npr--2020-08-31--John Thompson Jr., Legendary Georgetown Basketball Coach, Dies At 78

College basketball has lost a legend .
John Thompson Jr. , who turned Georgetown University 's men 's basketball team into a juggernaut and became the first Black coach to win a national men 's college basketball title , has died .
He was 78 .
Thompson 's family confirmed his death in a statement released by Georgetown University but did not provide additional details .
`` Our father was an inspiration to many and devoted his life to developing young people not simply on , but most importantly , off the basketball court , '' Thompson 's family said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historic shepherd of the sport , dedicated to the welfare of his community above all else . ''
The Hall of Famer led Georgetown 's team to 24 consecutive postseason appearances , while also maintaining a player graduation rate of 97 % .
When Thompson started coaching at Georgetown in 1972 , the team had won only three games the previous season .
His leadership culminated with a national championship win in 1984 .
`` Thanks For Saving My Life Coach , '' Allen Iverson , who played for Thompson and went on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a remembrance on Twitter .
`` I will always see your face in my mind , hoping that I made you proud . ''
In Iverson 's 2016 Hall of Fame induction speech , he became emotional as he credited Thompson for giving him a chance when no other school would .
Iverson was one of several players who went on to become NBA stars , including Patrick Ewing , Alonzo Mourning and Dikembe Mutombo .
In their statement , the Thompson family went on to say , `` We will cherish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and boldness , as well as his unfailing love .
We know that he will be deeply missed by many and our family appreciates your condolences and prayers .
But do n't worry about him , because as he always liked to say , ' ... . ''
Big Ace '' ' is cool . ''
Georgetown University said Thompson `` transformed Georgetown Basketball '' and that the school is a `` better University because of John 's leadership . ''
`` John will be remembered for many things — his historic achievements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocacy for social and racial justice — but perhaps most of all , for the authenticity through which he lived his life , '' the school said in a statement .
NBA Commissioner Adam Silver called Thompson a `` devoted mentor '' who inspired many `` by using his powerful voice to fight for social justice and speak out against racial inequality . ''
During Thompson 's time as coach , Georgetown Starter jackets `` became symbols of racial pride , '' according to the National Museum of African American History and Culture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as part of its collection .
Thompson was an `` outspoken champion of using universities to create educational opportunities for African Americans , '' which is part of the reason why `` this team became one in which African Americans across the country adopted , '' the museum said .
In 1989 , Thompson famously walked off the court to protest the NCAA 's decision to ban academically ineligible freshmen for receiving scholarships , which he believed unfairly targeted minority players .
`` I am perceived as a success by standards created by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of games ; I make a lot of money .
When I 'm 80 and look back , is that going to make me think of myself as a success ?
I do n't think so , '' he told The Washington Post in 1984 .
`` But if I change some things , even slightly — if I stand up on this platform I 've been given and say , 'No , this is wrong , ' then maybe I will feel good about myself .
I may not change anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to upset some people .
But I can live with that . ''
Thompson , who played two seasons for the Boston Celtics , had a successful career as a high school coach before he was tapped to lead Georgetown 's team .
He resigned as Georgetown 's head coach in 1999 .
Since Thompson left , the Hoya men have been coached by two of his former players — Craig Esherick and Patrick Ewing — and his son , John Thompson III .

John Thompson Jr., Legendary Georgetown Basketball Coach, Dies At 78
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mitchell Layton/Getty Images Mitchell Layton/Getty Images
Updated at 1 p.m. ET
College basketball has lost a legend. John Thompson Jr., who turned Georgetown University's men's basketball team into a juggernaut and became the first Black coach to win a national men's college basketball title, has died. He was 78.
Thompson's family confirmed his death in a statement released by Georgetown University but did not provide additional details.
"Our father was an inspiration to many and devoted his life to developing young people not simply on, but most importantly, off the basketball court," Thompson's family said. "He is revered as a historic shepherd of the sport, dedicated to the welfare of his community above all else."
The Hall of Famer led Georgetown's team to 24 consecutive postseason appearances, while also maintaining a player graduation rate of 97%.
When Thompson started coaching at Georgetown in 1972, the team had won only three games the previous season. His leadership culminated with a national championship win in 1984.
"Thanks For Saving My Life Coach," Allen Iverson, who played for Thompson and went on to become an NBA star, said in a remembrance on Twitter. "I will always see your face in my mind, hoping that I made you proud."
In Iverson's 2016 Hall of Fame induction speech, he became emotional as he credited Thompson for giving him a chance when no other school would.
Iverson was one of several players who went on to become NBA stars, including Patrick Ewing, Alonzo Mourning and Dikembe Mutombo.
In their statement, the Thompson family went on to say, "We will cherish forever his strength, courage, wisdom and boldness, as well as his unfailing love. We know that he will be deeply missed by many and our family appreciates your condolences and prayers. But don't worry about him, because as he always liked to say, '...."Big Ace" ' is cool."
Georgetown University said Thompson "transformed Georgetown Basketball" and that the school is a "better University because of John's leadership."
"John will be remembered for many things — his historic achievements, the lives he shaped, his advocacy for social and racial justice — but perhaps most of all, for the authenticity through which he lived his life," the school said in a statement.
NBA Commissioner Adam Silver called Thompson a "devoted mentor" who inspired many "by using his powerful voice to fight for social justice and speak out against racial inequality."
During Thompson's time as coach, Georgetown Starter jackets "became symbols of racial pride," according to the National Museum of African American History and Culture, which has one of these jackets as part of its collection.
Thompson was an "outspoken champion of using universities to create educational opportunities for African Americans," which is part of the reason why "this team became one in which African Americans across the country adopted," the museum said.
In 1989, Thompson famously walked off the court to protest the NCAA's decision to ban academically ineligible freshmen for receiving scholarships, which he believed unfairly targeted minority players.
"I am perceived as a success by standards created by white people. My team wins a lot of games; I make a lot of money. When I'm 80 and look back, is that going to make me think of myself as a success? I don't think so," he told The Washington Post in 1984.
"But if I change some things, even slightly — if I stand up on this platform I've been given and say, 'No, this is wrong,' then maybe I will feel good about myself. I may not change anything, and I know I'm going to upset some people. But I can live with that."
Thompson, who played two seasons for the Boston Celtics, had a successful career as a high school coach before he was tapped to lead Georgetown's team. He resigned as Georgetown's head coach in 1999.
Since Thompson left, the Hoya men have been coached by two of his former players — Craig Esherick and Patrick Ewing — and his son, John Thompson III.


npr--2020-08-31--Preventing College Parties? Shame And Blame Don't Work, But Beer Pong Outside Might

Preventing College Parties ?
Shame And Blame Do n't Work , But Beer Pong Outside Might As the fall semester gets underway , college students are reuniting with their friends , getting ( re ) acquainted with campus and doing what college students often do : partying .
But in the time of the coronavirus , as more parties surface university administrators have been quick to condemn — and even berate — the behavior of students .
`` Be better .
Be adults .
Think of someone other than yourself , '' pleaded a letter to students at Syracuse University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` We are terribly disappointed , '' leaders at the College of Holy Cross wrote to students before remote classes had even started .
`` This is the kind of reckless behavior that will put an end to our in-person semester , and it must stop , '' wrote the president of St. Olaf College , a small school in Minnesota after an off-campus party .
For many students , this scolding feels like a bait and switch : Did n't those university administrators , many of whom brought students back to campus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in some of that poor decision-making ?
Students at The Daily Tar Heel , the student newspaper at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill , shared their thoughts about this when we visited their newsroom a week after that university moved its semester online , citing coronavirus clusters seeded by student parties .
`` If the success of your plan relies on 18- to 24-year-olds being responsible , then maybe it 's not a very good plan , '' says Anna Pogarcic , a senior at UNC and the editor-in-chief of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dynamics of an 18-year-old versus this big university with its million-dollar endowment , you ca n't argue with that . ''
`` I will give students a smidgen of the blame , just a smidgen of it , '' says Brandon Standley , a senior and managing editor at The Daily Tar Heel .
`` I think that the university gets the most blame , because they brought back thousands of students . ''
`` No one should be surprised , '' says Maydha Devarajan , a junior at UNC who spent the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's plan to bring students to campus and hold in-person classes .
`` We 've known this would happen all summer . ''
According to a UNC survey from early summer , 28 % of undergrads said they were `` extremely or somewhat likely to go to parties or other large campus gatherings . ''
And colleges have been openly anticipating it .
In July , the dean of students at Tulane University sent an email to students about behavior .
In the third paragraph , in boldface and all caps it said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GATHERINGS WITH MORE THAN 15 PEOPLE , INCLUDING THE HOST .
IF YOU DO , YOU WILL FACE SUSPENSION OR EXPULSION FROM THE UNIVERSITY . ''
Fast-forward to late August , when many students returned to campus : Those parties and large gatherings happened , as expected .
Across the country , from Tuscaloosa to Iowa City , students socialized — indoors with lots of people without masks — helped in part by many campuses ' active Greek life .
`` It breaks my heart to see this , '' says Anna Song @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the University of California , Merced who studies decision-making by young adults .
`` It 's like asking people to go on a diet .
Putting them in a candy store and saying , good luck .
And then if they break that diet , we say , 'Why 'd you break the diet ?
And , you know , we 're going to punish you for it . '
`` Many college students still have developing brains , so it 's not that they are n't informed or that they do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they 're wired differently .
`` Peer networks and having connection with other people is absolutely critical in terms of development for young people , '' Song says .
`` There is a lot going on in the brain to reward those kinds of interactions . ''
Of course , not all students are partying .
Many are following the rules and encouraging others to do the same .
`` I 'm not the only person that 's frustrated , '' says Reagan Griffin Jr. , a sophomore at the University of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Los Angeles to be closer to campus , despite the fact all his classes are online .
He says he 's been hunkered down , even though many of his fellow Trojans have n't been .
USC reported an `` alarming increase '' in COVID-19 cases last week .
`` Clearly , other people have faulty priorities , '' he says .
The case increases are `` the fault of people who either do n't know or do n't care , and neither of those things are excusable . ''
Unlike other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus is highly contagious , so the actions of a few can affect an entire campus .
`` With this kind of virus , you ca n't have 60 % compliance and be like , 'Hey , we did a great job ! '
`` says Song .
`` You need to have near complete compliance for this to work . ''
She adds that university leaders must recognize what 's driving behavior among their students .
`` You ca n't deny that the pull for social interaction is incredibly strong for this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Song says .
`` So asking them to deny that is a Herculean challenge . ''
In June , she raised an important question about asking students to refrain from partying when they head back to college : `` Are we asking them to do something that is almost near impossible ? ''
Now , she thinks the answer to that question is yes .
`` I do believe it 's not fair to ask them to do this , '' she said this week .
With desperate pleas and social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some schools have turned to punitive measures .
At several campuses , including Syracuse University in New York and Purdue University in Indiana , students have been suspended for attending and hosting large gatherings .
In Chapel Hill , town officials charged students with misdemeanors in connection with off-campus parties at UNC .
At the University of Connecticut , students were kicked out of on-campus housing for hosting a party in their dorm room .
But will this harsher approach work ?
Public health experts are n't convinced .
`` We know shaming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does n't work , whether you 're talking about sexually transmitted diseases or you 're talking about drug use and drinking , '' explains Dr. Celine Gounder , an infectious disease physician and public health expert .
`` You never want to do something that will drive behavior underground and make it more risky . ''
Song agrees .
`` My first thought was I bet what some students will think is 'Well , then I just ca n't get caught , ' `` she says .
`` So it becomes a game @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from other students might be more successful than punitive messaging , since young adults value peer connection .
`` The best hope is that the students are vigilant with each other , '' she says , `` because it 's coming from a peer who 's saying , 'You are hurting me , you are hurting our community and as a member , as your peer , as a person in your social network , I am not standing for that . '
And I think that probably weighs more than everything else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behavior is providing alternative programming .
`` We have to figure out how to help students meet some of those socialization needs , but in a safe way , '' Song says .
Offering outdoor , socially distant activities , she says , will help schools `` fare way better than just to say , 'Hey , just do n't party . '
`` Figuring out what a social life looks like on a college campus is Connie Carson 's job at Furman University , a liberal arts college in Greenville , S.C. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ student life , she has leaned heavily on student organizations during the coronavirus pandemic .
`` They are the lifeblood of any campus , '' she says .
`` Students are so much more creative , honestly , than we are . ''
She points to a recent outdoor movie shown on the Furman campus , where students used hula hoops to enforce social distancing .
The school is working on ways to use outdoor venues to have `` appropriate gatherings '' such as trivia nights or dance parties to keep students on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tempted to head off-campus , to downtown Greenville .
This responsibility sits firmly on the shoulders of the college , not the students , says David Paltiel , a professor at Yale who studies public health policy .
`` As the university , you 've got the responsibility to provide students with imaginative , compassionate , realistic , low-risk options for staying socially connected , '' he says .
Administrators need to be upfront with students about the challenge they 're facing with enforcing student behavior , he says , and some infractions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If you have to turn a blind eye to a game of beer pong that is happening on the quad or in a driveway , that 's well worth it , '' says Paltiel .
`` What you 're trying to prevent is the superspreader event where 150 unmasked kids get way too close to each other in the basement of some frat house with no windows open .
That 's what you 're trying to prevent . ''
Paltiel is n't expecting administrators to actually know what 's cool ; that 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those involved with fraternities and sororities , is essential .
He suggests this script for administrators , who are being upfront with students : `` 'Here 's the money .
Here 's the party tent .
Here are the outdoor space heaters .
Here 's the pigs in a blanket .
Here 's the keg .
What I ca n't have you doing is having these things indoors , unmasked .
I ca n't have too many people in a single space . '
'' And remember , he says , what schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so a bit of empathy and compassion can go a long way .
It has n't been easy for many adults either .

Preventing College Parties? Shame And Blame Don't Work, But Beer Pong Outside Might
Enlarge this image toggle caption Elissa Nadworny/NPR Elissa Nadworny/NPR
As the fall semester gets underway, college students are reuniting with their friends, getting (re)acquainted with campus and doing what college students often do: partying. But in the time of the coronavirus, as more parties surface university administrators have been quick to condemn — and even berate — the behavior of students.
"Be better. Be adults. Think of someone other than yourself," pleaded a letter to students at Syracuse University following a large gathering on campus.
"We are terribly disappointed," leaders at the College of Holy Cross wrote to students before remote classes had even started.
"This is the kind of reckless behavior that will put an end to our in-person semester, and it must stop," wrote the president of St. Olaf College, a small school in Minnesota after an off-campus party.
For many students, this scolding feels like a bait and switch: Didn't those university administrators, many of whom brought students back to campus knowing full well the challenges, share in some of that poor decision-making?
Students at The Daily Tar Heel, the student newspaper at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, shared their thoughts about this when we visited their newsroom a week after that university moved its semester online, citing coronavirus clusters seeded by student parties.
"If the success of your plan relies on 18- to 24-year-olds being responsible, then maybe it's not a very good plan," says Anna Pogarcic, a senior at UNC and the editor-in-chief of the student newspaper. "The power dynamics of an 18-year-old versus this big university with its million-dollar endowment, you can't argue with that."
"I will give students a smidgen of the blame, just a smidgen of it," says Brandon Standley, a senior and managing editor at The Daily Tar Heel. "I think that the university gets the most blame, because they brought back thousands of students."
"No one should be surprised," says Maydha Devarajan, a junior at UNC who spent the summer editing stories that challenged the university's plan to bring students to campus and hold in-person classes. "We've known this would happen all summer."
According to a UNC survey from early summer, 28% of undergrads said they were "extremely or somewhat likely to go to parties or other large campus gatherings." And colleges have been openly anticipating it. In July, the dean of students at Tulane University sent an email to students about behavior. In the third paragraph, in boldface and all caps it said: "DO NOT HOST PARTIES OR GATHERINGS WITH MORE THAN 15 PEOPLE, INCLUDING THE HOST. IF YOU DO, YOU WILL FACE SUSPENSION OR EXPULSION FROM THE UNIVERSITY."
Fast-forward to late August, when many students returned to campus: Those parties and large gatherings happened, as expected. Across the country, from Tuscaloosa to Iowa City, students socialized — indoors with lots of people without masks — helped in part by many campuses' active Greek life.
"It breaks my heart to see this," says Anna Song, an assistant professor of health psychology at the University of California, Merced who studies decision-making by young adults. "It's like asking people to go on a diet. Putting them in a candy store and saying, good luck. And then if they break that diet, we say, 'Why'd you break the diet? And, you know, we're going to punish you for it.' "
Many college students still have developing brains, so it's not that they aren't informed or that they don't understand the risks — it's that they're wired differently. "Peer networks and having connection with other people is absolutely critical in terms of development for young people," Song says. "There is a lot going on in the brain to reward those kinds of interactions."
Of course, not all students are partying. Many are following the rules and encouraging others to do the same. "I'm not the only person that's frustrated," says Reagan Griffin Jr., a sophomore at the University of Southern California. He moved from Tennessee to Los Angeles to be closer to campus, despite the fact all his classes are online. He says he's been hunkered down, even though many of his fellow Trojans haven't been. USC reported an "alarming increase" in COVID-19 cases last week. "Clearly, other people have faulty priorities," he says. The case increases are "the fault of people who either don't know or don't care, and neither of those things are excusable."
Unlike other types of public health issues, the coronavirus is highly contagious, so the actions of a few can affect an entire campus. "With this kind of virus, you can't have 60% compliance and be like, 'Hey, we did a great job!' " says Song. "You need to have near complete compliance for this to work."
She adds that university leaders must recognize what's driving behavior among their students. "You can't deny that the pull for social interaction is incredibly strong for this group; it's formative for them," Song says. "So asking them to deny that is a Herculean challenge."
In June, she raised an important question about asking students to refrain from partying when they head back to college: "Are we asking them to do something that is almost near impossible?" Now, she thinks the answer to that question is yes. "I do believe it's not fair to ask them to do this," she said this week.
With desperate pleas and social contracts failing to curb these events, some schools have turned to punitive measures. At several campuses, including Syracuse University in New York and Purdue University in Indiana, students have been suspended for attending and hosting large gatherings. In Chapel Hill, town officials charged students with misdemeanors in connection with off-campus parties at UNC. At the University of Connecticut, students were kicked out of on-campus housing for hosting a party in their dorm room.
But will this harsher approach work? Public health experts aren't convinced.
"We know shaming and blaming people for public health interventions doesn't work, whether you're talking about sexually transmitted diseases or you're talking about drug use and drinking," explains Dr. Celine Gounder, an infectious disease physician and public health expert. "You never want to do something that will drive behavior underground and make it more risky."
Song agrees. "My first thought was I bet what some students will think is 'Well, then I just can't get caught,' " she says. "So it becomes a game."
She's hopeful that enforcement from other students might be more successful than punitive messaging, since young adults value peer connection.
"The best hope is that the students are vigilant with each other," she says, "because it's coming from a peer who's saying, 'You are hurting me, you are hurting our community and as a member, as your peer, as a person in your social network, I am not standing for that.' And I think that probably weighs more than everything else."
Alternative options
Another important aspect of regulating behavior is providing alternative programming. "We have to figure out how to help students meet some of those socialization needs, but in a safe way," Song says. Offering outdoor, socially distant activities, she says, will help schools "fare way better than just to say, 'Hey, just don't party.' "
Figuring out what a social life looks like on a college campus is Connie Carson's job at Furman University, a liberal arts college in Greenville, S.C. As the school's vice president for student life, she has leaned heavily on student organizations during the coronavirus pandemic.
"They are the lifeblood of any campus," she says. "Students are so much more creative, honestly, than we are." She points to a recent outdoor movie shown on the Furman campus, where students used hula hoops to enforce social distancing.
The school is working on ways to use outdoor venues to have "appropriate gatherings" such as trivia nights or dance parties to keep students on the grounds, rather than having them tempted to head off-campus, to downtown Greenville.
This responsibility sits firmly on the shoulders of the college, not the students, says David Paltiel, a professor at Yale who studies public health policy. "As the university, you've got the responsibility to provide students with imaginative, compassionate, realistic, low-risk options for staying socially connected," he says. Administrators need to be upfront with students about the challenge they're facing with enforcing student behavior, he says, and some infractions may be worse than others.
"If you have to turn a blind eye to a game of beer pong that is happening on the quad or in a driveway, that's well worth it," says Paltiel. "What you're trying to prevent is the superspreader event where 150 unmasked kids get way too close to each other in the basement of some frat house with no windows open. That's what you're trying to prevent."
Paltiel isn't expecting administrators to actually know what's cool; that's why he says involving students, especially those involved with fraternities and sororities, is essential. He suggests this script for administrators, who are being upfront with students: " 'Here's the money. Here's the party tent. Here are the outdoor space heaters. Here's the pigs in a blanket. Here's the keg. What I can't have you doing is having these things indoors, unmasked. I can't have too many people in a single space.'"
And remember, he says, what schools are asking students to do is hard, so a bit of empathy and compassion can go a long way. It hasn't been easy for many adults either.


npr--2020-09-01--Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

Coronavirus World Map : Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak Since the new coronavirus was first reported in Wuhan , China , in December , the infectious respiratory disease COVID-19 has spread rapidly within China and to neighboring countries and beyond .
The first confirmed coronavirus cases outside China occurred on Jan. 20 , in Japan , Thailand and South Korea .
On Jan. 21 , the first case in the U.S. was identified in Washington state .
On Jan. 24 , the first two European cases were confirmed in France .
By Feb. 1 , eight European nations had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month later that count had risen to 24 countries with at least 2,200 cases , most of them in Italy .
On March 11 , Italy eclipsed 10,000 cases and the World Health Organization declared the outbreak a pandemic — the first since H1N1 in 2009 .
That 's also when China , the original epicenter , began seeing drops in daily counts of new cases .
March also saw exponential spread of the virus throughout the U.S. , with all 50 states reporting cases by March 17 .
This particular virus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the third strain of coronavirus known to frequently cause severe symptoms in humans .
The other two strains cause Middle East respiratory syndrome and severe acute respiratory syndrome .
Click here to see the state-by-state breakdown of cases in the United States .
This story was originally published on March 30 , 2020 .

Coronavirus world map: We've now passed the 600 million mark for infections
Editor's note: This page is no longer being updated. The last update was Sept. 5, 2022. For current data about COVID-19 cases and deaths around the world, Johns Hopkins University and Our World in Data are useful resources.
In late January 2020 only a few dozen COVID-19 infections had been identified outside of China. A year later, the world tallied its first 100 million cases. It took the globe just 7 more months to pass the 200 million mark— then another 5 months to hit 300 million, according to researchers at Johns Hopkins University. Now the virus has spread to every corner of the globe and has been blamed for more than 6 million deaths.
The United States, India and Brazil in that order have had the most COVID cases and the three nations collectively account for almost half of all recorded infections so far in the pandemic.
Explore the chart below to find a country-by-country breakdown of new and total cases since January 2020.
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Explore how the number of coronavirus cases have shifted in different parts of the world over time. The first chart compares each continent to each other, while the next charts highlight the number of cases in select countries by region.
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This story was originally published on March 30, 2020.


npr--2020-09-01--Undocumented With COVID-19: Many Face A Long Recovery, Largely On Their Own

Undocumented With COVID-19 : Many Face A Long Recovery , Largely On Their Own In early August , José came home to the Chicago apartment he shares with his wife and five children .
He 'd just spent three months in the hospital after contracting the coronavirus .
`` We were all so happy , '' says his daughter Alondra , describing that day .
`` Everybody in the hospital was like : He was about to die .
There was no more hope for him ...
So now we 're like : Thank God , he 's still here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is from Mexico , is undocumented .
His children were all born in the United States and have U.S. citizenship .
NPR agreed to use just first names for him and his family .
And once he was home , it fell to his family , and especially José 's wife , to take care of him .
He came home on a portable ventilator and needed to use a feeding tube .
Latinos are more likely to deal with a more severe illness from COVID-19 — and when they 're undocumented , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get the medical care they need to address it .
It 's hard to track how many undocumented immigrants get COVID-19 .
But they are high risk , says David Hayes-Bautista , who directs the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA .
Not only do they often lack health insurance , many live in crowded homes with multiple generations of families .
And many work in jobs where exposure to the coronavirus is high — as aides in nursing homes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plants or , like José , in restaurants .
And , like many people with COVID-19 , José faces a long recovery .
There is growing evidence that a significant number of people — perhaps even hundreds of thousands of Americans — will experience long-term complications from COVID-19 .
Many of these people , sometimes referred to as `` long haulers '' , will need continued medical care , and that means the ability to recover could be even harder for the nation 's 10.5 to 12 million undocumented immigrants .
In late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — with a cough — he was afraid to go to the hospital .
He 'd heard that people with COVID-19 died in hospitals .
He was afraid too that , without insurance , his family would get a large bill for his care .
But then came shivers , fever and eventually so much pain that José could no longer avoid seeking medical care .
In the three months José was in the hospital , his family could n't visit .
The hospital , in line with hospital policies across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control the spread of the virus .
Instead , hospital staff helped José with video phone calls to his family .
From the perspective of his family , the doctors and nurses seemed pessimistic about his prognosis as he lingered on a ventilator .
`` We were about to lose hope , '' says his daughter Alondra , 24 .
`` We were praying and praying . ''
Then things changed .
José got better .
He moved from the ICU to the rehab wing .
`` Thank you very much to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the doctors , nurses and staff who cared for him .
`` For me : Kisses .
Besos for the people .
Thank you . ''
Now that he 's back home , José spends his days propped up on pillows in a hospital bed .
A bandage on his neck covers the spot where a surgeon cut a slit into his neck to insert a tube for the ventilator .
José came home initially still using a portable ventilator to help him sleep and breathe .
His wife , trained by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how to connect the tubes and other pieces to the machine and to adjust his mask so the air did not leak .
He stopped needing the ventilator after several days .
A feeding tube lies underneath his dark blue polo shirt .
His wife learned how to do the feedings , first checking that his stomach was empty and moving him into the proper sitting position — so there would be no dangerous reflux into his esophagus — and filling a syringe with the nutrients to send through that tube connected to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ check on him from time to time , Alondra says .
Some hospitals got money in the CARES Act to provide medical treatment to the uninsured .
But some hospitals say the rules are confusing and have had difficulty getting the funding , notes Hayes-Bautista , the UCLA professor who sits on the board of a hospital in East Los Angeles , the heart of the city 's Latino population .
When someone comes home from the hospital after COVID-19 , that 's an overlooked but dangerous time , says Aida Giachello , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northwestern University 's Feinberg School of Medicine .
`` Most of the research on COVID that is emerging is indicating a pretty high number of individuals are being released from the hospital with severe conditions , '' says Giachello , who studies health care disparities for Latino and Black patients .
`` They can not walk .
They can not talk .
The virus impacts the brain and all the major organs .
It 's going to take a long time to recuperate in totality , if they ever recuperate in totality .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ time , too .
He 's co-founder of the nonprofit Devices 4 the Disabled .
Along with a neighbor , Ed Kane , he started the nonprofit in 2015 to distribute durable medical equipment to people who could n't afford it .
`` We see them all week , every week , now , '' says Shea .
`` Where people are getting discharged with scarred lungs , damaged heart , complete loss of mobility , neurological issues .
They are still significantly limited .
And then it 's up to the family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Both men got into this work from personal experience : Shea had dealt with Guillain-Barre syndrome and spent seven months in a hospital .
Kane , who died in 2016 of ALS , discovered that even though he had private health insurance , it only covered $ 5,000 of a $ 30,000 wheelchair .
Now , many of the clients of Devices 4 the Disabled are undocumented immigrants in Chicago who do n't have health insurance .
Shea says the group gets calls to help from hospital social workers or from the families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In May , a hospital social worker called to alert him that the hospital was starting to release a wave of uninsured immigrants who 'd been treated for COVID-19 .
`` For José and his family , just to get discharged to a bed is putting them at huge risk for pneumonia , for pressure sores that can turn into sepsis , '' he says .
For José , Shea 's group donated equipment to help with that care — a wheelchair , a hospital bed , a shower chair and other medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollars , Shea notes , especially if you do n't have health insurance .
Or if you do n't have a job .
José is out of work.There is an advantage to living in his multi-generational family : José 's older children are working .
For now , they 're paying the rent .
And they 're buying his medicine .
He would like to go back to working in a restaurant , but his old job is gone .
Meantime , he 's got months and months — maybe longer — to @ @

Undocumented With COVID-19: Many Face A Long Recovery, Largely On Their Own
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eddie Quiñones for NPR Eddie Quiñones for NPR
In early August, José came home to the Chicago apartment he shares with his wife and five children. He'd just spent three months in the hospital after contracting the coronavirus.
"We were all so happy," says his daughter Alondra, describing that day. "Everybody in the hospital was like, he was about to die. There was no more hope for him. ... So now we're like, 'Thank God, he's still here with us.' "
José, who is from Mexico, is undocumented. His children were all born in the United States and have U.S. citizenship. NPR agreed to use just first names for him and his family.
Once José was home, it fell to his family, and especially José's wife, to take care of him. He came home on a portable ventilator and needed to use a feeding tube.
Latinos are more likely to deal with a more severe illness from COVID-19 — and when they're undocumented, they're less likely to be able to get the medical care they need to address it. It's hard to track how many undocumented immigrants get COVID-19. But they are high risk, says David Hayes-Bautista, who directs the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA. Not only do they often lack health insurance, many live in crowded homes with multiple generations of families. And many work in jobs where exposure to the coronavirus is high — as aides in nursing homes, as farmworkers or in meat-packing plants or, like José, in restaurants.
And, like many people with COVID-19, José faces a long recovery. There is growing evidence that a significant number of people — perhaps even hundreds of thousands of Americans — will experience long-term complications from COVID-19. Many of these people, sometimes referred to as "long haulers," will need continued medical care, and that means the ability to recover could be even harder for the nation's 10.5 million to 12 million undocumented immigrants.
In late April, when José started feeling sick — with a cough — he was afraid to go to the hospital. He'd heard that people with COVID-19 died in hospitals. He was also afraid that, without insurance, his family would get a large bill for his care.
Then came shivers, fever and eventually so much pain that José could no longer avoid seeking medical care.
In the three months José was in the hospital, his family couldn't visit. The hospital, in line with hospital policies across the country, had banned visitors to control the spread of the virus. Instead, the hospital staff helped José with video phone calls to his family.
From the perspective of his family, the doctors and nurses seemed pessimistic about his prognosis as he lingered on a ventilator. "We were about to lose hope," says his daughter Alondra, 24. "We were praying and praying."
Then things changed. José got better. He moved from the ICU to the rehab wing. "Thank you very much to the hospital," he says, praising the doctors, nurses and staff who cared for him. "For me, kisses. Besos for the people. Thank you."
Now that he's back home, José spends his days propped up on pillows in a hospital bed. A bandage on his neck covers the spot where a surgeon cut a slit into his neck to insert a tube for the ventilator.
José came home initially still using a portable ventilator to help him sleep and breathe. His wife, trained by the hospital, managed it. She learned how to connect the tubes and other pieces to the machine and to adjust his mask so the air did not leak. He stopped needing the ventilator after several days.
A feeding tube lies underneath his dark blue polo shirt. His wife learned how to do the feedings, first checking that his stomach was empty and moving him into the proper sitting position — so there would be no dangerous reflux into his esophagus — and filling a syringe with the nutrients to send through that tube connected to his stomach.
toggle caption Eddie Quiñones for NPR
Nurses come by and check on him from time to time, Alondra says. Some hospitals got money in the CARES Act to provide medical treatment to the uninsured. But some hospitals say the rules are confusing and have had difficulty getting the funding, notes Hayes-Bautista, the UCLA professor who sits on the board of a hospital in East Los Angeles, the heart of the city's Latino population.
When someone comes home from the hospital after COVID-19, that's an overlooked but dangerous time, says Aida Giachello, a research professor of preventive medicine at Northwestern University's Feinberg School of Medicine.
"Most of the research on COVID that is emerging is indicating a pretty high number of individuals are being released from the hospital with severe conditions," says Giachello, who studies health care disparities for Latino and Black patients.
"They cannot walk. They cannot talk. The virus impacts the brain and all the major organs. It's going to take a long time to recuperate in totality, if they ever recuperate in totality."
Bob Shea sees this all the time, too. He's co-founder of the nonprofit Devices 4 the Disabled. Along with a neighbor, Ed Kane, he started the nonprofit in 2015 to distribute durable medical equipment to people who couldn't afford it.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Juan Martinez/Devices 4 the Disabled Juan Martinez/Devices 4 the Disabled
"We see them all week, every week, now," says Shea. "Where people are getting discharged with scarred lungs, damaged heart, complete loss of mobility, neurological issues. They are still significantly limited. And then it's up to the family to somehow figure it out."
Both men got into this work from personal experience: Shea had dealt with Guillain-Barre syndrome and spent seven months in a hospital. Kane, who died in 2016 of ALS, discovered that even though he had private health insurance, it covered only $5,000 of a $30,000 wheelchair.
Now, many of the clients of Devices 4 the Disabled are undocumented immigrants in Chicago who don't have health insurance.
Shea says the group gets calls to help from hospital social workers or from the families of patients when they are discharged. In May, a hospital social worker called to alert him that the hospital was starting to release a wave of uninsured immigrants who'd been treated for COVID-19.
"For José and his family, just to get discharged to a bed is putting them at huge risk for pneumonia, for pressure sores that can turn into sepsis," he says.
For José, Shea's group donated equipment to help with that care — a wheelchair, a hospital bed, a shower chair and other medical equipment. Those can cost thousands of dollars, Shea notes, especially if you don't have health insurance.
Or if you don't have a job.
toggle caption Eddie Quiñones for NPR
José is out of work. There is an advantage to living in his multigenerational family: José's older children are working. For now, they're paying the rent. And they're buying his medicine. He would like to go back to working in a restaurant, but his old job is gone.
Meanwhile, he has months and months — maybe longer — to recover.


npr--2020-09-01--Republican Convention Shows Trump's 2nd-Term Agenda Looks Just Like His 1st

Republican Convention Shows Trump 's 2nd-Term Agenda Looks Just Like His 1st A central promise of last week 's Republican National Convention was a pledge that President Trump would use a second term to build on elements of his first term , with very few updates and changes .
The four days of convention programming showed a Republican Party whose policies are bound to Trump .
But GOP divisions over many of those policies prevented much of the 2016 Trump agenda from ever becoming law .
And that dynamic was in place well before the coronavirus pandemic changed politics .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that will bring our country together , '' Trump said on the final night of the convention in a speech that included sharp attacks on Joe Biden , the Democratic presidential nominee .
`` So tonight I say to all Americans , this is the most important election in the history of our country . ''
Republicans started their convention by readopting the same platform that propelled Trump to the White House in 2016 .
That platform included familiar goals of reforming immigration policy , building a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Affordable Care Act .
Longtime Trump backers like Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan say that 's what voters want .
`` The American people appreciate the fact that he 's done what he said , '' Jordan said in an interview .
`` You go down the list : cut taxes , reduce regulations , lowest unemployment in 50 years prior to the virus . ''
Aside from the tax cuts and the updated North American Free Trade Agreement , the majority of the policies Trump now touts were done through executive actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controlled Congress and the White House for Trump 's first two years in office .
During that time , the Republican Party was at an impasse on most major issues , like spending , immigration , infrastructure and health care .
But Jordan says a lot of those future plans would be made possible with the return of that full GOP control of the White House and both chambers of Congress .
`` I feel like he is going to win , '' Jordan said .
`` And then I think the real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the House ?
But the chances of the Republicans winning the House are slim .
And Trump 's convention speech — as well as the message from the four-day event — did not focus much on Congress , the House , the Senate , or the partnership needed to implement the broad agenda .
One area that Jordan and other Republicans want to tackle is cutting spending .
But budget experts say that 's a longtime GOP goal that candidate Trump embraced — and then largely ignored in office .
William Hoagland , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Policy Center and a longtime adviser to Republican leaders in the Senate , said the debt and deficit have ballooned under Trump .
`` It 's kind of perverse that they 've even adopted the 2016 platform as the basis for going forward , '' Hoagland said .
`` It is terribly inconsistent .
But more importantly , on the issues that I 'm concerned about from a fiscal perspective , it 's somewhat hypocritical . ''
The deficit grew from $ 585 billion in 2016 to nearly a trillion at the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Budget Office .
That spike is due in large part to policies that Trump enacted before the pandemic , like agreeing to spending increases in negotiations with Democrats and enacting the Republican-led tax cuts in 2017 .
And that was before the coronavirus devastated the economy .
Hoagland said he expects the U.S. may have a deficit as high as $ 4 trillion next year .
`` My sense here is that there 's a little bit of buyer 's remorse that 's starting to set in with some of the Republicans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would like them to get serious about how they 're going to address the increasing debt of this country . ''
But Republicans showed little political will to cut spending , even before the crisis .
When it came to spending priorities , Trump was often forced to negotiate with Democrats to marshal enough votes to keep the government funded and avert a shutdown .
Another promise Trump made during the convention is to continue a hard line on immigration .
Immigration advocates like Daniel Garza , executive director of the Koch network @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope for remaking immigration policy in a second Trump term .
`` The fixed position of the Republican Party is that they want immigration reform that comes with strong security , and the fixed position of the Democratic Party is that they want a clean DACA bill , '' Garza said .
`` I think there is room for negotiation .
But it 's going to take , I think , leadership . ''
Garza said he wants to see the two parties work together on legal immigration in a way that addresses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is n't through a sweeping immigration bill that has been proposed in the past .
But Republicans are deeply split on what that kind of reform should involve .
Bipartisan immigration talks have repeatedly crumbled in Washington , and a GOP-led effort , as well as various attempts by the White House to float new proposals , has failed to gain support from a majority of Republicans .
The issue has become more complicated in recent months as Trump has defied court orders to accept new applicants to the Deferred Action for Childhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many congressional Republicans are opposed to reopening that debate .
Former GOP Rep. Carlos Curbelo says if Trump is reelected , congressional Republicans must build their own policy goals .
`` If Donald Trump is in office , it becomes or it will remain more difficult to do that , '' Curbelo said in an interview .
`` Even with united government , when there was general agreement , it was difficult .
Now with divided Congress and this president , it 's pretty much almost impossible to advance major legislation . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost his Miami-area seat in 2018 .
He and Hoagland both say that some of the division within the Republican Party is the direct result of Trump 's influence and the departure , either by retirement or through electoral losses , of moderate Republicans interested in cutting deals .
The former Florida congressman says Republicans will have to change if they want to survive in an era after Trump .
That involves getting proactive about policies like immigration reform and climate change , which Curbelo says appeal to a younger , broader electorate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking .
`` If Republicans want to capture enough of those voters to be a majority party , they have to change , '' Curbelo said .
`` They have to grow .
They have to evolve . ''

Republican Convention Shows Trump's 2nd-Term Agenda Looks Just Like His 1st
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alex Brandon/AP Alex Brandon/AP
A central promise of last week's Republican National Convention was a pledge that President Trump would use a second term to build on elements of his first term, with very few updates and changes.
The four days of convention programming showed a Republican Party whose policies are bound to Trump. But GOP divisions over many of those policies prevented much of the 2016 Trump agenda from ever becoming law. And that dynamic was in place well before the coronavirus pandemic changed politics.
"This is the unifying national agenda that will bring our country together," Trump said on the final night of the convention in a speech that included sharp attacks on Joe Biden, the Democratic presidential nominee. "So tonight I say to all Americans, this is the most important election in the history of our country."
Republicans started their convention by readopting the same platform that propelled Trump to the White House in 2016. That platform included familiar goals of reforming immigration policy, building a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border, balancing the budget by 2026 and repealing the Affordable Care Act.
Longtime Trump backers like Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan say that's what voters want.
"The American people appreciate the fact that he's done what he said," Jordan said in an interview. "You go down the list: cut taxes, reduce regulations, lowest unemployment in 50 years prior to the virus."
Aside from the tax cuts and the updated North American Free Trade Agreement, the majority of the policies Trump now touts were done through executive actions, without agreement from Congress.
Republicans controlled Congress and the White House for Trump's first two years in office. During that time, the Republican Party was at an impasse on most major issues, like spending, immigration, infrastructure and health care.
But Jordan says a lot of those future plans would be made possible with the return of that full GOP control of the White House and both chambers of Congress.
"I feel like he is going to win," Jordan said. "And then I think the real question is, can we take back the House?
But the chances of the Republicans winning the House are slim. And Trump's convention speech — as well as the message from the four-day event — did not focus much on Congress, the House, the Senate or the partnership needed to implement the broad agenda.
One area that Jordan and other Republicans want to tackle is cutting spending.
But budget experts say that's a longtime GOP goal that candidate Trump embraced — and then largely ignored in office.
William Hoagland, a senior vice president at the Bipartisan Policy Center and a longtime adviser to Republican leaders in the Senate, said the debt and deficit have ballooned under Trump.
"It's kind of perverse that they've even adopted the 2016 platform as the basis for going forward," Hoagland said. "It is terribly inconsistent. But more importantly, on the issues that I'm concerned about from a fiscal perspective, it's somewhat hypocritical."
The deficit grew from $585 billion in 2016 to nearly a trillion at the end of 2019, according to the Congressional Budget Office. That spike is due in large part to policies that Trump enacted before the pandemic, like agreeing to spending increases in negotiations with Democrats and enacting the Republican-led tax cuts in 2017.
And that was before the coronavirus devastated the economy.
Hoagland said he expects the U.S. may have a deficit as high as $4 trillion next year.
"My sense here is that there's a little bit of buyer's remorse that's starting to set in with some of the Republicans," Hoagland said. "And I would like them to get serious about how they're going to address the increasing debt of this country."
But Republicans showed little political will to cut spending, even before the crisis. When it came to spending priorities, Trump was often forced to negotiate with Democrats to marshal enough votes to keep the government funded and avert a shutdown.
Another promise Trump made during the convention is to continue a hard line on immigration.
Immigration advocates like Daniel Garza, executive director of the Koch network group Libre Initiative, are holding out hope for remaking immigration policy in a second Trump term.
"The fixed position of the Republican Party is that they want immigration reform that comes with strong security, and the fixed position of the Democratic Party is that they want a clean DACA bill," Garza said. "I think there is room for negotiation. But it's going to take, I think, leadership."
Garza said he wants to see the two parties work together on legal immigration in a way that addresses the problem holistically — even if it isn't through a sweeping immigration bill that has been proposed in the past.
But Republicans are deeply split on what that kind of reform should involve. Bipartisan immigration talks have repeatedly crumbled in Washington, and a GOP-led effort, as well as various attempts by the White House to float new proposals, has failed to gain support from a majority of Republicans.
The issue has become more complicated in recent months as Trump has defied court orders to accept new applicants to the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA, and many congressional Republicans are opposed to reopening that debate.
Former GOP Rep. Carlos Curbelo says if Trump is reelected, congressional Republicans must build their own policy goals.
"If Donald Trump is in office, it becomes or it will remain more difficult to do that," Curbelo said in an interview. "Even with united government, when there was general agreement, it was difficult. Now with divided Congress and this president, it's pretty much almost impossible to advance major legislation."
Curbelo was a Trump critic before he lost his Miami-area seat in 2018. He and Hoagland both say that some of the division within the Republican Party is the direct result of Trump's influence and the departure, either by retirement or through electoral losses, of moderate Republicans interested in cutting deals.
The former Florida congressman says Republicans will have to change if they want to survive in an era after Trump. That involves getting proactive about policies like immigration reform and climate change, which Curbelo says appeal to a younger, broader electorate that may lean more libertarian in their thinking.
"If Republicans want to capture enough of those voters to be a majority party, they have to change," Curbelo said. "They have to grow. They have to evolve."


npr--2020-09-01--Kamala Harris: Walking The Line Between Lawmaker And Law Enforcement

Kamala Harris : Walking The Line Between Lawmaker And Law Enforcement Three months after becoming San Francisco 's district attorney in 2004 , Kamala Harris faced a trial by fire .
Harris had just won her first run for office by positioning herself slightly to the right of her liberal predecessor and by promising to run a more professional office as the city 's top prosecutor .
She pledged to tackle domestic violence and sex trafficking and stand up for those who had felt ignored .
And she had promised never to charge the death penalty — a promise that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 29-year-old police officer , Isaac Espinoza , was shot and killed by a gang member .
Nevertheless , Harris kept her promise , announcing before Espinoza 's funeral that her office would seek life without the possibility of parole .
At the time , Harris said she believed that the majority of San Franciscans wanted to see `` the most severe crimes be met with the most severe consequences '' and that in this liberal city , life without parole would likely be the most severe consequence a jury would hand down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gary Delagnes says the timing of Harris ' announcement alienated many in the San Francisco Police Department .
`` By having a press conference before the kid was even in the ground to announce that she was not seeking the death penalty , I mean , it was such a cold political move that , I mean , it just showed a complete lack of compassion , '' he said .
But while the timing of her announcement poisoned the young prosecutor 's relationship with the police union , even Delagnes acknowledged that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressive city where opposition to the death penalty is strong .
`` Obviously , no San Francisco jury was going to convict a 19-year-old African American man — they 're not going to give the death penalty to somebody in that situation , and I said that from the beginning , '' he said .
Harris ' office did get the conviction and sent Espinoza 's killer to prison for life , without the chance for parole .
Throughout her time in politics , Harris has found herself caught between two very different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement and progressive activists pushing for a more racially just legal system .
Harris is now the Democratic nominee for vice president and in recent years has been outspoken about the need for systemic change to policing and criminal justice in America .
But long before she was the second Black and first South Asian woman to serve in the U.S. Senate , when she became district attorney of San Francisco and then attorney general of California , she was considered an outsider by many in the world of law enforcement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Harris .
`` I recall many situations where people who had been in leadership within the DA 's office or within the police department seemed to struggle with her leadership , '' Mesloh recalled .
`` That first meeting with the District Attorneys Association of California , she was the only woman to walk in that room .
She was one of , I think , three people of color . ''
Mesloh said that throughout her career , Harris has had to absorb `` subtle and not-so-subtle messages that were sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'Who do you think you are ?
You need to know your place .
You know , you may have won an election , but there 's only one of you .
We outnumber you . '
`` Mesloh said Harris never let those messages intimidate her .
Suzy Loftus , who worked under Harris as both a deputy district attorney and assistant attorney general , said the conviction of the policeman 's killer was important to Harris — and consistent with her principles .
And , she said , Harris learned from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision quickly , announced it quickly and recognized later that there were so many people who were so deeply impacted in that moment and in grief and in pain .
And that loss was exacerbated by an announcement in the middle of it .
So I think she endeavored to learn from her mistakes , '' said Loftus .
That lesson ?
Do n't rush out to make an announcement — take into account the public 's pain and grief .
But , Loftus said , it did n't make Harris a different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think by function of being a prosecutor , you 're more careful , '' Loftus said .
Jim Stearns , who ran Harris ' first campaign , said that while the Espinosa decision soured some in law enforcement on Harris at the time , it also won over many voters , making her something of a political star in San Francisco .
`` I think what galvanized the city for her was this was the first time people could remember that a politician made a difficult promise , like , ' I will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and actually did it under the most incredible pressure , '' he said .
Stearns said there has been a tension throughout Harris ' career : between what 's expected of her as a member of law enforcement and what 's asked of her by progressive activists who see themselves in her .
`` Kamala has always wanted to have a seat at the table , '' he said .
`` So it would be a mistake to see Kamala or to expect from Kamala that she is ever going to stand outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of wholesale changes that people who stand out of the system want . ''
That tension would play out most dramatically when Harris took on her next job , as attorney general of the state of California .
`` Someone ... who 's been so vilified '' In 2010 , Harris won the narrowest of victories to become California 's first female and first Black attorney general .
It was a tough race .
Law enforcement unions had overwhelmingly backed Harris ' opponent , Los Angeles ' Republican district attorney , Steve Cooley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris as anti-police .
To build relationships with local prosecutors , sheriffs and police officers , the first thing Harris did when she became attorney general was to visit all 58 California counties .
Loftus , her longtime deputy , planned the tour .
`` It was incredibly effective , because I think there 's nothing like actually getting to talk to someone — especially who 's been so vilified , '' she said .
Four years later , when Harris ran for reelection , police groups largely supported her .
But she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ key constituency : progressive Democrats .
Deadly police shootings were in the news , and Democrats in the California State Legislature were pushing a bill to require independent investigations of deadly use of force .
Sacramento Assemblyman Kevin McCarty authored a 2015 bill to require the attorney general to take away investigations of police shootings from local district attorneys , who , he said , have an inherent conflict of interest .
`` You know , if you 're at a high school baseball game looking out there and seeing the umpire is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ players , are you going to trust that umpire to call balls and strikes fairly ?
The answer is no , '' said McCarty .
Harris opposed the bill , and it died .
She also declined to support another bill requiring police officers to wear body cameras , even though she was the first to mandate them at a state agency , the California Department of Justice .
Still , her opposition to statewide legislation did n't sit well with the California Legislative Black Caucus .
They saw her as on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Holly Mitchell , a Los Angeles Democrat and member of the Legislative Black Caucus , told the Los Angeles Times in 2016 that Harris ' `` absence is noticeable , '' adding that `` people are looking to her for guidance and direction . ''
It 's not surprising for an attorney general to face such pressure — and that 's especially true for one who is a Black female , said LaDoris Cordell , who was an independent police auditor in San Jose .
`` There 's this fine line .
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're also a prosecutor which is representing the people .
And oftentimes those two things are not compatible , '' she said .
Investigations of police shootings are in some ways a no-win situation , Cordell contends .
`` The feeling is that people are passing around this hot potato .
When these shootings happen , they 're very controversial .
The public is very aware .
There are protests , and it 's sort of like , you know , people just do n't really want to handle them , '' she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bill was n't based on fear of catching a hot potato , but rather concern about interfering with local prosecutors .
She knew firsthand how that felt : In 2004 , some San Francisco officials pushed the then-state attorney general to take the Espinosa murder case away from her office after she declined to seek the death penalty .
`` I think she fundamentally always believed it 's a local prosecutor 's job to do the right thing and not to punt , '' she said .
Now that she 's in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trail , Harris has been outspoken on policing issues , introducing legislation to ban chokeholds , racial profiling and no-knock warrants , as well as to make lynching a federal crime .
In her speech accepting the Democratic nomination , she called out systemic racism in America , naming two recent victims of police violence , George Floyd and Breonna Taylor .
Mesloh , Harris ' longtime adviser , said she 's not taking those positions now because she has changed her mind : The difference is that she 's now a lawmaker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Having worked with her for so long , these were conversations we would always have , '' Mesloh said .
`` She may have not been having them externally , but this is the Kamala that I have known and seen for 20 years . ''
Mesloh said that because of who Harris is — a Black , South Asian woman and the daughter of civil rights activists — she was often expected to align herself with liberals pushing for change from the outside .
But for most of her career , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change the system from the inside .

Kamala Harris: Walking The Line Between Lawmaker And Law Enforcement
Enlarge this image toggle caption George Nikitin/AP George Nikitin/AP
Three months after becoming San Francisco's district attorney in 2004, Kamala Harris faced a trial by fire.
Harris had just won her first run for office by positioning herself slightly to the right of her liberal predecessor and by promising to run a more professional office as the city's top prosecutor. She pledged to tackle domestic violence and sex trafficking and stand up for those who had felt ignored.
And she had promised never to charge the death penalty — a promise that was put to the test when a 29-year-old police officer, Isaac Espinoza, was shot and killed by a gang member.
Nevertheless, Harris kept her promise, announcing before Espinoza's funeral that her office would seek life without the possibility of parole.
At the time, Harris said she believed that the majority of San Franciscans wanted to see "the most severe crimes be met with the most severe consequences" and that in this liberal city, life without parole would likely be the most severe consequence a jury would hand down.
Consider This from NPR What Would A Biden-Harris Administration Look Like? What Would A Biden-Harris Administration Look Like? Listen · 13:40 13:40
But former police officers' union president Gary Delagnes says the timing of Harris' announcement alienated many in the San Francisco Police Department.
"By having a press conference before the kid was even in the ground to announce that she was not seeking the death penalty, I mean, it was such a cold political move that, I mean, it just showed a complete lack of compassion," he said.
But while the timing of her announcement poisoned the young prosecutor's relationship with the police union, even Delagnes acknowledged that she made the right call in a progressive city where opposition to the death penalty is strong.
"Obviously, no San Francisco jury was going to convict a 19-year-old African American man — they're not going to give the death penalty to somebody in that situation, and I said that from the beginning," he said.
Harris' office did get the conviction and sent Espinoza's killer to prison for life, without the chance for parole.
Breaking boundaries
Throughout her time in politics, Harris has found herself caught between two very different groups that see themselves in her: law enforcement and progressive activists pushing for a more racially just legal system.
Harris is now the Democratic nominee for vice president and in recent years has been outspoken about the need for systemic change to policing and criminal justice in America.
But long before she was the second Black and first South Asian woman to serve in the U.S. Senate, when she became district attorney of San Francisco and then attorney general of California, she was considered an outsider by many in the world of law enforcement, says Debbie Mesloh, a longtime adviser to Harris.
"I recall many situations where people who had been in leadership within the DA's office or within the police department seemed to struggle with her leadership," Mesloh recalled. "That first meeting with the District Attorneys Association of California, she was the only woman to walk in that room. She was one of, I think, three people of color."
Mesloh said that throughout her career, Harris has had to absorb "subtle and not-so-subtle messages that were sent to her of, you know, 'Who do you think you are? You need to know your place. You know, you may have won an election, but there's only one of you. We outnumber you.' "
Mesloh said Harris never let those messages intimidate her.
Wanting a seat at the table
Suzy Loftus, who worked under Harris as both a deputy district attorney and assistant attorney general, said the conviction of the policeman's killer was important to Harris — and consistent with her principles. And, she said, Harris learned from the case.
"She made the decision quickly, announced it quickly and recognized later that there were so many people who were so deeply impacted in that moment and in grief and in pain. And that loss was exacerbated by an announcement in the middle of it. So I think she endeavored to learn from her mistakes," said Loftus.
That lesson? Don't rush out to make an announcement — take into account the public's pain and grief. But, Loftus said, it didn't make Harris a different or more cautious politician.
"I think by function of being a prosecutor, you're more careful," Loftus said.
Jim Stearns, who ran Harris' first campaign, said that while the Espinoza decision soured some in law enforcement on Harris at the time, it also won over many voters, making her something of a political star in San Francisco.
"I think what galvanized the city for her was this was the first time people could remember that a politician made a difficult promise, like, 'I will never enforce the death penalty,' and actually did it under the most incredible pressure," he said.
Stearns said there has been a tension throughout Harris' career: between what's expected of her as a member of law enforcement and what's asked of her by progressive activists who see themselves in her.
"Kamala has always wanted to have a seat at the table," he said. "So it would be a mistake to see Kamala or to expect from Kamala that she is ever going to stand outside of the system and demand the kind of wholesale changes that people who stand out of the system want."
That tension would play out most dramatically when Harris took on her next job, as attorney general of the state of California.
"Someone ... who's been so vilified"
In 2010, Harris won the narrowest of victories to become California's first female and first Black attorney general.
It was a tough race. Law enforcement unions had overwhelmingly backed Harris' opponent, Los Angeles' Republican district attorney, Steve Cooley, who used those endorsements to paint Harris as anti-police.
To build relationships with local prosecutors, sheriffs and police officers, the first thing Harris did when she became attorney general was to visit all 58 California counties. Loftus, her longtime deputy, planned the tour.
"It was incredibly effective, because I think there's nothing like actually getting to talk to someone — especially who's been so vilified," she said.
Four years later, when Harris ran for reelection, police groups largely supported her. But she soon found herself at odds with another key constituency: progressive Democrats.
Elections What Makes Kamala Harris' Candidacy Different From Past Female VP Nominees What Makes Kamala Harris' Candidacy Different From Past Female VP Nominees Listen · 3:50 3:50
Deadly police shootings were in the news, and Democrats in the California State Legislature were pushing a bill to require independent investigations of deadly use of force.
Sacramento Assemblyman Kevin McCarty authored a 2015 bill to require the attorney general to take away investigations of police shootings from local district attorneys, who, he said, have an inherent conflict of interest.
"You know, if you're at a high school baseball game looking out there and seeing the umpire is the uncle of one of the star players, are you going to trust that umpire to call balls and strikes fairly? The answer is no," said McCarty.
Harris opposed the bill, and it died. She also declined to support another bill requiring police officers to wear body cameras, even though she was the first to mandate them at a state agency, the California Department of Justice.
Still, her opposition to statewide legislation didn't sit well with the California Legislative Black Caucus. They saw her as on the wrong side of the fight.
Sen. Holly Mitchell, a Los Angeles Democrat and member of the Legislative Black Caucus, told the Los Angeles Times in 2016 that Harris' "absence is noticeable," adding that "people are looking to her for guidance and direction."
Now a lawmaker, not a law enforcer
It's not surprising for an attorney general to face such pressure — and that's especially true for one who is a Black female, said LaDoris Cordell, who was an independent police auditor in San Jose.
"There's this fine line. You're the top cop, but you're also a prosecutor which is representing the people. And oftentimes those two things are not compatible," she said.
Investigations of police shootings are in some ways a no-win situation, Cordell contends.
"The feeling is that people are passing around this hot potato. When these shootings happen, they're very controversial. The public is very aware. There are protests, and it's sort of like, you know, people just don't really want to handle them," she said.
Harris said her opposition to the bill wasn't based on fear of catching a hot potato, but rather concern about interfering with local prosecutors.
She knew firsthand how that felt: In 2004, some San Francisco officials pushed the then-state attorney general to take the Espinoza murder case away from her office after she declined to seek the death penalty.
Loftus, Harris' longtime deputy, says that experience cut deeply.
"I think she fundamentally always believed it's a local prosecutor's job to do the right thing and not to punt," she said.
Now that she's in the Senate and on the presidential campaign trail, Harris has been outspoken on policing issues, introducing legislation to ban chokeholds, racial profiling and no-knock warrants, as well as to make lynching a federal crime. In her speech accepting the Democratic nomination, she called out systemic racism in America, naming two recent victims of police violence, George Floyd and Breonna Taylor.
Mesloh, Harris' longtime adviser, said she's not taking those positions now because she has changed her mind: The difference is that she's now a lawmaker, not a law enforcer.
"Having worked with her for so long, these were conversations we would always have," Mesloh said. "She may have not been having them externally, but this is the Kamala that I have known and seen for 20 years."
Mesloh said that because of who Harris is — a Black, South Asian woman and the daughter of civil rights activists — she was often expected to align herself with liberals pushing for change from the outside. But for most of her career, she has been a prosecutor, working to change the system from the inside.


npr--2020-09-01--Candidate Generation Gaps Highlight 2 Races To Watch In Massachusetts

Massachusetts voters cast ballots Tuesday in one of the last state primaries of the year .
While many voters will head to the polls in person , most people planning to cast ballots in the primaries have already voted , according to Massachusetts officials .
On Monday , Secretary of State William Galvin told reporters that hundreds of thousands of ballots had already been cast , either by mail or through early voting .
There are two key races to watch in Massachusetts , and both feature a younger Democratic challenger taking on an older incumbent .
Since 2018 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive reelection challenges from younger , more progressive opponents .
The Massachusetts Senate primary veers from that narrative , because Sen. Ed Markey , who 's 74 , is the candidate who 's garnered progressive support in his high-profile campaign against Rep. Joe Kennedy III , though the 39-year-old shares similar positions .
Markey has served in the Senate since 2013 and was a congressman for 37 years before that .
He co-authored the Green New Deal with New York progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , who supports his campaign .
Markey has also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Elizabeth Warren .
Kennedy , who also supports the Green New Deal , is the grandson of Robert F. Kennedy , and has served in Congress since 2013 .
In late August , he was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California .
Some Democrats , including former Massachusetts Rep. Barney Frank , criticize Kennedy for seeking a higher political position during the 2020 election season .
Frank told WBUR 's Anthony Brooks last year that Democrats should work to unseat Republicans , saying diverting resources from that effort is `` a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Markey 's record on racial justice .
Markey opposed court-ordered busing to desegregate Boston Public Schools in the 1970s and voted for the 1994 federal crime bill that 's blamed for contributing for mass incarceration .
Despite being the challenger , Kennedy entered the race as the perceived favorite .
But Markey now holds an 11-point lead , according to a polling average from Real Clear Politics .
Massachusetts has an all-Democratic congressional delegation , so it 's highly likely that the winner of the primary will go on win in the general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also competitive primaries to fill the House seat Kennedy is giving up . )
Progressives are hoping for an upset in Massachusetts ' 1st Congressional District as longtime Rep. Richard Neal faces a challenge from Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse .
Neal , 71 , is a leader in the House of Representatives , serving as chair of the Ways and Means Committee .
He has been in Congress for 32 years and has the endorsement of Pelosi as well as Massachusetts Gov .
Charlie Baker , who is a Republican .
Morse , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ native city at just 22 .
He has the support of Ocasio-Cortez , the climate group the Sunrise Movement and the Justice Democrats , a progressive political action committee .
Morse is campaigning on key progressive issues including Medicare for All and the Green New Deal .
One recent issue in this race : vague allegations of impropriety against Morse , who 's openly gay , which led to an investigation of him by the University of Massachusetts .
Additional revelations led Morse to say he 's been vindicated and , he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and volunteers .

Candidate Generation Gaps Highlight 2 Races To Watch In Massachusetts
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matthew J. Lee/The Boston Globe via AP/Pool Matthew J. Lee/The Boston Globe via AP/Pool
Update at 10:40 p.m. ET: Sen. Ed Markey has topped Rep. Joe Kennedy, while Rep. Richard Neal beat Alex Morse. Read more about Markey's win here.
Massachusetts voters are to cast ballots Tuesday in one of the last state primaries of the year.
While many voters will head to the polls in person, most people planning to cast ballots in the primaries have already voted, according to Massachusetts officials.
On Monday, Secretary of the Commonwealth William Galvin told reporters that hundreds of thousands of ballots had already been cast, either by mail or through early voting.
There are two key races to watch in Massachusetts, and both feature a younger Democratic challenger taking on an older incumbent.
Senate (Democratic) — Markey vs. Kennedy
Since 2018, several prominent longtime Democratic politicians have faced competitive reelection challenges from younger, more progressive opponents.
The Massachusetts Senate primary veers from that narrative, because Sen. Ed Markey, who's 74, is the candidate who has garnered progressive support in his high-profile campaign against Rep. Joe Kennedy III, though the 39-year-old shares similar positions.
Markey has served in the Senate since 2013 and was a congressman for 37 years before that. He co-authored the Green New Deal with New York progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who supports his campaign. Markey has also been endorsed by his colleague, Sen. Elizabeth Warren.
Kennedy, who also supports the Green New Deal, is the grandson of Robert F. Kennedy and has served in Congress since 2013. In late August, he was endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California.
Some Democrats, including former Massachusetts Rep. Barney Frank, criticize Kennedy for seeking a higher political position during the 2020 election season. Frank told WBUR's Anthony Brooks last year that Democrats should work to unseat Republicans, saying diverting resources from that effort is "a terrible mistake."
Kennedy has criticized Markey's record on racial justice. Markey opposed court-ordered busing to desegregate Boston Public Schools in the 1970s and voted for the 1994 federal crime bill that's blamed for contributing for mass incarceration.
Despite being the challenger, Kennedy entered the race as the perceived favorite. But Markey now holds an 11-point lead, according to a polling average from RealClearPolitics.
Massachusetts has an all-Democratic congressional delegation, so it's highly likely that the winner of the primary will go on win in the general election this November. (There are also competitive primaries to fill the House seat Kennedy is giving up.)
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1st Congressional District (Democratic) — Neal vs. Morse
Progressives are hoping for an upset in Massachusetts' 1st Congressional District as longtime Rep. Richard Neal faces a challenge from Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse.
Neal, 71, is a leader in the House of Representatives, serving as chair of the Ways and Means Committee. He has been in Congress for 32 years and has the endorsement of Pelosi as well as Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker, who is a Republican.
Morse, 31, was elected mayor of his native city at just 22. He has the support of Ocasio-Cortez, the climate group the Sunrise Movement and the Justice Democrats, a progressive political action committee. Morse is campaigning on key progressive issues including Medicare for All and the Green New Deal.
One recent issue in this race: vague allegations of impropriety against Morse, who's openly gay, which led to an investigation of him by the University of Massachusetts. Additional revelations led Morse to say he has been vindicated and, he says, have helped his campaign with donors and volunteers.


npr--2020-09-01--Remote Learning's Distractions Put Extra Pressure On Students With ADHD

COVID-19 forced Keriann Wilmot 's son to trade his classroom for a computer .
It was a tough transition for a 10-year-old with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder .
`` It was a different environment for him , '' Wilmot says .
`` He was n't used to this kind of work from school coming in the format of an email in his Chromebook every single day . ''
Her son would avoid math and writing and instead go straight to his favorite subjects : science and social studies .
But even then , online assignments could be a problem .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ opened it that was like a really pretty PDF that had lots of beautiful illustrations and fonts , '' Wilmot says .
`` And he would look at it and just get overwhelmed and shut the laptop and walk away . ''
Wilmot was much better prepared than most parents to help her son .
She 'd spent 20 years as an occupational therapist who specializes in helping children with ADHD and other learning disabilities .
Even so , working with her own child was tough .
`` It was a different environment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used to me asking him to do these activities , '' she says .
In the COVID-19 era , these are common experiences for parents of children with ADHD , says Haftan Eckholdt , a developmental psychologist and chief science officer at Understood , a nonprofit that serves people who learn and think differently .
`` Most parents have jobs or they 're looking for jobs , '' he says .
`` Most households do n't have a space that they can say , 'This is now your classroom — this is your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and nothing else will happen here . '
`` And a typical home is full of distractions , Eckholdt says .
`` There are siblings and pets and all kinds of things going on , including parents , '' he says .
`` So there are a lot of things that are novel and very challenging to kids with ADHD . ''
And there 's no teacher in the room to counteract those distractions .
`` When I was in grade school , the teacher might actually come stand near me , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way for me to realize , oh right , here I am , I 'm here . ''
Wilmot was able to provide a designated place for her son to do his schoolwork .
But keeping him on track was a challenge .
She would get up at 6 a.m. , open all her son 's assignments on his laptop , and come up with a plan for how and when he would get them done .
Then she 'd start her own full-time job , working online with other people 's children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at first , Wilmot did n't realize that her son was missing a critical part of school : recess and the physical activity that came with it .
At first , Wilmot asked her son to do his schoolwork before riding his bike .
It was a big mistake .
`` He was like , 'Mom , I need the bike ride at the beginning of my day , ' `` she says .
`` And he was absolutely right . ''
Schools provide breaks that allow kids to `` release some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Eckholdt says .
`` At home that has to become part of the schedule . ''
Despite the challenges , distance learning can work well for some students with ADHD , Eckholdt says .
`` There are certainly kids where not being around peers actually makes it easier for them to focus , and they feel like they have a lot more control and a lot less distraction , '' he says .
The different experiences with distance learning reflect the many variations of ADHD , says John Foxe , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the Ernest J. Del Monte Institute for Neuroscience .
Foxe says scientists are just beginning to understand how the brains of young people with ADHD are different from those of other kids .
But he says MRI scans show that children with ADHD do have something in common neurologically .
`` When we 're recording these youngsters doing tasks in the magnet , what we find is that there are very clear differences in the engagement of the attention circuits , '' he says .
Those differences often make it even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to overcome the urge to use the computer for fun , Foxe says .
`` A lot of kids with ADHD are spending a lot of time on screen time and video games at home at the moment but really struggling with the online lessons , '' he says .
`` And that of course makes perfect sense , too , because one of the things about that kind of content is it 's highly motivating . ''
It 's hard for a teacher to compete with the excitement and rewards of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the reason 's many students with ADHD will continue to struggle with distance learning , Foxe says .
For children with more severe learning and intellectual disabilities , though , online classes just do n't work , he says .
`` For those kids , sitting at home is a disaster , an absolute disaster , '' Foxe says .
`` We need to get them back to school .
But we have to do it safely . ''
Public health officials are still trying to figure out how to do @ @

Remote Learning's Distractions Put Extra Pressure On Students With ADHD
Enlarge this image toggle caption Imgorthand/Getty Images Imgorthand/Getty Images
COVID-19 forced Keriann Wilmot's son to trade his classroom for a computer. It was a tough transition for a 10-year-old with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder.
"It was a different environment for him," Wilmot says. "He wasn't used to this kind of work from school coming in the format of an email in his Chromebook every single day."
Her son would avoid math and writing and instead go straight to his favorite subjects: science and social studies. But even then, online assignments could be a problem.
"There might be something when he opened it that was like a really pretty PDF that had lots of beautiful illustrations and fonts," Wilmot says. "And he would look at it and just get overwhelmed and shut the laptop and walk away."
Wilmot was much better prepared than most parents to help her son. She'd spent 20 years as an occupational therapist who specializes in helping children with ADHD and other learning disabilities.
Even so, working with her own child was tough.
"It was a different environment for him, and he wasn't used to me asking him to do these activities," she says.
In the COVID-19 era, these are common experiences for parents of children with ADHD, says Haftan Eckholdt, a developmental psychologist and chief science officer at Understood, a nonprofit that serves people who learn and think differently.
"Most parents have jobs or they're looking for jobs," he says. "Most households don't have a space that they can say, 'This is now your classroom — this is your space, and you'll have this and nothing else will happen here.' "
And a typical home is full of distractions, Eckholdt says.
"There are siblings and pets and all kinds of things going on, including parents," he says. "So there are a lot of things that are novel and very challenging to kids with ADHD."
And there's no teacher in the room to counteract those distractions.
"When I was in grade school, the teacher might actually come stand near me," Eckholdt says. "That was a way for me to realize, oh right, here I am, I'm here."
Wilmot was able to provide a designated place for her son to do his schoolwork. But keeping him on track was a challenge.
She would get up at 6 a.m., open all her son's assignments on his laptop, and come up with a plan for how and when he would get them done. Then she'd start her own full-time job, working online with other people's children.
It was a lot. And at first, Wilmot didn't realize that her son was missing a critical part of school: recess and the physical activity that came with it.
At first, Wilmot asked her son to do his schoolwork before riding his bike. It was a big mistake.
"He was like, 'Mom, I need the bike ride at the beginning of my day,' " she says. "And he was absolutely right."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Keriann Wilmot Keriann Wilmot
Schools provide breaks that allow kids to "release some of the energy and bounce off the walls," Eckholdt says. "At home that has to become part of the schedule."
Despite the challenges, distance learning can work well for some students with ADHD, Eckholdt says.
"There are certainly kids where not being around peers actually makes it easier for them to focus, and they feel like they have a lot more control and a lot less distraction," he says.
The different experiences with distance learning reflect the many variations of ADHD, says John Foxe, a neuroscientist at the University of Rochester and director of the Ernest J. Del Monte Institute for Neuroscience.
Foxe says scientists are just beginning to understand how the brains of young people with ADHD are different from those of other kids. But he says MRI scans show that children with ADHD do have something in common neurologically.
"When we're recording these youngsters doing tasks in the magnet, what we find is that there are very clear differences in the engagement of the attention circuits," he says.
Those differences often make it even harder than it is for other children to overcome the urge to use the computer for fun, Foxe says.
"A lot of kids with ADHD are spending a lot of time on screen time and video games at home at the moment but really struggling with the online lessons," he says. "And that of course makes perfect sense, too, because one of the things about that kind of content is it's highly motivating."
It's hard for a teacher to compete with the excitement and rewards of a video game. And that's just one of the reason's many students with ADHD will continue to struggle with distance learning, Foxe says.
For children with more severe learning and intellectual disabilities, though, online classes just don't work, he says.
"For those kids, sitting at home is a disaster, an absolute disaster," Foxe says. "We need to get them back to school. But we have to do it safely."
Public health officials are still trying to figure out how to do that.