Related To Case Against Ghislaine Maxwell Updated at 8:30 a.m .
ET A federal judge has unsealed hundreds of pages of deposition transcripts and other documents related to a now-settled defamation suit brought against Ghislaine Maxwell , who is accused of helping the late Jeffrey Epstein run a sex trafficking operation that catered to rich and powerful men .
The 47 documents include a deposition given by Epstein accuser Virginia Roberts Giuffre , the draft of a memoir she was writing about her experiences inside the sex-trafficking ring , and previously unseen email exchanges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the documents remains sealed : Ghislaine Maxwell 's own deposition transcripts from 2016 .
U.S. District Judge Loretta Preska granted a stay on those records and a transcript from `` John Doe 1 '' until Monday , to give her legal team time to seek a stay in appellate court .
Maxwell , Epstein 's ex-girlfriend , was charged earlier this month on several counts related to sex trafficking of minors and perjury .
She has pleaded not guilty in that case .
The 2015 defamation suit was brought by Giuffre after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when she alleged Epstein and Maxwell had sexually abused and exploited her .
Some of the documents released late Thursday night are being seen publicly for the first time ; others have been released before , but now have different or no redactions .
In an excerpt of Giuffre 's deposition in May of 2016 , she says Maxwell and Epstein ordered her to have sex with men by telling her to give them a `` massage . ''
`` And when they say massage , they mean erotic , okay ? ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ That 's their code word . ''
The records include an email exchange in which Epstein protests his innocence and appears to provide Maxwell with a statement to the media or a set of talking points that she might use in defending herself against the allegations .
Maxwell had been the `` target of outright lies , innuendo , slander , defamation and salacious gossip and harassment , '' the email said , using language that pushed back against `` false allegations of impropriety and offensive behavior that I abhor and have never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few days later , responding to an email from Maxwell , Epstein wrote : `` You have done nothing wrong and I ( would ) urge you to start acting like it . ''
He urged her to `` go outside , head high , not as an ( escaping ) convict .
go to parties .
deal with it . ''
Judge Preska ordered the documents unsealed last week after Maxwell 's lawyer Laura Menninger made a last-minute appeal to keep them from going public , arguing that they could damage her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the case 's documents to be released last week , but she gave Menninger one week to file an emergency appeal with the Second Circuit Court of Appeals .
As she granted that delay , Preska also ordered both sides in the case to prepare for the records to be unsealed — including making any necessary redactions .
Even so , Preska criticized Maxwell 's defense team , saying the court was `` troubled—but not surprised—that Ms. Maxwell has yet again sought to muddy the waters as the clock ticks closer to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 1,200 court docket entries , but many important documents have never been exposed .
The case 's docket report described more than 50 records as `` SEALED DOCUMENT placed in vault . ''
Giuffre has said Epstein arranged for her to have sex with powerful men , including Britain 's Prince Andrew .
The abuse took place at Epstein 's many properties , she said , including in Florida , New York and on his private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands .
The prince has denied the allegation .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York have repeatedly said they would like to speak to Andrew , who is seen in a widely circulated photograph with his arm around Giuffre 's waist , with Maxwell smiling in the background .
Epstein 's social life also included ties with President Trump and former President Bill Clinton , who has distanced himself from Epstein .
Giuffre 's case against Maxwell was settled in 2017 , but Giuffre had insisted many of the records should be made public .
The Miami Herald and investigative reporter Julie K. Brown — whose work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — also sought the records ' release .
The two sides wrestled over a central argument : Giuffre said it would serve the public interest to open access to the records .
Maxwell claimed that to do so would unfairly harm people whose names appear in the documents .
And with Maxwell now facing criminal charges , her attorney , said releasing the records would jeopardize her client 's right to a fair trial .
As of today , many of those records are finally coming to light .
Maxwell , 58 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brooklyn , N.Y. '' Maxwell was among Epstein 's closest associates and helped him exploit girls who were as young as 14 years old , '' Audrey Strauss , acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York , said after Maxwell was arrested early this month .
Maxwell has denied allegations linking her to Epstein 's exploitation of girls and young women , including under sworn testimony .
But federal authorities now accuse her of committing perjury during depositions .
In legal records about Epstein , Giuffre was once known only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
But she decided to speak out publicly `` in hopes of helping others who had also suffered from sexual trafficking and abuse , '' according to her lawsuit against Maxwell .
Giuffre has said she fell under Maxwell and Epstein 's influence in 1999 , when she was 15 years old and working at Mar-a-Lago , the Palm Beach , Fla. , resort owned by Trump .
She says Maxwell recruited her to give Epstein a massage – and that years of sexual abuse followed , including instructions for Giuffre to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Epstein never faced a federal trial for the crimes he was accused of .
Roughly a month after his arrest on sex trafficking charges last summer , he died after being found unresponsive in his jail cell in Manhattan .
His death at age 66 was ruled a suicide .
Accusations against Epstein have long been obscured by legal maneuvers — such as a controversial non-prosecution agreement he reached in 2007 with federal prosecutors in Florida .
That plea deal with then-U.S. Attorney Alex Acosta exposed Epstein to state charges but prevented him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal sex crimes in southern Florida .
Under the deal , Epstein pleaded guilty in 2008 to two counts of solicitation of prostitution — one with a minor under the age of 18 — and was sentenced to 18 months in a county jail .
He was also required to register as a sex offender .
But the wealthy hedge fund manager was allowed to leave incarceration for work five days a week and was released five months early .
As part of the 2007 deal , Acosta agreed to a `` confidentiality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreed not to tell Epstein 's victims about the non-prosecution agreement until after it won a judge 's approval .
Last year , a federal judge ruled that the arrangement had violated the Crime Victims ' Rights Act .
Several women who have accused Epstein and Maxwell of serial sexual abuse nearly got a chance to tell their stories in court for the first time in late 2018 , as part of a separate defamation case .
But Epstein settled that dispute at the last minute , blocking the women 's bid to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's death , around 20 of his accusers got a chance to speak out against him in court , telling their stories before a judge ruled on prosecutors ' request to dismiss the case .
One of the women , Teala Davies , called it `` a day of power and strength . ''

Judge Releases Trove Of Sealed Records Related To Lawsuit Against Ghislaine Maxwell
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim James/AP Jim James/AP
Updated at 2 p.m. ET
A federal judge has unsealed hundreds of pages of deposition transcripts and other documents related to a now-settled defamation suit brought against Ghislaine Maxwell, who is accused of helping the late Jeffrey Epstein run a sex trafficking operation that catered to rich and powerful men.
The 47 documents include a deposition given by Epstein accuser Virginia Roberts Giuffre, the draft of a memoir she was writing about her experiences inside the sex-trafficking ring, and previously unseen email exchanges between Maxwell and Epstein.
A centerpiece of the documents remains sealed: Maxwell's own deposition transcripts from 2016. U.S. District Judge Loretta Preska granted a stay on those records and a transcript from "John Doe 1" until Monday to give Maxwell's defense team time to seek a stay in appellate court.
Maxwell, Epstein's ex-girlfriend, was charged earlier this month on several counts related to sex trafficking of minors and perjury. She has pleaded not guilty in that case. Giuffre brought the 2015 defamation suit after the British socialite accused her of lying when she alleged Epstein and Maxwell had sexually abused and exploited her.
Some of the documents released late Thursday night are being seen publicly for the first time; others have been released before but now have different or no redactions.
In an excerpt of Giuffre's deposition in May 2016, she said Maxwell and Epstein ordered her to have sex with men by telling her to give them a "massage."
"And when they say massage, they mean erotic, OK?" Giuffre said, adding later, "That's their code word."
At one point, the attorney questioning Giuffre ran down a list of prominent men with whom she said she was told to have sex.
"Other than Glenn Dubin, Stephen Kaufmann, Prince Andrew, Jean-Luc Brunel, Bill Richardson, another prince, the large hotel chain owner and Marvin Minsky, is there anyone else that Ghislaine Maxwell directed you to go have sex with?"
"I am definitely sure there is," Giuffre replied. "But can I remember everybody's name? No."
A similar list of names appeared last year in court documents unsealed in the federal case against Epstein on sex trafficking and conspiracy charges. Many of those men have denied the allegations against them. When NPR contacted Richardson, the former New Mexico governor, last year, a spokesperson said, "The charges are completely false."
In that same deposition, Giuffre also said she was sent to have sex with former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell, and that she first had sex with famous attorney Alan Dershowitz at Epstein's residence in New York. Last summer, both men denied meeting Giuffre.
The records also include an email exchange in which Epstein protests his innocence and appears to provide Maxwell with a statement to the media or a set of talking points that she might use in defending herself against the allegations.
Maxwell had been the "target of outright lies, innuendo, slander, defamation and salacious gossip and harassment," the email said, using language that pushed back against "false allegations of impropriety and offensive behavior that I abhor and have never ever been party to."
A few days later, responding to an email from Maxwell, Epstein wrote: "You have done nothing wrong and I (would) urge you to start acting like it." He urged her to "go outside, head high, not as an (escaping) convict. go to parties. deal with it."
Preska ordered the documents unsealed last week after Maxwell attorney Laura Menninger made a last-minute appeal to keep them from going public, arguing that they could damage her defense.
Preska ordered "many" of the case's documents to be released last week, but she gave Menninger one week to file an emergency appeal with the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. As she granted that delay, Preska also ordered both sides in the case to prepare for the records to be unsealed — including making any necessary redactions.
Even so, Preska criticized Maxwell's defense team, saying the court was "troubled — but not surprised — that Ms. Maxwell has yet again sought to muddy the waters as the clock ticks closer to midnight."
The defamation case generated more than 1,200 court docket entries, but many important documents have never been exposed. The case's docket report described more than 50 records as "SEALED DOCUMENT placed in vault."
Giuffre has said Epstein arranged for her to have sex with powerful men, including Britain's Prince Andrew. The alleged abuse took place at Epstein's many properties, she said, including in Florida, New York and on his private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands.
The prince has denied the allegations. In recent months, federal prosecutors in New York have repeatedly said they would like to speak to Andrew, who is seen in a widely circulated photograph with his arm around Giuffre's waist, with Maxwell smiling in the background. In her deposition, Giuffre said Epstein took the photo, using her camera.
Epstein's social life also included ties with President Trump and former President Bill Clinton, who has distanced himself from Epstein.
In one record from 2011, Giuffre said she had seen Clinton at Epstein's private island, adding that it was during a trip that included two young girls from New York.
"You know, I remember asking Jeffrey what's Bill Clinton doing here kind of thing, and he laughed it off and said well he owes me a favor," Giuffre told attorney Jack Scarola in a phone interview. "He never told me what favors they were. I never knew. I didn't know if he was serious. It was just a joke."
Clinton has denied visiting Epstein's island. And on Friday, his spokesman reiterated, "The story keeps changing, the facts don't. President Clinton has never been to the island."
Giuffre's case against Maxwell was settled in 2017, but Giuffre had insisted many of the records should be made public. The Miami Herald and investigative reporter Julie K. Brown — whose work has helped substantiate the accusations against Epstein — also sought the records' release.
The two sides wrestled over a central argument: Giuffre said it would serve the public interest to open access to the records. Maxwell said that to do so would unfairly harm people whose names appear in the documents. And with Maxwell now facing criminal charges, her attorney, said releasing the records would jeopardize her client's right to a fair trial.
As now, many of those records are finally coming to light.
Maxwell, 58, is currently in a federal jail in Brooklyn, N.Y.
"Maxwell was among Epstein's closest associates and helped him exploit girls who were as young as 14 years old," Audrey Strauss, acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, said after Maxwell was arrested this month.
Maxwell has denied allegations linking her to Epstein's exploitation of girls and young women, including under sworn testimony. But federal authorities now accuse her of committing perjury during depositions.
In legal records about Epstein, Giuffre was once known only as "Jane Doe No. 102." But she decided to speak out publicly "in hopes of helping others who had also suffered from sexual trafficking and abuse," according to her lawsuit against Maxwell.
Giuffre has said she fell under Maxwell and Epstein's influence when she was a teenager working at Mar-a-Lago, the Palm Beach, Fla., resort owned by Trump. At the time, her father was working in the maintenance division at the resort. She has previously said she met Maxwell in 1999, when she was 15; in her deposition, Giuffre cites employment records as showing she was 16 when they met, in 2000.
Giuffre said Maxwell recruited her to give Epstein a massage – and alleged that years of sexual abuse followed, including instructions for Giuffre to have sex with Epstein's friends.
Epstein never faced a federal trial over the crimes of which he was accused. Roughly a month after his arrest on sex trafficking charges last summer, he died after being found unresponsive in his jail cell in Manhattan. His death at age 66 was ruled a suicide.
Accusations against Epstein have long been obscured by legal maneuvers — such as a controversial nonprosecution agreement he reached in 2007 with federal prosecutors in Florida. That plea deal with then-U.S. Attorney Alex Acosta exposed Epstein to state charges but prevented him and any co-conspirators from being prosecuted for federal sex crimes in southern Florida.
Under the deal, Epstein pleaded guilty in 2008 to two counts of solicitation of prostitution — one with a minor under the age of 18 — and was sentenced to 18 months in a county jail. He was also required to register as a sex offender. But the wealthy hedge fund manager was allowed to leave incarceration for work five days a week and was released five months early.
As part of the 2007 deal, Acosta agreed to a "confidentiality" provision in which his office agreed not to tell Epstein's victims about the nonprosecution agreement until after it won a judge's approval. Last year, a federal judge ruled that the arrangement had violated the Crime Victims' Rights Act.
Several women who have accused Epstein and Maxwell of serial sexual abuse nearly got a chance to tell their stories in court for the first time in late 2018 as part of a separate defamation case. But Epstein settled that dispute at the last minute, blocking the women's bid to testify against him.
Weeks after Epstein's death, around 20 of his accusers got a chance to speak out against him in court, telling their stories before a judge ruled on prosecutors' request to dismiss the case. One of the women, Teala Davies, called it "a day of power and strength."
At times, Giuffre writes in the draft of her memoir that was released, being in Epstein and Maxwell's inner circle was like being in "this really perplexed family."
"We did everything together similar to normal families like eat dinner, watch TV, and travel," she says, "it was only the hedonistic and corrupt side to these two deviates that made them a peculiar pair."
The records show that in the early stages of Giuffre's discussions with attorneys about her experience, she had declined to identify men she says Epstein and Maxwell told her to have sex with.
"I just, some of these people are really influential in power, and I don't want to start another s***storm with a few of them," she told Scarola in 2011.
"I'm really scared of where this is gonna go," she added.


npr--2020-07-30--Ohio House Removes And Replaces Newly Indicted Larry Householder As Speaker

Hours after voting unanimously to remove Larry Householder as its speaker on Thursday , members of the Ohio House of Representatives elected state Rep. Bob Cupp to replace him .
Householder was arrested last week in connection with a $ 60 million racketeering conspiracy involving a 2019 nuclear power plant bailout bill that he helped pass , allegedly in exchange for payments .
On Thursday , a federal grand jury indicted Householder with conspiracy to commit racketeering , a charge punishable by up to 20 years in prison .
Member station WOSU reports that shortly afterward the indictment was announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House into session for a removal vote .
The motion passed 90-0 .
`` There is a responsibility that comes with holding such a title and leadership role , and I commend the House members for taking recent allegations seriously and moving quickly on this issue , '' Ohio Republican Party Chairman Jane Timken said in a statement .
`` Ohioans deserve representation that is not tainted by greed or deceit . ''
The Republican-controlled House did not vote on whether to expel Householder from the legislature , WOSU reports , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall .
House members reconvened later in the day to elect the new speaker .
Cupp was the only candidate up for the position after his remaining opponent , term-limited speaker pro tempore Jim Butler , withdrew his name from consideration .
The final tally was 55-38 .
House Minority Leader Emilia Strong Sykes said in a statement that every member of the Democratic Caucus voted against Cupp .
Cupp , who represents Lima , is a former four-term state senator and Ohio Supreme Court justice .
He is currently serving his third @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thursday 's vote , he was sworn in by Ohio Supreme Court Justice Judi French .
`` It is a great privilege to lead this chamber , '' Cupp said in an address to the chamber , according to WOSU .
`` Sorry it is in such difficult and trying and unprecedented times as this , however , but I pledge to do so honorably and fairly and humbly . ''

Ohio House Removes And Replaces Newly Indicted Larry Householder As Speaker
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jay LaPrete/AP Jay LaPrete/AP
Hours after voting unanimously to remove Larry Householder as its speaker on Thursday, members of the Ohio House of Representatives elected state Rep. Bob Cupp to replace him.
Householder was arrested last week in connection with a $60 million racketeering conspiracy involving a 2019 nuclear power plant bailout bill that he helped pass, allegedly in exchange for payments. On Thursday, a federal grand jury indicted Householder with conspiracy to commit racketeering, a charge punishable by up to 20 years in prison.
Member station WOSU reports that shortly afterward the indictment was announced, the speaker pro tempore called the House into session for a removal vote. The motion passed 90-0.
"There is a responsibility that comes with holding such a title and leadership role, and I commend the House members for taking recent allegations seriously and moving quickly on this issue," Ohio Republican Party Chairman Jane Timken said in a statement. "Ohioans deserve representation that is not tainted by greed or deceit."
The Republican-controlled House did not vote on whether to expel Householder from the legislature, WOSU reports, and he is running unopposed for reelection in the fall.
House members reconvened later in the day to elect the new speaker. Cupp was the only candidate up for the position after his remaining opponent, term-limited speaker pro tempore Jim Butler, withdrew his name from consideration.
The final tally was 55-38. House Minority Leader Emilia Strong Sykes said in a statement that every member of the Democratic Caucus voted against Cupp.
Cupp, who represents Lima, is a former four-term state senator and Ohio Supreme Court justice. He is currently serving his third term in the Ohio House.
After Thursday's vote, he was sworn in by Ohio Supreme Court Justice Judi French.
"It is a great privilege to lead this chamber," Cupp said in an address to the chamber, according to WOSU. "Sorry it is in such difficult and trying and unprecedented times as this, however, but I pledge to do so honorably and fairly and humbly."