npr--2020-10-31--The American Government Once Offered Widely Affordable Child Care ... 77 Years Ago

Rachael Shannon gets nostalgic when she thinks of the life she lived in Germany until just a couple of years ago .
While she and her husband worked , their children spent their days in child care , creating awesome crafts , building pillow forts and going on outings to farms where they 'd dig up potatoes .
`` It was like wow times 10 , '' says Shannon , who worked for a U.S. government contractor .
For this highly imaginative , full-time care for two kids , the Shannons paid about $ 750 a month , roughly a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Washington , D.C. , area where they returned to in 2018 .
Today , in the middle of the pandemic , Shannon is one of millions of parents at their wit 's end over the lack of good child care options here in the U.S .
Safe , reliable child care was already expensive and difficult to obtain before the pandemic .
Now it is even more so .
With increased costs due to social distancing and sanitation requirements , many day care centers have been forced to close .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fragility of the system and ignited a debate about why it ca n't be better .
Why do parents in the world 's wealthiest nation pay such a high price to have both children and jobs ?
`` I wish more Americans knew what parents are living like in other countries , '' Rachael Shannon says .
`` I 'm jealous , and I 'm angry . ''
The German system of highly subsidized child care is the norm across Europe .
It might sound like a utopian option for many American parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered its own version 77 years ago .
During World War II , as men headed off to war , women were called on to help run factories and perform all sorts of other jobs .
But it was clear that it would be impossible to pull off unless children were taken care of .
Child care was seen as a matter of national security .
Under the Lanham Act , day care centers , funded by federal and local dollars , opened up in communities impacted by the war .
In 1943 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , equivalent to $ 7.70 a day now .
`` The main priority was bringing women into defense factories , '' says historian Sonya Michel , author of the book Children 's Interests/Mothers ' Rights : The Shaping of America 's Child Care Policy .
`` Of course , they realized that many women were happy to be mothers , and they had to do something about that . ''
More than half a million children were cared for during the war , Michel says .
There was plenty of opposition to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from their mothers for long hours would result in psychological damage .
But it was overcome with a promise that government-funded child care would be `` for the duration only . ''
`` What that meant was as soon as the war was over , mothers were expected to return home .
And of course the federal funding would be withdrawn , '' Michel says .
`` As soon as the war was over , almost all the centers closed down right away . ''
Decades later , in 1971 , the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system , where the poorest children could attend for free and others on a sliding scale .
Congress passed such a bill , but it was vetoed by President Richard Nixon , who wrote about the `` family-weakening implications of the system it envisions . ''
Till today , the U.S. does not heavily subsidize child care , and the subsidies that do exist reach only 1 in 6 eligible children .
Most parents in the U.S. shoulder the high costs of child care on their own , according to analysis from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result , parents in the U.S. pay too much , and child care workers earn too little , says Ashley Williams , a senior policy analyst with the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California , Berkeley , and a former preschool teacher herself .
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics , child care workers earn a median wage of $ 11.65 per hour .
Their jobs , which are taxing in normal times , are now more stressful than ever , putting strain on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 40 % people of color .
The pandemic has made clear the need for more investment in the system , Williams says .
`` Parents need somewhere for their children to be safe and cared for so that they can engage in the economy . ''
But there is one employer in the U.S. that does make child care viable for both families and workers : the military .
The Defense Department 's Child Development Program has its origins in the end of the draft .
The military was no longer composed of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force meant there were now wives and children to consider .
`` There was a saying in the early days — you recruit the soldier , but you retain the family , '' says M.A .
Lucas , an early childhood educator who was tapped in 1980 to build a formal child care system for the U.S. Army .
Even with the experience of World War II , it was not an easy sell .
For the first couple of years , she avoided talking about children .
`` It did n't mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but we did n't talk about children .
We talked about the impact of the lack of child care on the military force , '' says Lucas , who was a military spouse herself .
She focused on readiness , and through anonymous surveys , demonstrated the immense need .
`` I asked soldiers at all levels , officers and enlisted , if they lost time from the job because of a lack of child care , '' she says .
`` It was an astounding revelation to find the high number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twenty percent of the workforce reported losing duty time .
Lucas went to work , guided by a mission statement that remains largely unchanged today : To reduce the conflict between parental responsibilities and the military mission .
She spent 31 years on the project .
Under Lucas 's leadership , the Army built day cares on bases for easy pickup and drop-off and kept them open for long hours to accommodate shifts .
Like other jobs in the military , there was a training regimen for caregivers , and they were paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sliding scale to make the care affordable .
But running child care in this manner is costly .
The Department of Defense spends more than $ 1 billion a year on child care .
`` It shows that the federal government can do it when it wants to , '' says historian Michel .
But despite the proof of concept , Americans remain allergic to the idea of funding such programs outside of times of need .
`` Maybe Congress and the government rises to the occasion in an emergency , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always the problem , '' Michel says .
Currently , a bill that would greatly expand federal child care subsidies sits idle .
The fate of the Child Care for Working Families Act will likely be determined in the next Congress .

The American Government Once Offered Widely Affordable Child Care ... 77 Years Ago
Enlarge this image Nicole Xu for NPR Nicole Xu for NPR
Rachael Shannon gets nostalgic when she thinks of the life she lived in Germany until just a couple of years ago. While she and her husband worked, their children spent their days in child care, creating awesome crafts, building pillow forts and going on outings to farms where they'd dig up potatoes.
"It was like wow times 10," says Shannon, who worked for a U.S. government contractor.
For this highly imaginative, full-time care for two kids, the Shannons paid about $750 a month, roughly a quarter of the cost of comparable care in the Washington, D.C., area where they returned to in 2018.
Today, in the middle of the pandemic, Shannon is one of millions of parents at their wit's end over the lack of good child care options here in the U.S. Safe, reliable child care was already expensive and difficult to obtain before the pandemic. Now it is even more so. With increased costs due to social distancing and sanitation requirements, many day care centers have been forced to close.
The pandemic-induced child care crisis has revealed the fragility of the system and ignited a debate about why it can't be better. Why do parents in the world's wealthiest nation pay such a high price to have both children and jobs?
"I wish more Americans knew what parents are living like in other countries," Rachael Shannon says. "I'm jealous, and I'm angry."
The German system of highly subsidized child care is the norm across Europe. It might sound like a utopian option for many American parents today, but the United States government offered its own version 77 years ago.
During World War II, as men headed off to war, women were called on to help run factories and perform all sorts of other jobs. But it was clear that it would be impossible to pull off unless children were taken care of. Child care was seen as a matter of national security.
Under the Lanham Act, day care centers, funded by federal and local dollars, opened up in communities impacted by the war. In 1943, families paid 50 cents per day, equivalent to $7.70 a day now.
"The main priority was bringing women into defense factories," says historian Sonya Michel, author of the book Children's Interests/Mothers' Rights: The Shaping of America's Child Care Policy.
More than half a million children were cared for during the war, Michel says.
There was plenty of opposition to the effort — some argued that separating children from their mothers for long hours would result in psychological damage. But it was overcome with a promise that government-funded child care would be "for the duration only."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ann Rosener/Library of Congress Ann Rosener/Library of Congress
"What that meant was as soon as the war was over, mothers were expected to return home. And of course the federal funding would be withdrawn," Michel says. "As soon as the war was over, almost all the centers closed down right away."
Decades later, in 1971, the U.S. came close to a universal child care system, where the poorest children could attend for free and others on a sliding scale. Congress passed such a bill, but it was vetoed by President Richard Nixon, who wrote about the "family-weakening implications of the system it envisions."
Till today, the U.S. does not heavily subsidize child care, and the subsidies that do exist reach only 1 in 6 eligible children. Most parents in the U.S. shoulder the high costs of child care on their own, according to analysis from the Center for American Progress.
As a result, parents in the U.S. pay too much, and child care workers earn too little, says Ashley Williams, a senior policy analyst with the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley, and a former preschool teacher herself.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, child care workers earn a median wage of $11.65 per hour. Their jobs, which are taxing in normal times, are now more stressful than ever, putting strain on a workforce that is almost exclusively women and 40% people of color.
The pandemic has made clear the need for more investment in the system, Williams says. "Parents need somewhere for their children to be safe and cared for so that they can engage in the economy."
But there is one employer in the U.S. that does make child care viable for both families and workers: the military.
The Defense Department's Child Development Program has its origins in the end of the draft. The military was no longer composed of single men in barracks. A volunteer force meant there were now wives and children to consider.
"There was a saying in the early days — you recruit the soldier, but you retain the family," says M.A. Lucas, an early childhood educator who was tapped in 1980 to build a formal child care system for the U.S. Army.
Even with the experience of World War II, it was not an easy sell. For the first couple of years, she avoided talking about children. "It didn't mean we weren't thinking about children, but we didn't talk about children. We talked about the impact of the lack of child care on the military force," says Lucas, who was a military spouse herself.
She focused on readiness, and through anonymous surveys, demonstrated the immense need.
"I asked soldiers at all levels, officers and enlisted, if they lost time from the job because of a lack of child care," she says. "It was an astounding revelation to find the high number of folks that admitted to it." Twenty percent of the workforce reported losing duty time.
Lucas went to work, guided by a mission statement that remains largely unchanged today: To reduce the conflict between parental responsibilities and the military mission. She spent 31 years on the project.
Under Lucas's leadership, the Army built day cares on bases for easy pickup and drop-off and kept them open for long hours to accommodate shifts. Like other jobs in the military, there was a training regimen for caregivers, and they were paid competitive wages. Fees were charged on a sliding scale to make the care affordable.
But running child care in this manner is costly. The Department of Defense spends more than $1 billion a year on child care.
"It shows that the federal government can do it when it wants to," says historian Michel. But despite the proof of concept, Americans remain allergic to the idea of funding such programs outside of times of need.
"Maybe Congress and the government rises to the occasion in an emergency, but does it last afterward? That's always the problem," Michel says.
Currently, a bill that would greatly expand federal child care subsidies sits idle. The fate of the Child Care for Working Families Act will likely be determined in the next Congress.


npr--2020-10-31--Virtual Education Is Impacting College Students' Access To Voting

College students who are studying remotely can vote in the state where their college is located .
But this is @ @ @ @ @ and students are organizing .

Virtual Education Is Impacting College Students' Access To Voting
College students who are studying remotely can vote in the state where their college is located. But this is controversial in some places, and students are organizing.
SCOTT SIMON, HOST:
The pandemic has upended a lot of things about campus life for U.S. college students, including voting. NHPR's Casey McDermott reports on what that's meant in New Hampshire, a state where the student vote has made a difference.
CASEY MCDERMOTT, BYLINE: The 2016 presidential race in New Hampshire was decided by just 2,700 votes. Since then, college students have been at the center of state House debates over new Republican-backed residency laws. They've been plaintiffs when those same laws ended up in court. And they've been wooed by Democratic politicians who know that this small but powerful constituency can give their party an edge in tight statewide races. And while students like Jonathan Briffault say all of this attention is flattering, it can feel a little hollow.
JONATHAN BRIFFAULT: It's a little bit disappointing that students are seen as kind of playthings for the major political parties.
MCDERMOTT: Briffault, a senior at Dartmouth, is just the kind of student whose ability to vote in New Hampshire has been most tenuous the last few years. Like most of Dartmouth's student body, he's from out of state. But to him, New Hampshire feels most like home.
BRIFFAULT: I literally have not lived in another place for the same amount of time. Like, from a sheer week's perspective...
MCDERMOTT: Dartmouth limited the number of students allowed back on campus this fall because of the pandemic. Briffault is living temporarily in Vermont, but he still plans to send an absentee ballot to New Hampshire.
BRIFFAULT: The rules actually affect me in Hanover much more than they do at home. I pay taxes in New Hampshire, and so that's where I feel I should vote.
MCDERMOTT: As recently as this month, politicians were still fighting over whether the law does allow students like Briffault to vote here. A few weeks ago, the Republican Party asked the state to ban students from voting absentee if they were living and learning remotely. That prompted a quick rebuke from Democrats but also from the attorney general, who said the law is clear. A college student, or any other voter, doesn't lose their right to vote just because they leave the state temporarily, as long as they intend to return.
This latest saga over student voting came and went fairly quickly, but it did hit home why Dartmouth students like Cait McGovern have been walking such a tight rope in their voter turnout efforts this fall.
CAIT MCGOVERN: We are a strictly nonpartisan organization.
MCDERMOTT: McGovern, Briffault and other campus leaders have been working for months to get as many of their fellow students to vote as possible. That includes a special website to make it easier for Dartmouth students who were already registered in New Hampshire to request an absentee ballot with just a few clicks. But they're also careful to leave that choice up to each student.
MCGOVERN: Our only goal is ensuring the students know their voter rights and that students are able to vote easily during this election.
MCDERMOTT: It's not clear how many students are planning to cast a ballot in New Hampshire while they're away from campus. But for all of the emphasis on that group of students, there are also others, like Jennifer Qian, who switched her voter registration from Hanover, N.H., to her hometown, Chapel Hill, N.C.
JENNIFER QIAN: I remember, like, a while ago, I was like, I don't know where I should vote. Like, I'm not sure.
MCDERMOTT: Qian voted in New Hampshire during the presidential primary, but she returned back to North Carolina earlier this year. Between the pandemic and some other plans on the horizon, it's not clear when she'll be back in New Hampshire.
QIAN: I guess I was just, like, glad that I have - like, I know I have the option to vote in either location. And for me, I just, like, wanted to be able to vote in North Carolina and kind of, like, make my voice heard more, like, here, especially with some of the local elections here.
MCDERMOTT: And for now, North Carolina, not New Hampshire, feels most like her home. For NPR News, I'm Casey McDermott in Manchester.
(SOUNDBITE OF WISE IN TIME'S "LORD")
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-10-31--Trump, Biden Make Final Statements Before Election Day

Audio will be available later today .
President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden make their closing arguments @ @ @ @ @ unusual campaign season to say the least .

Trump, Biden Make Final Statements Before Election Day
President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden make their closing arguments in what's been an unusual campaign season to say the least.
SCOTT SIMON, HOST:
Donald Trump and Joe Biden are getting out their final messages to voters.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Hello, Michigan. How are you doing, Michigan? How are you doing? It's cold, but I feel very warm in this group. This is a great group.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
JOE BIDEN: Hello, Milwaukee. It's good to be back. It's good to be back. I tell you what, they told me it's going to be indoors. You are a hearty bunch, Milwaukee.
SIMON: NPR political correspondent Scott Detrow has been following every step of the candidates and joins us now. Scott, thanks so much for being with us.
SCOTT DETROW, BYLINE: Good morning.
SIMON: And can you tell us where Trump and Biden are traveling now and what their itinerary might say about their strategy?
DETROW: Well, we are ending this race where we began it - in the Great Lakes states that gave President Trump the White House four years ago. That's Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan. That is where both candidates are spending most of their last few days before Election Day. President Trump is going to hold four different rallies in Pennsylvania today. Biden will be there Sunday and Monday. And today, he's in Michigan holding his first joint rally with his one-time running mate, former President Barack Obama. So get ready to hear a lot of honking at that big drive-in rally.
So again, the focus is on those key states, though. You know, it's worth pointing out Kamala Harris was in Texas yesterday, and that's probably a surprise from what we were thinking about earlier this year.
SIMON: And, of course, we note, nearly 230,000 Americans have died from coronavirus. There are increasing infection numbers. Both candidates are talking about the pandemic but in different ways.
DETROW: Could not be more different. As the pandemic surges again, particularly in the Midwest, President Trump continues to downplay it, continues to hold big rallies where there are not many masks worn. And recently, he has taken his skepticism to a new level, implying hospitals are inflating COVID cases. Here he is yesterday in Michigan.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
TRUMP: You know, our doctors get more money if somebody dies from COVID. You know that, right? I mean, our doctors are very smart people. So what they do is they say, I'm sorry, but, you know, everybody dies of COVID.
DETROW: And just to be clear, the American Medical Association and other health groups say doctors are absolutely not inflating COVID numbers. Biden responded to this claim from Trump last night when he was in Wisconsin.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BIDEN: This guy says that they're raking it up because they want to make more money. Doctors and nurses go today - go to work every single day. Donald Trump should stop attacking them and start doing his job.
DETROW: And this is all as cases in Wisconsin in particular just surge through the roof. Biden has campaigned on the idea that he would approach this with a centralized federal plan and work hard to get the virus under control.
SIMON: And, Scott, this extraordinary early voting turnout, what does it mean to each of the campaigns?
DETROW: Well, Democrats feel good about a lot of the early voting trends, particularly the number of younger voters who haven't voted before. But there is one exception - that is more and more Democrats getting worried that Black voters are not turning out in similar numbers. And that's, of course, a key, important voting bloc for the Democratic Party. With so much of the Democratic early vote probably already banked, Democrats are certainly going to be focusing on that going into Tuesday.
SIMON: NPR's Scott Detrow, thanks so much for being with us.
DETROW: Thank you.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-10-31--Inks And Colors Rescue 'Blue In Green' From Plodding Plotting

Inks And Colors Rescue 'Blue In Green ' From Plodding Plotting There 's a particular music myth that 's been told and retold so many times , it ca n't possibly be true .
It probably persists thanks to a combination of musicians ' tendency to romanticize themselves and everyone else 's tendency to romanticize an avocation they do n't understand .
The best example of it is the famous story about Robert Johnson meeting Satan at a crossroads , but there are countless other tales implying the same thing : that great talent requires some sort of devil 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aspect of one 's humanity .
We 've seen it everywhere from Kurt Cobain 's suicide note to Andrew Lloyd Webber 's Phantom of the Opera .
Myths endure for a reason , and there 's probably a way to write about this one that does n't feel hackneyed .
It 's unfortunate that Ram V , author of the new graphic novel Blue In Green , has n't found it .
It 's doubly unfortunate because his artist , Mumbai illustrator Anand RK , and his colorist , John Pearson , pull @ @ @ @ @ @ @ artwork .
There are a lot of ideas in Blue In Green , but the good ones are all implied visually .
It 's kind of uncanny to see a book about the power of creativity simultaneously epitomize and betray its theme .
Fortunately , though , comics is a visual medium at heart .
This is hardly the first time a talented artist has saved a comic from its writer .
Blue In Green 's protagonist Erik is a sax player who never made it , despite being `` some kinda music @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Erik decided long ago that his lack of something `` intangible '' meant `` I would never come close to any kind of excellence , '' so he abandoned performing and became a music teacher .
Summoned home by the death of his mother , he encounters an unnamed evil spirit ( it would be far more satisfying if the author had just gone ahead and made it the Devil himself ) who offers him virtuosity in exchange for his sanity and , ultimately , his life .
The author thinks he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emphasizing how many times we 've heard it before : As Erik talks to the spirit , Ram reminds us of Charlie Parker and Cobain .
Ram quotes the latter 's declaration , in his aforementioned suicide note , that `` it 's better to burn out than to fade away , '' but neglects to mention that Kurt got that line from Neil Young ( or maybe Def Leppard ) .
But Ram 's not like the jazz musicians he seeks to evoke : instead of taking this familiar melody in new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as written .
While Ram 's story hardly sings , RK 's artwork is another matter .
Inspired by the deceptive looseness of jazz in a way Ram is n't , RK engages with the comic tradition in all sorts of clever ways .
Comics are generally associated with an immediately recognizable `` cartoon '' style : A few memorable lines will indicate a larger picture , while a character will be summed up with one or two exaggerated features .
If you were to liken traditional cartoons to classical music , RK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His fuzzy edges and blotches of ambiguous color are as far as you can get from the simple lines and flat tones associated with traditional comics , and his approach to drawing faces is anti-iconic .
His characters all start as unstable , foggy sketches , as if you 're seeing them through the hazy air of a smoky club .
RK gives you one or two features to identify characters from panel to panel , but otherwise their faces are usually obscured with crosshatching and melty at the edges .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` You 're going to peg this person by their glasses/nose/hairstyle , so what 's the point of filling in the rest ?
How will you decide you 've really seen them ? ''
Since Erik and many of the other characters are black , RK 's approach can also be read as a rebuke to the racism of classic comics .
By refusing to boil his characters down to one or two iconic features , he forces the reader to confront a whole range of assumptions about what people are supposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other ways , too .
His compositions , angles and graphical effects echo the work of advertising illustrators in the heyday of Miles Davis and John Coltrane .
( The title of this book is taken from a Davis song . )
He often leaves faint gridlines on his pages , alluding to the rigid laws that invisibly undergird jazz improvisation .
Pearson expands the typical noir palette , lavishly pouring out saturated hues of hot pink , throbbing coral , electric purple and sunshine yellow .
The only time the artists stumble @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Erik meets ( it looks like something from a Halloween attraction ) and Erik 's psychotic break .
It 's as if Ram 's plodding story beats are throwing them off their rhythm .
Still , RK and Pearson launch a fascinating , layered , exploratory flight off of Ram 's trite composition .
They make Blue In Green worth checking out .
Let 's just hope they did n't have to sell their souls to do it .
Etelka Lehoczky has written about books for The Atlantic , The Los Angeles Review @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She tweets at @ EtelkaL .

Inks And Colors Rescue 'Blue In Green' From Plodding Plotting
Enlarge this image Image Comics Image Comics
There's a particular music myth that's been told and retold so many times, it can't possibly be true. It probably persists thanks to a combination of musicians' tendency to romanticize themselves and everyone else's tendency to romanticize an avocation they don't understand. The best example of it is the famous story about Robert Johnson meeting Satan at a crossroads, but there are countless other tales implying the same thing: that great talent requires some sort of devil's bargain, a trade for a crucial aspect of one's humanity. We've seen it everywhere from Kurt Cobain's suicide note to Andrew Lloyd Webber's Phantom of the Opera.
Myths endure for a reason, and there's probably a way to write about this one that doesn't feel hackneyed. It's unfortunate that Ram V, author of the new graphic novel Blue In Green, hasn't found it. It's doubly unfortunate because his artist, Mumbai illustrator Anand RK, and his colorist, John Pearson, pull off some genuinely exciting things in their artwork. There are a lot of ideas in Blue In Green, but the good ones are all implied visually. It's kind of uncanny to see a book about the power of creativity simultaneously epitomize and betray its theme. Fortunately, though, comics is a visual medium at heart. This is hardly the first time a talented artist has saved a comic from its writer.
This is hardly the first time a talented artist has saved a comic from its writer.
Blue In Green's protagonist Erik is a sax player who never made it, despite being "some kinda music whiz kid back in high school." Erik decided long ago that his lack of something "intangible" meant "I would never come close to any kind of excellence," so he abandoned performing and became a music teacher. Summoned home by the death of his mother, he encounters an unnamed evil spirit (it would be far more satisfying if the author had just gone ahead and made it the Devil himself) who offers him virtuosity in exchange for his sanity and, ultimately, his life. The author thinks he can make this story interesting again by emphasizing how many times we've heard it before: As Erik talks to the spirit, Ram reminds us of Charlie Parker and Cobain. Ram quotes the latter's declaration, in his aforementioned suicide note, that "it's better to burn out than to fade away," but neglects to mention that Kurt got that line from Neil Young (or maybe Def Leppard). But Ram's not like the jazz musicians he seeks to evoke: instead of taking this familiar melody in new directions, he simply plays it out as written.
While Ram's story hardly sings, RK's artwork is another matter. Inspired by the deceptive looseness of jazz in a way Ram isn't, RK engages with the comic tradition in all sorts of clever ways. Comics are generally associated with an immediately recognizable "cartoon" style: A few memorable lines will indicate a larger picture, while a character will be summed up with one or two exaggerated features.
If you were to liken traditional cartoons to classical music, RK's drawings might be analogous to jazz. His fuzzy edges and blotches of ambiguous color are as far as you can get from the simple lines and flat tones associated with traditional comics, and his approach to drawing faces is anti-iconic. His characters all start as unstable, foggy sketches, as if you're seeing them through the hazy air of a smoky club. RK gives you one or two features to identify characters from panel to panel, but otherwise their faces are usually obscured with crosshatching and melty at the edges. It's as if he's saying, "You're going to peg this person by their glasses/nose/hairstyle, so what's the point of filling in the rest? How will you decide you've really seen them?" Since Erik and many of the other characters are black, RK's approach can also be read as a rebuke to the racism of classic comics. By refusing to boil his characters down to one or two iconic features, he forces the reader to confront a whole range of assumptions about what people are supposed to look like.
RK references jazz in other ways, too. His compositions, angles and graphical effects echo the work of advertising illustrators in the heyday of Miles Davis and John Coltrane. (The title of this book is taken from a Davis song.) He often leaves faint gridlines on his pages, alluding to the rigid laws that invisibly undergird jazz improvisation. Pearson expands the typical noir palette, lavishly pouring out saturated hues of hot pink, throbbing coral, electric purple and sunshine yellow. The only time the artists stumble is when they depict the evil spirit Erik meets (it looks like something from a Halloween attraction) and Erik's psychotic break. It's as if Ram's plodding story beats are throwing them off their rhythm.
Still, RK and Pearson launch a fascinating, layered, exploratory flight off of Ram's trite composition. They make Blue In Green worth checking out. Let's just hope they didn't have to sell their souls to do it.
Etelka Lehoczky has written about books for The Atlantic, The Los Angeles Review of Books and The New York Times. She tweets at @EtelkaL.


npr--2020-10-31--Policing Reform, Civilian Oversight And More: After Months Of Protest, Voters Decide

Policing Reform , Civilian Oversight And More : After Months Of Protest , Voters Decide This summer 's massive protests over police brutality , spurred by the deaths of George Floyd , Breonna Taylor and others , demanded significant changes in policing .
Those protests have moved some cities and states to `` reimagine '' what departments could look like through changes in funding and legislation .
Some efforts stalled , like in Minneapolis where George Floyd was killed .
Some saw success , like in Colorado , New York and Virginia , which all passed sweeping new laws addressing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oversight , among other things .
The effects of those new laws wo n't be known for a while .
Other efforts that deal with specific reform measures are on the Nov. 3 ballot in several cities and states .
Here 's a look at what changes are being sought : Seven local ballot initiatives center around civilian oversight of police , shifting money from criminal justice to social services , and evaluating the size of police departments .
Los Angeles County : Measure J , Los Angeles County Community Investment and Alternatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the county 's charter and require the allocation of money from the general fund ( no less than 10 % by the summer of 2024 ) for housing , mental health care and programs considered alternatives to incarceration .
The money could not be spent on the Sheriff 's department and other county law enforcement agencies .
Supporters say it resets county spending to address long standing inequities- especially in communities of color .
Oakland : Measure S1 would strengthen oversight of the Police Department by building on an earlier measure approved four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Commission .
It expands the powers of the commission and the Community Police Review Agency ( CPRA ) .
It creates the Office of Inspector General , which would review cases of police misconduct and CPRA investigations .
It also makes the commission independent—taking it out of the city and police department 's chain of command .
Backers of the measure say it increases public trust and police accountability .
San Diego , Measure B .
In recent years , activists have pushed for a stronger community review board .
Measure B @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Department from the advisory Community Review Board on Police Practices to the Commission on Police Practices which would have the power to subpoena witnesses and conduct investigations into police officer misconduct .
It would review complaints against officers and investigate all deaths that are a result of police interaction , including in-custody deaths .
The commission would be independent of the Mayor and the city police department .
San Francisco : Proposition D , Sheriff Oversight .
The measure would set up two new oversight bodies for the San Francisco County Sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oversight Board would make policy recommendations .
The Sheriff Department 's Office of Inspector General would conduct investigations of in-custody deaths and complaints and make policy recommendations on police use of force .
The ballot question comes in the wake of misconduct allegations that have been made about the Sheriff 's Department in recent years .
The city 's Proposition E calls for amending the city 's charter to remove the mandatory police staffing level of a minimum of 1,971 full-duty sworn officers .
Instead it requires the police department to conduct regular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to recommend staffing levels in a report to the Police Commission .
The Commission would hold a public hearing on the report and consider it when approving the Police Department 's budget .
City officials call the current staffing requirement arbitrary , the San Francisco Police Association says the department is understaffed and opposes the change San Jose : Measure G expands the authority of San Jose 's independent police auditor to review reports and records related to officer-involved shootings and uses of force that resulted in injury or death .
Currently the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents .
In September , the City Council approved a plan to work with the public to address several criminal justice issues including use of force complaints .
Sonoma County : Proposition P calls for a yes or no on a measure to `` increase law enforcement transparency and accountability and to build public trust in County government and the Sheriff 's office by expanding the authority and independence of a law enforcement oversight body .
The measure would expand the powers of the Independent Office of Law Enforcement Review and Outreach ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It would also expand and revise the duties and power of the Community Advisory Council .
The Sonoma County 's Law Enforcement Association and Deputy Sheriff 's Association oppose the measure while the former head of IOLERO supports it .
Illinois has two advisory referenda on the ballot in DuPage County — an area 20 miles west of Chicago .
Both measures are a response , perhaps , to the calls to `` defund the police . ''
Historically , the largest portion of the county 's budget , about 47 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including the DuPage County Sheriff , the State 's Attorney , the Public Defender and other offices .
The Law Enforcement Budget Advisory asks voters whether the county should continue to consider law enforcement and public safety as its top budgeting priority .
A second advisory initiative asks whether DuPage County should continue to fund and support training methods that decrease the risk of injury to officers and suspects .
In an editorial , the Daily Herald , a newspaper which covers DuPage County , suggests county officials filled the ballot with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that would require consolidating county government .
In 2017 , Akron was reportedly the first city in Ohio to provide a body camera for all police officers .
In an effort to increase `` transparency and accountability , '' Issue 2 on the November ballot would require recordings from police body and dashboard cameras that document police use of force that results in death or serious injury be released to the public , as long as the release is permissible under state or federal law .
Voters in Columbus , meanwhile , will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Civilian Police Review Board to carry out investigations of alleged police misconduct .
The amendment to the city 's charter would also create an Inspector General for the Police Department .
Columbus does not have a civilian police review board .
Supporters say this measure would increase public trust and police accountability .
In published reports , the head of the police union says the union is committed to change but calls the measure an attack on collective bargaining rights .
Portland has seen months of nightly protests following the death of George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Measure 26-217 voters will decide whether to amend the city 's charter and create a new independent police oversight board that would have the power to discipline and fire police officers .
Currently , the police chief and the police commissioner handle discipline and a city agency , the Independent Police Review investigates complaints against police officers .
Two cities have police reform measures are on the ballot — Philadelphia and Pittsburgh .
On Oct. 26 — a week before Election Day — angry protests broke out in Philadelphia after police fatally shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man .
Advocates who say they are creating a strategy to hold police accountable say the shooting is one reason why they are calling for a stronger civilian agency to investigate claims of police misconduct .
Philadelphia , Question 3 : Police Commission would amend the city 's charter and replace the current Police Advisory Commission , which critics say has not provided effective oversight , with the Citizens Oversight Committee .
Philadelphia , Question 1 : Stop and Frisk asks voters whether city law should eliminate `` unconstitutional stop and frisk '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ban the practice .
It states an officer must have reasonable suspicion that a person is engaged in criminal activity in order to stop that person , and an officer ca n't stop someone based on `` their race , ethnicity , gender , sexuality , religious affiliation or expression or other protected characteristic . ''
In Pittsburgh , Ballot Question 3 asks whether voters should approve expanding the powers of the Independent Citizen Police Review Board to investigate police misconduct and improve community relations .
The question would require police officers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be terminated if they failed to cooperate .
In Kyle , about 20 miles south of Austin , Proposition D is a police department oversight proposal would amend the city 's charter and authorize the city council to review police department procedures and set up an police oversight committee .
Tumultuous protests in Seattle this summer led to an unsuccessful fight to slash the police budget by 50 % and the resignation of the city 's police chief .
Now , there are four referenda on the ballot for voters in King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the recommendations were made by the county 's Charter Review Commission and before the widespread protests over police brutality .
King County Charter Amendment 1 would amend the county charter to require investigations anytime a person dies in the custody of law enforcement and to provide a public attorney to represent the family of the deceased during an inquest proceeding .
King County Charter Amendment 4 would give the county 's Office of Law Enforcement Oversight ( OLEO ) ability to subpoena witnesses , documents and other evidence in its investigations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5 would change the office of the sheriff from an elected position to an appointed one .
Current King County voters elect the sheriff to a four year term .
Under the amendment , the County Executive would appoint the sheriff subject to approval by the county council .
King County Charter Amendment 6 would allow the King County Council to define the duties of the Sheriff 's office instead of , as currently , by statute .
Supporters say that would allow diverse voices to propose changes like providing alternatives to 911 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sheriff 's office campaign , say the measure is an attempt to defund the office .
Several ballot measures for all voters in specific states address criminal justice issues well beyond policing and could bring significant changes .
Here are some of the key initiatives : In four states — Arizona , Montana , New Jersey and South Dakota — voters will decide whether their state will join 11 others where recreational marijuana is already legal .
A medical marijuana initiative is also on the ballot in South Dakota and in Mississippi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , like a ban on the carotid chokehold and other neck restraints , did pass this year .
Despite demands calling for overhauling the state 's criminal justice system , several police reform bills failed or were never brought up for a vote .
California residents will make those decisions directly now with a vote on three referenda on the statewide ballot .
Proposition 25 : Replace Cash Bail with Risk Assessments Referendum .
This measure calls for voters to decide whether to keep the current bail system or uphold Senate Bill 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on hold before it took effect after activists gathered signatures for a referendum .
SB10 would require judges to use , what are now considered controversial , risk assessment tools to evaluate whether a person should be released or kept in jail .
Proposition 17 : The Voting Rights Restoration for Persons on Parole .
California allows people who have finished their prison terms to vote .
A yes vote for Proposition 17 would allow people released on parole to do so .
The Prison Policy Institute estimates that move could restore voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 : Criminal Sentencing , Parole and DNA Collection Initiative- This measure changes sentencing laws passed earlier in California aimed at reducing incarceration .
It restricts parole for offenses currently considered nonviolent .
It also authorizes felony sentences ( longer prison terms ) for offenses currently treated as misdemeanors .
Crimes like unlawful use of a credit card or theft of a vehicle or firearm , all misdemeanors , could be charged as more serious crimes .
The measure also requires the collection of DNA for certain misdemeanors .
Proposal 2 : The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how changes in technology affect privacy and crime .
This measure is a constitutional amendment which would require a search warrant to access a person 's electronic data and electronic communications .
That 's just in the same way current law protects a person 's house or papers from unreasonable search or seizure .
State Question 805 : the Criminal History in Sentencing and Sentence Modification Initiative .
Oklahoma has one of the highest incarceration rates in the country .
This measure would amend the state 's constitution and prohibit using a person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an enhanced sentence that would add additional time to the sentence of a person convicted of a new nonviolent felony .
The amendment would also allow people in Oklahoma convicted of a nonviolent felony currently serving time on an enhanced sentence to petition the court for a shorter sentence .
Twelve states in the country have constitutional amendments , nearly identical to the Thirteenth Amendment , which prohibit slavery and involuntary servitude except as punishment for people convicted of crimes .
Advocates say the loophole allows states to force people serving prison time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay ) and making the change would not prevent voluntary opportunities .
Voters in Nebraska and Utah will decide whether to remove the exception as they vote on Nebraska Amendment 1 and Utah Amendment C , the Remove Slavery as Punishment for Crime from Constitution Amendment

Policing Reform, Civilian Oversight And More: After Months Of Protest, Voters Decide
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
This summer's massive protests over police brutality, spurred by the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and others, demanded significant changes in policing.
Race Protests Sparked By The Death Of George Floyd In Minneapolis Intensify Protests Sparked By The Death Of George Floyd In Minneapolis Intensify Listen · 4:09 4:09
Those protests have moved some cities and states to "reimagine" what departments could look like through changes in funding and legislation. Some efforts stalled, like in Minneapolis where George Floyd was killed.
Some saw success, like in Colorado, New York and Virginia, which all passed sweeping new laws addressing use of force, funding and community oversight, among other things. The effects of those new laws won't be known for a while.
Other efforts that deal with specific reform measures are on the Nov. 3 ballot in several cities and states.
Here's a look at what changes are being sought:
California
Seven local ballot initiatives center around civilian oversight of police, shifting money from criminal justice to social services, and evaluating the size of police departments.
Los Angeles County: Measure J, Los Angeles County Community Investment and Alternatives to Incarceration. This measure would amend the county's charter and require the allocation of money from the general fund (no less than 10% by the summer of 2024) for housing, mental health care and programs considered alternatives to incarceration. The money could not be spent on the Sheriff's department and other county law enforcement agencies. Supporters say it resets county spending to address long standing inequities- especially in communities of color.
Oakland: Measure S1 would strengthen oversight of the Police Department by building on an earlier measure approved four years ago which established a civilian based Police Commission. It expands the powers of the commission and the Community Police Review Agency (CPRA). It creates the Office of Inspector General, which would review cases of police misconduct and CPRA investigations. It also makes the commission independent—taking it out of the city and police department's chain of command. Backers of the measure say it increases public trust and police accountability.
San Diego, Measure B. In recent years, activists have pushed for a stronger community review board. Measure B changes civilian oversight of the San Diego Police Department from the advisory Community Review Board on Police Practices to the Commission on Police Practices which would have the power to subpoena witnesses and conduct investigations into police officer misconduct. It would review complaints against officers and investigate all deaths that are a result of police interaction, including in-custody deaths. The commission would be independent of the Mayor and the city police department.
San Francisco: Proposition D, Sheriff Oversight. The measure would set up two new oversight bodies for the San Francisco County Sheriff's Department. The Sheriff's Department Oversight Board would make policy recommendations. The Sheriff Department's Office of Inspector General would conduct investigations of in-custody deaths and complaints and make policy recommendations on police use of force. The ballot question comes in the wake of misconduct allegations that have been made about the Sheriff's Department in recent years.
The city's Proposition E calls for amending the city's charter to remove the mandatory police staffing level of a minimum of 1,971 full-duty sworn officers. Instead it requires the police department to conduct regular evaluations — every two years — and to recommend staffing levels in a report to the Police Commission. The Commission would hold a public hearing on the report and consider it when approving the Police Department's budget. City officials call the current staffing requirement arbitrary, the San Francisco Police Association says the department is understaffed and opposes the change
San Jose: Measure G expands the authority of San Jose's independent police auditor to review reports and records related to officer-involved shootings and uses of force that resulted in injury or death. Currently the auditor does not have access to those documents. In September, the City Council approved a plan to work with the public to address several criminal justice issues including use of force complaints.
Sonoma County: Proposition P calls for a yes or no on a measure to "increase law enforcement transparency and accountability and to build public trust in County government and the Sheriff's office by expanding the authority and independence of a law enforcement oversight body. The measure would expand the powers of the Independent Office of Law Enforcement Review and Outreach(IOLERO) to investigate Sheriff related issues. It would also expand and revise the duties and power of the Community Advisory Council. The Sonoma County's Law Enforcement Association and Deputy Sheriff's Association oppose the measure while the former head of IOLERO supports it.
Illinois
Illinois has two advisory referenda on the ballot in DuPage County — an area 20 miles west of Chicago. Both measures are a response, perhaps, to the calls to "defund the police." Historically, the largest portion of the county's budget, about 47%, has been dedicated to law enforcement, including the DuPage County Sheriff, the State's Attorney, the Public Defender and other offices. The Law Enforcement Budget Advisory asks voters whether the county should continue to consider law enforcement and public safety as its top budgeting priority. A second advisory initiative asks whether DuPage County should continue to fund and support training methods that decrease the risk of injury to officers and suspects. In an editorial, the Daily Herald, a newspaper which covers DuPage County, suggests county officials filled the ballot with advisory questions to remove a ballot question that would require consolidating county government.
Ohio
In 2017, Akron was reportedly the first city in Ohio to provide a body camera for all police officers. In an effort to increase "transparency and accountability," Issue 2 on the November ballot would require recordings from police body and dashboard cameras that document police use of force that results in death or serious injury be released to the public, as long as the release is permissible under state or federal law.
Voters in Columbus, meanwhile, will decide whether the city should create a Civilian Police Review Board to carry out investigations of alleged police misconduct. The amendment to the city's charter would also create an Inspector General for the Police Department. Columbus does not have a civilian police review board. Supporters say this measure would increase public trust and police accountability. In published reports, the head of the police union says the union is committed to change but calls the measure an attack on collective bargaining rights.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Nathan Howard/Getty Images Nathan Howard/Getty Images
Oregon
Portland has seen months of nightly protests following the death of George Floyd while in police custody. With Measure 26-217 voters will decide whether to amend the city's charter and create a new independent police oversight board that would have the power to discipline and fire police officers. Currently, the police chief and the police commissioner handle discipline and a city agency, the Independent Police Review investigates complaints against police officers.
Pennsylvania
Two cities have police reform measures are on the ballot — Philadelphia and Pittsburgh.
On Oct. 26 — a week before Election Day — angry protests broke out in Philadelphia after police fatally shot Walter Wallace Jr., a 27-year-old Black man. Advocates who say they are creating a strategy to hold police accountable say the shooting is one reason why they are calling for a stronger civilian agency to investigate claims of police misconduct.
Philadelphia, Question 3: Police Commission would amend the city's charter and replace the current Police Advisory Commission, which critics say has not provided effective oversight, with the Citizens Oversight Committee.
Philadelphia, Question 1: Stop and Frisk asks voters whether city law should eliminate "unconstitutional stop and frisk" policing. The measure would not entirely ban the practice. It states an officer must have reasonable suspicion that a person is engaged in criminal activity in order to stop that person, and an officer can't stop someone based on "their race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, religious affiliation or expression or other protected characteristic."
In Pittsburgh, Ballot Question 3 asks whether voters should approve expanding the powers of the Independent Citizen Police Review Board to investigate police misconduct and improve community relations. The question would require police officers to participate in investigations of misconduct and officers could be terminated if they failed to cooperate.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mark Makela/Getty Images Mark Makela/Getty Images
Texas
In Kyle, about 20 miles south of Austin, Proposition D is a police department oversight proposal would amend the city's charter and authorize the city council to review police department procedures and set up an police oversight committee.
Washington
Tumultuous protests in Seattle this summer led to an unsuccessful fight to slash the police budget by 50% and the resignation of the city's police chief. Now, there are four referenda on the ballot for voters in King County, which includes Seattle. Many of the recommendations were made by the county's Charter Review Commission and before the widespread protests over police brutality.
King County Charter Amendment 1 would amend the county charter to require investigations anytime a person dies in the custody of law enforcement and to provide a public attorney to represent the family of the deceased during an inquest proceeding.
National Security 'Here It Is': Extremism Researchers Worry About The Rising Violence During Protests 'Here It Is': Extremism Researchers Worry About The Rising Violence During Protests Listen · 6:31 6:31
King County Charter Amendment 4 would give the county's Office of Law Enforcement Oversight (OLEO) ability to subpoena witnesses, documents and other evidence in its investigations of law enforcement.
King County Charter Amendment 5 would change the office of the sheriff from an elected position to an appointed one. Current King County voters elect the sheriff to a four year term. Under the amendment, the County Executive would appoint the sheriff subject to approval by the county council.
King County Charter Amendment 6 would allow the King County Council to define the duties of the Sheriff's office instead of, as currently, by statute. Supporters say that would allow diverse voices to propose changes like providing alternatives to 911. Opponents, part of a Save the Sheriff's office campaign, say the measure is an attempt to defund the office.
Statewide Criminal Justice Ballot Questions
Several ballot measures for all voters in specific states address criminal justice issues well beyond policing and could bring significant changes. Here are some of the key initiatives:
In four states — Arizona, Montana, New Jersey and South Dakota — voters will decide whether their state will join 11 others where recreational marijuana is already legal. A medical marijuana initiative is also on the ballot in South Dakota and in Mississippi.
In California, police reform bills, like a ban on the carotid chokehold and other neck restraints, did pass this year. Despite demands calling for overhauling the state's criminal justice system, several police reform bills failed or were never brought up for a vote. California residents will make those decisions directly now with a vote on three referenda on the statewide ballot.
Proposition 25: Replace Cash Bail with Risk Assessments Referendum. This measure calls for voters to decide whether to keep the current bail system or uphold Senate Bill 10 which abolished cash bail but was put on hold before it took effect after activists gathered signatures for a referendum. SB10 would require judges to use, what are now considered controversial, risk assessment tools to evaluate whether a person should be released or kept in jail.
Proposition 17: The Voting Rights Restoration for Persons on Parole. California allows people who have finished their prison terms to vote. A yes vote for Proposition 17 would allow people released on parole to do so. The Prison Policy Institute estimates that move could restore voting rights for more than 119,000 individuals
Proposition 20: Criminal Sentencing, Parole and DNA Collection Initiative- This measure changes sentencing laws passed earlier in California aimed at reducing incarceration. It restricts parole for offenses currently considered nonviolent. It also authorizes felony sentences (longer prison terms) for offenses currently treated as misdemeanors. Crimes like unlawful use of a credit card or theft of a vehicle or firearm, all misdemeanors, could be charged as more serious crimes. The measure also requires the collection of DNA for certain misdemeanors.
Michigan
Proposal 2: The Search Warrant for Electronic Data Amendment addresses how changes in technology affect privacy and crime. This measure is a constitutional amendment which would require a search warrant to access a person's electronic data and electronic communications. That's just in the same way current law protects a person's house or papers from unreasonable search or seizure.
Oklahoma
State Question 805: the Criminal History in Sentencing and Sentence Modification Initiative. Oklahoma has one of the highest incarceration rates in the country. This measure would amend the state's constitution and prohibit using a person's past nonviolent felony convictions to impose an enhanced sentence that would add additional time to the sentence of a person convicted of a new nonviolent felony. The amendment would also allow people in Oklahoma convicted of a nonviolent felony currently serving time on an enhanced sentence to petition the court for a shorter sentence.
Nebraska and Utah — Amendments To End Slavery
Twelve states in the country have constitutional amendments, nearly identical to the Thirteenth Amendment, which prohibit slavery and involuntary servitude except as punishment for people convicted of crimes. Advocates say the loophole allows states to force people serving prison time to engage in labor (for minimal pay) and making the change would not prevent voluntary opportunities. Voters in Nebraska and Utah will decide whether to remove the exception as they vote on Nebraska Amendment 1 and Utah Amendment C, the Remove Slavery as Punishment for Crime from Constitution Amendment


npr--2020-10-31--With Deluge Of Mail Ballots, Here's When To Expect Election Results In 6 Key States

With Deluge Of Mail Ballots , Here 's When To Expect Election Results In 6 Key States For months now , election officials have cautioned that the winner of the presidential election may still be unknown when election night is over .
Rules in some states do n't allow election workers to begin the labor-intensive work of processing mail-in ballots until Election Day .
And with a record number of voters casting their ballots by mail , the influx could delay final tallies for days .
In six particularly key states — Arizona , Florida , Michigan , North Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of victory is expected to be slim , so it may be hard to know who won until their mail ballots are fully counted .
It takes 270 electoral votes to secure the White House — these states account for 101 combined .
While election officials in the swing states of Michigan and Pennsylvania are telling voters it may take a few days before results are tallied in full , officials in Arizona , Florida and North Carolina , where mail ballots can be processed far in advance , are expecting to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contest is close in those states , a final count could take a long time as absentee ballots sent close to Election Day trickle in .
Here 's a closer look at what to expect : State law in Arizona allows election officials to count mail votes up to two weeks before Election Day , so most ballots received by this weekend will already be counted in advance .
Those tallies can be released starting around 10 p.m .
ET on election night , along with early vote results .
Votes cast at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortly afterward .
The pre-counted absentee ballots and in-person votes will make up the bulk of votes cast in Arizona , so it 's possible a winner there could be declared on election night .
Absentee ballots sent right before the election , however , may not be tallied until Thursday or Friday , so if the race is close , it could remain undecided late into next week .
In Arizona , as well as elsewhere where mail votes can be counted ahead of Election Day , early tallies may show a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results could begin to swing back toward President Trump when in-person votes are factored in later in the evening .
For good measure , that could all shift again as the last remaining mail ballots trickle in .
Americans may know who won Florida before they go to bed on election night .
Unlike Pennsylvania , Michigan and Wisconsin , Florida allows counties to do processing work — like sorting and opening envelopes — weeks before Election Day .
Also unlike other states , it does n't allow a grace period for receiving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early votes and mail ballots tabulated in advance are supposed to be released starting around 7:30 p.m .
ET on election night , according to Mark Ard , communications director at the Florida Department of State .
`` If the election is decisive enough , we should be able to call Florida on Election Night , '' University of Florida political scientist Michael McDonald told the South Florida Sun-Sentinel .
Like Arizona , those early and mail ballot votes that are tallied in advance and released first are expected to be more favorable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as polls close and in-person votes are counted .
However , it may take some counties longer to finish counting mail ballots that arrive just before and right on Election Day .
If the election is close , it may take until Wednesday or Thursday , when those counties finish counting , to determine who won the Sunshine State .
`` It could take until Friday , Nov. 6 for all ballots to be counted , '' the office of Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson wrote on Thursday .
`` Depending on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely means that outcomes will not be determined on Tuesday . ''
In Michigan , election officials in cities with more than 25,000 residents can start processing mail ballots on Monday at 10 a.m. , sorting ballots and removing outer envelopes .
They ca n't be counted , though , until polls close .
Historically , the city of Detroit , an important Democratic stronghold , has been slow to tally election results .
In a press conference on Thursday , Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey said the city has hired thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but warned that the final results wo n't be ready on Tuesday night and talked about the idea of `` election week . ''
`` Time is not a real concern of ours , '' Winfrey said .
`` We want to make sure that every voter and every ballot ... has been properly processed , received and tabulated on Election Day . ''
As in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin , Democrats in Michigan are expected to disproportionately cast their ballots by mail .
If in-person tallies start to be released before mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump ahead at first , with his lead narrowing or disappearing as more mail ballots are counted .
North Carolina is another state where initial results should come quickly .
The North Carolina State Board of Elections estimates 80 % of votes will be cast early or by mail and will be released once polls close at 7:30 p.m .
ET .
`` For the 20 % or so of North Carolinians who vote on Election Day , we will be receiving those from the precinct and uploading those , as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carolina State Board of Elections Karen Brinson-Bell said on Thursday .
`` So , if there are really close races , those Election Day votes will tremendously matter in the outcomes of these elections . ''
Initial results may favor Democrats , who are more likely to vote by mail .
An influx of Republican votes could pour in as Election Day votes are tallied .
North Carolina accepts mail ballots that arrive by Nov. 12 so long as they were postmarked by Election Day , a policy recently upheld by the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states with generous mail ballot deadlines , those final ballots could matter if races are tight and leave the final result unclear for days past Election Day .
Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar has said that the `` overwhelming majority '' of ballots will be tallied by Friday , Nov. 6 .
`` We 're sure it will take more time than it used to , '' Gov .
Tom Wolf said Thursday .
`` We probably wo n't know results on election night . ''
Pennsylvania election officials can accept mail ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election , as long as they were postmarked by Nov. 3 .
Many counties say they will begin processing ballots as soon as allowed , at 7 a.m. on Election Day , but a handful , like Cumberland County outside Harrisburg , say they wo n't begin dealing with absentee ballots until Wednesday .
`` We 're having a conversation with any county that says they 're waiting , '' Boockvar said on Thursday .
`` I want every one of them starting on Election Day . ''
Erie County , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will begin processing absentee ballots on Election Day , but will wait to count them until about 11 p.m. , after in-person ballots are counted .
In Luzerne County , home to Wilkes-Barre , County Manager David Pedri told NPR the county is hoping to count a large portion of the mail ballots on Tuesday night , but wo n't finish until Wednesday or Thursday .
He said he has 40 people working from 7 a.m. until 9 or 10 p.m. processing and later counting ballots .
Keeping them on the clock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made , said Pedri .
During the primary , Pedri says it took four days to count 40,000 mail ballots .
They 've since added an envelope opening machine that should speed the process , but this fall , Luzerne has sent out 70,000 mail ballots — a third of the electorate .
In Bucks County , outside Philadelphia , Commissioner Robert Harvie told NPR that officials will begin announcing batches of results from in-person and mail voting at 10 p.m. on election night .
He says it 's hard to know how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do n't know how many absentee ballots will be returned still , but he 's confident they will be done `` before Friday . ''
If the 2020 election comes down to Pennsylvania , and the margin is tight , it is possible the election hangs in the balance for several days .
`` I believe that we will be able to know the results of the Wisconsin election , hopefully that night and maybe at the latest the very next day , '' Gov .
Tony Evers said earlier this month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of its processing work until Election Day , but most counties say they expect to finish counting before Wednesday morning .
Julietta Henry , the Milwaukee County elections director , said she expects the county will finish reporting absentee ballots between 3 a.m. and 6 a.m. on Wednesday .
`` If it takes longer than that , we just ask that you be patient because we want to make sure every vote is counted and is counted accurately , '' she says .
`` We 'll be here 'til it 's done .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be paused once it begins , so election workers may end up working through the night , though the elections commission has expressed some leniency on that front .
`` There are certainly smaller cities and towns where the results will come in like normal , '' said Reid Magney , public information officer for the Wisconsin Elections Commission .
`` But in some bigger cities , especially where they count absentee ballots at a central location instead of the polling place , we might not see all the results until the @ @ @ @

With Deluge Of Mail Ballots, Here's When To Expect Election Results In 6 Key States
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt York/AP Matt York/AP
For months now, election officials have cautioned that the winner of the presidential election may still be unknown when election night is over.
Rules in some states don't allow election workers to begin the labor-intensive work of processing mail-in ballots until Election Day. And with a record number of voters casting their ballots by mail, the influx could delay final tallies for days.
In six particularly key states — Arizona, Florida, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — the margin of victory is expected to be slim, so it may be hard to know who won until their mail ballots are fully counted. It takes 270 electoral votes to secure the White House — these states account for 101 combined.
YouTube
While election officials in the swing states of Michigan and Pennsylvania are telling voters it may take a few days before results are tallied in full, officials in Arizona, Florida and North Carolina, where mail-in ballots can be processed far in advance, are expecting to have results more quickly. But if the contest is close in those states, a final count could take a long time as absentee ballots sent close to Election Day trickle in.
Here's a closer look at what to expect:
Arizona
State law in Arizona allows election officials to count mail votes up to two weeks before Election Day, so most ballots received by this weekend will already be counted. Those tallies can be released starting around 10 p.m. ET on election night, along with early vote results. Votes cast at polling places on Election Day will follow shortly afterward.
The pre-counted absentee ballots and in-person votes will make up the bulk of votes cast in Arizona, so it's possible a winner there could be declared on election night.
Absentee ballots sent right before the election, however, may not be tallied until Thursday or Friday, so if the race is close, the state could remain undecided late into next week.
YouTube
In Arizona, as well as elsewhere where mail votes can be counted ahead of Election Day, early tallies may show a lead for Joe Biden. But the results could begin to swing back toward President Trump when in-person votes are factored in later in the evening. For good measure, that could all shift again as the last remaining mail ballots trickle in.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Lynne Sladky/AP Lynne Sladky/AP
Florida
Americans may know who won Florida before they go to bed on election night.
Unlike Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin, Florida allows counties to do processing work — like sorting and opening envelopes — weeks before Election Day. Also unlike other states, it doesn't allow a grace period for receiving mail ballots after Election Day.
All early votes and mail ballots tabulated in advance are supposed to be released starting around 7:30 p.m. ET on Election Day, according to Mark Ard, communications director at the Florida Department of State.
"If the election is decisive enough, we should be able to call Florida on Election Night," University of Florida political scientist Michael McDonald told the South Florida Sun-Sentinel.
Like Arizona, those early and mail ballot votes that are tallied in advance and released first are expected to be more favorable to Biden, balanced out shortly after as polls close and in-person votes are counted.
However, it may take some counties longer to finish counting mail ballots that arrive just before and right on Election Day. If the election is close, it may take until Wednesday or Thursday, when those counties finish counting, to determine who won the Sunshine State.
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Goldman/AP David Goldman/AP
Michigan
"It could take until Friday, Nov. 6 for all ballots to be counted," the office of Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson wrote on Thursday. "Depending on how close the races are, this likely means that outcomes will not be determined on Tuesday."
In Michigan, election officials in cities with more than 25,000 residents can start processing mail ballots on Monday at 10 a.m., sorting ballots and removing outer envelopes. They can't be counted, though, until Election Day.
Historically, the city of Detroit, an important Democratic stronghold, has been slow to tally election results. In a press conference on Thursday, Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey said the city has hired thousands of additional poll workers to improve the process but warned that the final results won't be ready on Tuesday night and talked about the idea of "election week."
"Time is not a real concern of ours," Winfrey said. "We want to make sure that every voter and every ballot ... has been properly processed, received and tabulated on Election Day."
As in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, Democrats in Michigan are expected to disproportionately cast their ballots by mail. If in-person tallies start to be released before mail ballots are totaled, it could show Trump ahead at first, with his lead narrowing or disappearing as more mail ballots are counted.
North Carolina
North Carolina is another state where initial results should come quickly.
The North Carolina State Board of Elections estimates 80% of votes will be cast early or by mail and will be released once polls close at 7:30 p.m. ET.
"For the 20% or so of North Carolinians who vote on Election Day, we will be receiving those from the precinct and uploading those, as well," executive director of the North Carolina State Board of Elections Karen Brinson-Bell said on Thursday. "So, if there are really close races, those Election Day votes will tremendously matter in the outcomes of these elections."
Initial results may favor Democrats, who are more likely to vote by mail. An influx of Republican votes could pour in as Election Day votes are tallied.
North Carolina accepts mail ballots that arrive by Nov. 12 so long as they were postmarked by Election Day, a policy recently upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court. So as in other states with generous mail ballot deadlines, those final ballots could matter if races are tight and leave the final result unclear for days past Election Day.
Pennsylvania
Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar has said that the "overwhelming majority" of ballots will be tallied by Friday, Nov. 6.
"We're sure it will take more time than it used to," Gov. Tom Wolf said Thursday. "We probably won't know results on election night."
Pennsylvania election officials can accept mail ballots that arrive up to three days after the election, as long as they were postmarked by Nov. 3.
Many counties say they will begin processing ballots as soon as allowed, at 7 a.m. on Election Day, but a handful, like Cumberland County outside Harrisburg, have said they won't begin dealing with absentee ballots until Wednesday.
"We're having a conversation with any county that says they're waiting," Boockvar said on Thursday. "I want every one of them starting on Election Day."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt Slocum/AP Matt Slocum/AP
Erie County, which swung from Barack Obama to Trump in 2016, will begin processing absentee ballots on Election Day, but will wait to count them until about 11 p.m., after in-person ballots are counted.
In Luzerne County, home to Wilkes-Barre, Manager David Pedri told NPR the county is hoping to count a large portion of the mail ballots on Tuesday night, but won't finish until Wednesday or Thursday. He said he has 40 people working from 7 a.m. until 9 or 10 p.m. processing and later counting ballots. Keeping them on the clock much longer can result in mistakes being made, said Pedri.
During the primary, Pedri says it took four days to count 40,000 mail ballots. They've since added an envelope opening machine that should speed the process, but this fall, Luzerne has sent out 70,000 mail ballots — a third of the electorate.
In Bucks County, outside Philadelphia, Commissioner Robert Harvie told NPR that officials will begin announcing batches of results from in-person and mail voting at 10 p.m. on Election Day. He says it's hard to know how long it will take to finish because they don't know how many absentee ballots will be returned still, but he's confident they will be done "before Friday."
If the 2020 election comes down to Pennsylvania, and the margin is tight, it is possible the election hangs in the balance for several days.
Wisconsin
"I believe that we will be able to know the results of the Wisconsin election, hopefully that night and maybe at the latest the very next day," Gov. Tony Evers said earlier this month.
Wisconsin cannot begin the bulk of its processing work until Election Day, but most counties say they expect to finish counting before Wednesday morning.
Julietta Henry, the Milwaukee County elections director, said she expects the county will finish reporting absentee ballots between 3 and 6 a.m. on Wednesday.
"If it takes longer than that, we just ask that you be patient because we want to make sure every vote is counted and is counted accurately," she says. "We'll be here til it's done."
State law says the count cannot be paused once it begins, so election workers may end up working through the night, though the elections commission has expressed some leniency on that front.
"There are certainly smaller cities and towns where the results will come in like normal," said Reid Magney, public information officer for the Wisconsin Elections Commission. "But in some bigger cities, especially where they count absentee ballots at a central location instead of the polling place, we might not see all the results until the next morning."


npr--2020-10-31--'A Huge Attack.' Critics Decry Trump Order That Makes Firing Federal Workers Easier

The Trump administration has issued a new executive order that would fundamentally restructure the federal work force , making it easier for the government to fire thousands of federal workers , while also allowing political and other considerations to affect hiring .
The executive order , issued last week , would affect the professional employees who are in policy-making positions at the very top of the civil service — people like lawyers and scientists who are are not political appointees , but serve from administration to administration regardless of which party controls the White House .
The president 's order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for them — `` Schedule F '' — and taking away their civil service protections .
In a statement that accompanied the order , the White House took aim at those protections , saying they make it too difficult for agency heads to remove `` poor performers . ''
Without the protections , the employees can be more easily replaced .
Rachel Greszler , a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation , which supports the order , says it 's `` a common sense change '' to address a lack of accountability in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talked to managers in the past who say that they want to do the right thing and they want to hold workers accountable , '' says Greszler .
`` They want to get rid of the bad apples who are weighing others down and preventing the agency from carrying out its mission .
But ultimately , the managers said they often gave up because they had to spend so much time and so much effort that ... it just was n't worth it .
They determined it was better to just keep these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job responsibilities to others .
And that 's a big problem . ''
But public employee unions say it 's Trump 's order that 's the problem .
They 've said it could have a chilling effect on the more than 2 million people who make up the federal workforce — most of whom are not political appointees .
`` It 's a huge attack on the apolitical civil service '' says Jacqueline Simon , the policy director at the American Federation of Government Employees , which represents federal workers .
She says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would no longer be filled by people who have been hired through a competitive process .
`` If it 's implemented broadly , it could create absolute chaos in the agencies .
It could be an absolute fiasco , '' says Simon .
`` Everyone 's seen what happens if this administration tries to politicize scientific work .
We 've seen it in CDC and we 've seen it in the weather service .
We 've seen it in EPA , we 've seen it all across the agencies .
Imagine every single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump has railed against federal workers since taking office , baselessly charging there is a deep state within the bureaucracy working to thwart his policies .
Paul Light , a professor of public service at NYU , says most recent presidents have tried to reform the federal workforce , but Trump has taken it to a new level .
`` We started with a hiring freeze , '' he says .
`` We segued into a shutdown .
I think the net effect is really on undermining commitment within the federal workforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scare that is likely to be overturned , but they wo n't forget . ''
Light says the net result of the order is to make a career in the federal government less appealing , at a time when many government employees are nearing retirement age .
The executive order has already led to one departure : It prompted the resignation of Ron Sanders , the chairman of the Federal Salary Council .
Sanders , a life-long Republican , says he believes the U.S. civil service is the best in the world .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ government of sorely needed expertise .
`` It 's absolutely critical because of the complexity of that world — the laws , the rules , the regulations , the scientific theories , all of the things that go into public policy .
Somebody has to understand that .
You ca n't look at the Cliffs Notes and get it .
You need people with deep technical expertise who are there regardless of party who provide neutral competence to whoever is in power . ''
The executive order calls on federal agencies to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affected by the new classification by January 19th , the day before Inauguration Day .
What happens next depends on who is sworn in on January 20th .
It 's likely that Democrat Joe Biden would overturn the order if elected .
Democrats in Congress say they 'll work to nullify the order , and the National Treasury Employees Union has filed a lawsuit to overturn it in court .

'A Huge Attack': Critics Decry Trump Order That Makes Firing Federal Workers Easier
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bloomberg via Getty Images Bloomberg via Getty Images
The Trump administration has issued an executive order that would fundamentally restructure the federal workforce, making it easier for the government to fire thousands of federal workers, while also allowing political and other considerations to affect hiring.
The executive order, issued last week, would affect the professional employees in policymaking positions at the very top of the civil service — people like lawyers and scientists who are are not political appointees and serve from administration to administration regardless of which party controls the White House.
The president's order changes that, creating a new category for them — "Schedule F" — and taking away their civil service protections. In a statement that accompanied the order, the White House took aim at those protections, saying they make it too difficult for agency heads to remove "poor performers." Without the protections, the employees can be more easily replaced.
Rachel Greszler, a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, which supports the order, says it's "a common-sense change" to address a lack of accountability in the federal government.
"I've talked to managers in the past who say that they want to do the right thing and they want to hold workers accountable," says Greszler. "They want to get rid of the bad apples who are weighing others down and preventing the agency from carrying out its mission. But ultimately, the managers said, they often gave up because they had to spend so much time and so much effort that ... it just wasn't worth it. They determined it was better to just keep these people on the payrolls and shift their job responsibilities to others. And that's a big problem."
But public employee unions say it's Trump's order that's the problem. They've said it could have a chilling effect on the more than 2 million people who make up the federal workforce — most of whom are not political appointees.
"It's a huge attack on the apolitical civil service," says Jacqueline Simon, the policy director at the American Federation of Government Employees union. She says the order could mean these top positions would no longer be filled by people who have been hired through a competitive process.
"If it's implemented broadly, it could create absolute chaos in the agencies. It could be an absolute fiasco," says Simon. "Everyone's seen what happens if this administration tries to politicize scientific work. We've seen it in CDC, and we've seen it in the weather service. We've seen it in EPA, we've seen it all across the agencies. Imagine every single agency undermined by political hacks."
Trump has railed against federal workers since taking office, baselessly claiming there is a deep state within the bureaucracy working to thwart his policies.
Paul Light, a professor of public service at New York University, says most recent presidents have tried to reform the federal workforce, but Trump has taken it to a new level.
"We started with a hiring freeze," he says. "We segued into a shutdown. I think the net effect is really on undermining commitment within the federal workforce and just giving feds a good Halloween scare that is likely to be overturned, but they won't forget."
Light says the order could make a career in the federal government less appealing, at a time when many government employees are nearing retirement age.
The executive order has already led to one departure: It prompted the resignation of Ron Sanders, the chairman of the Federal Salary Council.
Sanders, a lifelong Republican, says he believes the U.S. civil service is the best in the world. He warns the order could strip the government of sorely needed expertise.
"It's absolutely critical because of the complexity of that world — the laws, the rules, the regulations, the scientific theories, all of the things that go into public policy," he says. "Somebody has to understand that. You can't look at the CliffsNotes and get it. You need people with deep technical expertise who are there regardless of party who provide neutral competence to whoever is in power."
The executive order calls on federal agencies to make a list of positions that would be affected by the new classification by Jan. 19, the day before Inauguration Day.
What happens next depends on who is sworn in on Jan. 20. It's likely that Democrat Joe Biden would overturn the order if elected. Democrats in Congress say they'll work to nullify the order, and the National Treasury Employees Union has filed a lawsuit to overturn it in court.