npr--2020-12-04--Public Health Workers In Kansas Walk Away Over Pressure From Pandemic Politics

Public Health Workers In Kansas Walk Away Over Pressure From Pandemic Politics In July , Nick Baldetti resigned as director of the Reno County Health Department in Kansas .
But it was n't the 80-hour workweeks that drove him to quit , it was the hostile political environment and threats to Baldetti 's family .
`` I had the local police watching my house because my family was home and I was not , '' said Baldetti , who also served as the department 's health officer .
`` There was a period of time that I had escorts to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years preparing to deal with a public health crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic .
He never imagined that when the moment arrived , he would encounter such antagonism for simply doing his job .
`` By the end of the day , you just felt like you were on an island by yourself , '' he said .
`` Whatever decision I made , 50 % of people were going to be upset because it was too 'restrictive ' and the other 50 % were going to be upset because it was n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is n't unique .
The pressure of dealing with the pandemic and the politics surrounding it has triggered an exodus of public health workers in Kansas .
In the nine months since the state 's first documented coronavirus infection , 27 county health officials have left their posts .
Some retired , but others resigned or were fired .
The same pressures are thinning the ranks of local public health officials across the country .
Many are leaving because they 've been physically threatened or `` politically scapegoated '' for doing their jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the National Association of County and City Health Officials , told NPR .
Gianfranco Pezzino recently announced that after 14 years as the health officer of the Shawnee County Health Department , he would step down at the end of the year .
`` There 's a lot of burnout , anger and frustration , '' Pezzino said .
A doctor and public health researcher , Pezzino said months of battling county commissioners over how to contain the coronavirus had worn him out .
`` I 'm tired emotionally , I 'm tired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do n't think I have the energy ... to do another year like this . ''
The amount of misinformation spread on social media — much of it emanating from the White House — politicized the nation 's response to the pandemic , Pezzino said .
`` If there had been a unified message coming down from the federal government to the state and local levels , '' he said , `` it would have been much easier for everybody . ''
Jennifer Bacani McKenney is also tired and frustrated .
Nevertheless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the health officer in rural Wilson County .
McKenney , a doctor , grew up in Fredonia , the county seat .
She returned about a decade ago to join her father 's medical practice .
Initially , she said , citizens of the county in the southeast part of the state embraced orders issued by Gov .
Laura Kelly and the county health department aimed at slowing the spread of the coronavirus .
Those orders sequestered people in their homes and closed schools and some businesses .
`` That first probably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend , '' McKenney said .
`` We were here to take care of you . ''
But support for those policies eroded as the number of unemployed Kansans grew to levels not seen since the Great Recession .
Republican legislative leaders responded by reining in Kelly 's emergency powers and those of local health officials .
As the political debate grew more heated — nationally and in Kansas — hostility toward public health officials , like McKenney , increased .
She got threatening emails and was the target of personal attacks on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heart , it really does , '' McKenney said .
`` It 's not only that people are mean , it 's that you 've lost friends .
Relationships are broken . ''
During the worst of it , McKenney said , she often sat alone in her office and cried after seeing her last patient of the day .
`` There 's nothing else to do , '' she said .
Andy Miller , a Wilson County commissioner , said McKenney brought some of the criticism on herself by disparaging President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media posts .
`` When you start getting political , '' Miller said , `` you 've created a storm . ''
When that happens , he said , the attacks run both ways .
`` I 've probably got a dozen emails or so that are just , 'it 's either a mask [ mandate ] or you 're a killer , ' `` he said .
`` There 's no in between . ''
Early last month , commissioners rejected McKenney 's proposal for a mask mandate .
But as COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state surged and Kelly reiterated her call for a statewide policy , they agreed to consider a compromise .
Most of the people who showed up for a public hearing opposed the mandate as an assault on their personal liberty .
`` My fear does n't happen to be the COVID virus but the overreach of national and state officials who believe because of their positions or ego that their opinions are fact , '' said Charles Fox , a Fredonia veterinarian .
Donovan Hutchinson , the bar owner in nearby Neodesha , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would lead to further abuses of government power .
`` What will they come after next , our guns , our children ? ''
he said .
When it became apparent that the commission was ready to approve a 30-day mask mandate as a compromise several people walked out in protest .
Like other public health officials , McKenney is tired and discouraged .
But she said she 's not going to quit .
`` That 's not me , '' she said .
`` I ca n't have this knowledge and ability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Jim McLean is the senior correspondent for the Kansas News Service .
You can reach him on Twitter @ jmcleanks or email jim ( at ) kcur ( dot ) org .
The Kansas News Service is a collaboration of KCUR , Kansas Public Radio , KMUW and High Plains Public Radio focused on health , the social determinants of health and their connection to public policy .
Kansas News Service stories and photos may be republished by news media at no cost with proper attribution and a link to ksnewsservice.org @

Public Health Workers In Kansas Walk Away Over Pressure From Pandemic Politics
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim McLean/KCUR Jim McLean/KCUR
In July, Nick Baldetti resigned as director of the Reno County Health Department in Kansas.
But it wasn't the 80-hour workweeks that drove him to quit, it was the hostile political environment and threats to Baldetti's family.
"I had the local police watching my house because my family was home and I was not," said Baldetti, who also served as the department's health officer. "There was a period of time that I had escorts to and from work."
Baldetti spent years preparing to deal with a public health crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. He never imagined that when the moment arrived, he would encounter such antagonism for simply doing his job.
"By the end of the day, you just felt like you were on an island by yourself," he said. "Whatever decision I made, 50% of people were going to be upset because it was too 'restrictive' and the other 50% were going to be upset because it wasn't restrictive enough."
Baldetti's story isn't unique. The pressure of dealing with the pandemic and the politics surrounding it has triggered an exodus of public health workers in Kansas.
In the nine months since the state's first documented coronavirus infection, 27 county health officials have left their posts. Some retired, but others resigned or were fired.
The same pressures are thinning the ranks of local public health officials across the country. Many are leaving because they've been physically threatened or "politically scapegoated" for doing their jobs, Lori Freeman, chief executive of the National Association of County and City Health Officials, told NPR.
Frustration, fear and fatigue
Gianfranco Pezzino recently announced that after 14 years as the health officer of the Shawnee County Health Department, he would step down at the end of the year.
"There's a lot of burnout, anger and frustration," Pezzino said.
A doctor and public health researcher, Pezzino said months of battling county commissioners over how to contain the coronavirus had worn him out.
National How President Trump's False Claims Can Affect Society How President Trump's False Claims Can Affect Society Listen · 3:38 3:38
"I'm tired emotionally, I'm tired physically," Pezzino said. "I don't think I have the energy ... to do another year like this."
The amount of misinformation spread on social media — much of it emanating from the White House — politicized the nation's response to the pandemic, Pezzino said.
"If there had been a unified message coming down from the federal government to the state and local levels," he said, "it would have been much easier for everybody."
Mask mandate backlash
Jennifer Bacani McKenney is also tired and frustrated. Nevertheless, she's fighting to stay on as the health officer in rural Wilson County.
McKenney, a doctor, grew up in Fredonia, the county seat. She returned about a decade ago to join her father's medical practice.
Initially, she said, citizens of the county in the southeast part of the state embraced orders issued by Gov. Laura Kelly and the county health department aimed at slowing the spread of the coronavirus. Those orders sequestered people in their homes and closed schools and some businesses.
"That first probably two months we were everybody's best friend," McKenney said. "We were here to take care of you."
But support for those policies eroded as the number of unemployed Kansans grew to levels not seen since the Great Recession. Republican legislative leaders responded by reining in Kelly's emergency powers and those of local health officials.
As the political debate grew more heated — nationally and in Kansas — hostility toward public health officials, like McKenney, increased.
She got threatening emails and was the target of personal attacks on social media.
"It hurts your heart, it really does," McKenney said. "It's not only that people are mean, it's that you've lost friends. Relationships are broken."
During the worst of it, McKenney said, she often sat alone in her office and cried after seeing her last patient of the day.
"There's nothing else to do," she said.
Andy Miller, a Wilson County commissioner, said McKenney brought some of the criticism on herself by disparaging President Trump's handling of the pandemic in social media posts.
"When you start getting political," Miller said, "you've created a storm."
When that happens, he said, the attacks run both ways.
"I've probably got a dozen emails or so that are just, 'it's either a mask [mandate] or you're a killer,' " he said. "There's no in between."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim McLean/KCUR Jim McLean/KCUR
Early last month, commissioners rejected McKenney's proposal for a mask mandate. But as COVID-19 cases in the county and across the state surged and Kelly reiterated her call for a statewide policy, they agreed to consider a compromise.
Most of the people who showed up for a public hearing opposed the mandate as an assault on their personal liberty.
"My fear doesn't happen to be the COVID virus but the overreach of national and state officials who believe because of their positions or ego that their opinions are fact," said Charles Fox, a Fredonia veterinarian.
Donovan Hutchinson, the bar owner in nearby Neodesha, said giving in to a mask mandate would lead to further abuses of government power.
"What will they come after next, our guns, our children?" he said.
When it became apparent that the commission was ready to approve a 30-day mask mandate as a compromise several people walked out in protest.
Like other public health officials, McKenney is tired and discouraged. But she said she's not going to quit.
"That's not me," she said. "I can't have this knowledge and ability to help people and just walk away."
Jim McLean is the senior correspondent for the Kansas News Service. You can reach him on Twitter @jmcleanks or email jim (at) kcur (dot) org.
The Kansas News Service is a collaboration of KCUR, Kansas Public Radio, KMUW and High Plains Public Radio focused on health, the social determinants of health and their connection to public policy. Kansas News Service stories and photos may be republished by news media at no cost with proper attribution and a link to ksnewsservice.org.


npr--2020-12-04--And Now For An Important Message: Convincing You To Get The Coronavirus Vaccine

And Now For An Important Message : Convincing You To Get The Coronavirus Vaccine For 78 years , the Advertising Council has been helping Americans face national challenges .
From Smokey Bear 's `` remember , only you can prevent forest fires , '' to `` loose lips sink ships '' during World War II and the 1990s campaign friends do n't let friends drive drunk .
More recently , during the coronavirus pandemic , the nonprofit advertising group launched a # MaskUpAmerica campaign .
Now the Ad Council is preparing to convince people that a coronavirus vaccine is safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adults say they would get the vaccine , according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Center .
That 's up from about 50 % in September , well before vaccines were announced .
Lisa Sherman , president and CEO of the Ad Council , tells NPR 's All Things Considered that the $ 50 million campaign will be the most significant in the group 's history .
It 's `` our moonshot moment .
We 're approaching this with the size and the speed and the scale and the urgency unlike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' She says the campaign , which does n't yet have a catchphrase , will be widely targeted with a `` unified and consistent message '' going beyond television to include modern technology platforms .
But it will also work to specifically reach `` communities of color that have been the hardest hit by the pandemic and where we see higher levels of hesitancy . ''
The Pew survey found that only 42 % of Black adults are inclined to be vaccinated .
Here are highlights of the interview , edited for length @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the campaign successful The truth of the matter is , if people do n't take it , we 're not going to be able to move forward and start to experience the health and the safety and the economic recovery that we want to experience .
We 're focused on really moving people from vaccine hesitancy — and there 's a high level of that — to getting educated about the facts so that they can have more confidence about taking the vaccine .
This is an issue that literally affects every American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unified and consistent message versus a patchwork approach .
We 'll be working with the nation 's top vaccine and public health experts who are going to advise us on some of the messaging that we are testing right now .
[ It will go ] across every platform and every medium that you can think about with insights and messaging that will be relevant to an audience .
But we also need a local ground game where we 're going to work with community-based organizations , faith-based organizations and those trusted messengers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the message .
On using celebrities and different platforms , from Facebook to radio to billboards , to reach specific audiences And for some , it might be an athlete or a musical artist or some sort of YouTube or Snapchat or TikTok influencer , because all of those folks are trusted messengers as well .
Elvis [ Presley , who publicly received a polio vaccine in 1956 to inspire public confidence ] was a trusted influencer of his day .
And there are many folks who can play that role today .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ all said that they would take the vaccine and do it publicly .
On countering disinformation around the vaccines on social media I think we will always rely on and lead with fact-based information , and that 's the essence of our campaign .
We 'll be working with some partners who are going to be keeping an eye on what 's going on in social media so that we can react in real time to try and counter those messages and get people focused on what we know to be true .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ edited the audio version of this story .
Avie Schneider produced for the Web .

And Now For An Important Message: Convincing You To Get The Coronavirus Vaccine
Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP
For 78 years, the Advertising Council has been helping Americans face national challenges. From Smokey Bear's "remember, only you can prevent forest fires," to "loose lips sink ships" during World War II and the 1990s campaign friends don't let friends drive drunk.
More recently, during the coronavirus pandemic, the nonprofit advertising group launched a #MaskUpAmerica campaign.
Now the Ad Council is preparing to convince people that a coronavirus vaccine is safe. Only about 60% of American adults say they would get the vaccine, according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Center. That's up from about 50% in September, well before vaccines were announced.
Lisa Sherman, president and CEO of the Ad Council, tells NPR's All Things Considered that the $50 million campaign will be the most significant in the group's history. It's "our moonshot moment. We're approaching this with the size and the speed and the scale and the urgency unlike anything we've ever done before."
She says the campaign, which doesn't yet have a catchphrase, will be widely targeted with a "unified and consistent message" going beyond television to include modern technology platforms. But it will also work to specifically reach "communities of color that have been the hardest hit by the pandemic and where we see higher levels of hesitancy." The Pew survey found that only 42% of Black adults are inclined to be vaccinated.
Here are highlights of the interview, edited for length and clarity.
Interview Highlights
On what will make the campaign successful
The truth of the matter is, if people don't take it, we're not going to be able to move forward and start to experience the health and the safety and the economic recovery that we want to experience. We're focused on really moving people from vaccine hesitancy — and there's a high level of that — to getting educated about the facts so that they can have more confidence about taking the vaccine.
On delivering a compelling message
This is an issue that literally affects every American. So what we need is a unified and consistent message versus a patchwork approach. We'll be working with the nation's top vaccine and public health experts who are going to advise us on some of the messaging that we are testing right now. [It will go] across every platform and every medium that you can think about with insights and messaging that will be relevant to an audience. But we also need a local ground game where we're going to work with community-based organizations, faith-based organizations and those trusted messengers in the community that can help deliver the message.
On using celebrities and different platforms, from Facebook to radio to billboards, to reach specific audiences
And for some, it might be an athlete or a musical artist or some sort of YouTube or Snapchat or TikTok influencer, because all of those folks are trusted messengers as well. Elvis [Presley, who publicly received a polio vaccine in 1956 to inspire public confidence] was a trusted influencer of his day. And there are many folks who can play that role today. Yesterday, Clinton, Bush and Obama all said that they would take the vaccine and do it publicly.
On countering disinformation around the vaccines on social media
I think we will always rely on and lead with fact-based information, and that's the essence of our campaign. We'll be working with some partners who are going to be keeping an eye on what's going on in social media so that we can react in real time to try and counter those messages and get people focused on what we know to be true.
Fatma Tanis and Jan Johnson produced and edited the audio version of this story. Avie Schneider produced for the Web.


npr--2020-12-04--Ohio House Passes Bill Requiring Fetal Abortion Remains To Be Buried Or Cremated

Ohio House Passes Bill Requiring Fetal Abortion Remains To Be Buried Or Cremated Ohio 's House of Representatives has approved a bill requiring fetal remains from surgical abortions to be cremated or buried .
After the state Senate agrees with amendments made by the House , Gov .
Mike DeWine is expected to sign it .
The American Civil Liberties Union spoke out against the bill , saying it will put a new burden on abortion providers and their patients .
The measure will `` impose requirements on the final disposition of fetal remains from surgical abortions , '' as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women who choose to have an abortion to make a determination in writing about how the remains should be handled .
If a patient opts not to decide , the task would fall to the abortion provider .
Critics note that the bill creates new expenses .
The medical facility would have to pay for a cremation or interment , unless the patient makes third-party arrangements for which she pays .
The bill is `` nothing more than legislative harassment , '' ACLU of Ohio lobbyist Gary Daniels said in his testimony against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation would not apply to embryos disposed of by fertility clinics , or to fetal remains from medical abortions , miscarriages or stillbirths .
The ACLU of Ohio opposes the bill `` because it serves no legitimate medical purpose , '' Daniels said , `` and is an obvious attempt to inconvenience patients , shut down abortion providers , and imprison doctors who do not comply with the numerous nonsensical regulations found in this bill . ''
Ohio Right to Life , an anti-abortion-rights group that says it spearheaded the legislation along with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's approval , saying it was a matter of common sense .
`` Human decency requires that we treat every member of our human family with respect , something that , even in death , the innocent unborn will now be afforded , '' Ohio Right to Life President Mike Gonidakis said in a statement .
Other states have enacted similar laws in recent years .
A Texas law from 2016 went even further , mandating that fetal tissue from abortions , miscarriages or ectopic pregnancy surgery must be disposed of through burial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that law in 2018 .
Last year , the U.S. Supreme Court upheld an Indiana law – reportedly a model for the Ohio legislation — that limited its requirements to aborted fetuses and it omitted miscarriages .
But as they issued that ruling , the high court justices also left the door open to `` a possible challenge to the burial and cremation provision of the law on different grounds in the future , '' as NPR reported .
Ohio 's Senate approved the bill in March 2019 ; the House of Representatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Thursday .
`` Gov .
Mike DeWine is expected to sign the bill once the Ohio Senate agrees with changes the House made , '' NPR member station WOSU reported .
`` As attorney general , DeWine investigated how fetal remains from abortions were being handled after complaints from abortion opponents , although his investigation resulted in no charges or health citations against abortion providers . ''
The House endorsed the measure by a 60-36 vote .
The Senate had voted 24-7 in favor .
Every Republican voted to pass the bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Sean O'Brien .
The bill 's main sponsor was state Sen. Joe Uecker , R-Loveland , who resigned from the Legislature last year to take a new job at the Ohio Department of Transportation .
Dozens of co-sponsors joined Uecker in supporting the measure .

Ohio House Passes Bill Requiring Fetal Abortion Remains To Be Buried Or Cremated
Ohio's House of Representatives has approved a bill requiring fetal remains from surgical abortions to be cremated or buried. After the state Senate agrees with amendments made by the House, Gov. Mike DeWine is expected to sign it.
The American Civil Liberties Union spoke out against the bill, saying it will put a new burden on abortion providers and their patients.
The measure will "impose requirements on the final disposition of fetal remains from surgical abortions," as its title states. It would require women who choose to have an abortion to make a determination in writing about how the remains should be handled. If a patient opts not to decide, the task would fall to the abortion provider.
Critics note that the bill creates new expenses. The medical facility would have to pay for a cremation or interment, unless the patient makes third-party arrangements for which she pays.
The bill is "nothing more than legislative harassment," ACLU of Ohio lobbyist Gary Daniels said in his testimony against the bill. He noted that the legislation would not apply to embryos disposed of by fertility clinics, or to fetal remains from medical abortions, miscarriages or stillbirths.
The ACLU of Ohio opposes the bill "because it serves no legitimate medical purpose," Daniels said, "and is an obvious attempt to inconvenience patients, shut down abortion providers, and imprison doctors who do not comply with the numerous nonsensical regulations found in this bill."
Ohio Right to Life, an anti-abortion-rights group that says it spearheaded the legislation along with its original sponsor, welcomed the bill's approval, saying it was a matter of common sense.
"Human decency requires that we treat every member of our human family with respect, something that, even in death, the innocent unborn will now be afforded," Ohio Right to Life President Mike Gonidakis said in a statement.
Other states have enacted similar laws in recent years. A Texas law from 2016 went even further, mandating that fetal tissue from abortions, miscarriages or ectopic pregnancy surgery must be disposed of through burial or cremation. A federal judge blocked that law in 2018.
Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld an Indiana law – reportedly a model for the Ohio legislation — that limited its requirements to aborted fetuses and it omitted miscarriages. But as they issued that ruling, the high court justices also left the door open to "a possible challenge to the burial and cremation provision of the law on different grounds in the future," as NPR reported.
Ohio's Senate approved the bill in March 2019; the House of Representatives approved an amended version of the measure on Thursday.
"Gov. Mike DeWine is expected to sign the bill once the Ohio Senate agrees with changes the House made," NPR member station WOSU reported. "As attorney general, DeWine investigated how fetal remains from abortions were being handled after complaints from abortion opponents, although his investigation resulted in no charges or health citations against abortion providers."
The House endorsed the measure by a 60-36 vote. The Senate had voted 24-7 in favor. Every Republican voted to pass the bill, along with one Democrat, state Sen. Sean O'Brien.
The bill's main sponsor was state Sen. Joe Uecker, R-Loveland, who resigned from the Legislature last year to take a new job at the Ohio Department of Transportation. Dozens of co-sponsors joined Uecker in supporting the measure.


npr--2020-12-04--Majority of Muslims Voted For Biden, But Trump Got More Support Than He Did In 2016

Majority of Muslims Voted For Biden , But Trump Got More Support Than He Did In 2016 It was almost two years ago that Shahid Shafi , a surgeon in Southlake , Texas , was targeted by members of his own political party for his Muslim faith .
A few Republican precinct chairs lobbied to remove him from his post as vice chair of the Tarrant County Republican Party .
But they lost in a vote of 139-49 .
`` When I was attacked by a handful of people on the fringes of the Republican Party because of my faith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party , as well as the rank-and-file members , stood up to support me , '' Shafi said .
The support of the majority of the party is what stayed with him , not the attack on his faith by a minority .
He was attracted to the party and public service when he became a citizen in 2009 .
`` I was born in India and grew up in Pakistan , and I came of age in Pakistan under a brutal military dictatorship , '' Shafi said .
`` Growing up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the government , how it can invade and take over every part of a person 's life — from opportunities for education , to work , to where you can live , to whom you can marry , and where you can start your business . ''
That pervasive and nefarious role a government can play is what drew Shafi to the messages of small government , individual liberties , lower taxes and fiscal responsibility he heard from the Republican Party .
But today that party is often linked with anti-Muslim rhetoric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2015 , Donald Trump made a campaign promise for the `` complete and total shutdown of Muslims entering the United States . ''
As president , he implemented a travel ban that many saw as fulfilling his promise to bar Muslims .
The ban targets largely Muslim-majority countries .
In his time in office he 's retweeted anti-Muslim videos from a far-right British group and told four progressive congresswomen of color , two Muslim , to go back to where they came from .
All this Shafi said is unfortunate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Republican Party .
`` We all wish that some of his comments would be more thoughtful , '' he said .
`` But overall , I would say that my experience in the Republican Party , in my city of Southlake , in my county and in my state of Texas has been an extremely positive one .
I have always been welcomed with open arms .
I 've found opportunities that I did n't even think were possible . ''
Shafi has twice been elected to serve on the City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predominantly Republican city .
He would n't say for whom he voted for president .
That , he said , is a private choice , but it was in line with his values , and he remains a Republican .
And what of the assumption that Muslims could n't support this party or president ?
`` Just like any other group of people , it is wrong to assume that Muslims in America are a monolith , '' he said .
`` Americans of Muslim origin come from different backgrounds , come with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different reasons .
And their reasons may not be any different than any other American 's .
You know , many people vote based on bread and butter , kitchen-table issues : jobs , education , taxation and certainly immigration . ''
In fact , Trump appears to have gotten more , not less support from American Muslims .
Associated Press exit polls show 35 % of Muslims voted for Trump and 64 % for Joe Biden .
A separate poll from a Muslim civil rights group found that 17 % of Muslims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still up by 4 percentage points from its poll in 2016 .
Muslims make up a small percentage of the population , but their vote is key in states such as Michigan .
It 's a state where Biden won by about 155,000 votes .
Trump won Michigan in 2016 by under 11,000 .
The slight increase in support did n't surprise Dalia Mogahed , director of research at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding , an American Muslim research organization .
It conducted a poll in the spring .
`` We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among Muslims , '' she said .
`` Just from 2019 to 2020 , the percentage of Muslims who increased their approval rating of the president had gone up significantly . ''
It jumped from 16 % to 30 % .
The biggest predictor of whether or not a Muslim supported Trump based on the institute 's data was not education or income .
It was race .
`` Very few demographic variables came out as significant , with the only exception being race , '' she said .
`` Identifying as white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' The spring survey found 50 % of Muslims who identified as white supported Trump , much like the general population .
Among Arabs , Asians and Latinos identifying as Muslims that percentage dropped into the 20s and among Black Muslims the teens .
Much like the general population , Trump-supporting Muslims cited the economy as a top issue .
They also were more likely to oppose building coalitions with Black Lives Matter , and instead they expressed support for building coalitions with religious conservatives working on religious liberty issues .
`` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most was that Muslim Trump supporters , as well as Trump supporters in the general public , were more likely to express anti-Muslim sentiment , '' she said .
There were debunked tropes that Muslims are more violent , or less civilized .
It 's not a surprise that Muslims did n't vote as a single bloc .
This is one of the most racially and ethnically diverse faith groups in the country .
Some are single-issue voters ; some are partisan to one party or the other .
`` To most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it would sound absurd for anyone who identifies with the Muslim faith to vote for Trump , given what he has done and said over the last four years and really throughout his history , '' said Wa'el Alzayat , CEO of Emgage , a political advocacy organization that aims to engage Muslims in the political process .
`` But when you understand that the Muslim community is not a monolith and that it includes those who – for example – may have supported Trump 's economic policies , or policies on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ position on certain foreign policy issues ... it 's not as surprising . ''
Now polling around Muslims is sparse , and Alzayat warned that the numbers may be off .
His organization plans to do more polling to understand how American Muslims really voted .
He stressed that American Muslims were key to Biden 's support in Florida and his wins in Pennsylvania and Michigan , where large populations of Muslims live .
But it 's clear Trump did get some Muslim support .
Alzayat attributed part of that to a negative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular within some American Muslim communities .
`` In the lead-up to the election , you really saw what we assessed to be a pretty intensive campaign to dissuade voters or at least remove their enthusiasm from voting for Biden without really much commentary on Trump 's policies , '' Alzayat said .
He pointed to attacks that claimed Biden would support the oppression of Muslims in India or Kashmir , and these would spread on texting apps or social media .
His own organization was attacked for endorsing Biden .
Meanwhile those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` remaining silent about Trump 's pernicious , Islamophobic , racist policy of the last four years .
And our assessment is that that really had the intended effect of either convincing some voters to vote for Trump or to convince them to stay at home . ''

Majority Of Muslims Voted For Biden, But Trump Got More Support Than He Did In 2016
Enlarge this image toggle caption Erin Lefevre/NurPhoto via Getty Images Erin Lefevre/NurPhoto via Getty Images
It was almost two years ago that Shahid Shafi, a surgeon in Southlake, Texas, was targeted by members of his own political party for his Muslim faith.
A few Republican precinct chairs lobbied to remove him from his post as vice chair of the Tarrant County Republican Party. But they lost in a vote of 139-49.
"When I was attacked by a handful of people on the fringes of the Republican Party because of my faith, the entire leadership of the Republican Party, as well as the rank-and-file members, stood up to support me," Shafi said.
The support of the majority of the party is what stayed with him, not the attack on his faith by a minority.
He was attracted to the party and public service when he became a citizen in 2009.
"I was born in India and grew up in Pakistan, and I came of age in Pakistan under a brutal military dictatorship," Shafi said. "Growing up in that environment, I saw the overreach of the government, how it can invade and take over every part of a person's life — from opportunities for education, to work, to where you can live, to whom you can marry, and where you can start your business."
That pervasive and nefarious role a government can play is what drew Shafi to the messages of small government, individual liberties, lower taxes and fiscal responsibility he heard from the Republican Party.
But today that party is often linked with anti-Muslim rhetoric, the tone set from the top. In 2015, Donald Trump made a campaign promise for the "complete and total shutdown of Muslims entering the United States."
Sky News via YouTube
As president, he implemented a travel ban that many saw as fulfilling his promise to bar Muslims. The ban targets largely Muslim-majority countries. In his time in office he's retweeted anti-Muslim videos from a far-right British group and told four progressive congresswomen of color, two Muslim, to go back to where they came from.
All this Shafi said is unfortunate, but it doesn't tarnish his love of the Republican Party.
"We all wish that some of his comments would be more thoughtful," he said. "But overall, I would say that my experience in the Republican Party, in my city of Southlake, in my county and in my state of Texas has been an extremely positive one. I have always been welcomed with open arms. I've found opportunities that I didn't even think were possible."
Shafi has twice been elected to serve on the City Council, and he lives in a predominantly Republican city.
He wouldn't say for whom he voted for president. That, he said, is a private choice, but it was in line with his values, and he remains a Republican.
And what of the assumption that Muslims couldn't support this party or president?
"Just like any other group of people, it is wrong to assume that Muslims in America are a monolith," he said. "Americans of Muslim origin come from different backgrounds, come with different values, and they vote for different reasons. And their reasons may not be any different than any other American's. You know, many people vote based on bread and butter, kitchen-table issues: jobs, education, taxation and certainly immigration."
In fact, Trump appears to have gotten more, not less support from American Muslims. Associated Press exit polls show 35% of Muslims voted for Trump and 64% for Joe Biden. A separate poll from a Muslim civil rights group found that 17% of Muslims voted for Trump, but that was still up by 4 percentage points from its poll in 2016.
Muslims make up a small percentage of the population, but their vote is key in states such as Michigan. It's a state where Biden won by about 155,000 votes. Trump won Michigan in 2016 by under 11,000.
The slight increase in support didn't surprise Dalia Mogahed, director of research at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding, an American Muslim research organization. It conducted a poll in the spring.
"We did see a weakening of Democratic support among Muslims," she said. "Just from 2019 to 2020, the percentage of Muslims who increased their approval rating of the president had gone up significantly."
It jumped from 16% to 30%.
The biggest predictor of whether or not a Muslim supported Trump based on the institute's data was not education or income. It was race.
"Very few demographic variables came out as significant, with the only exception being race," she said. "Identifying as white was the only predictive demographic variable."
The spring survey found 50% of Muslims who identified as white supported Trump, much like the general population. Among Arabs, Asians and Latinos identifying as Muslims that percentage dropped into the 20s and among Black Muslims the teens.
Much like the general population, Trump-supporting Muslims cited the economy as a top issue. They also were more likely to oppose building coalitions with Black Lives Matter, and instead they expressed support for building coalitions with religious conservatives working on religious liberty issues.
"The other thing that I think surprised us the most was that Muslim Trump supporters, as well as Trump supporters in the general public, were more likely to express anti-Muslim sentiment," she said.
There were debunked tropes that Muslims are more violent, or less civilized.
It's not a surprise that Muslims didn't vote as a single bloc. This is one of the most racially and ethnically diverse faith groups in the country. Some are single-issue voters; some are partisan to one party or the other.
"To most Americans and really most people of conscience, it would sound absurd for anyone who identifies with the Muslim faith to vote for Trump, given what he has done and said over the last four years and really throughout his history," said Wa'el Alzayat, CEO of Emgage, a political advocacy organization that aims to engage Muslims in the political process.
"But when you understand that the Muslim community is not a monolith and that it includes those who – for example – may have supported Trump's economic policies, or policies on taxes and may have supported his perceived position on certain foreign policy issues ... it's not as surprising."
Now polling around Muslims is sparse, and Alzayat warned that the numbers may be off. His organization plans to do more polling to understand how American Muslims really voted.
He stressed that American Muslims were key to Biden's support in Florida and his wins in Pennsylvania and Michigan, where large populations of Muslims live. But it's clear Trump did get some Muslim support.
Alzayat attributed part of that to a negative campaign about Biden from social media personalities popular within some American Muslim communities.
"In the lead-up to the election, you really saw what we assessed to be a pretty intensive campaign to dissuade voters or at least remove their enthusiasm from voting for Biden without really much commentary on Trump's policies," Alzayat said.
He pointed to attacks that claimed Biden would support the oppression of Muslims in India or Kashmir, and these would spread on texting apps or social media. His own organization was attacked for endorsing Biden.
Meanwhile those same personalities, he said, were "remaining silent about Trump's pernicious, Islamophobic, racist policy of the last four years. And our assessment is that that really had the intended effect of either convincing some voters to vote for Trump or to convince them to stay at home."


npr--2020-12-04--How The Coronavirus Has Affected Individual Members Of Congress

How The Coronavirus Has Affected Individual Members Of Congress Updated on Dec. 4 at 3:45 p.m .
ET The coronavirus pandemic continues to upend the daily work of Congress , which has seen a series of outbreaks .
By November , more than 25 members of Congress and at least 150 workers have tested positive , or were presumed so , for the coronavirus .
And a Florida member 's aide died this summer from COVID-19 .
As a result , both chambers of Congress have recessed multiple times throughout the year as the Capitol has largely gone without a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Democrat-controlled House installed emergency proxy voting and remote hearings earlier this year .
And in November , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi triggered a broader COVID-19 testing program for Congress following a new requirement for travelers to the Washington , D.C. , area .
But the plan to test as many as 2,000 a week still falls woefully short for a Capitol complex that includes more than 530 lawmakers and a workforce of 20,000 or more .
Before traveling to Washington , D.C. , for a November session , several House members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Alaska Republican Don Young .
Others included outgoing Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Cheri Bustos of Illinois and Republican Tim Walberg of Michigan .
A previous outbreak was tied to a September White House Rose Garden ceremony to announce Amy Coney Barrett as President Trump 's Supreme Court justice nominee .
Trump , first lady Melania Trump and dozens of others in attendance tested positive , including Republican Sens .
Mike Lee of Utah and Thom Tillis of North Carolina .
It was one of several instances forcing a recess for Capitol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since its March beginnings , as House and Senate leaders delayed bringing back members for several weeks in light of public health guidelines recommending social distancing .
The Senate returned in May , but the much larger House still stayed mostly away as a result of advice from the attending physician to Congress .
That same month , the House approved historic rule changes to allow remote voting and hearings .
The initial rash of cases began March 8 , when two Republican lawmakers , Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas and Rep. Paul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members of Congress to announce self-quarantines .
Both had attended the Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor , Md.
, where an attendee at the conference had fallen ill .
The following week , the first two members of Congress said they tested positive for the coronavirus illness .
Republican Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida and Democratic Rep. Ben McAdams of Utah both said they developed symptoms after a March 14 vote on a coronavirus relief package .
By this summer , dozens of Capitol workers reported a positive test or were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a longtime staffer for Republican Rep. Vern Buchanan of Florida , died from COVID-19 on July 24 .
Some lawmakers have taken antibody tests to see if they were previously ill .
Among them , Democratic Sens .
Tim Kaine of Virginia and Bob Casey of Pennsylvania both said they tested positive months after experiencing symptoms in the spring .
To stem the flow of new cases , both chambers issued new social distancing guidance .
Also , the U.S. Capitol remains closed to public tours and open only to members , staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In late July , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi also issued a new mask mandate after Rep. Louie Gohmert , R-Texas , who has often rejected mask protocols , tested positive .
Gohmert had attended several hearings a day before testing and returned to the Capitol following a White House screening that caught his infection .
Gohmert 's case triggered quarantines for five House members , including Arizona Democratic Rep. Raúl Grijalva .
Days later , Grijalva tested positive , but fully recovered symptom free .
Now , members can be forcibly removed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ floor if they are not wearing masks .
This story was originally published on April 15 , 2020 .

Congress and COVID-19: members' cases and quarantines
Enlarge this image toggle caption Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Editor's note: This page is no longer updating as of Dec. 31, 2021.
A number of congressional lawmakers experienced breakthrough COVID-19 infections as coronavirus cases rose nationwide with the spread of the omicron variant.
Earlier in 2021, Congress went months with no coronavirus cases among its members. That came a halt amid a national surge driven by the delta variant, when Republican Reps. Vern Buchanan of Florida and Clay Higgins of Louisiana reported infections in July. Buchanan says he was fully vaccinated, but that was less clear for Higgins.
At least another dozen members followed throughout the fall with news they had also tested positive for coronavirus; many of those infections involving vaccinated Senate and House members.
Before these latest waves, Congress' nearly six-month case pause came after a majority of more than 500 lawmakers were fully vaccinated by January. The Capitol's attending physician then lifted much of the mask mandates that dominated the past year. However, a minority of House Republican members have refused to seek vaccination.
Lawmakers impact by the coronavirus
This new threat arrives after the coronavirus already exacted a large toll on the Capitol.
Last year, the pandemic upended daily work for months, sickening dozens of members and hundreds of workers. A sitting congressman, a member-elect and an aide died.
By February 2021, more than 60 lawmakers and 360 Capitol Hill workers had tested positive, or were presumed so, for the coronavirus, according to NPR's tracker and congressional aides.
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See a list of all members who tested positive or quarantined.
That same month, Rep. Ron Wright, R-Texas, became the first sitting member of Congress to die after a more than two-week battle with COVID-19. In December, Rep.-elect Luke Letlow of Louisiana died days before he was due to be sworn in for a seat that was later filled in April by his widow, Rep. Julia Letlow, following a special election.
And last summer, an aide to Buchanan died from COVID-19.
The rash of infections among members continued at a consistent pace since the pandemic began, with the longest stretch without any such cases lasting about three weeks during recess periods away from Washington, D.C.
But this past March, Capitol Hill began its first month-long stretch without any reported cases or quarantines among members. The most recent positive case before July was reported by Rep. Stephen Lynch, D-Mass., on Jan. 29, despite his having received his second dose of the vaccine days earlier.
Another member, House Oversight Committee Chair Carolyn Maloney, D-N.Y., reported that she quarantined on Feb. 1. It ended Feb. 8 without a report of a positive test.
January 6 insurrection caused spike in cases on Capitol Hill
Up until this summer, the most recent outbreak of cases on Capitol Hill for members was triggered by the Jan. 6 insurrection, which forced members to cluster together in rooms for several hours. Some House Republicans were seen refusing to wear masks during the ordeal.
Later, Monahan told Congress that at least one of these holding rooms for House members included a lawmaker who was already positive.
More than a half-dozen members quarantined as a result, and several tested positive, including Democratic Reps. Bonnie Watson Coleman of New Jersey and Brad Schneider of Illinois.
In all, January proved to be one of members' worst month for the coronavirus, with at least 16 lawmakers testing positive. Before the insurrection, the House met to launch a new session before reinstating rules allowing proxy voting.
This, as congressional leaders and lawmakers received the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine, which became available to members in December. The doses were provided to meet long-standing requirements for continuity of government operations, Monahan told members in a Dec. 17 note.
Pandemic impacted congressional operations
Ahead of the vaccinations, both chambers of Congress recessed multiple times last year as the Capitol went largely without a widespread testing program.
The Democratic-controlled House installed emergency proxy voting and remote hearings in May 2020, and Pelosi extended the covered period several times due to the pandemic. It remains in place until at least until mid-August.
In November, Pelosi triggered a broader coronavirus testing program for Congress following new requirement for travelers to the Washington, D.C., area.
Pelosi has previously said with about 75% of House members vaccinated, and several Republicans who refuse to do so, she's unclear when Congress will fully get back to normal.
"One of the most substantial steps that can be taken is that everybody should be vaccinated," Pelosi told reporters in March, later adding, "We need 100% of the members vaccinated, because it just takes one to endanger others."
The pandemic delayed other rituals, such as President Biden's first address before a joint session of Congress, which was held with only 200 socially distanced guests on April 28.
Last year remains a reminder of how quickly outbreaks spiraled out of control among lawmakers.
In December, at least nine House members, including six Republicans, tested positive for the coronavirus. And November proved to be another one of the worst months of the pandemic for Congress, when at least 15 lawmakers said they were infected, including two of the oldest, Republicans Rep. Don Young of Alaska and Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa.
A previous outbreak in September was tied to a White House Rose Garden ceremony to announce Amy Coney Barrett as then-President Donald Trump's Supreme Court justice nominee. Trump, then-first lady Melania Trump and dozens of others in attendance tested positive, including Republican Sens. Mike Lee of Utah and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.
It was one of several instances forcing leaders to change the congressional schedule.
Starting in the first month of the pandemic, in March 2020, House and Senate leaders delayed bringing back members in light of public health guidelines recommending social distancing.
The Senate returned in May 2020, but the much larger House remained mostly away under the advice of Monahan, the Capitol's attending physician. That same month, the House approved its historic rule changes to allow remote voting and hearings.
The first spate of cases began March 8, 2020, when two Republican lawmakers, Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas and Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona, were the first members of Congress to announce self-quarantines. Both attended the Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Md., where another guest fell ill.
The following week, the first two members of Congress said they tested positive for the coronavirus. Republican Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida and then-Democratic Rep. Ben McAdams of Utah both said they developed symptoms after a March 14 floor vote on a coronavirus relief package.
By last summer, dozens of Capitol workers reported a positive test or were presumed so, and Gary Tibbetts, a longtime staffer for Buchanan died from COVID-19 on July 24.
Some lawmakers also took antibody tests to see if they were previously infected. They include Democratic Sens. Tim Kaine of Virginia and Bob Casey of Pennsylvania, who both said they tested positive months after experiencing symptoms in the spring.
To stem the flow of new cases, both chambers early on issued new social distancing guidance. Also, the U.S. Capitol closed to public tours and remained open only to members, staff, the press and official business visitors, and aside from the Jan. 6 breach by pro-Trump extremists, it has remained so.
In late July 2020, Pelosi also issued a temporary, new mask mandate after Texas GOP Rep. Louie Gohmert, who often rejected such protocols, tested positive. Gohmert had attended several hearings a day earlier and returned to the Capitol following a White House screening that caught his infection.
Gohmert's case triggered quarantines for five House members, including Arizona Democratic Rep. Raúl Grijalva. Days later, Grijalva tested positive but fully recovered symptom free. Until recent changes lifting the mask mandates, members could be fined or be forcibly removed by Capitol Police if they are not wearing masks.


npr--2020-12-04--Survey Finds Asian Americans Are Racial Or Ethnic Group Most Willing To Get Vaccine

Survey Finds Asian Americans Are Racial Or Ethnic Group Most Willing To Get Vaccine A wide-ranging survey shows Americans ' willingness to receive a coronavirus vaccine when it becomes publicly available and confidence in its effectiveness are on the rise .
But when broken down by racial or ethnic group , Black respondents show the most reluctance , with less than half saying they will do so .
The survey by the Pew Research Center found that 60 % of Americans overall say they would definitely or probably get a vaccine for the coronavirus if it were available today .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ than it was in September , it still lags behind the 72 % of Americans who said in May they would get the vaccine , when clinical trials for a vaccine were just getting underway .
Roughly four in 10 respondents overall ( 39 % ) say they would definitely not or probably not get a vaccine , according to Pew .
However , about half of that cohort did leave open the possibility they could change their mind once more information is available and once others get vaccinated .
The other half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more information will not change their decision .
Pew found quite a bit of variance when responses were broken down by racial or ethnic group on willingness to get a vaccine .
A whopping 83 % of `` English-speaking Asian Americans ... say they would definitely or probably get vaccinated , '' outpacing all other racial or ethnic groups , according to Pew .
White and Latinx respondents answered about the same , with 63 % and 61 % respectively saying they definitely or probably would get the vaccine .
`` Black Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get vaccinated than other racial and ethnic groups , '' according to Pew , which found that just 42 % of African Americans said they would get one when made publicly available .
This figure may be surprising to some , given that 71 % of Black respondents told researchers they knew someone who has died or been hospitalized due to the virus , nearly 20 points higher than Americans overall ( 54 % ) .
But there is a long history of mistrust on the part of Black Americans toward public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the notorious Tuskegee experiment of the 1930s , when researchers lied to hundreds of Black men , telling them they were conducting research on treatments for `` bad blood . ''
In reality the scientists were allowing the Black men to die of untreated syphilis .
Those experiments were slated to go on for six months , but they lasted 40 years , according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
That is perhaps why Barack Obama , the nation 's first Black president , said in an interview this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Show that he 'd be willing to get vaccinated in front of cameras when it becomes available .
`` I promise you that when it 's been made for people who are less at risk , I will be taking it , '' Obama said .
`` I may end up taking it on TV or having it filmed , just so that people know that I trust this science . ''
Former presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush have also said they are willing to get the vaccine in front of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a national survey conducted between Nov. 18 and Nov. 29 surveying 12,648 U.S. adults .
The margin of sampling error for the survey is plus or minus 1.5 percentage points .

Survey Finds Asian Americans Are Racial Or Ethnic Group Most Willing To Get Vaccine
Enlarge this image toggle caption Courtesy of University of Maryland School of Medicine /AP Courtesy of University of Maryland School of Medicine /AP
A wide-ranging survey shows Americans' willingness to receive a coronavirus vaccine when it becomes publicly available and confidence in its effectiveness are on the rise.
But when broken down by racial or ethnic group, Black respondents show the most reluctance, with less than half saying they will do so.
The survey by the Pew Research Center found that 60% of Americans overall say they would definitely or probably get a vaccine for the coronavirus if it were available today.
While that figure is 9% higher than it was in September, it still lags behind the 72% of Americans who said in May they would get the vaccine, when clinical trials for a vaccine were just getting underway.
Roughly four in 10 respondents overall (39%) say they would definitely not or probably not get a vaccine, according to Pew.
However, about half of that cohort did leave open the possibility they could change their mind once more information is available and once others get vaccinated. The other half said they are "pretty certain" more information will not change their decision.
Pew found quite a bit of variance when responses were broken down by racial or ethnic group on willingness to get a vaccine.
A whopping 83% of "English-speaking Asian Americans...say they would definitely or probably get vaccinated," outpacing all other racial or ethnic groups, according to Pew.
White and Latinx respondents answered about the same, with 63% and 61% respectively saying they definitely or probably would get the vaccine.
"Black Americans continue to stand out as less inclined to get vaccinated than other racial and ethnic groups," according to Pew, which found that just 42% of African Americans said they would get one when made publicly available.
This figure may be surprising to some, given that 71% of Black respondents told researchers they knew someone who has died or been hospitalized due to the virus, nearly 20 points higher than Americans overall (54%).
But there is a long history of mistrust on the part of Black Americans toward public health officials, much of it stemming from the notorious Tuskegee experiment of the 1930s, when researchers lied to hundreds of Black men, telling them they were conducting research on treatments for "bad blood."
In reality the scientists were allowing the Black men to die of untreated syphilis. Those experiments were slated to go on for six months, but they lasted 40 years, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
That is perhaps why Barack Obama, the nation's first Black president, said in an interview this week with SiriusXM's The Joe Madison Show that he'd be willing to get vaccinated in front of cameras when it becomes available.
"I promise you that when it's been made for people who are less at risk, I will be taking it," Obama said. "I may end up taking it on TV or having it filmed, just so that people know that I trust this science."
Former presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush have also said they are willing to get the vaccine in front of a camera.
The Pew study was a national survey conducted between Nov. 18 and Nov. 29 surveying 12,648 U.S. adults.
The margin of sampling error for the survey is plus or minus 1.5 percentage points.


npr--2020-12-04--Pro-Populist Media In Eastern Europe Promote Trump's Baseless Voter Fraud Claims

Pesti TV is like Hungary 's version of BlazeTV , founded by conservative pundit Glenn Beck .
And — like Beck — Pesti TV 's creative director , Zsolt Jeszenszky , doubts the result of the U.S. election .
`` Too many anomalies , '' says the chatty , silver-haired former music executive and DJ , giving credence to President Trump 's baseless claims of voter fraud .
On his talk show , Political Hobbyist — where Jeszenszky dons T-shirts that read ( in English ) `` Liberals Suck '' and `` Free Speech ! ''
— he recently compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Hungary rigged by communists .
`` It 's an obvious and blatant battle for what direction world policies should take , '' he told NPR by phone later .
In Trump 's refusal to concede , he hears this message for European nationalists : `` If there is a system that 's against you , you should fight , and you should not submit . ''
U.S. courts have resoundingly rejected Trump 's voter-fraud allegations , for which his lawyers have failed to provide any evidence .
Attorney General William Barr , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ca n't back them up either .
Yet media supportive of nationalist leaders in Europe — especially in Hungary , Poland and Slovenia — are either repeating the false claims or suggesting President-elect Joe Biden is part of a vast liberal conspiracy to stifle conservatives who oppose migration , multiculturalism and the mainstream media .
`` Populist , right-wing politicians in Europe wo n't publicly say , 'Hey , Biden is not legitimate , ' but they will say it through their media , '' says Peter Kreko , executive director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Budapest , Hungary .
`` It 's part of a strategy . ''
Pesti TV , which started broadcasting in September , is the latest addition to a media empire run by business owners who support Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban .
Most of those outlets have repeated Trump 's election narrative .
In Slovenia , a TV station financed by the country 's pro-Trump prime minister , Janez Jansa , blamed the `` globalist , liberal-left cabal '' for the election outcome .
And in Poland , the editor of one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` pressuring '' the courts to help Biden in voter fraud cases .
Eastern European leaders can now add Trump 's voter-fraud conspiracies to their electoral playbooks , says Joanna Hosa , deputy director of the Wider Europe program at the European Council on Foreign Relations .
`` The message is : democracies , even the best ones , are not so reliable , and that blaming liberals for fraud is very much something that can happen , '' she says .
Orban , one of the only European Union leaders to endorse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he had a frosty relationship with President Obama and accuses Democrats of imposing `` moral imperialism '' on nations .
Kreko says Orban is not expecting a rosy relationship with the new U.S. president .
Orban 's government and its supporters control most media titles in Hungary , including TV stations and online news sites .
Kreko says these outlets are trying to discredit Biden because he slammed Hungary and Poland for undermining democracy .
Right-wing populist voters in Hungary will `` be convinced that Joe Biden was elected in a fraudulent election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 's like , 'Who is the United States to lecture us on democracy ? '
`` The Hungarian government , he says , wants to translate the U.S. voter-fraud conspiracy allegations `` to the language of the domestic politics . ''
In pro-Orban media , that language almost always includes one name : George Soros , the Hungarian-born American billionaire philanthropist often demonized by Trump supporters for his funding of liberal causes .
Orban has made Soros a reviled figure in Hungary , claiming Soros is the mastermind of a vast liberal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destroy traditional European identity and Christianity .
Jewish leaders have repeatedly warned that this vilification is anti-Semitic , but that did n't stop Philip Rakay , a conservative Hungarian TV pundit , from releasing a video , published last month on the website of the pro-Orban newspaper Origo , depicting Biden as a puppet of Soros .
`` The government has been very consciously using phrases like 'Soros ' puppet ' for every vocal critic of their policies , every opponent who could be dangerous to them , '' says Katalin Cseh , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the European Parliament , who has been labeled a `` Soros puppet '' herself .
`` Like the voter-fraud conspiracy theories , it 's a way to discredit opponents , to present them as dishonest . ''
Pro-government media portray Soros , the European Union and now Biden as threats to the Hungarian government 's agenda .
They are already warning , without evidence , that the Biden administration could interfere in the country 's next parliamentary elections in 2022 .
Parliament speaker Laszlo Kover told state-run radio last month that opposition politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us who do not belong to the homogenized , left-wing , liberal , communist , Neo-Marxist , hogwash coalition that wants to inflict moral terror on Europe . ''
In Poland , President Andrzej Duda of the right-wing populist Law and Justice Party won reelection this summer with the narrowest margin for any Polish government since the end of communism in that country in 1989 .
`` So when the government faces the next election ... maybe the liberal side might win , '' Hosa says .
`` The party now in power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their favor , they might want to take to court — the courts that they now control . ''
For now , she says , the Polish government is already `` call [ ing ] its opponents 'traitors . '
``

Pro-Populist Media In Eastern Europe Promote Trump's Baseless Voter Fraud Claims
Enlarge this image toggle caption Pesti TV Pesti TV
Pesti TV is like Hungary's version of BlazeTV, founded by conservative pundit Glenn Beck.
And — like Beck — Pesti TV's creative director, Zsolt Jeszenszky, doubts the result of the U.S. election.
"Too many anomalies," says the chatty, silver-haired former music executive and DJ, giving credence to President Trump's baseless claims of voter fraud.
On his talk show, Political Hobbyist — where Jeszenszky dons T-shirts that read (in English) "Liberals Suck" and "Free Speech!" — he recently compared the American election to a 1947 vote in Hungary rigged by communists.
"It's an obvious and blatant battle for what direction world policies should take," he told NPR by phone later.
In Trump's refusal to concede, he hears this message for European nationalists: "If there is a system that's against you, you should fight, and you should not submit."
U.S. courts have resoundingly rejected Trump's voter-fraud allegations, for which his lawyers have failed to provide any evidence. Attorney General William Barr, one of Trump's most loyal supporters, can't back them up either.
Yet media supportive of nationalist leaders in Europe — especially in Hungary, Poland and Slovenia — are either repeating the false claims or suggesting President-elect Joe Biden is part of a vast liberal conspiracy to stifle conservatives who oppose migration, multiculturalism and the mainstream media.
"Populist, right-wing politicians in Europe won't publicly say, 'Hey, Biden is not legitimate,' but they will say it through their media," says Peter Kreko, executive director of the Political Capital think tank, based in Budapest, Hungary. "It's part of a strategy."
Pesti TV, which started broadcasting in September, is the latest addition to a media empire run by business owners who support Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Most of those outlets have repeated Trump's election narrative.
In Slovenia, a TV station financed by the country's pro-Trump prime minister, Janez Jansa, blamed the "globalist, liberal-left cabal" for the election outcome. And in Poland, the editor of one pro-government newspaper claimed the mainstream media were "pressuring" the courts to help Biden in voter fraud cases.
Eastern European leaders can now add Trump's voter-fraud conspiracies to their electoral playbooks, says Joanna Hosa, deputy director of the Wider Europe program at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
"The message is: democracies, even the best ones, are not so reliable, and that blaming liberals for fraud is very much something that can happen," she says.
Orban, one of the only European Union leaders to endorse Trump, has congratulated Biden. But he had a frosty relationship with President Obama and accuses Democrats of imposing "moral imperialism" on nations. Kreko says Orban is not expecting a rosy relationship with the new U.S. president.
Orban's government and its supporters control most media titles in Hungary, including TV stations and online news sites. Kreko says these outlets are trying to discredit Biden because he slammed Hungary and Poland for undermining democracy.
Right-wing populist voters in Hungary will "be convinced that Joe Biden was elected in a fraudulent election," Kreko says. "So it's like, 'Who is the United States to lecture us on democracy?' "
The Hungarian government, he says, wants to translate the U.S. voter-fraud conspiracy allegations "to the language of the domestic politics." In pro-Orban media, that language almost always includes one name: George Soros, the Hungarian-born American billionaire philanthropist often demonized by Trump supporters for his funding of liberal causes.
Orban has made Soros a reviled figure in Hungary, claiming Soros is the mastermind of a vast liberal conspiracy to flood Europe with migrants and destroy traditional European identity and Christianity.
Jewish leaders have repeatedly warned that this vilification is anti-Semitic, but that didn't stop Philip Rakay, a conservative Hungarian TV pundit, from releasing a video, published last month on the website of the pro-Orban newspaper Origo, depicting Biden as a puppet of Soros.
"The government has been very consciously using phrases like 'Soros' puppet' for every vocal critic of their policies, every opponent who could be dangerous to them," says Katalin Cseh, a Hungarian opposition politician and lawmaker in the European Parliament, who has been labeled a "Soros puppet" herself. "Like the voter-fraud conspiracy theories, it's a way to discredit opponents, to present them as dishonest."
Pro-government media portray Soros, the European Union and now Biden as threats to the Hungarian government's agenda. They are already warning, without evidence, that the Biden administration could interfere in the country's next parliamentary elections in 2022.
Parliament speaker Laszlo Kover told state-run radio last month that opposition politicians are waging war against "those of us who do not belong to the homogenized, left-wing, liberal, communist, Neo-Marxist, hogwash coalition that wants to inflict moral terror on Europe."
In Poland, President Andrzej Duda of the right-wing populist Law and Justice Party won reelection this summer with the narrowest margin for any Polish government since the end of communism in that country in 1989.
"So when the government faces the next election ... maybe the liberal side might win," Hosa says. "The party now in power, any results that are not in their favor, they might want to take to court — the courts that they now control."
For now, she says, the Polish government is already "call[ing] its opponents 'traitors.' "


npr--2020-12-04--Crowds Of Indian Farmers Gather For Days To Protest New Agriculture Laws

Crowds Of Indian Farmers Gather For Days To Protest New Agriculture Laws Tens of thousands of farmers manned barricades and blocked highways Friday around India 's capital of New Delhi for a ninth straight day , protesting new agricultural laws they fear may hurt their already-meager profits .
Passed in September , three new laws aim to deregulate Indian agriculture , by encouraging farmers to sell directly to companies .
The government has long been a middle man , guaranteeing minimum prices for certain crops .
The laws say farmers will still have price assurances , but the language is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losing government support .
`` We 're worried no one will buy our produce , and that we 'll go into debt , '' says Harinder Singh , general-secretary of a Punjabi farmers union , who spoke to NPR by phone from the truck where he 's been sleeping in a protest camp .
`` We want the government to repeal these laws . ''
Talks between union representatives and government officials broke down Thursday night , and more talks are scheduled for Saturday .
Meanwhile , the protests have spread to other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state of Punjab , India 's breadbasket , and abroad .
Followers of the Sikh faith , founded in Punjab , joined a car caravan Wednesday near the Indian Consulate in San Francisco .
On Friday , India 's foreign ministry summoned Canadian diplomats after Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau voiced solidarity with the protests .
More than half of Indians , in a country of nearly 1.4 billion , eke out a living on farms , according to Indian census data .
`` But they are not getting due respect , nor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' says Medha Patkar , a social activist who joined the farmer protests in Delhi and Indore .
Small-scale farmers have helped India over the decades become self-sufficient in food .
But Patkar accuses the Indian government of eroding a long , proud agrarian tradition that Mahatma Gandhi championed .
`` This sector is not just neglected , but deliberately ignored and underestimated because of the present paradigm of development , which is not just market-oriented but consumerism-based , '' she says .
`` We want production by the masses – as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Prime Minister Narendra Modi makes no secret of wanting to modernize and industrialize India .
It 's a promise he was elected on – though critics say he has failed to deliver .
In a radio address last weekend , Modi said his new agricultural laws `` unshackle farmers '' by giving them new opportunities .
Decades ago , India was a big recipient of international food aid .
But the use of pesticides and machines led to a green revolution starting in the 1960s , which allowed India to become self-sufficient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of wheat and rice , for export .
But it also manages to do that with fewer workers , compared with back in Gandhi 's day .
`` The heart of the matter is that India has too many farmers , '' says Sadanand Dhume , a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute .
`` So what you have is a government that is trying to improve the lives of those farmers by giving them more choices .
But you also [ have ] a section of farmers who are gripped by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may end up meaning for their lives . ''
Dhume says the government rushed out these agricultural laws , without consulting farmers , and did a poor job of explaining them to those who would be most affected .
It also did so in September , at a time when government-regulated wholesale markets were shut , because of the pandemic .
So farmers felt particularly vulnerable .
And many of them already live so close to the bone .
On top of that , India has now entered a recession – two consecutive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first time since the government began publishing quarterly gross domestic product figures .
The coronavirus has erased the robust economic growth India enjoyed for decades .
So it 's not the right time for the government to try to deregulate and wean farmers off state support , says Jayati Ghosh , a development economist .
`` Alternative occupations are not emerging .
We are not industrializing rapidly enough , and we are not generating manufacturing employment .
So there 's nothing else for people to do , '' Ghosh says .
`` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off a sector , but to make another sector much more attractive and available , with income opportunities – and that has n't happened . ''
Farmers are desperate , she says .
But so are workers in other sectors .
Unemployment had already hit a four-decade high , even before the COVID-19 outbreak .
Since the country 's independence from Britain in 1947 , India 's economy has overall been a success story .
Hundreds of millions of people have emerged from poverty .
The challenge now is to prevent them all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cold , or the water cannons and tear gas from police , '' an unidentified female farmer told local TV this week as protests raged around her in Delhi .
`` We 'll stay here all winter , until we get help . ''

Crowds Of Indian Farmers Gather For Days To Protest New Agriculture Laws
Enlarge this image toggle caption Manish Swarup/AP Manish Swarup/AP
Tens of thousands of farmers manned barricades and blocked highways Friday around India's capital of New Delhi for a ninth straight day, protesting new agricultural laws they fear may hurt their already-meager profits.
Passed in September, three new laws aim to deregulate Indian agriculture, by encouraging farmers to sell directly to companies. The government has long been a middle man, guaranteeing minimum prices for certain crops. The laws say farmers will still have price assurances, but the language is vague, and farmers are nervous about losing government support.
"We're worried no one will buy our produce, and that we'll go into debt," says Harinder Singh, general-secretary of a Punjabi farmers union, who spoke to NPR by phone from the truck where he's been sleeping in a protest camp. "We want the government to repeal these laws."
Talks between union representatives and government officials broke down Thursday night, and more talks are scheduled for Saturday.
Meanwhile, the protests have spread to other Indian cities, including some in the state of Punjab, India's breadbasket, and abroad. Followers of the Sikh faith, founded in Punjab, joined a car caravan Wednesday near the Indian Consulate in San Francisco. On Friday, India's foreign ministry summoned Canadian diplomats after Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau voiced solidarity with the protests.
More than half of Indians, in a country of nearly 1.4 billion, eke out a living on farms, according to Indian census data.
"But they are not getting due respect, nor the political and economic space they deserve," says Medha Patkar, a social activist who joined the farmer protests in Delhi and Indore.
Small-scale farmers have helped India over the decades become self-sufficient in food. But Patkar accuses the Indian government of eroding a long, proud agrarian tradition that Mahatma Gandhi championed.
"This sector is not just neglected, but deliberately ignored and underestimated because of the present paradigm of development, which is not just market-oriented but consumerism-based," she says. "We want production by the masses – as Gandhi said — not mass production."
Prime Minister Narendra Modi makes no secret of wanting to modernize and industrialize India. It's a promise he was elected on – though critics say he has failed to deliver.
In a radio address last weekend, Modi said his new agricultural laws "unshackle farmers" by giving them new opportunities.
Decades ago, India was a big recipient of international food aid. But the use of pesticides and machines led to a green revolution starting in the 1960s, which allowed India to become self-sufficient in food. Nowadays it grows surpluses of wheat and rice, for export.
toggle caption Manish Swarup/AP
But it also manages to do that with fewer workers, compared with back in Gandhi's day.
"The heart of the matter is that India has too many farmers," says Sadanand Dhume, a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. "So what you have is a government that is trying to improve the lives of those farmers by giving them more choices. But you also [have] a section of farmers who are gripped by a very understandable anxiety about what these changes may end up meaning for their lives."
Dhume says the government rushed out these agricultural laws, without consulting farmers, and did a poor job of explaining them to those who would be most affected. It also did so in September, at a time when government-regulated wholesale markets were shut, because of the pandemic. So farmers felt particularly vulnerable. And many of them already live so close to the bone.
On top of that, India has now entered a recession – two consecutive quarters of negative growth — for the first time since the government began publishing quarterly gross domestic product figures.
The coronavirus has erased the robust economic growth India enjoyed for decades. So it's not the right time for the government to try to deregulate and wean farmers off state support, says Jayati Ghosh, a development economist.
"Alternative occupations are not emerging. We are not industrializing rapidly enough, and we are not generating manufacturing employment. So there's nothing else for people to do," Ghosh says. "The way to diversify is not to kill off a sector, but to make another sector much more attractive and available, with income opportunities – and that hasn't happened."
Farmers are desperate, she says. But so are workers in other sectors. Unemployment had already hit a four-decade high, even before the COVID-19 outbreak.
Since the country's independence from Britain in 1947, India's economy has overall been a success story. Hundreds of millions of people have emerged from poverty. The challenge now is to prevent them all from slipping backward.
"Never mind the cold, or the water cannons and tear gas from police," an unidentified female farmer told local TV this week as protests raged around her in Delhi.
"We'll stay here all winter, until we get help."


npr--2020-12-04--How Is Each State Responding To COVID-19?

How Is Each State Responding To COVID-19 ?
When the coronavirus first struck the U.S. in March , every state implemented restrictions aimed at limiting its spread .
Businesses closed , schools and offices went remote and much of the country was under strict orders to stay home — at least temporarily .
By mid-May , all 50 states had begun the process of easing restrictions , seeking a balance between reopening economies and protecting public health .
Some took statewide approaches , some used regional frameworks and some reopened faster than others .
Health experts warned that many states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open safely .
Coronavirus cases soon began to skyrocket in much of the country , particularly in the South and West .
By early August the pandemic had entered what health officials called a `` new phase , '' with cases widespread in rural as well as metro areas .
In the fall , Midwest states have seen some of the most severe case counts and deaths .
COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations have continued to surge nationwide , crossing worrying new milestones at an increasingly fast pace .
When the U.S. surpassed 12 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had recorded one million new cases every six days for three weeks .
( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention scientists estimate that the total number of infections may be eight times higher than reported . )
By the start of December , the country had broken its previous records for the number of people hospitalized with the virus as well as its single-day death toll .
With transmission rates rising and hospital capacity dwindling , many states are slowing or altering their reopening plans , reintroducing restrictions and tightening mitigation measures .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ mandate , most states have issued their own .
Many are reimposing limits on gatherings , businesses and other activities , sometimes statewide and sometimes on a county-by-county basis .
State leaders are also announcing ever-evolving testing criteria , relief programs , school guidance and travel restrictions .
Each day brings changes .
NPR is tracking developments in all 50 states , Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia so you can read up on your state 's COVID-19 response and how it compares to others .
This rundown focuses on statewide measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's what each state has done so far , by region : Northeast : Connecticut , Maine , Massachusetts , New Hampshire , New Jersey , New York , Pennsylvania , Rhode Island , Vermont The first version of this page was originally published on March 12 .
This is a developing story .
We will continue to update as new information becomes available .

How Is Each State Responding To COVID-19?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Robert F. Bukaty/AP Robert F. Bukaty/AP
When the coronavirus first struck the U.S. in March, every state implemented restrictions aimed at limiting its spread. Businesses closed, schools and offices went remote and much of the country was under strict orders to stay home — at least temporarily.
By mid-May, all 50 states had begun the process of easing restrictions, seeking a balance between reopening economies and protecting public health. Some took statewide approaches, some used regional frameworks and some reopened faster than others.
Health experts warned that many states and localities were moving too quickly to open safely. Coronavirus cases soon began to skyrocket in much of the country, particularly in the South and West. By early August the pandemic had entered what health officials called a "new phase," with cases widespread in rural as well as metro areas. In the fall, Midwest states have seen some of the most severe case counts and deaths.
COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations have continued to surge nationwide, crossing worrying new milestones at an increasingly fast pace. When the U.S. surpassed 12 million confirmed cases in mid-November, it had recorded one million new cases every six days for three weeks. (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention scientists estimate that the total number of infections may be eight times higher than reported.) By the start of December, the country had broken its previous records for the number of people hospitalized with the virus as well as its single-day death toll.
With transmission rates rising and hospital capacity dwindling, many states are slowing or altering their reopening plans, reintroducing restrictions and tightening mitigation measures. In the absence of a federal mask mandate, most states have issued their own. Many are reimposing limits on gatherings, businesses and other activities, sometimes statewide and sometimes on a county-by-county basis. State leaders are also announcing ever-evolving testing criteria, relief programs, school guidance and travel restrictions.
Each day brings changes. NPR is tracking developments in all 50 states, Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia so you can read up on your state's COVID-19 response and how it compares to others. This rundown focuses on statewide measures — local jurisdictions may vary.
Here's what each state has done so far, by region:
Northeast: Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont
Midwest: Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, Wisconsin
South: Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Puerto Rico, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia
West: Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington, Wyoming
The first version of this page was originally published on March 12. This is a developing story. We will continue to update as new information becomes available.