npr--2020-07-02--Another Day, Another Coronavirus Record In Florida

Another Day , Another Coronavirus Record In Florida Florida 's surge of COVID-19 cases shows no signs of slowing down .
The state Department of Heath reported Florida set another daily record Thursday , with 10,109 cases , surpassing Saturday 's record of 9,585 cases .
That brings Florida 's total confirmed coronavirus cases to nearly 170,000 and a death toll of 3,617 ( with 67 new deaths reported Thursday ) .
The new record continues a marked upturn in cases that began last month , weeks after Florida started allowing businesses to reopen .
Gov .
Ron DeSantis has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most of April and May , the number of new cases and the percentage of those testing positive for the virus remained low .
But then , DeSantis said , he believes Floridians became complacent .
`` After Memorial Day , when it fell out of the news , '' he said , `` people kind of just thought , it was over . ''
On Thursday , he met with Vice President Pence and other federal officials in Tampa .
Speaking afterward , Pence thanked DeSantis for his leadership in combating the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` It 's not an either-or choice , '' Pence said .
`` The economic comeback that 's underway is a demonstration that we do n't have to choose between opening America and the health of our people .
We can do both . ''
DeSantis has resisted calls for a statewide order requiring face coverings for people in public places .
As the numbers of COVID-19 cases have risen , many counties and cities have adopted rules making face coverings mandatory .
One of the most recent to do so is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump 's acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention in August .
Asked whether it will be safe for people over 65 or with underlying health conditions to attend the convention , Pence did n't answer directly .
`` We 're excited about coming to Jacksonville , '' he said .
`` I was at a meeting not long ago when I heard about very sophisticated plans to make sure it 's a safe and healthy environment . ''
In Tampa , DeSantis was asked if he had any `` personal responsibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases in Florida , while other states such as New York and New Jersey were seeing cases decline .
`` Well , do you give credit for Florida for having a much lower fatalities per 100,000 than all the states you just praised ? ''
DeSantis shot back .
`` We have fewer fatalities than some of these states have just in nursing homes . ''
At DeSantis ' direction , Florida has rolled back part of its reopening , closing all bars in the state last week to all but takeout business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increasing number of young people became infected with the virus and several bars closed voluntarily .
To avoid encouraging large crowds , local governments in Miami-Dade , Broward and Palm Beach counties have ordered beaches closed through the July Fourth weekend .
And on Thursday night , Miami-Dade County Mayor Carlos Giménez announced a countywide daily curfew from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. until further notice .
He also rolled back the opening of entertainment facilities such as movie theaters , arcades , casinos , adult entertainment , concert houses and bowling alleys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is meant to stop people from venturing out and hanging out with friends in groups , which has shown to be spreading the virus rapidly , '' he said .
DeSantis said he believes these measures are reminding residents they need to be careful .
`` Now , people understand , this thing does n't just go away , '' he said .
`` You can do a lot of things if you take some small precautions . ''
The rising numbers of coronavirus cases have raised questions about DeSantis ' leadership and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he consulted before allowing businesses to begin reopening .
Democratic U.S. Rep. Donna Shalala , who represents parts of Miami , said , `` In their rush to reopen , they 've put politics ahead of public health . ''
Shalala said DeSantis made a mistake by not acting sooner to shut the state down .
`` We needed at the beginning to hit this virus with a hammer , to starve it all the way down , '' she said .
`` We did n't do the right thing in the beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ play catch-up . ''

Another Day, Another Coronavirus Record In Florida
Enlarge this image toggle caption Octavio Jones/Getty Images Octavio Jones/Getty Images
Updated at 7:43 p.m. ET
Florida's surge of COVID-19 cases shows no signs of slowing down. The state Department of Heath reported Florida set another daily record Thursday, with 10,109 cases, surpassing Saturday's record of 9,585 cases. That brings Florida's total confirmed coronavirus cases to nearly 170,000 and a death toll of 3,617 (with 67 new deaths reported Thursday).
The new record continues a marked upturn in cases that began last month, weeks after Florida started allowing businesses to reopen. Gov. Ron DeSantis has defended that decision, saying that for most of April and May, the number of new cases and the percentage of those testing positive for the virus remained low. But then, DeSantis said, he believes Floridians became complacent. "After Memorial Day, when it fell out of the news," he said, "people kind of just thought, it was over."
On Thursday, he met with Vice President Pence and other federal officials in Tampa. Speaking afterward, Pence thanked DeSantis for his leadership in combating the coronavirus and in reopening Florida's economy. "It's not an either-or choice," Pence said. "The economic comeback that's underway is a demonstration that we don't have to choose between opening America and the health of our people. We can do both."
DeSantis has resisted calls for a statewide order requiring face coverings for people in public places. As the numbers of COVID-19 cases have risen, many counties and cities have adopted rules making face coverings mandatory.
One of the most recent to do so is Jacksonville, which is set to host President Trump's acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention in August.
Asked whether it will be safe for people over 65 or with underlying health conditions to attend the convention, Pence didn't answer directly. "We're excited about coming to Jacksonville," he said. "I was at a meeting not long ago when I heard about very sophisticated plans to make sure it's a safe and healthy environment."
In Tampa, DeSantis was asked if he had any "personal responsibility" for the recent surge in COVID-19 cases in Florida, while other states such as New York and New Jersey were seeing cases decline. "Well, do you give credit for Florida for having a much lower fatalities per 100,000 than all the states you just praised?" DeSantis shot back. "We have fewer fatalities than some of these states have just in nursing homes."
At DeSantis' direction, Florida has rolled back part of its reopening, closing all bars in the state last week to all but takeout business. Florida took that action as an increasing number of young people became infected with the virus and several bars closed voluntarily. To avoid encouraging large crowds, local governments in Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach counties have ordered beaches closed through the July Fourth weekend.
And on Thursday night, Miami-Dade County Mayor Carlos Giménez announced a countywide daily curfew from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. until further notice. He also rolled back the opening of entertainment facilities such as movie theaters, arcades, casinos, adult entertainment, concert houses and bowling alleys, effective Friday.
"This curfew is meant to stop people from venturing out and hanging out with friends in groups, which has shown to be spreading the virus rapidly," he said.
DeSantis said he believes these measures are reminding residents they need to be careful. "Now, people understand, this thing doesn't just go away," he said. "You can do a lot of things if you take some small precautions."
The rising numbers of coronavirus cases have raised questions about DeSantis' leadership and his close ties to Trump, whom he consulted before allowing businesses to begin reopening.
Democratic U.S. Rep. Donna Shalala, who represents parts of Miami, said, "In their rush to reopen, they've put politics ahead of public health."
Shalala said DeSantis made a mistake by not acting sooner to shut the state down. "We needed at the beginning to hit this virus with a hammer, to starve it all the way down," she said. "We didn't do the right thing in the beginning, and now we're trying to play catch-up."


npr--2020-07-03--'Make The Climate A Priority Again,' Says Germany's Student Activist Neubauer

'Make The Climate A Priority Again , ' Says Germany 's Student Activist Neubauer In a not-so-distant past before coronavirus lockdowns , students around the world were storming the streets to demand climate action .
In Berlin , there was a name on many activists ' lips : Luisa-Marie Neubauer .
A 24-year-old university student , Neubauer is sometimes considered Germany 's answer to Swedish activist Greta Thunberg .
And like the younger Swede , Neubauer staged weekly Fridays for Future student strikes in her city to push for a stronger response to climate change .
But since the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cancel mass mobilizations and move most of its campaigning online .
Now the movement is taking careful steps to retake the public sphere .
Though global carbon emissions temporarily plummeted during the shutdown , economies are beginning to rev up again .
Activists are pressing for recovery strategies to take into account social and environmental concerns .
NPR caught up with Neubauer recently to talk about activism in the time of the coronavirus , what lessons can be learned from dealing with COVID-19 and what 's happening with her movement .
As the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is anybody talking about climate protection anymore ?
Luisa-Marie Neubauer : Of course , we 're directing our focus on the coronavirus for now , and that 's the right thing to do .
There is no going back to the time before the coronavirus .
...
But we understood that the climate does n't care how busy we are and what we 're busy with — and whether we 're fighting a pandemic at the moment .
Because the climate crisis continues to get worse and continues to put people at risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a priority again .
That 's what we as activists have to fight for .
This is only possible if we fight the coronavirus efficiently , fairly and caringly — as quickly as possible .
Can anything be learned from the pandemic that might apply to the environment ?
The nature of the coronavirus crisis is completely different from the climate crisis .
The climate crisis comes at you with less heft , but it requires more incisive action .
... We are in the process of destroying so many fundamentals of life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extent life on Earth will still be possible in the future .
We can still learn a lot from the coronavirus crisis .
We can take crises seriously .
We can listen to science .
We can come together internationally .
We can show unimagined solidarity for one another .
We can make politics intergenerational : The young stand up for the old — now the old can stand up for the young in terms of climate .
But you can also draw wrong conclusions from the coronavirus .
We did not act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in March and thereby prevented the worst .
We can not act on the climate crisis once it is here — that would be too late .
The need for preventive politics is essential for climate protection .
You 're one of the founders of Germany 's Friday for Future movement .
Did you ever think it would get so big ?
I gave my first speech [ in December 2018 ] and said , 'Hey , we 're in 14 cities today ; we can be in 40 cities in a month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that point .
A month later we were in 55 cities .
As we grew bigger and bigger , the resistance grew as well , which also made us stronger .
We were perceived as a force to be controlled and attempts were made to delegitimize our movement .
At the same time , all we are demanding is that the government adheres to its self-imposed goals .
How did you keep up your activism during the time of the coronavirus ?
We organized digital protests and actively called on people to stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but does n't solve the problem that the coronavirus restrictions have de facto closed off public political spaces .
This is and was not just a problem for Fridays for Future , but for democracies in general : How can you get public attention , how can you fight injustices if you do n't want to put others at risk ?
It makes me very hopeful that the Black Lives Matter protests did not turn out to be superspreader events and that people wore face masks .
We are also starting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but we are being very careful , because the coronavirus crisis is not over .
Looking at the reopening process , what is most important to you ?
We need sustainable , just and transformative coronavirus policies that take our emissions budget and the ecological costs into account .
We must ensure the massive funds spent to tackle this crisis do not lead to an acceleration of other crises , especially the climate crisis .
Germany passed a major recovery package .
In terms of fighting climate change , what is your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stimulus program in Germany is aimed at saving the economy , not the climate .
In doing so , it saves an economy that degrades the climate to an extent that livelihoods are destroyed .
... We know that it would have been possible to actually make the economic stimulus program sustainable and to focus it on the effective well-being of the people and not on the well-being of the strongest lobbies .
It is to be hoped that the European recovery program will not repeat these mistakes and will invest where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
How do you view Chancellor Angela Merkel ?
For me , Merkel is no longer the climate chancellor .
But she proved long ago that you can drive momentum in international climate policies , and earn a reputation for it .
She contributed massively toward this .
She is a physicist .
She understands the physics behind the climate crisis .
Now her legacy is at stake ; now is the time for her to drive this forward .
And the president of the United States — how do you see his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States used to be the world 's police .
Now they have become the world 's problem child .
That is very destructive and , of course , a disaster for the environment .
You have an unpredictable president who obviously does n't understand what the climate crisis means and also does not understand that the climate crisis is putting his own country at risk .
It would be a disaster if Donald Trump were reelected .
This would have an impact well beyond four years .
Structures are being dismantled ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and across the country , the polarization , international relations : All of this would suffer if Trump were reelected .
It 's so tragic .

'Make The Climate A Priority Again,' Says Germany's Student Activist Neubauer
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kay Nietfeld/picture alliance via Getty Images Kay Nietfeld/picture alliance via Getty Images
In a not-so-distant past before coronavirus lockdowns, students around the world were storming the streets to demand climate action. In Berlin, there was a name on many activists' lips: Luisa-Marie Neubauer.
A 24-year-old university student, Neubauer is sometimes considered Germany's answer to Swedish activist Greta Thunberg. And like the younger Swede, Neubauer staged weekly Fridays for Future student strikes in her city to push for a stronger response to climate change.
But since the coronavirus pandemic, Fridays for Future had to cancel mass mobilizations and move most of its campaigning online. Now the movement is taking careful steps to retake the public sphere.
Though global carbon emissions temporarily plummeted during the shutdown, economies are beginning to rev up again. Activists are pressing for recovery strategies to take into account social and environmental concerns.
NPR caught up with Neubauer recently to talk about activism in the time of the coronavirus, what lessons can be learned from dealing with COVID-19 and what's happening with her movement.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sean Gallup/Getty Images Sean Gallup/Getty Images
As the coronavirus has dominated the global agenda, is anybody talking about climate protection anymore?
Luisa-Marie Neubauer: Of course, we're directing our focus on the coronavirus for now, and that's the right thing to do. There is no going back to the time before the coronavirus. ... But we understood that the climate doesn't care how busy we are and what we're busy with — and whether we're fighting a pandemic at the moment. Because the climate crisis continues to get worse and continues to put people at risk.
We have to make the climate a priority again. That's what we as activists have to fight for. This is only possible if we fight the coronavirus efficiently, fairly and caringly — as quickly as possible.
Can anything be learned from the pandemic that might apply to the environment?
The nature of the coronavirus crisis is completely different from the climate crisis.
The climate crisis comes at you with less heft, but it requires more incisive action. ... We are in the process of destroying so many fundamentals of life that you have to ask to what extent life on Earth will still be possible in the future.
We can still learn a lot from the coronavirus crisis. We can take crises seriously. We can listen to science. We can come together internationally. We can show unimagined solidarity for one another. We can make politics intergenerational: The young stand up for the old — now the old can stand up for the young in terms of climate.
But you can also draw wrong conclusions from the coronavirus. We did not act in January, but we did so in March and thereby prevented the worst. We cannot act on the climate crisis once it is here — that would be too late. The need for preventive politics is essential for climate protection.
You're one of the founders of Germany's Friday for Future movement. Did you ever think it would get so big?
I gave my first speech [in December 2018] and said, 'Hey, we're in 14 cities today; we can be in 40 cities in a month.' That was pure utopia at that point. A month later we were in 55 cities. As we grew bigger and bigger, the resistance grew as well, which also made us stronger. We were perceived as a force to be controlled and attempts were made to delegitimize our movement. At the same time, all we are demanding is that the government adheres to its self-imposed goals.
How did you keep up your activism during the time of the coronavirus?
We organized digital protests and actively called on people to stay at home. That worked quite well, but doesn't solve the problem that the coronavirus restrictions have de facto closed off public political spaces.
This is and was not just a problem for Fridays for Future, but for democracies in general: How can you get public attention, how can you fight injustices if you don't want to put others at risk? It makes me very hopeful that the Black Lives Matter protests did not turn out to be superspreader events and that people wore face masks. We are also starting to protest on a very small scale here, but we are being very careful, because the coronavirus crisis is not over.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ina Fassbender/AFP via Getty Images Ina Fassbender/AFP via Getty Images
Looking at the reopening process, what is most important to you?
We need sustainable, just and transformative coronavirus policies that take our emissions budget and the ecological costs into account. We must ensure the massive funds spent to tackle this crisis do not lead to an acceleration of other crises, especially the climate crisis.
Germany passed a major recovery package. In terms of fighting climate change, what is your assessment of the program?
The economic stimulus program in Germany is aimed at saving the economy, not the climate. In doing so, it saves an economy that degrades the climate to an extent that livelihoods are destroyed. ... We know that it would have been possible to actually make the economic stimulus program sustainable and to focus it on the effective well-being of the people and not on the well-being of the strongest lobbies. It is to be hoped that the European recovery program will not repeat these mistakes and will invest where the future is promoted — and not destroyed.
How do you view Chancellor Angela Merkel?
For me, Merkel is no longer the climate chancellor. But she proved long ago that you can drive momentum in international climate policies, and earn a reputation for it. She contributed massively toward this. She is a physicist. She understands the physics behind the climate crisis. Now her legacy is at stake; now is the time for her to drive this forward.
And the president of the United States — how do you see his role in terms of climate?
The United States used to be the world's police. Now they have become the world's problem child. That is very destructive and, of course, a disaster for the environment. You have an unpredictable president who obviously doesn't understand what the climate crisis means and also does not understand that the climate crisis is putting his own country at risk.
It would be a disaster if Donald Trump were reelected. This would have an impact well beyond four years. Structures are being dismantled; you see the mood in the media and across the country, the polarization, international relations: All of this would suffer if Trump were reelected. It's so tragic.


npr--2020-07-03--Drill Down To County Level And The U.S. COVID-19 Outbreak Looks Even Worse

Drill Down To County Level And The U.S. COVID-19 Outbreak Looks Even Worse Across the United States the coronavirus is once again on the march .
On Wednesday alone there were nearly 50,000 new cases — a record .
The case counts for each state suggest the disease is mainly spreading in a band stretching from Florida across much of the southernmost states and westward to California , with Idaho and Iowa also in trouble .
But when you use tools to drill down to more local data , the picture gets more complicated — and even more concerning .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be time for a statewide lockdown in Arizona and Florida A key measure that epidemiologists track is the number of new coronavirus cases each day as a percentage of the population .
( This per capita approach is key because it flags less populous locations that may have a large amount of spread relative to their size — and potentially more cases than their health systems are set up to deal with . )
This week a team led by researchers at Harvard came up with a rating tool with four tiers : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — triggered if a location has more than 25 new cases per day per 100,000 people — means the virus is spreading to such a degree that evidence suggests the only way to get a handle on it is to revert to stay-at-home mode .
At this stage even less drastic measures such as massively ramped-up testing and contact tracing probably wo n't cut it .
Technically , three states currently fall in this category : Arizona , Florida and South Carolina .
But use the tool to check the situation at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reach through Arizona in particular becomes apparent .
Nearly two-thirds of the state 's counties are in the red zone — compared with about a third of South Carolina 's counties .
`` I 'm very worried about Arizona , '' says Thomas Tsai , one of the Harvard professors who put together the tool .
`` We knew about the outbreak in Navajo Nation .
And now we 're seeing that that entire northeast corner of Arizona , and realistically , most of Arizona , is becoming red and poses a risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Florida concerns him for the same reason .
`` Before the focus was really on the metropolitan areas around Miami , '' Tsai says .
`` But now we 're seeing that counties in central Florida and even some counties in the panhandle — which had relatively few cases early on in the pandemic — are seeing an escalating rise in cases . ''
On the one hand Texas offers a sharp contrast .
For now , transmission is mainly occurring in the state 's large cities , notes Marynia Kolak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team that has created another tool with county-level data .
`` So they have the potential to contain the outbreak before it continues , '' Kolak says .
But by another measure Texas is in major trouble .
A team from Dartmouth has created a tool that tracks not just how many new cases local areas are seeing per day but how quickly the overall caseload is rising each week .
And the top three localities are in Texas — including the Corpus Christi area , where cases rose more than 15 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Dartmouth tool divides areas not by county , but by communities using the same set of hospitals . )
Corpus Christi also ranks in the top 10 when it comes to daily new case counts per capita .
`` It 's a double whammy , '' says Elliott Fisher , who spearheaded the Dartmouth tool .
`` It 's a place with one of the highest number of new cases and the highest growth rate .
So they really need to get their act together . ''
Other localities in this double-whammy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Victoria and Austin areas in Texas , and — in Florida — Tampa , Miami , Orlando and Jacksonville .
Hot spots are cropping up in otherwise better-off states The local-level tools also highlight flare-ups in counties that would otherwise be overlooked because they are in states where the overall spread is not as serious .
`` A cluster has to be pretty severe in order for the state to emerge as a hot spot , '' the University of Chicago 's Kolak says .
Yet the history of the pandemic thus far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ widen out with catastrophic consequences .
`` Sometimes those progress and grow into larger clusters .
Sometimes they do n't .
So we consider those areas potential emerging risks . ''
Harvard 's Tsai points to Yakima County in Washington state as one that concerns him .
Other examples include counties in California and Iowa .
But it 's worth noting that the vast majority of counties in the Harvard group 's red zone are not in the three red zone states .
The Chicago group 's tool also includes a feature that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the daily per capita new case number is high both there and in neighboring counties .
`` What this shows is not just hot spots at a state level , but you start to notice that there 's a lot of hot spots occurring along the borders of states , '' Kolak says .
Examples include between Southern California and Arizona as well as along the Mississippi River — with cases high in both the Memphis , Tenn. , area and across the border in Arkansas .
This border issue points up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` There 's definite concern there , because unless you have a federally coordinated response , anything that one of those states does may not necessarily have a full impact unless the nearby states also agree . ''
The choices that citizens make also play into this , she says .
`` So for example , if you 're in a state that has very strict social distancing guidelines , but the state next to you has very relaxed ones — driving [ there ] to get a haircut '' could foment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are mainly helpful to scientists and policymakers trying to detect and respond to broader trends , all of us may benefit from checking them more or less the way we look at the weather report .
Dartmouth 's Fisher says looking up the new-daily-cases-per-capita measure is a proxy for checking , `` What is the likelihood that the person standing in line with you at a Starbucks [ in your county ] might give you COVID-19 . ''
Chicago 's Kolak agrees .
The July Fourth celebrations are largely canceled in her area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she 's worried by talk that many people are planning to travel to fireworks displays farther afield .
Based on what her county-level mapping tool shows , `` I 've been encouraging friends not to go to Iowa for the July [ Fourth ] fireworks , '' she says .
`` In some of those areas , cases are still pretty low .
But there are counties that are starting to persistently get flagged as high relative to the nearby areas . ''

Drill Down To County Level And The U.S. COVID-19 Outbreak Looks Even Worse
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt York/AP Matt York/AP
Across the United States the coronavirus is once again on the march. On Wednesday alone there were nearly 50,000 new cases — a record. The case counts for each state suggest the disease is mainly spreading in a band stretching from Florida across much of the southernmost states and westward to California, with Idaho and Iowa also in trouble.
But when you use tools to drill down to more local data, the picture gets more complicated — and even more concerning. Here are five takeaways:
It may be time for a statewide lockdown in Arizona and Florida
A key measure that epidemiologists track is the number of new coronavirus cases each day as a percentage of the population. (This per capita approach is key because it flags less populous locations that may have a large amount of spread relative to their size — and potentially more cases than their health systems are set up to deal with.)
This week a team led by researchers at Harvard came up with a rating tool with four tiers: The highest "red" alert level — triggered if a location has more than 25 new cases per day per 100,000 people — means the virus is spreading to such a degree that evidence suggests the only way to get a handle on it is to revert to stay-at-home mode. At this stage even less drastic measures such as massively ramped-up testing and contact tracing probably won't cut it.
Technically, three states currently fall in this category: Arizona, Florida and South Carolina. But use the tool to check the situation at the county level, and the virus's reach through Arizona in particular becomes apparent. Nearly two-thirds of the state's counties are in the red zone — compared with about a third of South Carolina's counties.
"I'm very worried about Arizona," says Thomas Tsai, one of the Harvard professors who put together the tool. "We knew about the outbreak in Navajo Nation. And now we're seeing that that entire northeast corner of Arizona, and realistically, most of Arizona, is becoming red and poses a risk of the pandemic growing out of proportion."
Florida concerns him for the same reason. "Before the focus was really on the metropolitan areas around Miami," Tsai says. "But now we're seeing that counties in central Florida and even some counties in the panhandle — which had relatively few cases early on in the pandemic — are seeing an escalating rise in cases."
There's trouble in Texas
On the one hand Texas offers a sharp contrast. For now, transmission is mainly occurring in the state's large cities, notes Marynia Kolak, leader of a University of Chicago team that has created another tool with county-level data. "So they have the potential to contain the outbreak before it continues," Kolak says.
But by another measure Texas is in major trouble. A team from Dartmouth has created a tool that tracks not just how many new cases local areas are seeing per day but how quickly the overall caseload is rising each week. And the top three localities are in Texas — including the Corpus Christi area, where cases rose more than 15% over the past week. (Technically the Dartmouth tool divides areas not by county, but by communities using the same set of hospitals.)
Corpus Christi also ranks in the top 10 when it comes to daily new case counts per capita. "It's a double whammy," says Elliott Fisher, who spearheaded the Dartmouth tool. "It's a place with one of the highest number of new cases and the highest growth rate. So they really need to get their act together."
Other localities in this double-whammy category that he points to include the Victoria and Austin areas in Texas, and — in Florida — Tampa, Miami, Orlando and Jacksonville.
Hot spots are cropping up in otherwise better-off states
The local-level tools also highlight flare-ups in counties that would otherwise be overlooked because they are in states where the overall spread is not as serious.
"A cluster has to be pretty severe in order for the state to emerge as a hot spot," the University of Chicago's Kolak says. Yet the history of the pandemic thus far has shown that isolated flare-ups can eventually widen out with catastrophic consequences.
"Sometimes those progress and grow into larger clusters. Sometimes they don't. So we consider those areas potential emerging risks."
Harvard's Tsai points to Yakima County in Washington state as one that concerns him. Other examples include counties in California and Iowa. But it's worth noting that the vast majority of counties in the Harvard group's red zone are not in the three red zone states.
State borders pose a challenge
The Chicago group's tool also includes a feature that surfaces emerging regional clusters by identifying counties where the daily per capita new case number is high both there and in neighboring counties.
"What this shows is not just hot spots at a state level, but you start to notice that there's a lot of hot spots occurring along the borders of states," Kolak says.
Examples include between Southern California and Arizona as well as along the Mississippi River — with cases high in both the Memphis, Tenn., area and across the border in Arkansas.
This border issue points up a challenge for states, Kolak says. "There's definite concern there, because unless you have a federally coordinated response, anything that one of those states does may not necessarily have a full impact unless the nearby states also agree."
The choices that citizens make also play into this, she says. "So for example, if you're in a state that has very strict social distancing guidelines, but the state next to you has very relaxed ones — driving [there] to get a haircut" could foment cross-border spread.
Ordinary citizens should check the county-level tools
While the tools described are mainly helpful to scientists and policymakers trying to detect and respond to broader trends, all of us may benefit from checking them more or less the way we look at the weather report.
Dartmouth's Fisher says looking up the new-daily-cases-per-capita measure is a proxy for checking, "What is the likelihood that the person standing in line with you at a Starbucks [in your county] might give you COVID-19."
Chicago's Kolak agrees. The July Fourth celebrations are largely canceled in her area, she says. But she says she's worried by talk that many people are planning to travel to fireworks displays farther afield.
Based on what her county-level mapping tool shows, "I've been encouraging friends not to go to Iowa for the July [Fourth] fireworks," she says. "In some of those areas, cases are still pretty low. But there are counties that are starting to persistently get flagged as high relative to the nearby areas."


npr--2020-07-03--Reflection On A 4th That Seems Far from Glorious

Reflection On A 4th That Seems Far from Glorious People once wished each other well on Independence Day by saying : `` Have a glorious Fourth ! ''
A bit antique , perhaps , in the best of times , but a phrase you still heard .
Until now .
Can you imagine well-wishers offering that sentiment this weekend , without a trace of irony or a wistful look ?
Not likely , not in the summer of 2020 , the summer of resurgent COVID-19 cases , of restaurants and beaches that had reopened only to close again – of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been laid off again .
Not likely for those out of work or fearing the loss of work .
Just in time for our national birthday , the U.S. set a new record for new cases of the virus in a single day with more than 50,000 .
( Thursday 's jobs report had some good news , but economists warned the back-to-work trend of early June had already been reversed . )
Not likely in the many states where new infection rates are the highest the virus was first named .
Nor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have turned into overcrowded hospitals and morgues .
Nor is celebration likely in the cities where racial unrest has continued since the killing of George Floyd on May 25 .
More than on any other Fourth in memory , African Americans are asking the question Frederick Douglass made famous when he asked it in 1852 – `` Independence for whom ? ''
This summer , that question hangs in the air like the aftertaste of tear gas .
People of color are not alone in wondering when things will be better .
Five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on average that 70 % of Americans thought the country was on the wrong track .
Can we call it the Fourth and hear the heartbeat of summer when celebration seems so out of sync with the rest of our lives ?
Not likely while we wonder whether fireworks can be seen from quarantine , or whether picnics with friends and family are safe .
Not likely when we still await the return of American summers ' soundtrack , the rhythm and pop of baseball on the field and in the broadcast air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resume , and the minor leagues , the field of dreams for more than 250 teams , have been cancelled for the year for the first time since they began in 1901 .
So yes , we do need a holiday just now .
Whether we are working at work or from home , we need some kind of break .
And it would be all the more welcome if it were not just a moment of leisure but an occasion for unity , healing and hope .
The Centers for Disease Control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of crowds even outdoors .
The rush to bars and beaches in May and June is held responsible for revitalizing the virus , which spread the most where reopening went the fastest and furthest .
However , in Washington on the National Mall , there will be waves of military aircraft flyovers and a fireworks show organized by the White House .
The National Park Service says this will be `` the largest ever '' and there will be 300,000 masks available .
But the city 's mayor has discouraged people gathering in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country will forego their traditional observances in deference to the pandemic .
So where do we look for inspiration at this moment ?
Some may turn to South Dakota , where a major fireworks display will light up Mount Rushmore .
President Trump will attend .
There will be masks available ( this week the president said `` I 'm all for masks '' ) but not required .
Social distancing will not be the order of the day .
Perhaps the president will use this occasion to address the nation with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has backed off his boosterism for reopening businesses , although on Thursday he seized on the jobs report to insist the gloom is passing faster than we think .
Persistent emphasis on the positive has been the president 's lodestar throughout his life .
It has served him well , but in the current crisis it has become a handicap .
It has not helped that through this past month he has used his formidable communications skills and matchless access to the media not to unite but to highlight his differences with critics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Far from seeking common ground , the president flaunts his attachment to the myths and heroes of the old Confederacy .
He even said this week he would veto the annual legislation authorizing the Department of Defense if it changed the names of current military bases that still honor rebel generals from the 1860s .
That threat came in the same week when Richmond 's mayor ordered the removal of Confederate statues in the capital of the Confederacy and Mississippi 's legislature and governor retired the last state flag to bear the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Bars .
While only gestures , what happened in Richmond and Jackson revealed an openness to change suddenly visible in many parts of the country , born of tragedy but of hope as well .
This is a moment when a national vision , a message of unity and uplift , might have profound effect .
Or , at a minimum , do some good .
What the moment really calls for is a great speech from the only leader who can address the nation with a chance of being heard .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ legacy the Fourth represents , and forward to a future of unity and healing .
But this week , far from focusing on inspiration , the White House is consumed with damage control .
The president 's strategy of blowing past the pandemic has backfired and confidence in the swift return to boom times has faded .
Suddenly , all eyes are on Russia again , with reports it has paid bounties for the killing of Americans .
Trump calls it all another `` hoax , '' and in Moscow this week Vladimir @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay in office until 2036 .
Many Americans would prefer not to look to government at all , out of lifelong distrust or a rising sense that representative democracy has rusted into dysfunction .
We can blame Washington , of course , as always .
And with reason .
But in the midst of our multiple crises there has been plenty of gridlock to go around in the state capitals as well .
In this moment , we look to ourselves , and to our families , and perhaps to a wider circle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if we have a moment , we might also recall the era that gave rise to this holiday .
We might consider that our own times , like theirs , are `` times that try men 's souls . ''
As Thomas Paine wrote not long after the Declaration of Independence , in the very first war fought to defend it , `` he who stands it now deserves the love and thanks of man and woman . ''

Reflection On A 4th That Seems Far From Glorious
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson/Getty Images
People once wished each other well on Independence Day by saying: "Have a glorious Fourth!"
A bit antique, perhaps, in the best of times, but a phrase you still heard. Until now.
Can you imagine well-wishers offering that sentiment this weekend, without a trace of irony or a wistful look?
Not likely, not in the summer of 2020, the summer of resurgent COVID-19 cases, of restaurants and beaches that had reopened only to close again — of workers recently returned to work who have been laid off again.
Not likely for those out of work or fearing the loss of work. Just in time for our national birthday, the U.S. set a new record for new cases of the virus in a single day with more than 50,000. (Thursday's jobs report had some good news, but economists warned the back-to-work trend of early June had already been reversed.)
Not likely in the many states where new infection rates are the highest the virus was first named. Nor in places where "hot spots" have turned into overcrowded hospitals and morgues.
Nor is celebration likely in the cities where racial unrest has continued since the killing of George Floyd on May 25. More than on any other Fourth in memory, African Americans are asking the question Frederick Douglass made famous when he asked it in 1852: "Independence for whom?"
This summer, that question hangs in the air like the aftertaste of tear gas.
People of color are not alone in wondering when things will be better. Five different national polls released this week found on average that 70% of Americans thought the country was on the wrong track.
Can we call it the Fourth and hear the heartbeat of summer when celebration seems so out of sync with the rest of our lives?
Not likely while we wonder whether fireworks can be seen from quarantine, or whether picnics with friends and family are safe.
Not likely when we still await the return of American summers' soundtrack, the rhythm and pop of baseball on the field and in the broadcast air. Major League Baseball has yet to resume, and the minor leagues, the field of dreams for more than 250 teams, have been cancelled for the year for the first time since they began in 1901.
So yes, we do need a holiday just now. Whether we are working at work or from home, we need some kind of break. And it would be all the more welcome if it were not just a moment of leisure but an occasion for unity, healing and hope.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has urged social distancing and the avoidance of crowds even outdoors. The rush to bars and beaches in May and June is held responsible for revitalizing the virus, which spread the most where reopening went the fastest and furthest.
However, in Washington on the National Mall, there will be waves of military aircraft flyovers and a fireworks show organized by the White House. The National Park Service says this will be "the largest ever" and there will be 300,000 masks available. But the city's mayor has discouraged people gathering in crowds and many other communities around the country will forego their traditional observances in deference to the pandemic.
So where do we look for inspiration at this moment?
Some may turn to South Dakota, where a major fireworks display will light up Mount Rushmore. President Trump will attend. There will be masks available (this week the president said "I'm all for masks") but not required. Social distancing will not be the order of the day.
Perhaps the president will use this occasion to address the nation with a message appropriate to the moment. He has backed off his boosterism for reopening businesses, although on Thursday he seized on the jobs report to insist the gloom is passing faster than we think.
Persistent emphasis on the positive has been the president's lodestar throughout his life. It has served him well, but in the current crisis it has become a handicap. It has not helped that through this past month he has used his formidable communications skills and matchless access to the media not to unite but to highlight his differences with critics and protesters he calls traitors and terrorists.
Far from seeking common ground, the president flaunts his attachment to the myths and heroes of the old Confederacy. He even said this week he would veto the annual legislation authorizing the Department of Defense if it changed the names of current military bases that still honor rebel generals from the 1860s.
That threat came in the same week when Richmond's mayor ordered the removal of Confederate statues in the capital of the Confederacy and Mississippi's legislature and governor retired the last state flag to bear the rebel battle emblem known as the Star and Bars.
While only gestures, what happened in Richmond and Jackson revealed an openness to change suddenly visible in many parts of the country, born of tragedy but of hope as well. This is a moment when a national vision, a message of unity and uplift, might have profound effect.
Or, at a minimum, do some good.
What the moment really calls for is a great speech from the only leader who can address the nation with a chance of being heard. A speech that looks back to the legacy the Fourth represents, and forward to a future of unity and healing.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images
But this week, far from focusing on inspiration, the White House is consumed with damage control. The president's strategy of blowing past the pandemic has backfired and confidence in the swift return to boom times has faded. Suddenly, all eyes are on Russia again, with reports it has paid bounties for the killing of Americans. Trump calls it all another "hoax," and in Moscow this week Vladimir Putin got an official green light to stay in office until 2036.
Many Americans would prefer not to look to government at all, out of lifelong distrust or a rising sense that representative democracy has rusted into dysfunction. We can blame Washington, of course, as always. And with reason. But in the midst of our multiple crises there has been plenty of gridlock to go around in the state capitals as well.
In this moment, we look to ourselves, and to our families, and perhaps to a wider circle of those we trust for that inspiration.
And if we have a moment, we might also recall the era that gave rise to this holiday. We might consider that our own times, like theirs, are "times that try men's souls." As Thomas Paine wrote not long after the Declaration of Independence, in the very first war fought to defend it, "he who stands it now deserves the love and thanks of man and woman."


npr--2020-07-03--Revisiting Sacred Cows: Which Figures From History Do We Honor, And How?

Revisiting Sacred Cows : Which Figures From History Do We Honor , And How ?
In Richmond , Va. , the former capital of the Confederacy , a bronze statue of Confederate general Stonewall Jackson sitting triumphantly astride his horse , Little Sorrel , no longer towers above that city 's Monument Avenue .
To the cheers of a crowd of onlookers who gathered in the pouring rain earlier this week , work crews cut the statue from its granite base , and after hours of labor , a crane lifted it away to be put in storage , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on orders from Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney , who claimed emergency powers to act in the interest of public safety .
`` We 've had 33 days of unrest , '' Stoney told NPR .
`` It 's time to move beyond the lost cause and embrace the righteous cause .
We can be more than just the capital of the Confederacy .
It 's time for us to be the capital of compassion . ''
The removal of the Stonewall Jackson memorial is emblematic of a nationwide reckoning with race that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ honor and how .
The scrutiny goes well beyond monuments to the Confederacy .
Among those whose legacies are coming under sharp review is Woodrow Wilson , the 28th president of the U.S. , who served from 1913-21 .
Wilson was the leading architect behind the League of Nations after World War I .
His efforts won him the Nobel Peace Prize .
His name is bestowed on boulevards , bridges , schools , and even a rest stop along the New Jersey Turnpike .
But Wilson also resegregated the federal government .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Nation at the White House , and called Blacks `` an ignorant and inferior race . ''
At a recent rally in Washington , D.C. , 18-year-old Anna Parra-Jordan , a newly-graduated student of the city 's Woodrow Wilson High School , was among those passionately calling for Wilson 's name to be scrubbed from the school .
`` His legacy is racism ! ''
she told the applauding crowd .
`` He hurt black people .
And when you hurt black people , nothing else that you do matters ! ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ urging the school system to change the school 's name , and D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser says she supports the move .
In June , after years of debate , the board of trustees of Princeton University , where Wilson served as president from 1902-10 , voted to remove his name from its prestigious School of Public and International Affairs , as well as a residential college , citing what the trustees called Wilson 's `` racist thinking and policies . ''
'Your name is a pronouncement of your values' If you 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Confederacy , that raises even deeper questions about your core identity .
`` Your name , whether you 're Coca Cola or Google or Washington and Lee , is a pronouncement of your values , '' says James Casey , economics professor at Washington and Lee University in Lexington , Va. , where Robert E. Lee served as college president immediately after the Civil War .
Casey is spearheading a movement among faculty , asking the university to shed Lee 's name and to dissociate from the Confederacy and all it stood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not neutral , '' Casey says .
`` It is sending a message .
And in the context today it does just seem to me , are we going to wait until everyone else has done this , or will we be part of the movement , or will we lead ?
And I think it 's already too late for us to lead .
I think we 've already lost that ground . ''
But where do you stop ?
If you drop Lee , what about Washington , who owned hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , Washington 's legacy is problematic .
But he agrees with those who draw this line : Washington was a founding father .
Lee was a traitor to his country .
`` Lee took an oath to the Constitution , '' Casey says , `` and he betrayed that oath to the Constitution of the United States for one reason and one reason only : to protect the institution of slavery . ''
In Boston , the debate over historic representation has focused lately on two figures cast in bronze : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the original statue in Washington , D.C. , which was erected in 1876 and is also known as the Freedman 's Memorial .
Both have been the target of protests .
The memorial , designed and sculpted by Thomas Ball , shows Abraham Lincoln with one arm outstretched , his other hand holding the Emancipation Proclamation .
Lincoln is looking down at a freed Black man who is kneeling at his feet , with a loincloth draped around his waist and broken shackles around his wrists .
The inscription on the pedestal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set free / and the country at peace / Lincoln / Rests from his labors . ''
For critics like Boston-area actor and activist Tory Bullock , who launched a social media campaign to have the statue removed , the message sent by that crouching emancipated man is demeaning .
`` If he 's free , '' Bullock asked , `` why is he still on his knees ? ''
To Bullock 's exultation , that campaign worked .
After nearly two hours of public comment , Boston 's art commission voted unanimously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What I heard today is that it hurts to look at this piece , '' said commission vice chairperson Ekua Holmes , `` and in the Boston landscape , we should not have works that bring shame to any groups of people . ''
But defenders of the memorial point out that the original work in Washington , D.C. , was paid for with funds donated by freed slaves , and that when the D.C. statue was dedicated in 1876 , before an audience that included President Ulysses S. Grant , Frederick Douglass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great speeches in American history .
`` I actually do n't think it should be taken down , '' says poet and scholar Elizabeth Alexander , president of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation .
Alexander grew up in the Washington , D.C. , neighborhood where the original stands .
She recalls seeing this statue all the time and learning the context surrounding it from her mother , historian Adele Logan Alexander .
Over the years , she has wrestled with how to interpret the story the memorial is telling .
`` Was that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Alexander asks .
`` Was he claiming his own freedom ?
Was he being put down ?
Was Lincoln being lifted up as the great white savior , when really the end of slavery was a more complicated affair ? ''
Alexander proposes an alternative to taking the memorial down : erecting a companion statue of Frederick Douglass nearby .
After all , she says , these memorials offer a chance to contextualize and learn .
`` Every day I think about the opportunities , '' she says .
`` Historians have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history is revisionist history .
You know , history is always responding to the history that was written before it . ''
Which means , Alexander says , that this moment gives us the chance to ask crucial questions : What kind of democracy are we ?
And who did build the country ?
`` We are revisiting the sacred cows , '' Alexander says .
`` We 're taking a moment to say , we do n't value this .
And in fact , valuing this has in part led us to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , profoundly fractured . ''
Now , she says , as more monuments come down , the question is , what will we put in their place ?

Revisiting Sacred Cows: Which Figures From History Do We Honor, And How?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ryan M. Kelly/AFP via Getty Images Ryan M. Kelly/AFP via Getty Images
In Richmond, Va., the former capital of the Confederacy, a bronze statue of Confederate general Stonewall Jackson sitting triumphantly astride his horse, Little Sorrel, no longer towers above that city's Monument Avenue.
To the cheers of a crowd of onlookers who gathered in the pouring rain earlier this week, work crews cut the statue from its granite base, and after hours of labor, a crane lifted it away to be put in storage, at least temporarily.
Jackson's dethroning came on orders from Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney, who claimed emergency powers to act in the interest of public safety. "We've had 33 days of unrest," Stoney told NPR. "It's time to move beyond the lost cause and embrace the righteous cause. We can be more than just the capital of the Confederacy. It's time for us to be the capital of compassion."
The removal of the Stonewall Jackson memorial is emblematic of a nationwide reckoning with race that has re-energized debates over which historical figures we honor and how.
The scrutiny goes well beyond monuments to the Confederacy. Among those whose legacies are coming under sharp review is Woodrow Wilson, the 28th president of the U.S., who served from 1913-21.
Wilson was the leading architect behind the League of Nations after World War I. His efforts won him the Nobel Peace Prize. His name is bestowed on boulevards, bridges, schools, and even a rest stop along the New Jersey Turnpike.
toggle caption Hulton Archive/Getty Images
'He hurt black people'
But Wilson also resegregated the federal government. He screened the racist film Birth of a Nation at the White House, and called Blacks "an ignorant and inferior race."
At a recent rally in Washington, D.C., 18-year-old Anna Parra-Jordan, a newly-graduated student of the city's Woodrow Wilson High School, was among those passionately calling for Wilson's name to be scrubbed from the school.
"His legacy is racism!" she told the applauding crowd. "He hurt black people. And when you hurt black people, nothing else that you do matters!"
Nearly 2,000 people have signed a petition urging the school system to change the school's name, and D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser says she supports the move.
In June, after years of debate, the board of trustees of Princeton University, where Wilson served as president from 1902-10, voted to remove his name from its prestigious School of Public and International Affairs, as well as a residential college, citing what the trustees called Wilson's "racist thinking and policies."
'Your name is a pronouncement of your values'
If you're a school whose name is entwined with the Confederacy, that raises even deeper questions about your core identity.
"Your name, whether you're Coca Cola or Google or Washington and Lee, is a pronouncement of your values," says James Casey, economics professor at Washington and Lee University in Lexington, Va., where Robert E. Lee served as college president immediately after the Civil War.
Casey is spearheading a movement among faculty, asking the university to shed Lee's name and to dissociate from the Confederacy and all it stood for.
"Keeping the name is not neutral," Casey says. "It is sending a message. And in the context today it does just seem to me, are we going to wait until everyone else has done this, or will we be part of the movement, or will we lead? And I think it's already too late for us to lead. I think we've already lost that ground."
But where do you stop? If you drop Lee, what about Washington, who owned hundreds of slaves himself?
Casey says of course, Washington's legacy is problematic. But he agrees with those who draw this line: Washington was a founding father. Lee was a traitor to his country.
"Lee took an oath to the Constitution," Casey says, "and he betrayed that oath to the Constitution of the United States for one reason and one reason only: to protect the institution of slavery."
In Boston, the debate over historic representation has focused lately on two figures cast in bronze: the Emancipation Memorial. It's a copy of the original statue in Washington, D.C., which was erected in 1876 and is also known as the Freedman's Memorial. Both have been the target of protests.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jesse Costa/WBUR Jesse Costa/WBUR
Wrestling with interpretation of memorial story
The memorial, designed and sculpted by Thomas Ball, shows Abraham Lincoln with one arm outstretched, his other hand holding the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln is looking down at a freed Black man who is kneeling at his feet, with a loincloth draped around his waist and broken shackles around his wrists. The inscription on the pedestal in Boston reads, "A race set free / and the country at peace / Lincoln / Rests from his labors."
For critics like Boston-area actor and activist Tory Bullock, who launched a social media campaign to have the statue removed, the message sent by that crouching emancipated man is demeaning. "If he's free," Bullock asked, "why is he still on his knees?"
To Bullock's exultation, that campaign worked. After nearly two hours of public comment, Boston's art commission voted unanimously to take the memorial down. "What I heard today is that it hurts to look at this piece," said commission vice chairperson Ekua Holmes, "and in the Boston landscape, we should not have works that bring shame to any groups of people."
But defenders of the memorial point out that the original work in Washington, D.C., was paid for with funds donated by freed slaves, and that when the D.C. statue was dedicated in 1876, before an audience that included President Ulysses S. Grant, Frederick Douglass delivered what is considered one of the great speeches in American history.
"I actually don't think it should be taken down," says poet and scholar Elizabeth Alexander, president of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
Alexander grew up in the Washington, D.C., neighborhood where the original stands. She recalls seeing this statue all the time and learning the context surrounding it from her mother, historian Adele Logan Alexander.
Over the years, she has wrestled with how to interpret the story the memorial is telling. "Was that slave rising of his own accord?" Alexander asks. "Was he claiming his own freedom? Was he being put down? Was Lincoln being lifted up as the great white savior, when really the end of slavery was a more complicated affair?"
All history is revisionist history
Alexander proposes an alternative to taking the memorial down: erecting a companion statue of Frederick Douglass nearby. After all, she says, these memorials offer a chance to contextualize and learn.
"Every day I think about the opportunities," she says. "Historians have a little joke where they say all history is revisionist history. You know, history is always responding to the history that was written before it."
Which means, Alexander says, that this moment gives us the chance to ask crucial questions: What kind of democracy are we? And who did build the country?
"We are revisiting the sacred cows," Alexander says. "We're taking a moment to say, we don't value this. And in fact, valuing this has in part led us to a place where our society is profoundly, profoundly fractured."
Now, she says, as more monuments come down, the question is, what will we put in their place?


npr--2020-07-03--For Some Black Americans, Love Of Country Means Holding It Accountable

For Some Black Americans , Love Of Country Means Holding It Accountable When Timothy Berry decided to attend the U.S. Military Academy West Point , patriotism was one of his driving factors .
He describes it as an active verb , not merely `` a flag waving . ''
`` I have always had a profound appreciation for what this country has said its ideals are , '' Berry said .
`` But being a Black American , in particular , one that served in uniform , I 've quickly realized that there were just a lot of contradictions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president at West Point in 2013 , one of few Black class presidents in the military academy 's history .
He now lives in New York and is a co-founder of Collaborate and Graduate , a nonprofit aimed at increasing representation in the military officer ranks .
`` I think for Black veterans in particular , once you go overseas and you get back here , it 's something you just ca n't get over , when things are n't the way they should be , '' he said .
`` There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has had , and ways it needs to get better . ''
Just one-quarter of Black voters describe themselves as `` proud '' of the state of America today , compared to nearly half of whites , according to a poll released last month by The New York Times and Siena College .
A little more than 6 in 10 Black voters say they feel `` hopeful '' about the state of the country .
More than 8 in 10 Black voters say they feel `` exhausted . ''
`` I think that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black Americans are , it 's around this question of patriotism , '' said Farah Jasmine Griffin , the chair of the African American and African Diaspora Studies Department at Columbia University .
`` You have African Americans who are definitely patriotic , but not uncritically so , not naively so .
And then you have others who find a problem with the very notion of patriotism , and I think that 's always been an ongoing and consistent tension . ''
We broached this topic in a series of conversations with more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country from various backgrounds .
At the core of all of the conversations was a question of conflict : How do Black people in America reconcile experiences of racism and systemic discrimination with pride in their country ?
`` As a Black American , it 's always hard to express the fact that I am patriotic and what that means to me , '' said Jonathan Horton , who lives in Pasadena , Calif. , and works for Democratic Rep. Judy Chu .
`` It 's such a tragedy , because I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ancestors built this country .
We should be able to be proud of it , and it should serve us just like it serves everyone else , '' he said .
`` But more often than not , it 's not serving us equally . ''
Kathy Watson of Annapolis , Md.
, said that `` being an American alone should band us together . ''
`` I stand for the national anthem , always have , '' said Watson , 46 .
`` Black people have willingly fought and died for this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of my businesses I drive through plantations , and honestly , I know I make my ancestors proud . ''
Watson is a small business owner who is raising sons .
She said that there 's `` no other country '' she 'd want to live in .
`` As a black person , as a mom , does America have its problems ?
Yes , '' she said .
`` But I personally feel that we need to stop looking at this as though this entire country is racist against us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case . ''
Monica Moore grew up on Chicago 's South Side , but in the seventh grade she started attending progressively whiter schools .
`` I think it might have been early high school when some of the white kids would talk about being , you know , Irish American or Italian American or French American , '' she recalled .
`` And it dawned on me that I do n't have access to that kind of information about my heritage .
That was when I started to realize that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's the only place that I know , I do n't feel like this country is talking about me when they talk about Americans or American ideals . ''
Moore said that she first began to think about patriotism more concretely when then-candidate Barack Obama was elected president .
On election night in 2008 , she remembered catching the bus to go home from a music rehearsal .
`` There was this eerie silence and stillness , and I could feel the gravity of the moment .
I remember so much pride , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at that time , '' she said .
But Moore also remembered some of the negative reactions to Obama 's election .
`` I remember just thinking how messed up it was , the sorts of things that we heard people say about him , '' she said .
`` I would call them dog whistles , but there was nothing silent about it .
I think that 's when I really started to grapple with the idea of patriotism in a more concrete way . ''
Brandon Hampton lives in Atlanta , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was killed last month .
The 39-year-old said that the last few weeks have been , `` pensive and anxious '' for him .
He 's been spending a lot of time talking to his nephews about the state of the country .
He described patriotism in the way that one might describe the relationship with a beloved relative .
`` When you love something , you demand better from it , '' he said .
`` That 's good parenting : If you love your child , you do n't look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'Oh , that 's great ! '
At some point you are going to have to teach them a lesson or instill a value in them that they have n't been expressing . ''
`` You have to correct the behavior , '' he said .
`` And if you love the country , you have to correct the behavior . ''
Rebekah Brevard has been thinking critically about what patriotism means for her for the last six years .
She and her husband Abraham live in Long Beach , Calif. '' It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what patriotism was supposed to be , which is love of country , '' she said .
`` And seeing how it actually is , which is blind love of country .
Brevard has been specifically thinking about some of the things she learned growing up in her biracial family , but did n't feel comfortable questioning then .
`` Patriotism growing up in my family was a really big thing .
Military background , serving your country was really important .
And the sacrifices that soldiers made was really emphasized , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the other hand , we would talk about , like , the civil rights movement .
But the two never combined . ''
She was n't the only person to draw a link between patriotism and the struggle for civil rights .
Armond Bragg of Birmingham , Ala. , did , too .
The 75-year-old was active in the civil rights movement during the 1960s .
When asked how he saw patriotism , Bragg described himself as `` from the school of Colin Kaepernick , '' the former quarterback for the San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he knelt during the national anthem to protest police brutality .
`` I believe in kneeling on one knee to protest what 's going on in this country , '' Bragg said .
As he 's watched protests continue , Bragg has wondered how much has changed .
`` You know , there 's not a better song to listen to than the national anthem .
It can at times give you goose bumps .
But knowing what 's happening in the country , we do n't have these patriotic desires as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were dealing with segregation , '' he said .
In Richmond , Va. , where the Confederate statues on Monument Avenue have been a focal point for demonstrations , Maya Rogers described the beauty of the scene .
`` One day we were walking somewhere that had nothing to do with the protests , but it literally stopped us , the beauty of everyone being together and singing , and standing around the monument drew us in , '' Rogers , 23 , said .
`` Me personally , I 've felt so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'm walking in ancestors ' shoes in Richmond . ''
She said that protesting made her feel like `` a true American , '' because she was `` fighting for something she wanted to stand up for . ''
Madea Neyor , 24 , lives in New York but since the coronavirus pandemic took hold , she 's been quarantining with family in Delaware .
That 's given her the chance to have conversations with family that grew up in Liberia .
`` I 've visited Liberia several times , being that both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while growing up in the United States .
I do see what it 's like and what it can do to a country when people are at unrest , '' she said .
`` One of the great things about growing up here in the United States is getting that dual perspective . ''
When asked how she thought about patriotism today , Neyor connected it to what she 'd learned from her parents.. '' I took it as , what can I do to help a country , a place that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` Those are values of leadership that I think both my parents instilled in me , of being prideful of a country while assisting it and helping it to be better , too . ''
Many people , including Andre Myrick in Charlottesville , Va. , described the challenge of feeling attachment to this country , where progress has been both halting and uneven .
When asked about his experience learning about patriotism , Myrick brought up his father who is a Marine Corps veteran .
He said his father cared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time went on `` even he felt less and less patriotic about patriotism , generally . ''
Myrick said this is one of the first times in his life that he 's been finding his voice as it relates to issues of his own race .
`` I 've been going back and listening to civil rights leaders and just passionate black voices from the past .
I was listening to a program with James Baldwin a couple of weeks ago , and he talks about speaking with a 16-year-old Black boy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't have a country , '' said Myrick .
`` And Baldwin basically says , ' I have nothing to say that proves that he does . '
That kind of sums up how I 've been feeling of late . ''
The Rev .
Frantz Whitfield of Waterloo , Iowa , has also struggled with this challenge .
When he first began decorating his office at Mount Carmel Missionary Baptist Church , he hung a copy of the Declaration of Independence on the wall .
Several years later , he took it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mandela campaign poster .
Whitfield , who is 38 , said that when people ask why the campaign poster remains on his wall , he tells them that it 's because , while Nelson Mandela stood up for his rights , Whitfield 's country has n't stood up for his .
`` As a black man , I really do n't take much pride in the independence of a country where I feel that in the year 2020 , I have to talk about banning choke holds and police reform , all these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I really feel like that 's something that should have been done years ago .
I celebrate the history of my culture , my ancestors who sacrificed so much for me to have a somewhat comfortable life . ''
Instead of celebrating the Fourth of July , Whitfield said he thinks about July 5 , the day in 1852 when Frederick Douglass delivered a speech in which he said : `` This Fourth of July is yours , not mine .
You may rejoice , I must mourn . ''

Black Patriotism: When Love Of Country Means Holding It Accountable
Enlarge this image toggle caption Elias Williams for NPR Elias Williams for NPR
When Timothy Berry decided to attend the U.S. Military Academy West Point, patriotism was one of his driving factors. He describes it as an active verb, not merely "a flag waving."
"I have always had a profound appreciation for what this country has said its ideals are," Berry said. "But being a Black American, in particular, one that served in uniform, I've quickly realized that there were just a lot of contradictions in there."
Berry served as class president at West Point in 2013, one of few Black class presidents in the military academy's history. He now lives in New York and is a co-founder of Collaborate and Graduate, a nonprofit aimed at increasing representation in the military officer ranks.
"I think for Black veterans in particular, once you go overseas and you get back here, it's something you just can't get over, when things aren't the way they should be," he said. "There are countless examples of shortcomings that this country has had, and ways it needs to get better."
Just one-quarter of Black voters describe themselves as "proud" of the state of America today, compared to nearly half of whites, according to a poll released last month by The New York Times and Siena College. A little more than 6 in 10 Black voters say they feel "hopeful" about the state of the country. More than 8 in 10 Black voters say they feel "exhausted."
"I think that if anywhere you find just how heterogeneous Black Americans are, it's around this question of patriotism," said Farah Jasmine Griffin, the chair of the African American and African Diaspora Studies Department at Columbia University. "You have African Americans who are definitely patriotic, but not uncritically so, not naively so. And then you have others who find a problem with the very notion of patriotism, and I think that's always been an ongoing and consistent tension."
We broached this topic in a series of conversations with more than a dozen Black people across the country from various backgrounds. At the core of all of the conversations was a question of conflict: How do Black people in America reconcile experiences of racism and systemic discrimination with pride in their country?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jonathan Horton Jonathan Horton
"As a Black American, it's always hard to express the fact that I am patriotic and what that means to me," said Jonathan Horton, who lives in Pasadena, Calif., and works for Democratic Rep. Judy Chu.
"It's such a tragedy, because I feel kind of entitled to patriotism. Our ancestors built this country. We should be able to be proud of it, and it should serve us just like it serves everyone else," he said. "But more often than not, it's not serving us equally."
Kathy Watson of Annapolis, Md., said that "being an American alone should band us together."
"I stand for the national anthem, always have," said Watson, 46. "Black people have willingly fought and died for this. Every day when I drive to one of my businesses I drive through plantations, and honestly, I know I make my ancestors proud."
Watson is a small business owner who is raising sons. She said that there's "no other country" she'd want to live in.
"As a black person, as a mom, does America have its problems? Yes," she said. "But I personally feel that we need to stop looking at this as though this entire country is racist against us, when in fact that is not the case."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Monica Moore Monica Moore
Monica Moore grew up on Chicago's South Side, but in the seventh grade she started attending progressively whiter schools.
"I think it might have been early high school when some of the white kids would talk about being, you know, Irish American or Italian American or French American," she recalled. "And it dawned on me that I don't have access to that kind of information about my heritage. That was when I started to realize that, even though I'm American and America's the only place that I know, I don't feel like this country is talking about me when they talk about Americans or American ideals."
Moore said that she first began to think about patriotism more concretely when then-candidate Barack Obama was elected president. On election night in 2008, she remembered catching the bus to go home from a music rehearsal.
"There was this eerie silence and stillness, and I could feel the gravity of the moment. I remember so much pride, personally, but also in the city at that time," she said.
But Moore also remembered some of the negative reactions to Obama's election. "I remember just thinking how messed up it was, the sorts of things that we heard people say about him," she said. "I would call them dog whistles, but there was nothing silent about it. I think that's when I really started to grapple with the idea of patriotism in a more concrete way."
Brandon Hampton lives in Atlanta, within biking distance of where Rayshard Brooks was killed last month. The 39-year-old said that the last few weeks have been, "pensive and anxious" for him. He's been spending a lot of time talking to his nephews about the state of the country.
He described patriotism in the way that one might describe the relationship with a beloved relative.
"When you love something, you demand better from it," he said. "That's good parenting: If you love your child, you don't look at everything your child does and say, 'Oh, that's great!' At some point you are going to have to teach them a lesson or instill a value in them that they haven't been expressing."
"You have to correct the behavior," he said. "And if you love the country, you have to correct the behavior."
Rebekah Brevard has been thinking critically about what patriotism means for her for the last six years. She and her husband Abraham live in Long Beach, Calif.
"It's been a weird journey of seeing what patriotism was supposed to be, which is love of country," she said. "And seeing how it actually is, which is blind love of country.
Brevard has been specifically thinking about some of the things she learned growing up in her biracial family, but didn't feel comfortable questioning then.
"Patriotism growing up in my family was a really big thing. Military background, serving your country was really important. And the sacrifices that soldiers made was really emphasized," she said. "And then, on the other hand, we would talk about, like, the civil rights movement. But the two never combined."
She wasn't the only person to draw a link between patriotism and the struggle for civil rights. Armond Bragg of Birmingham, Ala., did, too. The 75-year-old was active in the civil rights movement during the 1960s.
When asked how he saw patriotism, Bragg described himself as "from the school of Colin Kaepernick," the former quarterback for the San Francisco 49ers who sparked a movement when he knelt during the national anthem to protest police brutality .
"I believe in kneeling on one knee to protest what's going on in this country," Bragg said.
As he's watched protests continue, Bragg has wondered how much has changed.
"You know, there's not a better song to listen to than the national anthem. It can at times give you goose bumps. But knowing what's happening in the country, we don't have these patriotic desires as we used to have, even when we were dealing with segregation," he said.
In Richmond, Va., where the Confederate statues on Monument Avenue have been a focal point for demonstrations, Maya Rogers described the beauty of the scene.
"One day we were walking somewhere that had nothing to do with the protests, but it literally stopped us, the beauty of everyone being together and singing, and standing around the monument drew us in," Rogers, 23, said. "Me personally, I've felt so many emotions because I feel like I'm walking in ancestors' shoes in Richmond."
She said that protesting made her feel like "a true American," because she was "fighting for something she wanted to stand up for."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Madea Neyor Madea Neyor
Madea Neyor, 24, lives in New York but since the coronavirus pandemic took hold, she's been quarantining with family in Delaware. That's given her the chance to have conversations with family that grew up in Liberia.
"I've visited Liberia several times, being that both of my parents are from there, while growing up in the United States. I do see what it's like and what it can do to a country when people are at unrest," she said. "One of the great things about growing up here in the United States is getting that dual perspective."
When asked how she thought about patriotism today, Neyor connected it to what she'd learned from her parents..
"I took it as, what can I do to help a country, a place that I love, be better," she said. "Those are values of leadership that I think both my parents instilled in me, of being prideful of a country while assisting it and helping it to be better, too."
Many people, including Andre Myrick in Charlottesville, Va., described the challenge of feeling attachment to this country, where progress has been both halting and uneven.
When asked about his experience learning about patriotism, Myrick brought up his father who is a Marine Corps veteran. He said his father cared a lot about service, but as time went on "even he felt less and less patriotic about patriotism, generally."
Myrick said this is one of the first times in his life that he's been finding his voice as it relates to issues of his own race.
"I've been going back and listening to civil rights leaders and just passionate black voices from the past. I was listening to a program with James Baldwin a couple of weeks ago, and he talks about speaking with a 16-year-old Black boy in San Francisco who feels like he doesn't have a country," said Myrick. "And Baldwin basically says, 'I have nothing to say that proves that he does.' That kind of sums up how I've been feeling of late."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andre Myrick Andre Myrick
The Rev. Frantz Whitfield of Waterloo, Iowa, has also struggled with this challenge. When he first began decorating his office at Mount Carmel Missionary Baptist Church, he hung a copy of the Declaration of Independence on the wall. Several years later, he took it down and replaced it with a Nelson Mandela campaign poster.
Whitfield, who is 38, said that when people ask why the campaign poster remains on his wall, he tells them that it's because, while Nelson Mandela stood up for his rights, Whitfield's country hasn't stood up for his.
"As a black man, I really don't take much pride in the independence of a country where I feel that in the year 2020, I have to talk about banning choke holds and police reform, all these years later," he said. "I really feel like that's something that should have been done years ago. I celebrate the history of my culture, my ancestors who sacrificed so much for me to have a somewhat comfortable life."
Instead of celebrating the Fourth of July, Whitfield said he thinks about July 5, the day in 1852 when Frederick Douglass delivered a speech in which he said: "This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn."


npr--2020-07-03--On The Brink, Rural Hospitals Brace For New Surge In COVID-19 Cases

On The Brink , Rural Hospitals Brace For New Surge In COVID-19 Cases In the Idaho mountain town of Grangeville , population 3,200 , signs in windows on Main Street advertise that Border Days `` is on . ''
The annual Fourth of July celebration boasts street dances , Idaho 's longest-running rodeo and even the world 's largest egg toss .
Like in a lot of small towns , Grangeville 's economy has been struggling throughout this pandemic .
Border Days planners decided to go ahead with an altered , if slightly scaled back version of the festival this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in coronavirus cases .
Grangeville 's population tends to skew older and underinsured .
`` It 's going to be a little risky , '' said Joel Gomez , owner of The Trails Restaurant & Lounge .
`` I feel like we 're going to get hit with the corona after this . ''
With so many other July Fourth events canceled in the rural Northwest , local business owners such as Gomez are preparing for an onslaught of potentially thousands of tourists descending on the town .
Trails is one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ venues .
Gomez is moving everything he can outside , taking reservations and spacing out tables .
Border Days organizers say they 're taking similar COVID-19 precautions .
There have been only three confirmed cases in Idaho County since March .
People around here have been taking the virus seriously , Gomez says , but after two months of shutdowns , his business is barely hanging on .
`` It 's one of those things that you have to survive , '' he said .
`` You 've got people out there [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are in the same boat . ''
Up the street , at the 16-bed Syringa Hospital and Clinic , CEO Abner King says his staff is prepared for a possible surge in coronavirus infections in a couple of weeks .
`` It 's pretty hard to do an egg toss in a socially distancing manner , '' he chuckles .
Syringa does n't have an intensive care unit or even a ventilator .
Most patients in need of critical care are transferred to larger regional hospitals , which so far during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first feared .
Syringa staff members have been preparing and instituting precautions for months , yet to date they 've not treated a single COVID-19 patient .
`` That 's the tough part about all this , because you get all ready for this big emergency and then nothing happens and then you have to fight complacency a little bit , '' King says .
`` We prepared for a flood , and then we were hit with a drought . ''
That `` drought '' has severely affected Syringa 's bottom line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like this one are now on the brink of going broke during the pandemic .
King says people just stopped coming into the hospital , its clinic and even its emergency room .
All elective procedures were canceled .
Since the pandemic took hold in March , revenue here has dropped by half .
Across the U.S. , rural `` critical access '' hospitals were already closing at an alarming rate before the pandemic .
Twelve have shuttered since the start of this year alone .
`` Even without the pandemic , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surprises and errors , '' King said .
One of the main reasons that the hospital has stayed afloat since March is because of federal relief money .
Among other things , it has helped pay for personal protective gear and other supplies as well as the construction of a temporary isolation ward for COVID-19 patients .
Past the hospital 's small nursing station and down toward the end of a short corridor , there is a makeshift wall of heavy-duty plastic beneath the fluorescent lights .
More air-handling units are on back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to convert more rooms to negative pressure .
Hospital leaders say a separate chunk of federal relief money , roughly $ 1.8 million in payroll protection loans , has also been a lifeline for avoiding layoffs .
That money is running out in the next few days , but King says business has recently picked back up to near pre-pandemic levels , as non-COVID-19 patients are starting to return to the clinic and hospital .
This is big , because in small towns like Grangeville , the hospital is often one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stressful because it 's just the unknown , '' said Melissa Holman , a nurse at the clinic .
`` You come to work and you never know if you 're going to be exposed , and I have family members that are high risk . ''
Holman is back at work now after taking a voluntary furlough for 2 1/2 weeks this spring .
It has been a struggle .
Her husband is a rancher .
They have two young kids , one in elementary school and another in day care ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A furlough did mean that she and her family could stay on the hospital 's insurance .
Holman is watching as coronavirus cases are rising steeply elsewhere in Idaho .
Worried about a similar fate for Grangeville , she 's not convinced that school will reopen here as planned come fall .
`` That could bring another hardship against our family trying to cover child care and homeschooling , along with maintaining a full-time job , '' Holman said .

On The Brink, Rural Hospitals Brace For New Surge In COVID-19 Cases
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
In the Idaho mountain town of Grangeville, population 3,200, signs in windows on Main Street advertise that Border Days "is on."
The annual Fourth of July celebration boasts street dances, Idaho's longest-running rodeo and even the world's largest egg toss. Like in a lot of small towns, Grangeville's economy has been struggling throughout this pandemic.
Border Days planners decided to go ahead with an altered, if slightly scaled back version of the festival this year amid worries about a possible spike in coronavirus cases.
Grangeville's population tends to skew older and underinsured.
"It's going to be a little risky," said Joel Gomez, owner of The Trails Restaurant & Lounge. "I feel like we're going to get hit with the corona after this."
With so many other July Fourth events canceled in the rural Northwest, local business owners such as Gomez are preparing for an onslaught of potentially thousands of tourists descending on the town.
Trails is one of the festival's street dance and live music venues. Gomez is moving everything he can outside, taking reservations and spacing out tables.
Border Days organizers say they're taking similar COVID-19 precautions. There have been only three confirmed cases in Idaho County since March. People around here have been taking the virus seriously, Gomez says, but after two months of shutdowns, his business is barely hanging on.
"It's one of those things that you have to survive," he said. "You've got people out there [trying] to feed their family. We are in the same boat."
Up the street, at the 16-bed Syringa Hospital and Clinic, CEO Abner King says his staff is prepared for a possible surge in coronavirus infections in a couple of weeks.
"It's pretty hard to do an egg toss in a socially distancing manner," he chuckles.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
Syringa doesn't have an intensive care unit or even a ventilator. Most patients in need of critical care are transferred to larger regional hospitals, which so far during the pandemic have not been overwhelmed themselves as first feared.
Syringa staff members have been preparing and instituting precautions for months, yet to date they've not treated a single COVID-19 patient.
"That's the tough part about all this, because you get all ready for this big emergency and then nothing happens and then you have to fight complacency a little bit," King says. "We prepared for a flood, and then we were hit with a drought."
That "drought" has severely affected Syringa's bottom line. The irony is that small-town hospitals like this one are now on the brink of going broke during the pandemic. King says people just stopped coming into the hospital, its clinic and even its emergency room. All elective procedures were canceled. Since the pandemic took hold in March, revenue here has dropped by half.
Across the U.S., rural "critical access" hospitals were already closing at an alarming rate before the pandemic. Twelve have shuttered since the start of this year alone.
"Even without the pandemic, there's not a lot of room for surprises and errors," King said.
One of the main reasons that the hospital has stayed afloat since March is because of federal relief money. Among other things, it has helped pay for personal protective gear and other supplies as well as the construction of a temporary isolation ward for COVID-19 patients.
Health Care Missouri Rural Hospital Braces For 'A Worse Surge' In COVID-19 Cases Missouri Rural Hospital Braces For 'A Worse Surge' In COVID-19 Cases Listen · 5:41 5:41
Past the hospital's small nursing station and down toward the end of a short corridor, there is a makeshift wall of heavy-duty plastic beneath the fluorescent lights. More air-handling units are on back order too, should the hospital need to convert more rooms to negative pressure.
Hospital leaders say a separate chunk of federal relief money, roughly $1.8 million in payroll protection loans, has also been a lifeline for avoiding layoffs.
That money is running out in the next few days, but King says business has recently picked back up to near pre-pandemic levels, as non-COVID-19 patients are starting to return to the clinic and hospital.
This is big, because in small towns like Grangeville, the hospital is often one of the largest employers.
"It's been stressful because it's just the unknown," said Melissa Holman, a nurse at the clinic. "You come to work and you never know if you're going to be exposed, and I have family members that are high risk."
Holman is back at work now after taking a voluntary furlough for 2 1/2 weeks this spring. It has been a struggle. Her husband is a rancher. They have two young kids, one in elementary school and another in day care; both the school and day care closed. A furlough did mean that she and her family could stay on the hospital's insurance.
Holman is watching as coronavirus cases are rising steeply elsewhere in Idaho. Worried about a similar fate for Grangeville, she's not convinced that school will reopen here as planned come fall.
"That could bring another hardship against our family trying to cover child care and homeschooling, along with maintaining a full-time job," Holman said.