npr--2020-06-25--On The COVID-19 Campaign Trail, Montana's Gov. Steve Bullock May Be Getting A Boost

On The COVID-19 Campaign Trail , Montana 's Gov .
Steve Bullock May Be Getting A Boost At a free , mass testing site on Montana 's Flathead Reservation , hundreds of people are queued up in idling cars .
They 're waiting an hour or more for the irritating nose swab test for COVID-19 , but most like Francine Van Maanen are just grateful to finally get one .
`` We enjoyed the fact that they had this testing available to us so why not get checked , '' she says , while waiting in line with her husband @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swabs in plastic tubes while busily scribbling notes on clipboards .
This `` mass surveillance '' testing event was part of Gov .
Steve Bullock 's recent goal to do community surveillance testing of 60,000 Montanans a month — the state has yet to come close to hitting that .
`` This is big , this is overwhelming , '' Bullock told tribal and county health officials working the recent Flathead event .
`` Now let 's start talking about when we 're going to do it again . ''
Under Bullock 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus infection rate in the nation , and among its lowest hospitalizations and deaths .
Daily new case numbers have been going up for the last two weeks , but only by single or double digits .
The pandemic — and Bullock 's handling of it as the state 's top leader — is fast becoming a central issue in his campaign to unseat Republican Sen. Steve Daines .
The race is one of a few around the country that could decide which party controls the U.S. Senate next year .
It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most expensive in the nation , and likely the most expensive in Montana 's history .
Bullock , citing advice from local public health officials , implemented a statewide stay-at-home order and closed most schools down earlier than some neighboring states on March 28 .
Montana also began a phased reopening earlier than most , around the middle of last month .
By June 1 , citing the low number of cases , Bullock lifted a 14-day quarantine requirement for travelers , saying there is ample contact tracing now .
`` We may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` But we 'll also identify those positive cases before they start spreading . ''
On the Flathead , the one-time presidential candidate was in his element , wearing jeans and cowboy boots , his Ray-Bans shielding against the glare from the sun hitting the late season snow high on the Mission Mountains .
Bullock is termed out as governor after this year .
After months of insisting he would n't run for Senate , just before the filing deadline , he changed his mind in March .
Then a few days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think there 'll be a time for the campaigning side of that , '' he says .
`` But that has n't been where I 've really been putting the time . ''
But the pandemic is in the news every day , which so far has n't exactly hurt Bullock who until recently had been seen as the underdog .
`` He 's dominating the airwaves , you ca n't turn around without seeing a story about the governor , '' says Chris Mehl , the non-partisan mayor of Bozeman .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ city .
It 's swung blue lately , in part due to a wave of newcomers attracted by the area 's outdoor and recreation amenities and the increased ability to telecommute .
The university town near to ski resorts and Yellowstone National Park was also Montana 's initial hotspot for cases .
`` It 's in a sense become what he 's tied to , '' Mehl says .
`` The issue for him is the competency of handling the pandemic , both on a health side but also on an economic recovery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hometown of Republican Steve Daines .
Lately Daines has struggled to get into the local news as much as Bullock even after he helped pass a sweeping public lands conservation bill .
If these were normal times , that would have been big news considering the growing influence of the outdoor recreation economy in the state .
Nevertheless , in a phone interview , the senator says he does n't think the public health crisis itself will be much of a factor come Fall .
`` I think by the time voters start @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is going to be a jobs and economy election , '' Daines says .
Daines touted his experience helping small businesses , and he predicted unemployment claims will continue to mount if the pandemic continues to hamper economic recovery .
But in Montana right now , Daines ' reelection chances may depend mostly on President Trump remaining popular here .
Daines has positioned himself as one of the president 's staunch supporters .
When Trump tweeted the so-called `` squad '' should go back where they came from , Daines doubled down in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the few Republican senators to publicly praise the president when peaceful protesters were cleared out from in front of the White House so Trump could pose holding a bible .
`` Montanans are going to vote for President Trump , he 's going to win Montana , '' Daines says .
`` They 're going to be glad that he 's coming here . ''
Trump also came to Montana four times in 2018 , failing to unseat the state 's other senator , Democrat Jon Tester .
While no dates have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Daines is widely expected and that 's prompting the same public health concerns as at recent rallies in Tulsa and Phoenix .
`` That bridge will be crossed when there is a decision made to have a rally , '' Daines says .
Montana is famously all over the map politically .
When Daines was elected in 2014 , he took over a Senate seat that Democrats had held for 100 years .
In 2016 , when Trump won Montana by nearly 20 points , Steve Bullock was re-elected as governor .
Just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bullock is touting his bipartisan record from COVID-19 , to Medicaid expansion and showing support for the Keystone pipeline which crosses the state .
`` Look , I stood up to President Obama multiple times , '' Bullock says .
`` I 'll work with whoever it is when it 's in the best interest of Montana .
One place Bullock has taken some heat for his handling of the pandemic is in national park gateway towns like West Yellowstone .
Montana 's entrance gates opened three weeks after Wyoming 's , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would have loved to have seen us open earlier , '' says Travis Watt , general manager for a hotel and a couple other businesses in the tourist-dependent town .
`` I 'm glad he did n't wait till longer , I know there was a lot of pressure to push until later . ''
Watt did n't vote for Bullock for Governor but he says he likes how he 's managed the pandemic so far .
`` It 's a unique situation and you look at some of the things going around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sits pretty good , '' Watt says .
While Sen. Daines can probably win Montana with a big turnout from Trump 's base and rural voters , Bullock will need people like Watt to consider crossing over , just as he needs coronavirus cases to stay low and the economy to rebound .

Steve Bullock's COVID-19 Response May Boost His Senate Run In Montana
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
At a free mass testing site on Montana's Flathead Reservation, hundreds of people are queued up in idling cars. They're waiting an hour or more for the irritating nose swab test for the coronavirus, but most, like Francine Van Maanen, are just grateful to finally get one.
"We enjoyed the fact that they had this testing available to us, so why not get checked," she says, while waiting in line with her husband.
Nurses wearing face shields put the swabs in plastic tubes while busily scribbling notes on clipboards. This "mass surveillance" testing event was part of Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock's recent goal to do community surveillance testing of 60,000 Montanans a month — the state has yet to come close to hitting that.
"This is big, this is overwhelming," Bullock told tribal and county health officials working the recent Flathead event. "Now let's start talking about when we're going to do it again."
Under Bullock's watch, Montana now has the lowest coronavirus infection rate in the nation, and among the lowest hospitalizations and deaths. Daily new case numbers have been going up for the past two weeks, but only by single or double digits. The pandemic — and Bullock's handling of it as the state's top leader — is fast becoming a central issue in his campaign to unseat Republican Sen. Steve Daines in the fall.
The race is one of a few around the country that could decide which party controls the U.S. Senate next year. It's also expected to be one of the most expensive in the nation, and likely the most expensive in Montana's history.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
COVID-19 campaigning
Bullock, citing advice from local public health officials, implemented a statewide stay-at-home order and closed most schools down earlier than some neighboring states on March 28. Montana also began a phased reopening earlier than most, around the middle of last month. By June 1, citing the low number of cases, Bullock lifted a 14-day quarantine requirement for travelers, saying there is ample contact tracing now.
"We may see positive cases," he says. "But we'll also identify those positive cases before they start spreading."
On the Flathead, the onetime presidential candidate was in his element, wearing jeans and cowboy boots, his Ray-Bans shielding against the glare from the sun hitting the late season snow high on the Mission Mountains.
Bullock is termed out as governor after this year. After months of insisting he wouldn't run for Senate, just before the filing deadline, he changed his mind in March. Then a few days later, the pandemic hit.
"I think there'll be a time for the campaigning side of that," he says. "But that hasn't been where I've really been putting the time."
But the pandemic is in the news every day, which so far hasn't exactly hurt Bullock, who until recently had been seen as the underdog.
"He's dominating the airwaves, you can't turn around without seeing a story about the governor," says Chris Mehl, the nonpartisan mayor of Bozeman.
Bozeman is the state's fastest-growing city. It's swung blue lately, in part due to a wave of newcomers attracted by the area's outdoor and recreation amenities and the increased ability to telecommute. The university town near ski resorts and Yellowstone National Park was also Montana's initial hot spot for cases.
"It's in a sense become what he's tied to," Mehl says. "The issue for him is the competency of handling the pandemic, both on a health side but also on an economic recovery side."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
'Jobs and economy' election
Bozeman is also Daines' hometown. Lately Daines has struggled to get into the local news as much as Bullock, even after he helped pass a sweeping public lands conservation bill. If these were normal times, that would have been big news considering the growing influence of the outdoor recreation economy in the state.
Nevertheless, in a phone interview, the senator says he doesn't think the public health crisis itself will be much of a factor come fall.
"I think by the time voters start to cast their ballots, this election is going to be a jobs and economy election," Daines says.
Daines touted his experience helping small businesses, and he predicted unemployment claims will continue to mount if the pandemic continues to hamper economic recovery.
But in Montana right now, Daines' reelection chances may depend mostly on President Trump remaining popular here.
Daines has positioned himself as one of the president's staunchest supporters. When Trump tweeted the so-called "squad" should go back where they came from, Daines doubled down in support. He was also one of the few Republican senators to publicly praise the president when peaceful protesters were cleared out from in front of the White House so Trump could pose holding a Bible.
"Montanans are going to vote for President Trump, he's going to win Montana," Daines says. "They're going to be glad that he's coming here."
Trump also came to Montana four times in 2018, failing to unseat the state's other senator, Democrat Jon Tester. While no dates have been set, his return on behalf of Daines is widely expected and that's prompting the same public health concerns as at recent rallies in Tulsa and Phoenix.
"That bridge will be crossed when there is a decision made to have a rally," Daines says.
Montana ticket splitting
Montana is famously all over the map politically. When Daines was elected in 2014, he took over a Senate seat that Democrats had held for 100 years. In 2016, when Trump won Montana by nearly 20 points, Bullock was reelected as governor.
Just like during his long-shot presidential bid, Bullock is touting his bipartisan record, from COVID-19 to Medicaid expansion and showing support for the Keystone pipeline that crosses the state.
"Look, I stood up to President Obama multiple times," Bullock says. "I'll work with whoever it is when it's in the best interest of Montana."
One place Bullock has taken some heat for his handling of the pandemic is in national park gateway towns like West Yellowstone. Montana's entrance gates opened three weeks after Wyoming's, as per Bullock's order.
"I would have loved to have seen us open earlier," says Travis Watt, general manager for a hotel and a couple other businesses in the tourist-dependent town. "I'm glad he didn't wait till longer. I know there was a lot of pressure to push until later."
Watt didn't vote for Bullock for governor, but he says he likes how he's managed the pandemic so far.
"It's a unique situation and you look at some of the things going around in the country and I think Montana sits pretty good," Watt says.
While Daines can probably win Montana with a big turnout from Trump's base and rural voters, Bullock will need people like Watt to consider crossing over, just as he needs coronavirus cases to stay low and the economy to rebound.


npr--2020-06-25--How Racial Unrest Is Motivating White Voters In One Key Michigan County

How Racial Unrest Is Motivating White Voters In One Key Michigan County On a recent morning , Kim Gates helped hand out free boxes of fresh fruits and vegetables in an underserved area of Grand Rapids , Mich .
Lately , the retired school teacher from the nearby tiny town of Caledonia has been trying to volunteer with minority communities and read more about racism .
The 63-year-old white woman had always voted for the candidate she thought was best for the job — like , for instance , Michigan 's recent Republican governor , Rick Snyder .
She says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's victory in 2016 .
`` The night he got elected I got online and started looking for issues I was going to support , '' Gates said .
`` And I chose to support areas against racism and with immigration . ''
Gates says she was drawn to those topics , in part , because she was living in a `` very very white , very homogeneous community . ''
The election of Trump was her initial catalyst but , like many white voters , the death of George Floyd and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more conscious of race and racial injustice .
Polling shows Gates is not alone .
A recent Monmouth survey found 76 % of Americans say racial and ethnic discrimination is a big problem in the country .
That 's up from 51 % five years ago .
More than half of Americans also now support the Black Lives Matter movement , another poll found .
In particular , white suburban voters are having a reckoning with race — showing up to protests in small towns and calling for police reform in communities that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rally before .
As NPR has previously reported , polls show an increasing number of white liberals began adopting more progressive positions on a range of cultural issues around 2012 .
These days , white Democrats — and , in particular , white liberals — are more likely than in decades past to support more liberal immigration policies , embrace racial diversity , and uphold affirmative action .
`` This country needs a man like Gerald Ford '' For decades , Kent County , home to Grand Rapids , has been reliably Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's narrow victory in 2008 , no Democratic presidential candidate has carried the county since Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964 .
But in 2016 , Trump narrowly won it , by 3 percentage points — far narrower than Mitt Romney 's victory there four years prior .
And in 2018 , Democrats further chipped away at that historical legacy .
The state 's Democratic governor , Gretchen Whitmer , won the county by 4 percentage points .
And then last year , conservative Rep. Justin Amash , who represents part of the county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become an independent .
Dutch Christian immigrants shaped the culture of the region .
But these days , the suburbs are growing quickly and diversifying .
The city of Kentwood , southeast of Grand Rapids , is known as the most diverse school district in Michigan .
The county prides itself on its unique vein of moderate Midwestern politics .
Both Republicans and Democrats like to point out that Gerald Ford , the president who led the country in the wake of the Watergate scandal , hailed from Grand Rapids .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ford , '' said Tim England , who now lives in Ford 's boyhood home .
`` His philosophy was that he wanted to heal this country . ''
England grew up as a Republican , but he says there 's no way he would vote for Trump .
`` It 's a disgrace what he 's done to our democracy , '' he said .
England wants a president who will be a steady hand and shepherd the country out of chaos , much like Ford after Richard Nixon .
And this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
Dave Levitt said he 's now a `` fallen conservative , a former conservative . ''
Levitt voted for Romney in 2012 , but then chose Hillary Clinton over Trump in 2016 .
He works in real estate and says for years he chose Republican presidents because of economic policy .
He largely ignored the social issues , but he says he ca n't anymore .
`` I ca n't see good people on both sides in Charlottesville , I 'm sorry , I ca n't , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the 2017 incident .
`` If you 're marching down the street with a tiki torch saying , 'Jews will not replace us , ' I 'm not going to support that . ''
And so come this fall , he too intends to vote for Biden , even though he feels like a man without a home in either political party .
Kent County is the kind of place Biden may need if he intends to win back Michigan for Democrats — full of suburbanites and young , college-educated transplants who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I went to college here in 2000 , all of my friends left .
It was pretty much just me and my husband here , '' said Rachel Westerhof , a local Democratic organizer .
`` And now a number of those people have come back . ''
But it 's not just young people who 've moved into the county , which has been growing at a faster rate than the state .
Westerhof 's own parents moved to the region from Iowa two years ago .
Her mother , Mary Meuzelaar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting for Democrats in 2008 with Obama , and now considers herself a `` fiery Democrat . ''
She says her change came down to values around poverty , equality and justice .
But more recently , that 's also incorporated race .
`` I think I did n't understand white privilege .
I just did n't understand it , because it was n't in the way I was brought up , '' Meuzelaar said .
She says she started to understand this privilege over the last eight years , and then Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I was just devastated , and suddenly it just hit home in a way that I had never felt , '' she said .
`` I 'm so embarrassed 'cause I did n't see it before .
I want so badly to make up for the things we 've done for the last 150 years and I feel helpless at times . ''
But voting makes her feel slightly less helpless .
And the way the president has handled this situation , she says , makes it easy to vote against him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , white residents lined the street demanding change , asking passing cars to honk in support .
A young white man in an Eddie Bauer backpack held up a sign that read `` Black Lives Matter !
Period ! ''
Another man held a sign with the words `` Abolish White Supremacy . ''
Some people , like Susie Hall , a 62-year-old teacher , had never attended a Juneteenth celebration before .
But the racial unrest in the country prompted her to come out with her daughter .
`` The last couple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kids to be colorblind , '' she said .
`` But I 'm realizing , I guess , and in the process of educating myself more , that race is important , especially as our country is not equal to all races . ''
But for Hall , like many Democrats , racial injustice and the need to come out and condemn it has also become a rallying cry against the president .
`` We 've come out for other things , like we 've marched for science , we 've marched for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Ian O'Hara , 33 , who had never previously attended a Juneteenth event or BLM protest .
The protests around racial injustice are for some white Democrats the latest outrage in a long litany of complaints about the president 's conduct in office .
`` This election is really about President Trump '' But despite the passion in the streets , the assumption that the current racial unrest might actually sway Trump voters away from him seems unlikely .
Jeff Christians considers himself a moderate pro-business Republican .
The small business owner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president 's character .
`` He 's very self-centered and I think self-serving , '' he said .
He feels mixed about the president 's response to the COVID-19 crisis , but still he intends to vote for him for reelection .
`` I would vote for the Trump platform again because of the Republican pro-business approach , '' Christians said .
`` The economic factors are very significant for where we are right now . ''
Christians may not like the president 's behavior , but he has no intention of converting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ realizing that .
They say the key to victory is n't about trying to persuade Trump voters , it 's about trying to make sure Democrats who are riled up now actually stay fed up — and then show up on Election Day .
`` This election is really about President Trump , '' said Gary Stark , the Kent County Democratic chairman .
`` Almost all Democrats I talk to say 'vote blue , no matter who ' — you do n't have to be enthusiastic ... it 's pragmatic . ''

How Racial Unrest Is Motivating White Voters In One Key Michigan County
Enlarge this image toggle caption Asma Khalid/NPR Asma Khalid/NPR
On a recent morning, Kim Gates helped hand out free boxes of fresh fruits and vegetables in an underserved area of Grand Rapids, Mich.
Lately, the retired schoolteacher from the nearby tiny town of Caledonia has been trying to volunteer with minority communities and read more about racism.
The 63-year-old white woman had always voted for the candidate she thought was best for the job — like, for instance, Michigan's recent Republican governor, Rick Snyder. She said she never considered herself political until Donald Trump's victory in 2016.
"The night he got elected I got online and started looking for issues I was going to support," Gates said. "And I chose to support areas against racism and with immigration."
Gates said she was drawn to those topics, in part, because she was living in a "very, very white, very homogeneous community." The election of Trump was her initial catalyst, but like many white voters, the death of George Floyd and the outcry that followed have made her more conscious of race and racial injustice.
Polling shows Gates is not alone. A recent Monmouth University survey found 76% of Americans say racial and ethnic discrimination is a big problem in the country. That's up from 51% five years ago. More than half of Americans also now support the Black Lives Matter movement, another poll found. In particular, white suburban voters are having a reckoning with race — showing up to protests in small towns and calling for police reform in communities that had never before witnessed a Black Lives Matter rally.
As NPR has previously reported, polls show an increasing number of white liberals began adopting more progressive positions on a range of cultural issues around 2012. These days, white Democrats — and, in particular, white liberals — are more likely than in decades past to support more liberal immigration policies, embrace racial diversity and uphold affirmative action.
"This country needs a man like Gerald Ford"
Enlarge this image toggle caption Asma Khalid/NPR Asma Khalid/NPR
For decades, Kent County, home to Grand Rapids, has been reliably Republican. With the exception of Barack Obama's narrow victory in 2008, no Democratic presidential candidate has carried the county since Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964.
But in 2016, Trump narrowly won it by 3 percentage points — far narrower than Mitt Romney's victory there four years earlier.
And in 2018, Democrats further chipped away at that historical legacy. The state's Democratic governor, Gretchen Whitmer, won the county by 4 percentage points. And then last year, conservative Rep. Justin Amash, who represents part of the county in Congress, left the Republican Party to become an independent.
Dutch Christian immigrants shaped the culture of the region. But these days, the suburbs are growing quickly and diversifying. The city of Kentwood, southeast of Grand Rapids, is known as the most diverse school district in Michigan.
The county prides itself on its unique vein of moderate Midwestern politics. Both Republicans and Democrats like to point out that Gerald Ford, the president who led the country in the wake of the Watergate scandal, hailed from Grand Rapids.
"This country needs a man like Gerald Ford," said Tim England, who now lives in Ford's boyhood home. "His philosophy was that he wanted to heal this country."
England grew up as a Republican, but he said there's no way he would vote for Trump.
"It's a disgrace what he's done to our democracy," he said.
England wants a president who will be a steady hand and shepherd the country out of chaos, much like Ford after Richard Nixon. And this fall he intends to vote for presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden.
Dave Levitt said he's now a "fallen conservative, a former conservative."
Levitt voted for Romney in 2012 but then chose Hillary Clinton over Trump four year later. He works in real estate and said for years he chose Republican presidents because of economic policy. He largely ignored the social issues, but he said he can't anymore.
"I can't see good people on both sides in Charlottesville, I'm sorry, I can't," Levitt said, referring to Trump's comments about the Virginia city in 2017. "If you're marching down the street with a tiki torch saying, 'Jews will not replace us,' I'm not going to support that."
And so come this fall, he said he too intends to vote for Biden, even though he feels like a man without a home in either political party.
"I think I didn't understand white privilege"
Enlarge this image toggle caption Asma Khalid/NPR Asma Khalid/NPR
Kent County is the kind of place Biden may need if he intends to win back Michigan for Democrats — full of suburbanites and young, college-educated transplants who lean toward his party.
"When I went to college here in 2000, all of my friends left. It was pretty much just me and my husband here," said Rachel Westerhof, a local Democratic organizer. "And now a number of those people have come back."
But it's not just young people who've moved into the county, which has been growing at a faster rate than the state.
Westerhof's parents moved to the region from Iowa two years ago. Her mother, Mary Meuzelaar, is a former Republican who began voting for Democrats in 2008 with Obama, and now considers herself a "fiery Democrat." She said her change came down to values around poverty, equality and justice.
But more recently, that's also incorporated race.
"I think I didn't understand white privilege. I just didn't understand it, because it wasn't in the way I was brought up," Meuzelaar said. She said she started to understand this privilege over the last eight years, and then Floyd was killed.
"Oh my goodness, I was just devastated, and suddenly it just hit home in a way that I had never felt," she said. "I'm so embarrassed 'cause I didn't see it before. I want so badly to make up for the things we've done for the last 150 years, and I feel helpless at times."
But voting makes her feel slightly less helpless. And the way the president has handled this situation, she said, makes it easy to vote against him.
At a Juneteenth celebration Friday evening, white residents lined the street demanding change, asking passing cars to honk in support. A young white man in an Eddie Bauer backpack held up a sign that read, "Black Lives Matter! Period!" Another man held a sign with the words "Abolish White Supremacy."
Some people, such as Susie Hall, a 62-year-old teacher, had never attended a Juneteenth celebration before. But the racial unrest in the country prompted her to come out with her daughter.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Asma Khalid/NPR Asma Khalid/NPR
"The last couple of years I realize I taught my kids to be colorblind," she said. "But I'm realizing, I guess, and in the process of educating myself more, that race is important, especially as our country is not equal to all races."
But for Hall, like many Democrats, racial injustice and the need to come out and condemn it has also become a rallying cry against the president.
"We've come out for other things, like we've marched for science, we've marched for women and stuff like that," said Ian O'Hara, 33, who had never previously attended a Juneteenth event or Black Lives Matter protest.
The protests around racial injustice are for some white Democrats the latest outrage in a long litany of complaints about the president's conduct in office.
"This election is really about President Trump"
Despite the passion in the streets, the assumption that the current racial unrest might sway Trump voters away from him seems unlikely.
Jeff Christians considers himself a moderate pro-business Republican. The small-business owner is not a big fan of the president's character.
"He's very self-centered and I think self-serving," he said. He said he feels mixed about the president's response to the COVID-19 crisis, but still he intends to vote for him for reelection.
"I would vote for the Trump platform again because of the Republican pro-business approach," Christians said. "The economic factors are very significant for where we are right now."
Christians may not like the president's behavior, but he has no intention of converting.
And Democrats around Kent County are realizing that. They said the key to victory isn't about trying to persuade Trump voters, it's about trying to make sure Democrats who are riled up now stay fed up — and then show up on Election Day.
"This election is really about President Trump," said Gary Stark, the Kent County Democratic Party chair. "Almost all Democrats I talk to say, 'Vote blue, no matter who' — you don't have to be enthusiastic ... it's pragmatic."


npr--2020-06-25--Denver's Sweeps Of Homeless Camps Run Counter To COVID-19 Guidance

Melody Lewis lives like a nomad in the heart of downtown Denver .
Poking her head out of her green tent on a recent June day , the 57-year-old points to the place a few blocks away where city crews picked up her tent from a sidewalk median earlier this spring and replaced it with landscaping rocks , fencing and signs warning trespassers to keep out .
Lewis then moved just a quarter-mile away , to a new cracked sidewalk , with new neighbors and potentially , homeless advocates fear , new sources of exposure to the coronavirus .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? ''
Lewis asks .
`` What else are we going to do ? ''
Several cities across the U.S. are bucking recommendations from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention by continuing to do regular sweeps of homeless encampments , risking further spread of the virus at a time when health officials are seeking to gain an upper hand on the still-expanding pandemic .
Such struggles involving COVID-19 highlight the nation 's ongoing problem with housing .
And they showcase the challenge public health officials face : Controlling the spread of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other infectious diseases , such as hepatitis A , that thrive amid the trash-and-feces-strewn sidewalks that can be found in some encampments .
In Denver , Lewis and hundreds of others were displaced in late April and early May from sprawling , blocks-long encampments , as part of what city officials say is an ongoing effort to periodically clean city streets and keep infectious diseases down .
Most homeless campers moved their belongings just a few blocks , where their tents now line more than a quarter-mile of sidewalks .
An hour south @ @ @ @ @ @ @ department says it is continuing to follow CDC guidance to prevent COVID-19 spread among the city 's homeless population , but also that it has continued enforcing camping bans at certain times on public property , ticketing homeless people who are camping if they refuse to relocate .
Those in the camps say a bulldozer cleared at least one site .
And in St. Louis , the city 's health department ordered the removal of camps near City Hall , prompting an outcry from homeless advocates .
In all , at least a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such camp removals — which goes against CDC guidelines amid the pandemic , according to the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty .
As some U.S. communities continue to reopen , and as downtown businesses welcome back employees and customers , some homeless advocates fear such sweeps will only worsen .
`` There 's no strategy , '' Jacob Wessley , director of outreach and engagement for the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless says .
`` That is our concern : When they do sweep this area , where are [ those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' In Denver , one such cleanup in early May netted 9,500 pounds of trash and more than 50 hypodermic needles , according to Nancy Kuhn , spokesperson for the city 's department of transportation and infrastructure .
`` Denver has a responsibility to address unsafe , unhealthy , and unsanitary conditions impacting our community , '' Kuhn says .
Some cities say the pace of such sweeps has dropped dramatically during the pandemic .
Seattle officials conducted four such sweeps from mid-March to early June — each because of `` extreme circumstances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spokesperson for Seattle 's human services department .
That compares with 303 such camp removals in the final three months of 2019 .
Honolulu created a dedicated area for people to camp and `` quarantine '' for about two weeks before moving into shelters , in case they had COVID-19 .
But some homeless campers who did not move had their camps dismantled , which led them to disperse through the community .
The goal is to limit the spread of the virus , while encouraging campers to move indoors , says Marc @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's Office of Housing .
Even so , many homeless advocates say the CDC 's guidance is clear , and such efforts do n't pass muster .
If individual housing units are n't available , the CDC says , homeless campers should be allowed to remain in place during the pandemic .
Tents should be at least 12 feet apart , and camps of more than 10 people should be provided hand-washing stations and hand sanitizer .
`` Clearing encampments can cause people to disperse throughout the community and break connections with service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` This increases the potential for infectious disease spread . ''
Already the coronavirus has infected some people who lack permanent housing .
In Colorado , for example , at least 483 homeless people have tested positive for COVID-19 , state officials reported June 14 .
Nearly 80 % lived in Denver .
Infection rates in the camps , however , are unclear .
None of the 50 homeless campers in downtown Denver who agreed to testing in early June were positive for the coronavirus , according to the Colorado Coalition for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a month earlier indicated nearly a quarter of the 52 people tested at a nearby homeless service center were infected with the virus , despite showing no symptoms .
In downtown Denver encampments , dozens of tents stand packed together , often less than a foot apart along sidewalks .
Hardly anyone wears masks , and many in the tent community say the virus is low on their list of concerns .
Several hand-washing stations accompany portable toilets in the area , each provided by a local advocacy group .
But the stations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some homeless campers , the situation is preferable to staying in a shelter .
Avoiding those cramped confines and the accompanying risk of illness makes `` common sense , '' says Erin Lorraine , who is 19 and has been homeless off and on for seven years .
One sweep led her to move closer to the South Platte River on the west side of downtown .
`` These are our homes , '' Lorraine says .
`` We 're not hurting nobody . ''
Not all homeless campers see Denver 's cleanups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were told by Denver officials that they could return after city crews sprayed down the sidewalk .
`` As long as they keep it to where we 're getting cleaned , not swept , it 's all right , '' says David Scott , 53 .
But some of those displaced by previous sweeps say that trust has been broken .
Melody Lewis was away from her tent during a recent cleanup and returned to find that city crews had confiscated many of her belongings , including at least one tent , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go to a shelter , partly because of the threat of illness .
As Lewis relates her story , an old sign hanging from a lamppost a few feet away is a reminder of a previous camp cleanup .
`` We try to ignore it , '' Lewis says of such warnings .
`` Our stuff and our minds are never secure . ''
To limit the spread of the coronavirus , some nonprofits and cities — including some of the places conducting sweeps — have gotten creative , opening isolation shelters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and helping some particularly at-risk people move into paid motel rooms .
Recent sweeps also have renewed a conversation in Denver about whether to create sanctioned encampment sites — areas where people can pitch tents and live in socially distanced communities with a city 's blessing .
Elsewhere , such regulated camps lend homeless people stability , while increasing the odds that caseworkers can find their clients when housing becomes available , says Tom Luehrs , executive director of the St. Francis Center , a homeless services organization in Denver .
Already , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such encampments , with a total capacity of roughly 200 people .
`` Some people have been out on the streets for years , '' Luehrs says .
`` And that 's where they feel best about living , because maybe we have n't given them better options as a community . ''
Colleen Echohawk , co-chair of Seattle 's Continuum of Care , a coalition of agencies and nonprofits working to address homelessness , says she empathizes with city officials who are having to juggle competing public health threats .
Seattle is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak of hepatitis A in its homeless community .
But Echohawk questions whether more could be done to limit the impact of sweeps .
`` What 's frustrating about this is that you move them , and then they just moved into other encampments , and then took with them their COVID-19 , and they took with them their hepatitis A , '' Echohawk says .
`` It 's a real dilemma . ''
KHN is a nonprofit , editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation .
KHN is not affiliated with @ @ @

Denver's Sweeps Of Homeless Camps Run Counter To COVID-19 Guidance
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News
Melody Lewis lives like a nomad in the heart of downtown Denver.
Poking her head out of her green tent on a recent June day, the 57-year-old points to the place a few blocks away where city crews picked up her tent from a sidewalk median earlier this spring and replaced it with landscaping rocks, fencing and signs warning trespassers to keep out.
Lewis then moved just a quarter-mile away, to a new cracked sidewalk, with new neighbors and potentially, homeless advocates fear, new sources of exposure to the coronavirus.
"Where else are we going to go?" Lewis asks. "What else are we going to do?"
Several cities across the U.S. are bucking recommendations from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention by continuing to do regular sweeps of homeless encampments, risking further spread of the virus at a time when health officials are seeking to gain an upper hand on the still-expanding pandemic.
Such struggles involving COVID-19 highlight the nation's ongoing problem with housing. And they showcase the challenge public health officials face: Controlling the spread of the coronavirus also risks increasing the spread of other infectious diseases, such as hepatitis A, that thrive amid the trash-and-feces-strewn sidewalks that can be found in some encampments.
In Denver, Lewis and hundreds of others were displaced in late April and early May from sprawling, blocks-long encampments, as part of what city officials say is an ongoing effort to periodically clean city streets and keep infectious diseases down. Most homeless campers moved their belongings just a few blocks, where their tents now line more than a quarter-mile of sidewalks.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News
An hour south, in Colorado Springs, the police department says it is continuing to follow CDC guidance to prevent COVID-19 spread among the city's homeless population, but also that it has continued enforcing camping bans at certain times on public property, ticketing homeless people who are camping if they refuse to relocate. Those in the camps say a bulldozer cleared at least one site.
And in St. Louis, the city's health department ordered the removal of camps near City Hall, prompting an outcry from homeless advocates.
In all, at least a dozen cities in recent months have continued such camp removals — which goes against CDC guidelines amid the pandemic, according to the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty.
As some U.S. communities continue to reopen, and as downtown businesses welcome back employees and customers, some homeless advocates fear such sweeps will only worsen.
"There's no strategy," Jacob Wessley, director of outreach and engagement for the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless says. "That is our concern: When they do sweep this area, where are [those without homes] going to go?"
In Denver, one such cleanup in early May netted 9,500 pounds of trash and more than 50 hypodermic needles, according to Nancy Kuhn, spokesperson for the city's department of transportation and infrastructure.
"Denver has a responsibility to address unsafe, unhealthy, and unsanitary conditions impacting our community," Kuhn says.
Some cities say the pace of such sweeps has dropped dramatically during the pandemic.
Seattle officials conducted four such sweeps from mid-March to early June — each because of "extreme circumstances," says Kevin Mundt, a spokesperson for Seattle's human services department. That compares with 303 such camp removals in the final three months of 2019.
Honolulu created a dedicated area for people to camp and "quarantine" for about two weeks before moving into shelters, in case they had COVID-19. But some homeless campers who did not move had their camps dismantled, which led them to disperse through the community.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News Jakob Rodgers/Kaiser Health News
The goal is to limit the spread of the virus, while encouraging campers to move indoors, says Marc Alexander, executive director of the city's Office of Housing.
Even so, many homeless advocates say the CDC's guidance is clear, and such efforts don't pass muster. If individual housing units aren't available, the CDC says, homeless campers should be allowed to remain in place during the pandemic. Tents should be at least 12 feet apart, and camps of more than 10 people should be provided hand-washing stations and hand sanitizer.
"Clearing encampments can cause people to disperse throughout the community and break connections with service providers," the CDC guidance warns. "This increases the potential for infectious disease spread."
Already the coronavirus has infected some people who lack permanent housing. In Colorado, for example, at least 483 homeless people have tested positive for COVID-19, state officials reported June 14. Nearly 80% lived in Denver.
Infection rates in the camps, however, are unclear. None of the 50 homeless campers in downtown Denver who agreed to testing in early June were positive for the coronavirus, according to the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless. But a different survey a month earlier indicated nearly a quarter of the 52 people tested at a nearby homeless service center were infected with the virus, despite showing no symptoms.
In downtown Denver encampments, dozens of tents stand packed together, often less than a foot apart along sidewalks. Hardly anyone wears masks, and many in the tent community say the virus is low on their list of concerns.
Several hand-washing stations accompany portable toilets in the area, each provided by a local advocacy group. But the stations don't always have water.
For some homeless campers, the situation is preferable to staying in a shelter.
Avoiding those cramped confines and the accompanying risk of illness makes "common sense," says Erin Lorraine, who is 19 and has been homeless off and on for seven years. One sweep led her to move closer to the South Platte River on the west side of downtown.
"These are our homes," Lorraine says. "We're not hurting nobody."
Not all homeless campers see Denver's cleanups as so nefarious. Many say they were told by Denver officials that they could return after city crews sprayed down the sidewalk.
"As long as they keep it to where we're getting cleaned, not swept, it's all right," says David Scott, 53.
But some of those displaced by previous sweeps say that trust has been broken.
Melody Lewis was away from her tent during a recent cleanup and returned to find that city crews had confiscated many of her belongings, including at least one tent, a bike and some shoes. She refused to go to a shelter, partly because of the threat of illness. As Lewis relates her story, an old sign hanging from a lamppost a few feet away is a reminder of a previous camp cleanup.
"We try to ignore it," Lewis says of such warnings. "Our stuff and our minds are never secure."
To limit the spread of the coronavirus, some nonprofits and some cities — including St. Louis and some others conducting sweeps — have gotten creative, opening isolation shelters for people who are experiencing COVID symptoms and helping some particularly at-risk people move into paid motel rooms.
Recent sweeps also have renewed a conversation in Denver about whether to create sanctioned encampment sites — areas where people can pitch tents and live in socially distanced communities with a city's blessing.
Elsewhere, such regulated camps lend homeless people stability, while increasing the odds that caseworkers can find their clients when housing becomes available, says Tom Luehrs, executive director of the St. Francis Center, a homeless services organization in Denver.
Already, San Francisco has temporarily created a few such encampments, with a total capacity of roughly 200 people.
"Some people have been out on the streets for years," Luehrs says. "And that's where they feel best about living, because maybe we haven't given them better options as a community."
Colleen Echohawk, co-chair of Seattle's Continuum of Care, a coalition of agencies and nonprofits working to address homelessness, says she empathizes with city officials who are having to juggle competing public health threats. Seattle is among the latest areas to face an outbreak of hepatitis A in its homeless community.
But Echohawk questions whether more could be done to limit the impact of sweeps.
"What's frustrating about this is that you move them, and then they just moved into other encampments, and then took with them their COVID-19, and they took with them their hepatitis A," Echohawk says. "It's a real dilemma."
KHN is a nonprofit, editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation. KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


npr--2020-06-25--Journalists File Bias Complaint Against LA Times, As Editor Promises Change

In the latest action by employees critical of the Los Angeles Times ' fraught newsroom history of race and gender , the paper has been hit with a proposed class-action lawsuit contending that the under-representation of people of color at the paper is a result of longstanding discriminatory pay practices against Black , Hispanic and female journalists .
The civil complaint , filed in California Superior Court in San Bernardino County , outside Los Angeles , is dated June 4 but has only just surfaced in public records .
The lead complainants include journalists who have contributed to Pulitzer Prize-winning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Greg Braxton , the acting television editor , and Bettina Boxall , a leading environmental writer .
Both joined the paper in the 1980s and allege they earn far less than white and male peers with less experience .
Braxton is Black ; Boxall is female .
On Tuesday , Black journalists at the Los Angeles Times called out their newspaper with the hashtag # BlackatLAT - a social media protest of what they said was a pattern of racist experiences at the paper .
Scores of current and former staffers participated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editor Norman Pearlstine held a marathon online session with hundreds of staffers to talk about race , diversity and the paper 's future .
It lasted more than four hours .
Pearlstine and his leadership team promised to do more to hire , promote , retain and develop Black journalists and to change the very culture at the paper .
Related tensions have surfaced at the Washington Post , the New York Times , the Philadelphia Inquirer and other news outlets .
`` I have replayed all our hiring and coverage decisions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking a hard look in the mirror , '' Pearlstine said , according to prepared remarks shared with NPR .
`` What went wrong ?
With the benefit of hindsight , I realize that hiring people of color was always a priority , but it was never the priority . ''
The complaint accuses current and former corporate owners of the paper , plus up to 100 defendants identified as `` Does '' ( as in Jane or John ) , with discriminatory pay practices illegal under California law .
The identities of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former news executives , will be added to an amended complaint once they become known , according to the document .
`` Despite the contributions of the entire newsroom to publish the daily paper , the Company 's bias in favor of white ( non-Hispanic ) and/or male employees has resulted in unlawful pay gaps in the four to five-figure range per year for many female and minority journalists , '' states the complaint .
Longevity for non-whites does n't seem to help , it adds .
Among the other plaintiffs : Angel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paper 's 88-person metro desk , its largest news team .
( A Black columnist and a Black editor are also on on the metro staff . )
As NPR previously reported , the paper 's city editor pleaded with Pearlstine on moral grounds in summer 2018 to raise Jennings ' pay , saying she received `` a shameful salary . ''
Pearlstine turned down the pleas from the city editor , Hector Becerra , who was also joined by the California editor , Shelby Grad , in advocating for her , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the incident .
Pearlstine told NPR some steps were ultimately taken to supplement Jennings ' compensation .
In Wednesday 's meeting , Pearlstine told staffers , `` I was slow to appreciate how hostility toward The Times [ from Black Angelenos ] burdened her and her work . ''
In the interview , Pearlstine said one of his mistakes in leading the paper for the past two years was not ensuring hiring practices would yield a more diverse newsroom .
In that time , under the new ownership of Southern California billionaire Patrick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 additional journalists .
Though the paper hired a notably diverse news leadership team , diversity numbers failed to notably budge for the wider newsroom .
`` In delegating authority and responsibility , which is something I 've always thought I did well , I did not do a good enough job of really thinking about accountability and about result , '' said Pearlstine , 77 , who has previously led the Wall Street Journal , Time Inc. and Bloomberg Media .
`` And I think that if I 'm honest in reflecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that our hiring reflected that . ''
Pearlstine led off Wednesday 's Zoom meeting with a formal address that lasted more than 20 minutes .
`` We must change the Los Angeles Times by creating a more equitable and inclusive workplace and a culture that celebrates diversity , '' Pearlstine said , according to the prepared remarks .
`` We can change Los Angeles , California and America through our coverage .
We should change ourselves through honest introspection . ''
Pearlstine did not comment to NPR about the meeting , other than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ referred questions about the civil complaint to a corporate lawyer , who did not respond before publication of this article .
Pearlstine and the Times released numbers last week that showed , as he contends , the paper has a notably diverse staff - when compared to other major daily newspapers .
Compared to the demographics of the region it serves , however , the paper 's Black and Hispanic journalists are underrepresented in its newsroom .
The population of Los Angeles County is about 9 % Black .
Black journalists made up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall newsroom last year .
The assertions in the proposed class-action lawsuit echo the finding of an LA Times News Guild study from April 2018 that found , on average , women at the newspaper made $ 14,000 less per year than men in comparable jobs , while non-white journalists made $ 19,000 less than their white counterparts .
The newly public complaint cites practices that span decades and a series of previous owners .
For example , it points to the counter-intuitive legacy of the 36-year-old Metpro training program , intended to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and journalists of color early in their careers at the Times and its sister papers in surrounding suburbs .
Instead , according to the complaint , the paper 's executives relied on Metpro and similar initiatives `` as a source of cheap labor to depress the salaries of women and minority journalists '' not just initially , but throughout their careers at the newspaper .
Metpro , originally known as the Minority Editorial Training Program , was created under Times-Mirror , the Los Angeles-based parent company of the LA Times until its sale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Tribune held the paper under various incarnations , most recently the spun-off Tribune Publishing Co. , until 2018 , when it was acquired by Soon-Shiong , an entrepreneur and physician .
The court filing alleges a consistent pattern of behavior from newsroom leaders : telling reporters that the Tribune Co. and Tribune Publishing 's corporate executives in Chicago would n't allow significant raises ; claiming possible sales of the company or the newspaper would delay meaningful pay increases ; and , more recently , saying that notable raises under new ownership were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's permission .
Pearlstine more recently has said he and the paper had fallen short , and would seek to do better .
It has created a new masthead editor who will oversee talent and culture in the newsroom .
He has promised a review of coverage and assignments for news involving racial inequities .
Pearlstine says the recent employment contract struck with the newsroom union - the first in the paper 's history - has lifted many salaries that should have been higher , and that he is intent on remedying past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supervising the Metpro training program relinquished those responsibilities earlier this month ; she had come under fire for a memo in which she warned the current Metpro fellows against tweeting about their employer in regard to contemporary concerns about racial injustice .
She soon apologized for the tone of her email , which suggested such social media activity could cut short their time at the paper .
The group of Black journalists issued their own demands of the paper earlier this week , supported by the union .
They included , among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reflect parity with the percentage of Black Angelenos and an apology to the community for past reporting that promoted racism and injustice in Los Angeles .
Pearlstine has promised to meet with each member of a new Black Caucus at the newspaper .
At the Zoom session with staffers Wednesday , Pearlstine was asked whether he intended to step down .
He said no , according to attendees .
He replied he had too much left that he wanted to accomplish .

L.A. Times To Settle Suit Over Race and Gender Bias, As Editor Promises Change
Enlarge this image toggle caption Damian Dovarganes/AP Damian Dovarganes/AP
Updated 5:29 PM ET
The Los Angeles Times is moving to settle a proposed class-action lawsuit filed by six Black, Hispanic and female journalists at the paper contending that the under-representation of people of color there is a result of longstanding discriminatory pay practices.
The civil complaint, filed in California Superior Court in San Bernardino County, outside Los Angeles, is dated June 4 but has only just surfaced in court records. A corporate spokeswoman for the L.A. Times told NPR Thursday afternoon that a settlement had been reached and that it would be submitted for the court's preliminary approval "as soon as practical."
The lead complainants include journalists who have contributed to Pulitzer Prize-winning coverage at the LA Times, such as Greg Braxton, who covers television, and Bettina Boxall, a leading environmental writer. Both joined the paper in the 1980s and allege they earn far less than white and male peers with less experience. Braxton is Black; Boxall is female.
It is the latest episode in a newsroom with a fraught history over race and gender, though the L.A. Times has twice been led by executive editors of color: Dean Baquet, who is Black, and Davan Maharaj, a journalist born in Trinidad and Tobago.
On Tuesday, Black journalists at the Los Angeles Times called out their newspaper with the hashtag #BlackatLAT - a social media protest of what they said was a pattern of racist experiences at the paper. Scores of current and former staffers participated.
Inside the paper, Los Angeles Times executive editor Norman Pearlstine and his leadership team are promising sweeping cultural changes to redress decades of mistreatment and neglect of journalists of color. They devoted more than four hours to a Zoom session Wednesday to make their case, to field tough questions from staffers, and, in some cases, to apologize.
At that session, Pearlstine and his leadership team promised to do more to hire, promote, retain and develop Black journalists and to change the very culture at the paper. Related tensions have surfaced at the Washington Post, the New York Times, the Philadelphia Inquirer and other news outlets.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Charles Sykes/Charles Sykes/Invision/AP Charles Sykes/Charles Sykes/Invision/AP
"I have replayed all our hiring and coverage decisions in my head, and I have been taking a hard look in the mirror," Pearlstine said, according to prepared remarks shared with NPR. "What went wrong? With the benefit of hindsight, I realize that hiring people of color was always a priority, but it was never the priority."
The complaint accuses current and former corporate owners of the paper, plus up to 100 defendants identified as "Does" (as in Jane or John), with discriminatory pay practices illegal under California law. The complaint catalogs episodes involving current and former editors. Some of the former news executives were named though current ones were not.
"Despite the contributions of the entire newsroom to publish the daily paper, the Company's bias in favor of white (non-Hispanic) and/or male employees has resulted in unlawful pay gaps in the four to five-figure range per year for many female and minority journalists," states the complaint. Longevity for non-whites doesn't seem to help, it adds.
Among the other plaintiffs: Angel Jennings, the sole Black reporter on the paper's 88-person metro desk, its largest news team. (A Black columnist and a Black editor are also on on the metro staff.)
As NPR previously reported, the paper's city editor pleaded with Pearlstine on moral grounds in summer 2018 to raise Jennings' pay, saying she received "a shameful salary." Pearlstine turned down the pleas from the city editor, Hector Becerra, who was also joined by the California editor, Shelby Grad, in advocating for her, according to several people with knowledge of the incident.
Pearlstine told NPR some steps were ultimately taken to supplement Jennings' compensation. In Wednesday's meeting, Pearlstine told staffers, "I was slow to appreciate how hostility toward The Times [from Black Angelenos] burdened her and her work."
An acknowledgement of failure
In the interview, Pearlstine said one of his mistakes in leading the paper for the past two years was not ensuring hiring practices would yield a more diverse newsroom. In that time, under the new ownership of Southern California billionaire Patrick Soon-Shiong, the Times hired more than 100 additional journalists. Though the paper hired a notably diverse news leadership team, diversity numbers failed to notably budge for the wider newsroom.
"In delegating authority and responsibility, which is something I've always thought I did well, I did not do a good enough job of really thinking about accountability and about result," said Pearlstine, 77, who has previously led the Wall Street Journal, Time Inc. and Bloomberg Media. "And I think that if I'm honest in reflecting on that period, I'd say that our hiring reflected that."
Pearlstine led off Wednesday's Zoom meeting with a formal address that lasted more than 20 minutes.
"We must change the Los Angeles Times by creating a more equitable and inclusive workplace and a culture that celebrates diversity," Pearlstine said, according to the prepared remarks. "We can change Los Angeles, California and America through our coverage. We should change ourselves through honest introspection."
Pearlstine did not comment to NPR about the meeting, other than by sharing his written remarks, and referred questions about the civil complaint to a corporate lawyer, who did not respond. The Times was notified of the pending complaint in February. Terms of the proposed settlement were not released.
Pearlstine and the Times released numbers last week that showed, as he contends, the paper has a notably diverse staff - when compared to other major daily newspapers. Compared to the demographics of the region it serves, however, the paper's Black and Hispanic journalists are underrepresented in its newsroom. The population of Los Angeles County is about 9% Black. Black journalists made up about 4% of the newspaper's overall newsroom last year.
The assertions in the civil complaint echo the finding of an LA Times News Guild study from April 2018 that found, on average, women at the newspaper made $14,000 less per year than men in comparable jobs, while non-white journalists made $19,000 less than their white counterparts.
Alleged discrimination transcends changes in ownership
The newly public complaint cites practices that span decades and a series of previous owners. For example, it points to the counter-intuitive legacy of the 36-year-old Metpro training program, intended to identify, hire and cultivate promising women and journalists of color early in their careers at the Times and its sister papers in surrounding suburbs. Instead, according to the complaint, the paper's executives relied on Metpro and similar initiatives "as a source of cheap labor to depress the salaries of women and minority journalists" not just initially, but throughout their careers at the newspaper.
Metpro, originally known as the Minority Editorial Training Program, was created under Times-Mirror, the Los Angeles-based parent company of the LA Times until its sale to the Chicago-based Tribune Co. in 2000. Tribune held the paper under various incarnations, most recently the spun-off Tribune Publishing Co., until 2018, when it was acquired by Soon-Shiong, an entrepreneur and physician.
The court filing alleges a consistent pattern of behavior from newsroom leaders: telling reporters that the Tribune Co. and Tribune Publishing's corporate executives in Chicago wouldn't allow significant raises; claiming possible sales of the company or the newspaper would delay meaningful pay increases; and, more recently, saying that notable raises under new ownership were unlikely, as they would require Soon-Shiong's permission.
Pearlstine more recently has said he and the paper had fallen short, and would seek to do better. It has created a new masthead editor who will oversee talent and culture in the newsroom. He has promised a review of coverage and assignments for news involving racial inequities.
Pearlstine says the recent employment contract struck with the newsroom union - the first in the paper's history - has lifted many salaries that should have been higher, and that he is intent on remedying past wrongs.
One of the key editors supervising the Metpro training program relinquished those responsibilities earlier this month; she had come under fire for a memo in which she warned the paper's interns for what she termed questionable or partisan tweets and retweets. She soon apologized for the tone of her email, which had suggested such social media activity could cut short their time at the paper.
The group of Black journalists issued their own demands of the paper earlier this week, supported by the union. They included, among other items, a boost in their numbers to reflect parity with the percentage of Black Angelenos and an apology to the community for past reporting that promoted racism and injustice in Los Angeles.
Pearlstine has promised to meet with each member of a new Black Caucus at the newspaper.
At the Zoom session with staffers Wednesday, Pearlstine was asked whether he intended to step down. He said no, according to attendees. He replied he had too much left that he wanted to accomplish.


npr--2020-06-25--Alzheimer's Researchers Go Back To Basics To Find The Best Way Forward

Alzheimer 's Researchers Go Back To Basics To Find The Best Way Forward Three research institutions in Seattle have joined forces to study how Alzheimer 's disease takes root in the brain .
The consortium will create a new research center at the Allen Institute for Brain Science to study tissue from brains donated by people who died with Alzheimer 's .
UW Medicine and the Kaiser Permanente Washington Health Research Group are also part of the effort , which will be funded by a five-year $ 40.5 million grant from the National Institute on Aging , a part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ project , with its emphasis on basic research , represents part of a global do-over for the Alzheimer 's field , which has weathered a series of failed attempts to develop a drug that could slow or stop the disease .
`` The premise of this project here is that we need to take a step back , '' says Ed Lein , a senior scientist at the Allen Institute and the center 's lead investigator .
That 's a marked change from a decade ago , when there was great excitement about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sticky brain plaques thought to cause Alzheimer 's .
Studies have shown that the drugs do their job , removing a toxic protein called amyloid-beta from the brain .
But they do n't help patients avoid memory loss or cognitive problems .
As a result , pharmaceutical companies have been forced to abandon many clinical trials , and have lost billions along the way .
That experience has a lesson , Lein says .
Researchers have mistakenly been `` trying to go right to the cure without really understanding the brain and what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
`` We do n't really understand what 's happening at the very basic level of individual cells in the earliest stages of Alzheimer 's disease , '' adds Dr. C. Dirk Keene , a neuropathologist with UW Medicine and a principal investigator at the new center .
So the consortium will focus on answering that question rather than developing treatments .
It will rely on technology pioneered by the Allen Institute that uses genetic information to classify brain cells .
`` We have tools that let us understand all of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the brain , '' Lein says .
`` And we can now use these tools to understand what cell types are affected as the disease progresses . ''
One goal is to identify cells that become abnormal long before symptoms of Alzheimer 's start to appear .
`` If we can find the cells where something goes wrong , this would provide a new way to try to treat this disease , '' Lein says .
The project will look at neurons , which communicate using electrical signals , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immunity and functions like clearing away debris .
There have been hints that glial cells play an important role in the development of Alzheimer 's .
Another goal of the project is to look beyond the plaques and tangles in the brain that have been the focus of most treatment efforts .
`` We need new targets , '' Lein says .
We need new places to try to intervene in the disease at earlier stages ... before things have really gone haywire and the neurons themselves are actually dying . ''
Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it could lead to a treatment , Keene says .
`` In the greatest scenario , I would love to find that cell that starts the process — where it is , when it happens and how to stop that from happening , '' he says .
But Alzheimer 's is a complex disease , he notes , and probably wo n't be explained by a single abnormal cell .
`` There 's probably some cells in the brain that are causing problems and there 's probably other cells in the brain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' he says .
The consortium hopes to identify those and any others that are somehow involved in the process that leads to Alzheimer 's .
And as with other projects at the Allen Institute , all the data will be freely available to the scientific community .

Alzheimer's Researchers Go Back To Basics To Find The Best Way Forward
Enlarge this image toggle caption Allen Institute Allen Institute
Three research institutions in Seattle have joined forces to study how Alzheimer's disease takes root in the brain.
The consortium will create a new research center at the Allen Institute for Brain Science to study tissue from brains donated by people who died with Alzheimer's.
UW Medicine and the Kaiser Permanente Washington Health Research Group are also part of the effort, which will be funded by a five-year $40.5 million grant from the National Institute on Aging, a part of the National Institutes of Health.
The project, with its emphasis on basic research, represents part of a global do-over for the Alzheimer's field, which has weathered a series of failed attempts to develop a drug that could slow or stop the disease.
"The premise of this project here is that we need to take a step back," says Ed Lein, a senior scientist at the Allen Institute and the center's lead investigator.
That's a marked change from a decade ago, when there was great excitement about experimental drugs that could scrub away the sticky brain plaques thought to cause Alzheimer's.
Studies have shown that the drugs do their job, removing a toxic protein called amyloid-beta from the brain. But they don't help patients avoid memory loss or cognitive problems.
Enlarge this image toggle caption UW Medicine UW Medicine
As a result, pharmaceutical companies have been forced to abandon many clinical trials and have lost billions along the way.
That experience has a lesson, Lein says. Researchers have mistakenly been "trying to go right to the cure without really understanding the brain and what actually goes wrong that leads to dementias."
"We don't really understand what's happening at the very basic level of individual cells in the earliest stages of Alzheimer's disease," adds Dr. C. Dirk Keene, a neuropathologist with UW Medicine and a principal investigator at the new center.
So the consortium will focus on answering that question rather than developing treatments.
It will rely on technology pioneered by the Allen Institute that uses genetic information to classify brain cells.
"We have tools that let us understand all of the kinds of cells that make up parts of the brain," Lein says. "And we can now use these tools to understand what cell types are affected as the disease progresses."
One goal is to identify cells that become abnormal long before symptoms of Alzheimer's start to appear.
"If we can find the cells where something goes wrong, this would provide a new way to try to treat this disease," Lein says.
The project will look at neurons, which communicate using electrical signals, as well as glial cells, which are involved in immunity and functions like clearing away debris. There have been hints that glial cells play an important role in the development of Alzheimer's.
Another goal of the project is to look beyond the plaques and tangles in the brain that have been the focus of most treatment efforts.
"We need new targets," Lein says. We need new places to try to intervene in the disease at earlier stages ... before things have really gone haywire and the neurons themselves are actually dying."
Even though the focus is on basic science, it could lead to a treatment, Keene says.
"In the greatest scenario, I would love to find that cell that starts the process — where it is, when it happens and how to stop that from happening," he says.
But Alzheimer's is a complex disease, he notes, and probably won't be explained by a single abnormal cell.
"There's probably some cells in the brain that are causing problems and there's probably other cells in the brain that are trying to fix the problems," he says.
The consortium hopes to identify those and any others that are somehow involved in the process that leads to Alzheimer's. And, as with other projects at the Allen Institute, all the data will be freely available to the scientific community.


npr--2020-06-25--3 Children's Home Staffers Charged In Death Of 16-Year-Old

Three former staff members of a Michigan youth home have been charged in the death of a 16-year-old Black boy who died last month after employees sat on his chest , abdomen and legs in an effort to restrain him .
An autopsy report released Wednesday by the Kalamazoo medical examiner 's office ruled the suffocation death of Cornelius Fredericks a homicide .
The examination revealed it was the result of `` restraint asphyxia , '' caused by multiple people using their weight to pin the boy down .
Fredericks was apparently held down by the staffers for about 12 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the floor at Lakeside Academy where he lived , according to an investigation by state officials .
An attorney for his family said Fredericks repeatedly cried , `` I ca n't breathe . ''
When he became unresponsive , the state investigation found , employees at the home — which houses children in foster care or the juvenile justice system — failed to perform CPR and waited another 12 minutes to call for medical assistance .
Thirty hours later , Fredericks suffered a heart attack and died in hospital on May 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state after his mother died in her sleep and his `` father was n't in a place where he was able to take care of Cornelius and the family was n't able to take care of him , '' Jonathan Marko , an attorney representing Fredericks ' family told The Detroit News .
The boy 's family is suing Lakeside Academy and its parent company for $ 100 million , alleging negligence .
`` Cornelius 's scream of ' I ca n't breathe ' was not enough to get the staff members to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
According to the complaint filed Monday , `` The [ state ] Department of Health and Human Services has a laundry list of complaints that it has investigated and addressed regarding employees of the defendants improperly managing situations with residents at Lakeside Academy . ''
Geoffrey Fieger , another attorney working for the family , says the owners of Lakeside Academy , Sequel Youth Services , has refused to share a video of the incident .
`` It is time for the perpetrators to come clean , '' Fieger said in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can not comment on pending legal matters .
`` That said , we are deeply saddened by the tragic loss of Cornelius and acted quickly to terminate all staff involved , '' the company said in a statement .
`` We strongly support the decision of the prosecutor 's office to bring criminal charges , which was based on a very thorough law enforcement investigation , '' the statement said .
`` This was a tragic and senseless incident . ''

3 Children's Home Staffers Charged In Death Of 16-Year-Old
Enlarge this image toggle caption Fieger, Fieger, Kenney and Harrington PC Fieger, Fieger, Kenney and Harrington PC
Three former staff members of a Michigan youth home have been charged in the death of a 16-year-old Black boy. He died last month after employees sat on his chest, abdomen and legs in an effort to restrain him.
An autopsy report released Wednesday by the Kalamazoo medical examiner's office ruled the suffocation death of Cornelius Fredericks a homicide. The examination revealed it was the result of "restraint asphyxia," caused by multiple people using their weight to pin the boy down.
Fredericks was apparently held down by the staffers for about 12 minutes after throwing a piece of bread on the floor at Lakeside Academy where he lived, according to an investigation by state officials.
An attorney for his family said Fredericks repeatedly cried, "I can't breathe."
When he became unresponsive, the state investigation found, employees at the home — which houses children in foster care or the juvenile justice system — failed to perform CPR and waited another 12 minutes to call for medical assistance.
Thirty hours later, Fredericks suffered a heart attack and died in hospital on May 1.
As Michigan Radio reports:
"[Michael Mosley and Zachary Solis] are facing homicide charges of involuntary manslaughter charges (felonies that carry up to 15 years) as well as two second degree child abuse charges, each carrying up to 10 years. [Heather] McLogan is facing involuntary manslaughter and one charge of child abuse."
Fredericks became a ward of the state after his mother died in her sleep and his "father wasn't in a place where he was able to take care of Cornelius and the family wasn't able to take care of him," Jonathan Marko, an attorney representing Fredericks' family told The Detroit News.
The boy's family is suing Lakeside Academy and its parent company for $100 million, alleging negligence.
"Cornelius' scream of 'I can't breathe' was not enough to get the staff members to stop the excessive restraint," Marko said.
According to the complaint filed Monday, "The [state] Department of Health and Human Services has a laundry list of complaints that it has investigated and addressed regarding employees of the defendants improperly managing situations with residents at Lakeside Academy."
Geoffrey Fieger, another attorney working for the family, says the owners of Lakeside Academy, Sequel Youth Services, has refused to share a video of the incident.
"It is time for the perpetrators to come clean," Fieger said in a statement.
Meanwhile, Sequel says it cannot comment on pending legal matters. "That said, we are deeply saddened by the tragic loss of Cornelius and acted quickly to terminate all staff involved," the company said in a statement.
"We strongly support the decision of the prosecutor's office to bring criminal charges, which was based on a very thorough law enforcement investigation," the statement said. "This was a tragic and senseless incident."


npr--2020-06-25--House Approves Police Reform Bill, But Issue Stalled Amid Partisan Standoff

House Democrats made good on their plans to respond to a national outcry for reform of the nation 's law enforcement departments , with the chamber approving wide-ranging efforts to overhaul the way police do their jobs .
The legislation 's prospects , however , are short-circuited by a lack of bipartisan consensus on an ultimate plan .
Democrats developed their bill without GOP input , leaving Republicans to push their own counter proposal in the Senate .
Without any efforts to work on a bipartisan compromise the issue is likely stalled , potentially until after the fall election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a victory in the ongoing , national conversation raising alarms of misconduct , brutality and systemic racism in policing .
The House approved the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act by a vote of 236 to 181 one month to the day the bill 's namesake was killed .
Three Republicans supported the legislation .
`` Americans from every walk of life and corner of the country have been marching , protesting and demanding that this moment of national agony become one of national action , '' House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front steps ahead of passage .
`` Today , with the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act , the House is honoring his life and the lives of all killed by police brutality , and pledging : never again . ''
Pelosi asked the Congressional Black Caucus to lead the effort on the legislation , introduced two weeks after Floyd was was killed on May 25 in Minneapolis police custody .
Soon after , Floyd 's brother , Philonise , testified in a House Judiciary Committee hearing .
Buoyed by support from civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation could get a shot at passage should they perform well in the November elections .
Their bill drew most of the caucus as sponsors to ensure floor passage .
And it marks one of the most comprehensive efforts in modern times to re-imagine law enforcement departments across the country .
The measure bans federal police from using chokeholds and other dangerous restraints , as well as no-knock warrants in drug-related cases .
It also lowers legal standards to pursue criminal and civil penalties for police misconduct .
`` We are supposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights in other countries and the Justice In Policing Act is a bill for human rights in our country , '' said California Rep. Karen Bass , chair of the Congressional Black Caucus .
Senate Republicans separately fast-tracked their own plan for police reform , but Democrats blocked the effort from reaching the floor for debate on Wednesday .
Due to Senate rules the GOP needed 60 votes to advance the bill , but in the closely divided chamber they fell short of the support required from Democrats or Independents .
Democratic leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the lone GOP Black Senator Tim Scott , was not salvageable , so they resisted calls to engage in a process to debate and amend it .
On Thursday , House Republicans cried foul , slamming Democrats for thwarting the Senate bill and also opposing GOP amendments in the House .
`` From committee to floor , not one Republican amendment is going to be allowed .
Never consulted us on the creation of this bill .
I 've reached out to those on the Democratic side explaining that I wanted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kevin McCarthy , D-Calif. , told reporters .
`` I wanted to work together .
And I still do . ''
Scott lamented the setback after the failure of his bill to advance on Wednesday dealt a significant blow to the prospects for any deal on the issue .
`` Today , we lost a vote on a piece of legislation that would have led to systemic change in the relationship between communities of color and the law enforcement community , '' Scott said on the Senate floor .
`` We would have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you have to be for law enforcement or for communities of color .
That is a false binary choice .
My friends on the other side just said no . ''
The Senate Republican proposal steered away from outright bans , and changes to the legal shield that protects police from punishment in certain misconduct cases .
Instead , it focused on training for de-escalation tactics , new federal reporting requirements and incentives for the use of police body cameras .
Scott 's bill , which drew most of his chamber 's GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic provisions , such as the creation of a national database to track police misconduct and a provision to make lynching a federal crime .
Scott said he had tried to negotiate an `` open amendment '' process with Democrats , but they refused , saying there needed to be bipartisan talks on the bill before they could green-light floor debate .
In the end , only two Democrats , Sens .
Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Doug Jones of Alabama , and one independent , Angus King of Maine , joined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats insist that public pressure will force congressional Republicans to want to revisit the issue and move forward with a bipartisan measure .

House Approves Police Reform Bill, But Issue Stalled Amid Partisan Standoff
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
House Democrats made good on their plans to respond to a national outcry for reform of the nation's law enforcement departments, with the chamber approving wide-ranging efforts to overhaul the way police do their jobs.
The legislation's prospects, however, are short-circuited by a lack of bipartisan consensus on an ultimate plan. Democrats developed their bill without GOP input, leaving Republicans to push their own counter proposal in the Senate. Without any efforts to work on a bipartisan compromise the issue is likely stalled, potentially until after the fall election.
Nevertheless, Democrats said the moment marked a victory in the ongoing, national conversation raising alarms of misconduct, brutality and systemic racism in policing. The House approved the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act by a vote of 236-181 one month to the day the bill's namesake was killed. Three Republicans supported the legislation.
"Americans from every walk of life and corner of the country have been marching, protesting and demanding that this moment of national agony become one of national action," House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said from the Capitol's East front steps ahead of passage. "Today, with the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, the House is honoring his life and the lives of all killed by police brutality, and pledging: never again."
Pelosi asked the Congressional Black Caucus to lead the effort on the legislation, introduced two weeks after Floyd was was killed on May 25 in Minneapolis police custody. Soon after, Floyd's brother, Philonise, testified in a House Judiciary Committee hearing.
Buoyed by support from civil rights organizations, Democrats are betting their legislation could get a shot at passage should they perform well in the November elections.
Their bill drew most of the caucus as sponsors to ensure floor passage. And it marks one of the most comprehensive efforts in modern times to re-imagine law enforcement departments across the country.
The measure bans federal police from using chokeholds and other dangerous restraints, as well as no-knock warrants in drug-related cases. It also lowers legal standards to pursue criminal and civil penalties for police misconduct.
"We are supposed to be the beacon of hope for human rights in other countries and the Justice In Policing Act is a bill for human rights in our country," said California Rep. Karen Bass, chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.
Senate Republicans separately fast-tracked their own plan for police reform, but Democrats blocked the effort from reaching the floor for debate on Wednesday. Due to Senate rules the GOP needed 60 votes to advance the bill, but in the closely divided chamber they fell short of the support required from Democrats or Independents. Democratic leaders there insisted the Republican bill, drafted by the lone GOP Black Senator Tim Scott, was not salvageable, so they resisted calls to engage in a process to debate and amend it.
On Thursday, House Republicans cried foul, slamming Democrats for thwarting the Senate bill and also opposing GOP amendments in the House.
"From committee to floor, not one Republican amendment is going to be allowed. Never consulted us on the creation of this bill. I've reached out to those on the Democratic side explaining that I wanted to make law," House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., told reporters. "I wanted to work together. And I still do."
Scott lamented the setback after the failure of his bill to advance on Wednesday dealt a significant blow to the prospects for any deal on the issue.
"Today, we lost a vote on a piece of legislation that would have led to systemic change in the relationship between communities of color and the law enforcement community," Scott said on the Senate floor. "We would have broken the concept in this nation that you have to be for law enforcement or for communities of color. That is a false binary choice. My friends on the other side just said no."
The Senate Republican proposal steered away from outright bans, and changes to the legal shield that protects police from punishment in certain misconduct cases. Instead, it focused on training for de-escalation tactics, new federal reporting requirements and incentives for the use of police body cameras.
Scott's bill, which drew most of his chamber's GOP members as co-sponsors, also included several Democratic provisions, such as the creation of a national database to track police misconduct and a provision to make lynching a federal crime.
Scott said he had tried to negotiate an "open amendment" process with Democrats, but they refused, saying there needed to be bipartisan talks on the bill before they could green-light floor debate.
In the end, only two Democrats, Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Doug Jones of Alabama, and one independent, Angus King of Maine, joined the Republicans in their procedural motion.
Democrats insist that public pressure will force congressional Republicans to want to revisit the issue and move forward with a bipartisan measure.


npr--2020-06-25--Disney Announces Redesign Of Splash Mountain After Some Call Ride Themes Racist

Disney Announces Redesign Of Splash Mountain After Some Call Ride Themes Racist Splash Mountain , a Disney Theme Park staple ride , is undergoing a design change in response to complaints about its association with the film Song of the South .
Disney announced in a statement on Thursday that the ride would be `` re-themed '' to focus on the 2009 animated film The Princess and the Frog .
A Change.org petition says that the log flume ride — versions of which are in Disney parks in Florida , California and Japan — is `` steeped in extremely problematic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1946 film .
That petition , which called for the redesign announced Thursday , has received more than 20,000 signatures .
While the statement made clear that Splash Mountain will be redesigned in Disneyland and Disney World , it did not mention the version of the ride that exists in Tokyo .
Former Disney CEO Bob Iger has acknowledged that Song of the South , whose characters are depicted in the animatronic portion of the ride , is `` not appropriate in today 's world . ''
Iger said in March that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ animation elements and is set on a Georgia plantation after the Civil War , would not be included on the company 's Disney+ platform .
In 1946 , when the film was released by Disney , the NAACP strongly disapproved of the film , saying that `` in an effort neither to offend audiences in the North or South , the production helps to perpetuate a dangerously glorified picture of slavery ... .
[ the film ] unfortunately gives the impression of an idyllic master-slave relationship which is a distortion of the facts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ famous ride Pirates of the Caribbean , removing its misogynist depiction of a `` bridal auction '' in 2017 .
In Disney 's statement , spokesman Michael Ramirez said that the re-theming of Splash Mountain had been in the works since last year , but nodded to its relevance to discussions of race in America .
`` The retheming of Splash Mountain is of particular importance today , '' Ramirez said in Disney 's statement .
`` The new concept is inclusive – one that all of our guests can connect with and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the diversity of the millions of people who visit our parks each year.
``

Disney Announces Redesign Of Splash Mountain After Some Call Ride Themes Racist
Enlarge this image toggle caption Patrick Fallon/Bloomberg via Getty Images Patrick Fallon/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Splash Mountain, a Disney Theme Park staple ride, is undergoing a design change in response to complaints about its association with the film Song of the South. Disney announced in a statement on Thursday that the ride would be "re-themed" to focus on the 2009 animated film The Princess and the Frog.
A Change.org petition says that the log flume ride — versions of which are in Disney parks in Florida, California and Japan — is "steeped in extremely problematic and stereotypical racist tropes," from the 1946 film. That petition, which called for the redesign announced Thursday, has received more than 20,000 signatures.
While the statement made clear that Splash Mountain will be redesigned in Disneyland and Disney World, it did not mention the version of the ride that exists in Tokyo.
Former Disney CEO Bob Iger has acknowledged that Song of the South, whose characters are depicted in the animatronic portion of the ride, is "not appropriate in today's world." Iger said in March that the film, which combines live-action and animation elements and is set on a Georgia plantation after the Civil War, would not be included on the company's Disney+ platform.
In 1946, when the film was released by Disney, the NAACP strongly disapproved of the film, saying that "in an effort neither to offend audiences in the North or South, the production helps to perpetuate a dangerously glorified picture of slavery....[the film] unfortunately gives the impression of an idyllic master-slave relationship which is a distortion of the facts."
Disney parks previously changed the famous ride Pirates of the Caribbean, removing its misogynist depiction of a "bridal auction" in 2017.
In Disney's statement, spokesman Michael Ramirez said that the re-theming of Splash Mountain had been in the works since last year, but nodded to its relevance to discussions of race in America.
"The retheming of Splash Mountain is of particular importance today," Ramirez said in Disney's statement. "The new concept is inclusive – one that all of our guests can connect with and be inspired by, and it speaks to the diversity of the millions of people who visit our parks each year. "