npr--2020-11-09--Final Act Of Trump Era Could Be As Tumultuous As The Preceding Years

Final Act Of Trump Era Could Be As Tumultuous As The Preceding Years Democrats have brought the end of the Trump era into sight — but there are more than 70 days to go before the page actually turns and President-elect Joe Biden is inaugurated .
In the meantime , the most unusual era in modern American politics is phasing into what could be one of its most tumultuous transitions .
Here 's what you need to know about the final act .
Resolution and reconciliation — or not Trump has given no indication that he 's going to go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fight legal cases connected with the election for days or weeks more , as much for the sake of the struggle as any legal merits involved .
Supporters at a press conference in Las Vegas on Sunday complained about what they called a bad process and said they were reviewing their options .
Trump himself also sought to make clear he does n't consider this story over .
`` We all know why Joe Biden is rushing to falsely pose as the winner , and why his media allies are trying so hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want the truth to be exposed .
The simple fact is this election is far from over , '' Trump said on Saturday .
The president is n't wrong , in terms of the mechanics : States must complete counting , certify the results and then follow the process of working through the Electoral College .
In the past , this has n't gotten much attention as it plays out behind the scenes following a losing candidate 's concession .
This year , the president has a great deal of political , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impression that he 's been robbed of reelection , as opposed to having been ejected following a record turnout by voters .
The degree to which Trump and his camp dig in to their dead-ender strategy is important not only for their own purposes , but for the ability of Washington to operate over the remainder of this term .
Members of Congress postponed action on many important issues this year until after Election Day in hopes of resolving them in a clearer atmosphere .
They need to take up legislation to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Dec. 11 .
They need to pass the huge annual authorization bill for the military services by the end of December , which this year is freighted with unusual politics involving Confederate names in the military .
And lawmakers also have struggled for weeks to enact more relief legislation in response to the rolling coronavirus disaster — which continues to infect record numbers of Americans and could bring more lockdowns and economic pain as colder weather sets in .
Trump , who remains president through Jan. 20 , would need to sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engage with legislative leaders staying in Washington into the next Congress or will he calculate that it 's politically wiser to stay aloof ?
The pass of the baton Trump has been defeated electorally but his powers within the executive branch are undiminished , and another big question about the coming transition will be how , or whether , he cooperates with Biden and incoming Vice President-elect Kamala Harris in handing over the reins .
Biden and Harris are eager to be seen as professional and competent following what critics called the bumbling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House from President Barack Obama .
So Trump 's attitude now about the incoming administration will be important — as will the availability of senior officials such as White House chief of staff Mark Meadows , who was recently diagnosed with COVID-19 .
`` To build an effective government ready to address the urgent needs of our great country , the new president will have to recruit 4,000 political appointees , including 1,250 who require Senate confirmation ; prepare a $ 4.7 trillion budget ; implement a strong policy agenda ; and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million civilian employees and 2 million active duty and reserve troops , '' said the leaders of the bipartisan Center for Presidential Transition in a statement on Sunday .
The leaders of the center said they wanted to `` urge the Trump administration to immediately begin the post-election transition process and the Biden team to take full advantage of the resources available under the Presidential Transition Act . ''
Presidential transitions always involve departures in the waning days of the outgoing administration , but this one brings more unusual questions about who may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secretary Mark Esper , for example , already has reportedly prepared a letter of resignation that he may be prepared to use if Trump does not go along with the effort to remove Confederate names from U.S. military installations .
And supporters of Trump were urging him to fire FBI Director Christopher Wray well before Election Day .
The rumor mill in Washington has buzzed with the names of others whom Trump might drop out of frustration , including Attorney General William Barr .
Complicating matters is Republicans ' continued control of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transition and , potentially , into the new Congress depending on the outcome of two key Senate races in Georgia .
That means that on one hand , allies such as Sen. Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee , can continue efforts such as their re-investigation of the Russia investigation — as Graham intends to do on Tuesday with former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe , a favorite target of the GOP .
That will be music to the White House 's ears .
On the other hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures enjoy support from senators who 'll likely continue to serve in Washington after Trump is gone .
FBI directors in particular are supposed to get a 10 year-term and Wray is the kind of leader whom Biden might invite to stay on as part of his desire to be seen as a bridge builder with the opposite party .
`` If we can decide not to cooperate , then we can decide to cooperate .
And I believe that this is part of the mandate from the American people .
They want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Saturday .
There 's precedent , too : When Obama and Biden were elected in 2008 , for example , they asked then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates , a Republican , to stay into their administration .
But if Trump decided to fire Wray or others during the time he has left , those options and the relevant politics would become more complicated for Biden and Harris , and more time could be required for the new Democratic administration to find Cabinet nominees palatable to a Senate that could remain in Republican control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump transition concerns the outgoing chief executive himself .
In addition to the White House , Air Force One , the hulking limousine known as `` The Beast '' and other trappings of power , Citizen Trump will lose the de facto immunity he has enjoyed from prosecution .
Some opponents allege that Trump may have broken one or more federal laws while in office connected with the Russia investigation ; he may have obstructed justice in attempting to fire then-special counsel Robert Mueller and he may have lied to Mueller 's investigators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then and today , denies any wrongdoing .
But Trump 's business and financial practices also have come under scrutiny from local authorities in New York City and possibly elsewhere .
His former lawyer , Michael Cohen — who went to prison in connection with helping to arrange a scheme in which two women were paid to keep quiet about their affairs with Trump — has alleged practices by Trump 's businesses that could leave him open to prosecution .
So Trump 's conduct in the remaining weeks of his presidency may not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governance , but how he casts himself in the eyes of Americans .
If he convinces enough people he 's a victim of politically-motivated hounding , he helps his prospects with the members of any potential future jury .
The president 's legal problems also have prompted questions about whether Trump might issue a pardon for himself — something no president has ever attempted .
Trump has asserted that he has the power to pardon himself but did n't feel the need to use it because he had n't done anything wrong .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ asked about a self-pardon at her confirmation hearings last month and she declined to opine about it — because she said it might be an issue that could come before her on the high court .
Whatever the results of an extraordinary attempt at a self-pardon , it would n't necessarily solve all of former President Trump 's problems .
He would still be subject to prosecution by state or other authorities , and at least one criminal case already is underway , launched by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance .
The issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequences , as NPR 's Carrie Johnson has reported , could be some of the toughest early decisions to confront the Justice Department under the new administration .

Final Act Of Trump Era Could Be As Tumultuous As The Preceding Years
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images
Democrats have brought the end of the Trump era into sight — but there are more than 70 days to go before the page actually turns and President-elect Joe Biden is inaugurated.
In the meantime, the most unusual era in modern American politics is phasing into what could be one of its most tumultuous transitions.
Here's what you need to know about the final act.
Resolution and reconciliation — or not
Trump has given no indication he's going to go quietly. In fact, he may fight legal cases connected with the election for days or weeks more, as much for the sake of the struggle as any legal merits involved. Supporters at a press conference Sunday in Las Vegas complained about what they called a bad process and said they were reviewing their options.
Trump also sought to make clear he doesn't consider this story over.
"We all know why Joe Biden is rushing to falsely pose as the winner, and why his media allies are trying so hard to help him: they don't want the truth to be exposed. The simple fact is this election is far from over," Trump said Saturday.
The president isn't wrong, in terms of the mechanics: States must complete counting, certify the results and then follow the process of working through the Electoral College.
In the past, this hasn't gotten much attention as it plays out behind the scenes following a losing candidate's concession. This year, the president has a great deal of political, and likely personal, interest in sustaining the impression that he's been robbed of reelection, as opposed to having been ejected following a record turnout by voters.
The degree to which Trump and his camp dig in to their dead-ender strategy is important not only for their own purposes but also for the ability of Washington to operate over the remainder of this term.
Unfinished business
Members of Congress postponed action on many important issues this year until after Election Day in hopes of resolving them in a clearer atmosphere.
They need to take up legislation to keep the basic operations of the government funded by Dec. 11. They need to pass the huge annual authorization bill for the military services by the end of December, which this year is freighted with unusual politics involving Confederate names in the military.
And lawmakers also have struggled for weeks to enact more relief legislation in response to the rolling coronavirus disaster — which continues to infect record numbers of Americans and could bring more lockdowns and economic pain as colder weather sets in.
Trump, who remains president through Jan. 20, would need to sign these or other bills. Will he engage with legislative leaders staying in Washington into the next Congress, or will he calculate it's politically wiser to stay aloof?
The passing of the baton
Trump has been defeated electorally, but his powers within the executive branch are undiminished, and another big question about the coming transition will be how, or whether, he cooperates with Biden and incoming Vice President-elect Kamala Harris in handing over the reins.
Biden and Harris are eager to be seen as professional and competent following what critics called the bumbling of Trump's team upon inheriting the White House from President Barack Obama.
So Trump's attitude now about the incoming administration will be important — as will the availability of senior officials such as White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, who recently tested positive for the coronavirus.
"To build an effective government ready to address the urgent needs of our great country, the new president will have to recruit 4,000 political appointees, including 1,250 who require Senate confirmation; prepare a $4.7 trillion budget; implement a strong policy agenda; and assume leadership of a workforce of 2 million civilian employees and 2 million active duty and reserve troops," the leaders of the bipartisan Center for Presidential Transition said in a statement Sunday.
The leaders of the center said they wanted to "urge the Trump administration to immediately begin the post-election transition process and the Biden team to take full advantage of the resources available under the Presidential Transition Act."
The outgoing Cabinet
Presidential transitions always involve departures in the waning days of the outgoing administration, but this one brings more unusual questions about who may endure and for how long.
Defense Secretary Mark Esper, for example, already has reportedly prepared a letter of resignation that he may be ready to use if Trump does not go along with the effort to remove Confederate names from U.S. military installations.
And supporters of Trump were urging him to fire FBI Director Christopher Wray well before Election Day. The rumor mill in Washington has buzzed with the names of others whom Trump might drop out of frustration, including Attorney General William Barr.
Complicating matters is Republicans' continued control of the Senate, which will remain through the transition and, potentially, into the new Congress depending on the outcome of two key Senate races in Georgia.
That means that on one hand, allies such as Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, can continue efforts such as their re-investigation of the Russia investigation — as Graham intends to do on Tuesday with former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, a favorite target of the GOP. That will be music to the White House's ears.
On the other hand, however, Wray and other administration figures enjoy support from senators who'll likely continue to serve in Washington after Trump is gone. FBI directors in particular are supposed to get a 10 year-term, and Wray is the kind of leader whom Biden might invite to stay on as part of his desire to be seen as a bridge builder with the opposite party.
"If we can decide not to cooperate, then we can decide to cooperate. And I believe that this is part of the mandate from the American people. They want us to cooperate," Biden said Saturday.
There's precedent, too: When Obama and Biden were elected in 2008, for example, they asked then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates, a Republican, to stay into their administration.
But if Trump decided to fire Wray or others during the time he has left, those options and the relevant politics would become more complicated for Biden and Harris, and more time could be required for the new Democratic administration to find Cabinet nominees palatable to a Senate that could remain in Republican control.
Enlarge this image toggle caption John Moore/Getty Images John Moore/Getty Images
Citizen Trump
One final big question about the Trump transition concerns the outgoing chief executive himself. In addition to the White House, Air Force One, the hulking limousine known as "The Beast" and other trappings of power, Citizen Trump will lose the de facto immunity he has enjoyed from prosecution.
Some opponents allege that Trump may have broken one or more federal laws while in office connected with the Russia investigation; he may have obstructed justice in attempting to fire then-special counsel Robert Mueller, and he may have lied to Mueller's investigators, these critics argue.
Trump, then and now, denies any wrongdoing.
But Trump's business and financial practices also have come under scrutiny from local authorities in New York City and possibly elsewhere.
His former attorney Michael Cohen — who went to prison in connection with helping to arrange a scheme in which two women were paid to keep quiet about their affairs with Trump — has alleged practices by Trump's businesses that could leave him open to prosecution.
So Trump's conduct in the remaining weeks of his presidency may not only be important in terms of Washington governance, but also how he casts himself in the eyes of Americans. If he convinces enough people he's a victim of politically motivated hounding, he helps his prospects with the members of any potential future jury.
The president's legal problems also have prompted questions about whether Trump might issue a pardon for himself — something no president has ever attempted.
Trump has asserted he has the power to pardon himself but didn't feel the need to use it because he hadn't done anything wrong.
Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett was asked about a self-pardon at her confirmation hearings last month, and she declined to opine about it — because she said it might be an issue that could come before her on the high court.
Whatever the results of an extraordinary attempt at a self-pardon, it wouldn't necessarily solve all of Trump's problems. He would still be subject to prosecution by state or other authorities, and at least one criminal case already is underway, launched by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance.
The issues involving Trump's actions and prospective criminal consequences, as NPR's Carrie Johnson has reported, could be some of the toughest early decisions to confront the Justice Department under the new administration.


npr--2020-11-09--How Will Tech Policy Change In The Biden White House? Here's What You Need To Know

How Will Tech Policy Change In The Biden White House ?
Here 's What You Need To Know Like the man he 's set to replace , President-elect Joe Biden does n't plan to play nice with Silicon Valley .
He has promised to go hard on Big Tech , both taking Facebook to task for not doing enough to curb disinformation and backing the repeal of a law that has long protected the technology industry .
`` The era of permissionless innovation is over , '' said Darrell West , a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be more public engagement , more public oversight and public regulation of the technology sector . ''
President Barack Obama pushed policies embraced by the tech industry , but West said Biden will not follow that path .
`` Biden will be tougher on the tech sector than Obama was because the party has moved to the left on tech policy , '' he said .
Here are some of the biggest tech issues the Biden administration will start confronting in January .
President Trump 's Justice Department filed an antitrust lawsuit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
The timing led some to question whether the move was made for political gain .
Still , the legal action is the federal government 's most significant challenge to the tech industry in more than two decades .
It sets off what could be a years-long battle .
If the government eventually prevails , Google could be forced to spin off parts of its business empire .
Biden 's Justice Department may not continue with this particular lawsuit , but it 's unlikely to ease up on Google .
Democrats in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action against the company include Rep. David Cicilline of Rhode Island , who oversaw a 15-month investigation into the monopoly power of Big Tech companies .
And while Democratic-led states refused to sign on to the Justice Department 's suit , they are close to capping separate antitrust investigations into Google .
Venture capitalist and political consultant Bradley Tusk predicts Biden 's Justice Department may just withdraw the federal lawsuit and hit the restart button .
`` It 's pretty easy to see that Trump and Attorney General [ William ] Barr wanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , '' Tusk said .
`` I can see a Biden administration saying , 'Look , we do n't think these decisions were made for the right reasons , we 're going to review this whole thing on our own . '
`` But Mark Lemley , a Stanford Law School professor who focuses on technology issues , said it would be shocking if the Biden administration completely reversed course .
`` I do n't see the case being dropped or withdrawn .
On antitrust , the parties have a fair amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I could see Biden 's administration refiling a broadened suit .
The current suit is pretty narrow . ''
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act , which has helped spur Big Tech 's exponential growth and provided the industry cover from lawsuits , generates fierce opposition among both Republicans and Democrats , but for different reasons .
The law gives tech companies immunity from lawsuits over what people post to their sites .
At the same time , it leaves the choice to take down or flag content at the complete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lemley said that first part is invaluable to tech companies .
`` What the platforms really want to avoid is losing the legal liability shield , '' Lemley said .
`` They would be happy to have some oversight and regulation if they still kept their immunity . ''
Like Trump , Biden has said Section 230 should be repealed , but not because platforms are supposedly muting conservatives ' views , as the current president maintains .
Instead , Biden says social networks such as Facebook and Twitter have not done enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which , critics of the companies say , have helped amplify hoaxes and extremist views .
It 's not yet clear what the Biden administration would propose to replace the law , but the former vice president has said it should be revoked `` immediately . ''
Skeptics of scrapping the law warn about unintended knock-on effects , such as platforms getting overly aggressive about taking down content they fear could lead to a legal headache .
Sites such as Yelp , Reddit and Wikipedia are expected to be hurt far greater than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most attention .
And others say eliminating the law would stifle the next generation of Internet companies by essentially placing new restrictions on online speech .
It used to be the case that platforms believed they could do a fine job regulating content on their sites , but recent history has disproved that .
Facebook 's Mark Zuckerberg now appears open to seeing Section 230 overhauled .
Tech investor Tusk said it may be in Facebook 's interest to allow the government to step in .
`` The more you bring government into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blame them for content problems , '' he said .
But Stanford 's Lemley warns that it could be bad for society to let the government set the rules of engagement .
`` Imagine , for instance , what things would be flagged as misleading in a Trump administration versus a Biden administration if it were the government and not private parties making the decisions , '' he said .
To some , Trump 's public spat with TikTok showed the president singling out a Chinese-owned technology company that has been used to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national security concerns .
To others , the scrutiny of the popular video-sharing app reflects a growing wariness in Washington about China 's involvement in the tech industry — a sentiment shared by members of both political parties .
`` Biden will take a tough stance on China , '' said West of the Brookings Institution .
`` And Biden will actually have a strategy .
Trump had neither a process nor a strategy . ''
Those worries are expected to extend to companies such as Huawei , a major provider in telecoms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a crackdown amid the fight for control over the next generation of wireless technology known as 5G .
Biden is thought to share Trump 's suspicions about China 's ability to threaten Americans ' data security .
As president , Biden will try to stand up to China while seeking to avoid an all-out trade war , experts said .
`` Aggressiveness towards China in terms of trade secrets , China tech companies , potentially spying and other issues , I do n't think that 's going to change much , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know too much about us Tech policy watchers also have an eye on a national online privacy law , perhaps similar to the one that went into effect two years ago in Europe .
Or California 's new data privacy law , seen as the toughest in the United States .
One thing is for sure , West said : People are fed up with tech companies gobbling up personal data in increasingly invasive ways .
`` I think there 's a very good chance there will be a national privacy law in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want it , '' West said .
`` Their worst-case scenario is having to comply with 50 different sets of state rules , which is a nightmare from their standpoint . ''
As COVID-19 has drastically moved work , school and socializing online , the need for data privacy protections has gained new urgency , experts said .
`` For many tech companies , the easy thing to do is to have a data privacy policy that is GDPR compliant , '' Lemley said of the European law .
`` And once you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too , it just does n't make sense that you 'd have different rules in Iowa and California , '' he said .
`` So what has happened in Europe and California will likely set the pace for a national statute . ''
The movement to regulate gig workers was delivered a major defeat on Tuesday when California voters passed Proposition 22 , which will allow ride-hailing companies Lyft and Uber and food delivery apps such as DoorDash to keep workers in the state as independent contractors .
Labor unions had hoped voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have forced Lyft and Uber to reclassify all of their drivers as employees with benefits .
Union leaders thought that could generate momentum for similar sweeping changes for gig workers to pick up around the country .
Experts interviewed for this story all agreed that forcing technology companies to provide better pay , benefits and protections to workers is something the Biden White House may be able to accomplish .
`` I can see Biden using his Department of Labor to put out some executive orders that would try to create more fairness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` Many Democrats are worried about independent contractors not getting benefits and not being well-treated , and there are a lot of things Biden can do without going through Congress . ''
Venture capitalist Tusk , who has worked with gig economy companies for more than a decade , said there is growing acceptance among tech firms that workers deserve more .
`` And workers want some flexibility , too , and so being able to give benefits like workers ' comp , disability , even the right to organize , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something a lot of startups would actually support . ''
West said the issue dovetails with conversations about how the U.S. economy will function in a post-coronavirus world .
`` A lot of legislators believe that one thing that is holding back the economy and also holding back the middle class is abusive behavior on the part of the large tech platforms , '' he said .
`` So there 's real interest in regulating the sector , imposing guardrails and making sure they do n't become so big that they can overwhelm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country . ''
Silicon Valley has long relied on H-1B visas for highly skilled workers , and immigrants make up the backbone of the industry .
Foreign-born workers represent more than 60 % of workers in computer , mathematics and engineering in the heart of the tech sector .
Trump 's immigration restrictions have reduced the pipeline of foreign-born workers for technology firms .
Trump even tried to suspend all new H-1B visas altogether , but a federal judge stepped in and blocked it .
Trump 's hard line on H-1B was an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but tech industry insiders said it was a misguided policy that would not have accomplished that goal .
Biden has promised to reverse course on Trump 's H-1B visa limitations .
`` The Trump administration 's hostility to H1B visas would go away , and that 's going to be a big boon for the tech industry , '' Stanford 's Lemley said .
Yet Biden 's precise plan to overhaul the visa system for high-skilled , foreign-born workers remains unclear and may still nudge companies to hire American workers , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website .
`` Biden will support expanding the number of high-skilled visas and eliminating the limits on employment-based visas by country , which create an unacceptably long backlog , '' the policy says .
But `` high skilled temporary visas should not be used to disincentivize recruiting workers already in the U.S. for in-demand occupations . ''

How Will Tech Policy Change In The Biden White House? Here's What You Need To Know
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
Like the man he's set to replace, President-elect Joe Biden doesn't plan to play nice with Silicon Valley. He has promised to go hard on Big Tech, both taking Facebook to task for not doing enough to curb disinformation and backing the repeal of a law that has long protected the technology industry.
"The era of permissionless innovation is over," said Darrell West, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who studies tech policy. "There's going to be more public engagement, more public oversight and public regulation of the technology sector."
President Barack Obama pushed policies embraced by the tech industry, but West said Biden will not follow that path.
"Biden will be tougher on the tech sector than Obama was because the party has moved to the left on tech policy," he said.
Here are some of the biggest tech issues the Biden administration will start confronting in January.
U.S. v. Google
President Trump's Justice Department filed an antitrust lawsuit against Google just weeks before the presidential election. The timing led some to question whether the move was made for political gain.
Still, the legal action is the federal government's most significant challenge to the tech industry in more than two decades. It sets off what could be a years-long battle. If the government eventually prevails, Google could be forced to spin off parts of its business empire.
Biden's Justice Department may not continue with this particular lawsuit, but it's unlikely to ease up on Google. Democrats in Congress who support the Trump administration's action against the company include Rep. David Cicilline of Rhode Island, who oversaw a 15-month investigation into the monopoly power of Big Tech companies.
And while Democratic-led states refused to sign on to the Justice Department's suit, they are close to capping separate antitrust investigations into Google.
Venture capitalist and political consultant Bradley Tusk predicts Biden's Justice Department may just withdraw the federal lawsuit and hit the restart button.
"It's pretty easy to see that Trump and Attorney General [William] Barr wanted to move it forward quickly before the election," Tusk said. "I can see a Biden administration saying, 'Look, we don't think these decisions were made for the right reasons, we're going to review this whole thing on our own.' "
But Mark Lemley, a Stanford Law School professor who focuses on technology issues, said it would be shocking if the Biden administration completely reversed course.
"I don't see the case being dropped or withdrawn. On antitrust, the parties have a fair amount of convergence," Lemley said. "I could see Biden's administration refiling a broadened suit. The current suit is pretty narrow."
Overhauling Section 230, known as tech's "legal liability shield"
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which has helped spur Big Tech's exponential growth and provided the industry cover from lawsuits, generates fierce opposition among both Republicans and Democrats, but for different reasons.
The law gives tech companies immunity from lawsuits over what people post to their sites. At the same time, it leaves the choice to take down or flag content at the complete discretion of the companies.
Stanford's Lemley said that first part is invaluable to tech companies.
"What the platforms really want to avoid is losing the legal liability shield," Lemley said. "They would be happy to have some oversight and regulation if they still kept their immunity."
Like Trump, Biden has said Section 230 should be repealed, but not because platforms are supposedly muting conservatives' views, as the current president maintains.
Instead, Biden says social networks such as Facebook and Twitter have not done enough to police misinformation and hate speech, which, critics of the companies say, have helped amplify hoaxes and extremist views.
It's not yet clear what the Biden administration would propose to replace the law, but the former vice president has said it should be revoked "immediately."
Skeptics of scrapping the law warn about unintended knock-on effects, such as platforms getting overly aggressive about taking down content they fear could lead to a legal headache. Sites such as Yelp, Reddit and Wikipedia are expected to be hurt far greater than Facebook and Twitter, which get the most attention. And others say eliminating the law would stifle the next generation of Internet companies by essentially placing new restrictions on online speech.
It used to be the case that platforms believed they could do a fine job regulating content on their sites, but recent history has disproved that. Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg now appears open to seeing Section 230 overhauled. Tech investor Tusk said it may be in Facebook's interest to allow the government to step in.
"The more you bring government into it, the more you can ultimately blame them for content problems," he said.
But Stanford's Lemley warns that it could be bad for society to let the government set the rules of engagement.
"Imagine, for instance, what things would be flagged as misleading in a Trump administration versus a Biden administration if it were the government and not private parties making the decisions," he said.
China's growing involvement in personal technology
To some, Trump's public spat with TikTok showed the president singling out a Chinese-owned technology company that has been used to embarrass him under the guise of unfounded national security concerns.
To others, the scrutiny of the popular video-sharing app reflects a growing wariness in Washington about China's involvement in the tech industry — a sentiment shared by members of both political parties.
"Biden will take a tough stance on China," said West of the Brookings Institution. "And Biden will actually have a strategy. Trump had neither a process nor a strategy."
Those worries are expected to extend to companies such as Huawei, a major provider in telecoms equipment that the Trump administration has targeted in a crackdown amid the fight for control over the next generation of wireless technology known as 5G.
Biden is thought to share Trump's suspicions about China's ability to threaten Americans' data security. As president, Biden will try to stand up to China while seeking to avoid an all-out trade war, experts said.
"Aggressiveness towards China in terms of trade secrets, China tech companies, potentially spying and other issues, I don't think that's going to change much," Tusk added.
Fears that tech companies know too much about us
Tech policy watchers also have an eye on a national online privacy law, perhaps similar to the one that went into effect two years ago in Europe. Or California's new data privacy law, seen as the toughest in the United States.
One thing is for sure, West said: People are fed up with tech companies gobbling up personal data in increasingly invasive ways.
"I think there's a very good chance there will be a national privacy law in 2021, mainly because the tech companies want it," West said. "Their worst-case scenario is having to comply with 50 different sets of state rules, which is a nightmare from their standpoint."
As COVID-19 has drastically moved work, school and socializing online, the need for data privacy protections has gained new urgency, experts said.
"For many tech companies, the easy thing to do is to have a data privacy policy that is GDPR compliant," Lemley said of the European law. "And once you have to do that in California, too, it just doesn't make sense that you'd have different rules in Iowa and California," he said.
"So what has happened in Europe and California will likely set the pace for a national statute."
Future of the gig economy
The movement to regulate gig workers was delivered a major defeat on Tuesday when California voters passed Proposition 22, which will allow ride-hailing companies Lyft and Uber and food delivery apps such as DoorDash to keep workers in the state as independent contractors.
Labor unions had hoped voters would reject the measure, which could have forced Lyft and Uber to reclassify all of their drivers as employees with benefits. Union leaders thought that could generate momentum for similar sweeping changes for gig workers to pick up around the country.
Experts interviewed for this story all agreed that forcing technology companies to provide better pay, benefits and protections to workers is something the Biden White House may be able to accomplish.
"I can see Biden using his Department of Labor to put out some executive orders that would try to create more fairness in the gig economy," West said. "Many Democrats are worried about independent contractors not getting benefits and not being well-treated, and there are a lot of things Biden can do without going through Congress."
Venture capitalist Tusk, who has worked with gig economy companies for more than a decade, said there is growing acceptance among tech firms that workers deserve more.
"And workers want some flexibility, too, and so being able to give benefits like workers' comp, disability, even the right to organize, without being considered a full-time employee is something a lot of startups would actually support."
West said the issue dovetails with conversations about how the U.S. economy will function in a post-coronavirus world.
"A lot of legislators believe that one thing that is holding back the economy and also holding back the middle class is abusive behavior on the part of the large tech platforms," he said. "So there's real interest in regulating the sector, imposing guardrails and making sure they don't become so big that they can overwhelm every small and medium-sized business in the country."
H-1B visas for immigrant workers
Silicon Valley has long relied on H-1B visas for highly skilled workers, and immigrants make up the backbone of the industry. Foreign-born workers represent more than 60% of workers in computer, mathematics and engineering in the heart of the tech sector.
Trump's immigration restrictions have reduced the pipeline of foreign-born workers for technology firms. Trump even tried to suspend all new H-1B visas altogether, but a federal judge stepped in and blocked it.
Trump's hard line on H-1B was an attempt to give American workers priority, but tech industry insiders said it was a misguided policy that would not have accomplished that goal.
Biden has promised to reverse course on Trump's H-1B visa limitations.
"The Trump administration's hostility to H1B visas would go away, and that's going to be a big boon for the tech industry," Stanford's Lemley said.
Yet Biden's precise plan to overhaul the visa system for high-skilled, foreign-born workers remains unclear and may still nudge companies to hire American workers, according to the policy position on his presidential campaign website.
"Biden will support expanding the number of high-skilled visas and eliminating the limits on employment-based visas by country, which create an unacceptably long backlog," the policy says. But "high skilled temporary visas should not be used to disincentivize recruiting workers already in the U.S. for in-demand occupations."


npr--2020-11-09--Trump May Not Accept The Outcome, And 4 Other Takeaways From The 2020 Election

Trump May Not Accept The Outcome , And 4 Other Takeaways From The 2020 Election The tumultuous and chaotic Trump presidency is coming to an end — even if President Trump himself has n't accepted it yet .
Democrat Joe Biden is now the president-elect , according to calls from The Associated Press , which NPR relies on for race calls , as well as all the other broadcast networks .
Biden is currently at 290 electoral votes , 20 more than needed thanks to Pennsylvania , which was called Saturday .
Biden is on track to win 306 electoral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia .
It was n't the timeline many Americans were expecting , given Election Day was Tuesday , but we warned that counting an unprecedented number of mail-in ballots might take a while — and it 's still going .
There was record turnout and both Biden and Trump got the most votes of any presidential candidate in history .
There are a lot of lessons from this election , and given the results , governing wo n't be easy for Biden .
1 .
The popular vote was n't that close , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ map problem Given how polarized the country is , for Biden to win ( as of Sunday night ) almost 51 % of the popular vote , with a margin of more than 4 million votes and climbing , is a feat .
When all is said and done , more than 158 million people will have voted this election , according to the U.S .
Elections Project , a turnout rate of more than 66 % .
That would be the highest since 1900 .
And Biden could get to 80 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most ever .
2020 was a perfect storm for high turnout — a hotly polarizing president up for reelection and the wide use of mail-in voting .
States with a history of most- or all-mail elections , like Washington state and Colorado , routinely see turnout of 80 % or higher .
Democrats have now won the popular vote in seven of the last eight elections , and yet two of them did n't become president in the past 20 years , and even this year , the margins in key states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in cities and on the coasts , and that sorting is making presidential elections closer than their advantage with the broader population .
2 .
President Trump still has n't accepted the outcome — and he may never Unlike every other presidential candidate in the modern TV era , Trump has not made a concession speech , nor has he even called Biden .
Democrat Al Gore retracted his concession in 2000 as the vote got closer between him and Republican George W. Bush , but that was over a 537-vote margin in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's happening here .
Trump is down more than 10,000 votes in Georgia , more than 20,000 in Wisconsin , more than 30,000 and growing in Nevada , more than 40,000 and climbing in Pennsylvania and 146,000 in Michigan .
Trump has filed lawsuits challenging votes in multiple states .
And he has requested a recount in Wisconsin .
He has every right to go to court and present evidence .
If some votes are overturned , that 's part of the democratic process .
But can he make up differences of tens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Very , very unlikely .
And part of the role of an American president is to uphold the very thing that separates the United States from corrupt countries — free and fair elections and the peaceful transfer of power .
Instead , this president continues to baselessly undermine it with one last conspiracy because it seems he just ca n't accept losing .
3 .
The suburbs helped Biden to the presidency The suburbs were a key fight in this presidential election .
Trump called for `` law and order '' and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an anachronistic and outdated view of the suburbs .
Biden took a different tack , and it appears he benefited .
For as much as the polls underestimated Trump 's support , one thing they continuously showed was that suburban voters were moving away from the president , and that played out in key states .
In the collar counties of Philadelphia , for example , Biden improved on Hillary Clinton 's 2016 margin in Chester County by 8 points ( so far ) , and by 5 points in Montgomery and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gains he made .
In Georgia , Biden did better than Clinton in Cobb and Gwinnett counties , both outside Atlanta , by double-digits .
In Cobb , Clinton won it by 2 points , Biden by 14 .
In Gwinnett , Clinton won by 6 , Biden by 18 .
These are populous , growing areas that have to worry the GOP .
4 .
Biden rebuilt the `` blue wall , '' but the Sun Belt is the future Biden reversed Trump 's 2016 wins in the former `` blue wall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pennsylvania , but he did n't win by as much as the polls suggested or as past Democrats have .
The three states combined were decided this year by just over 200,000 votes out of more than 15 million — just enough to win .
If those three states do n't seem reliably Democratic anymore , that 's because they are n't .
We 're seeing a political realignment in America , most brightly along education lines .
Whites without college degrees have migrated away from their lunch-pail Democratic days to Republicans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they are .
All three of Wisconsin , Michigan and Pennsylvania are majority white noncollege .
And that 's to say nothing of Iowa and Ohio , which are also majority white noncollege , and states Democrats used to be competitive in and do n't appear to be anymore .
On the other hand , the South is growing and diversifying , and Biden made important inroads in Georgia , Arizona and even Texas .
If Biden holds on to his leads in Arizona and Georgia , he will be the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first to win Georgia since 1992 .
( And in both of those years , Bill Clinton , a Southerner , was at the top of the ticket , and there was a serious third-party contender . )
Thirty years ago , Georgia was more than 80 % white .
Today , that is down to 52 % and has seen its share of Northern transplants moving to the Atlanta suburbs .
With continued Latino growth , as well as out-of-state transplants and retirees , Arizona continues its leftward shift .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden in the presidential race , but it will also have two Democratic senators for the first time since the 1950s — and the Democratic Party was very different then .
Texas continues to be more of a Democratic hope than reality , but this is the closest Texas has been since 1996 .
Biden won more than 1.3 million more votes than Clinton in 2016 .
It was n't enough , but it 's on the map .
Florida , however , is the Sun Belt exception .
Republicans have racked up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it will continue to be close , it seems it 's become harder for Democrats to win there .
5 .
Given the down-ballot outcomes , governing is going to prove difficult for Biden Democrats ' main goal in 2020 was to get rid of Trump , but they had disappointing performances in House and Senate races .
In the House , Republicans were not expected to make gains , but that 's exactly what happened .
They currently stand to pick up a net of five seats , when Democrats thought they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still to be decided , hinging on two Georgia races headed to runoffs in January .
But key races in Maine , North Carolina , Iowa and Montana did n't go Democrats ' way that could have clinched full control in Washington .
Instead , what 's more likely is split control with Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , remaining as majority leader .
Biden 's skill as a legislator is going to be tested .
Today 's Senate is not the same Senate he left in 2009 ; it 's far more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big-ticket items Biden would want to get through , like more coronavirus relief funds , but other items might prove even more difficult .
Biden promised a health care public option , a $ 15 minimum wage and big advancements on climate and racial justice .
Those are going to be impossible to get without cooperation from the other side .
Even though Biden won the most votes in history , Trump won the second most .
Biden called his win a `` mandate , '' but it 's hardly that , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during his campaign to `` unite '' the country and in his victory speech , he said he would reach out to Republicans while delivering for his base .
But how does Biden go about doing that , especially since this is still a hotly divided country that 's dealing with a public health crisis , will likely have divided government , and he wo n't start with the numbers to achieve major legislative accomplishments in his first two years ?

Trump May Never Concede And 4 Other 2020 Election Takeaways
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Harnik/Pool/Getty Images Andrew Harnik/Pool/Getty Images
The tumultuous and chaotic Trump presidency is coming to an end — even if President Trump himself hasn't accepted it yet.
Democrat Joe Biden is now the president-elect, according to calls from The Associated Press, which NPR relies on for race calls, as well as all the other broadcast networks.
Loading...
Biden is currently at 290 electoral votes, 20 more than needed thanks to Pennsylvania, which was called Saturday. Biden is on track to win 306 electoral votes if his slim lead holds in Georgia.
It wasn't the timeline many Americans were expecting, given that Election Day was Tuesday, but we warned that counting an unprecedented number of mail-in ballots might take a while — and it's still going. There was record turnout and both Biden and Trump got more votes than any other presidential candidates in history.
There are a lot of lessons from this election, and given the results, governing won't be easy for Biden.
1. The popular vote wasn't that close, but Democrats continue to have an electoral map problem
Given how polarized the country is, for Biden to win (as of Sunday night) almost 51% of the popular vote, with a margin of more than 4 million votes and climbing, is a feat.
When all is said and done, more than 158 million people will have voted this election, according to the U.S. Elections Project, a turnout rate of more than 66%. That would be the highest since 1900. And Biden could get to 80 million votes cast for him, by far the most ever.
2020 was a perfect storm for high turnout — a hotly polarizing president up for reelection and the wide use of mail-in voting. States with a history of most- or all-mail elections, like Washington state and Colorado, routinely see turnout of 80% or higher.
Democrats have now won the popular vote in seven of the last eight elections, and yet two of them didn't become president in the past 20 years, and even this year, the margins in key states were very close.
Democrats are concentrated in cities and on the coasts, and that sorting is making presidential elections closer than their advantage with the broader population.
2. President Trump still hasn't accepted the outcome — and he may never
Unlike every other presidential candidate in the modern TV era, Trump has not made a concession speech, nor has he even called Biden.
Democrat Al Gore retracted his concession in 2000 as the vote got closer between him and Republican George W. Bush, but that was over a 537-vote margin in one state.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
That's not what's happening here. Trump is down more than 10,000 votes in Georgia, more than 20,000 in Wisconsin, more than 30,000 and growing in Nevada, more than 40,000 and climbing in Pennsylvania and 146,000 in Michigan.
Trump has filed lawsuits challenging votes in multiple states. And he has requested a recount in Wisconsin. He has every right to go to court and present evidence. If some votes are overturned, that's part of the democratic process. But can he make up differences of tens of thousands of votes in multiple states? Very, very unlikely.
And part of the role of an American president is to uphold the very thing that separates the United States from corrupt countries — free and fair elections and the peaceful transfer of power.
Instead, this president continues to baselessly undermine it with one last conspiracy because it seems he just can't accept losing.
3. The suburbs helped Biden to the presidency
The suburbs were a key fight in this presidential election. Trump called for "law and order" and tried to win over suburban white women with an anachronistic and outdated view of the suburbs.
Biden took a different tack, and it appears he benefited.
For as much as the polls underestimated Trump's support, one thing they continuously showed was that suburban voters were moving away from the president, and that played out in key states.
In the collar counties of Philadelphia, for example, Biden improved on Hillary Clinton's 2016 margin in Chester County by 8 points (so far), and by 5 points in Montgomery and Delaware counties, in addition to other gains he made.
In Georgia, Biden did better than Clinton in Cobb and Gwinnett counties, both outside Atlanta, by double-digits. In Cobb, Clinton won it by 2 points, Biden by 14. In Gwinnett, Clinton won by 6, Biden by 18. These are populous, growing areas that have to worry the GOP.
4. Biden rebuilt the "blue wall," but the Sun Belt is the future
Biden reversed Trump's 2016 wins in the former "blue wall" states of Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania, but he didn't win by as much as the polls suggested or as past Democrats have.
The three states combined were decided this year by just over 200,000 votes out of more than 15 million — just enough to win.
If those three states don't seem reliably Democratic anymore, that's because they aren't. We're seeing a political realignment in America, most brightly along education lines. Whites without college degrees have migrated away from their lunch-pail Democratic days to Republicans, largely around culture.
The demographics are what they are. All three of Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania are majority white noncollege. And that's to say nothing of Iowa and Ohio, which are also majority white noncollege and states Democrats used to be competitive in and don't appear to be anymore.
On the other hand, the South is growing and diversifying, and Biden made important inroads in Georgia, Arizona and even Texas. If Biden holds on to his leads in Arizona and Georgia, he will be the first Democrat to win Arizona since 1996 and the first to win Georgia since 1992. (And in both of those years, Bill Clinton, a Southerner, was at the top of the ticket, and there was a serious third-party contender.)
Thirty years ago, Georgia was more than 80% white. Today, that is down to 52% and it has seen its share of Northern transplants moving to the Atlanta suburbs.
With continued Latino growth, as well as out-of-state transplants and retirees, Arizona continues its leftward shift. In 2020, Arizona not only voted for Biden in the presidential race, but it will also have two Democratic senators for the first time since the 1950s — and the Democratic Party was very different then.
Texas continues to be more of a Democratic hope than reality, but this is the closest Texas has been since 1996. Biden won more than 1.3 million more votes than Clinton in 2016. It wasn't enough, but it's on the map.
Florida, however, is the Sun Belt exception. Republicans have racked up win after win there. Even though it will continue to be close, it seems it's become harder for Democrats to win there.
5. Given the down-ballot outcomes, governing is going to prove difficult for Biden
Democrats' main goal in 2020 was to get rid of Trump, but they had disappointing performances in House and Senate races.
In the House, Republicans were not expected to make gains, but that's exactly what happened. They currently stand to pick up a net of five seats, when Democrats thought they might expand their majority.
The Senate is still to be decided, hinging on two Georgia races headed to runoffs in January. But key races in Maine, North Carolina, Iowa and Montana that could have clinched full control in Washington didn't go Democrats' way.
Instead, what's more likely is split control with Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., remaining as majority leader. Biden's skill as a legislator is going to be tested. Today's Senate is not the same Senate he left in 2009; it's far more ideological and polarized. There are some big-ticket items Biden would want to get through, like more coronavirus relief funds, but other items might prove even more difficult.
Biden promised a health care public option, a $15 minimum wage and big advancements on climate and racial justice. Those are going to be impossible to get without cooperation from the other side.
Even though Biden won the most votes in history, Trump won the second most. Biden called his win a "mandate," but it's hardly that, and politicians often overread mandates.
Biden pledged during his campaign to "unite" the country, and in his victory speech he said he would reach out to Republicans while delivering for his base.
But how does Biden go about doing that, especially since this is still a hotly divided country that's dealing with a public health crisis, will likely have divided government, and he won't start with the numbers to achieve major legislative accomplishments in his first two years?


npr--2020-11-09--Biden Said He'd Walk Back Trump's WHO Walkout. Can All The Damage Be Undone?

Biden Said He 'd Walk Back Trump 's WHO Walkout .
Can All The Damage Be Undone ?
Back in July , President Trump 's administration began the formal process of withdrawing the U.S. – and its critical funding – from the World Health Organization .
Trump had accused the U.N. agency of conspiring with China to downplay the infectiousness of the novel coronavirus early on .
The withdrawal was to be complete in July 2021 .
As a candidate , Biden vowed to reverse the decision on his first day in office .
Global health experts are counting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. relationship with the world 's leading public health agency .
Under a Biden administration , `` the relationship will be completely reset , '' says Rifat Atun , a professor of global health systems at Harvard University .
But a reset does not mean a return to the way things were .
And experts warn it will take time and effort to restore the U.S. to a leadership position in global health .
Here are five key questions about the potential damage done by Trump 's move — and what the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of U.S. funds make a difference ?
When the U.S. first announced plans to pull out of WHO , many critics worried about the effects on funding for the organization .
The U.S. has historically been its top donor — contributing $ 893 million to the agency 's budget for the budget cycle of 2018 and 2019 .
While the U.S. still owes about $ 90 million to the WHO in outstanding membership dues ( known as assessment contributions ) , other countries have stepped in to fill the gap , says Lawrence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law at Georgetown University who is also director of the World Health Organization on Global Health Law .
However , he says the loss of U.S. funding would have been `` devastating if it were made permanent by U.S .
withdrawal . ''
If money has n't been a problem yet , what about scientific collaboration ?
Jennifer Kates , director of global health and HIV policy at the Kaiser Family Foundation , says the bigger damage from the Trump withdrawal has been to relationships .
Gostin agrees .
`` I think that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ World Health Organization .
The staff that we had embedded in WHO , including on their pandemic response , from CDC and others have been weakened or removed . ''
Gostin says collaboration between U.S. and WHO researchers has been made more difficult by the Trump withdrawal plans – not just on the coronavirus pandemic but on other global health issues .
For example , Gostin says the U.S. has a collaborating center with WHO on influenza vaccines .
At the moment , he says , `` all of that is either disabled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public health experts who had been embedded in WHO are either now coming home or if they are still at WHO `` are being left out of the action . ''
And in June , the National Security Council told health officials not to engage with WHO unless it was necessary for national security and public health safety , as reported by ProPublica .
`` Not having that level of engagement is also an impact that 's important to understand , '' Kates says .
Can the U.S. become a global health leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's WHO withdrawal plan , Kates and Gostin agree , has been the loss of the United States ' traditional role as a leader on global health issues .
During global health crises , the U.S. has historically played a key role in funding as well as offering political and diplomatic leadership , Kates says .
But now , `` this dialogue around setting up WHO as the problem – versus the virus as the problem – has altered the way the U.S. is operating on the global stage '' and how other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
By `` choosing to point the blame at WHO on an ongoing basis , '' she says , the Trump administration has `` distracted from combating the real problem , which is COVID-19 . ''
Instead of leading the way , the U.S. has `` undermined WHO 's authority '' and standing globally , Atun adds , and may have caused some people to question the agency 's guidance during the pandemic .
Even under a Biden administration , experts say the U.S. is unlikely to play the same role it once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I think the U.S. could have a leadership role again , but I think it will be a different one , '' says Kates .
She says the last four years have shown the world that the U.S. can be an unreliable ally on global health and other matters , depending on the administration in power , `` and there 's going be a memory of that going forward . ''
Adds Gostin , `` There 's been a huge trust deficit that 's been opened the last four years , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to heal . ''
Did Trump have a point about WHO shortcomings — and if so , can they now be addressed by the U.S. ?
In a letter sent to WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus in May , Trump noted that China had delayed in first reporting cases of the coronavirus for days or weeks .
Gostin agrees that China was less than transparent early on in the outbreak .
The way to fix that , he says , is to give WHO greater powers to independently verify outbreaks , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China early on in the pandemic , leaving it to rely on Chinese reporting .
`` But there 's absolutely no way that the United States can have influence or even a seat at the table right now in the reform of the World Health Organization or the international health regulations , '' he says .
`` We really are on the outside looking in . ''
Indeed , the Biden campaign has said that U.S. absence has actually opened a window for China to assert more leadership at the WHO , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are n't at the table , decisions will be made in ways we may not like , '' Anthony Blinken , Biden 's senior foreign policy adviser , said earlier this year .
Gostin and Kate hope that , under the Biden administration , the U.S. will become a part of COVAX , an international initiative to develop a COVID-19 vaccine and distribute it more equally around the world , including to countries that lack the resources to purchase it .
While the Biden campaign has not yet said whether it plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are optimistic , given the president-elect 's multilateralist approach to foreign policy , embracing cooperation with international institutions .
Under Trump , the U.S. has so far refused to join COVAX , in part because it is co-led by the World Health Organization .
Instead , the U.S. has invested more than $ 6 billion to develop and buy doses of several vaccine candidates for its own citizens .
Gostin argues that approach is short-sighted .
For one thing , he notes it 's possible that the U.S.-backed vaccines may not end up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a vaccine developed via the COVAX effort might offer better protection against the coronavirus .
And experts say it 's ultimately in America 's best interest to help poorer nations get wider access to a COVID-19 vaccine , because the only way to stop the pandemic is to quash the coronavirus everywhere with a truly global approach .
`` Viruses and microbes do not recognize borders , '' says Atun .
`` We need to act rapidly .
We need to act effectively , but we need to act together . ''

Biden Said He'd Walk Back Trump's WHO Walkout. Can All The Damage Be Undone?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Fabrice Coffrini /AFP via Getty Images Fabrice Coffrini /AFP via Getty Images
Back in July, President Trump's administration began the formal process of withdrawing the U.S. – and its critical funding – from the World Health Organization. Trump had accused the U.N. agency of conspiring with China to downplay the infectiousness of the novel coronavirus early on. The withdrawal was to be complete in July 2021.
As a candidate, Biden vowed to reverse the decision on his first day in office. Global health experts are counting on President-elect Joe Biden to restore and reimagine the U.S. relationship with the world's leading public health agency.
Under a Biden administration, "the relationship will be completely reset," says Rifat Atun, a professor of global health systems at Harvard University.
But a reset does not mean a return to the way things were. And experts warn it will take time and effort to restore the U.S. to a leadership position in global health.
Here are five key questions about the potential damage done by Trump's move — and what the future could hold.
Did the loss of U.S. funds make a difference?
When the U.S. first announced plans to pull out of WHO, many critics worried about the effects on funding for the organization. The U.S. has historically been its top donor — contributing $893 million to the agency's budget for the budget cycle of 2018 and 2019.
While the U.S. still owes about $90 million to the WHO in outstanding membership dues (known as assessment contributions), other countries have stepped in to fill the gap, says Lawrence Gostin, a professor of global health law at Georgetown University who is also director of the World Health Organization on Global Health Law. However, he says the loss of U.S. funding would have been "devastating if it were made permanent by U.S. withdrawal."
If money hasn't been a problem yet, what about scientific collaboration?
Jennifer Kates, director of global health and HIV policy at the Kaiser Family Foundation, says the bigger damage from the Trump withdrawal has been to relationships.
Gostin agrees. "I think that it's soured our relationships with the World Health Organization. The staff that we had embedded in WHO, including on their pandemic response, from CDC and others have been weakened or removed."
Gostin says collaboration between U.S. and WHO researchers has been made more difficult by the Trump withdrawal plans – not just on the coronavirus pandemic but on other global health issues. For example, Gostin says the U.S. has a collaborating center with WHO on influenza vaccines. At the moment, he says, "all of that is either disabled or non-functioning." He says U.S. public health experts who had been embedded in WHO are either now coming home or if they are still at WHO "are being left out of the action."
And in June, the National Security Council told health officials not to engage with WHO unless it was necessary for national security and public health safety, as reported by ProPublica. "Not having that level of engagement is also an impact that's important to understand," Kates says.
Can the U.S. become a global health leader again?
The biggest impact of Trump's WHO withdrawal plan, Kates and Gostin agree, has been the loss of the United States' traditional role as a leader on global health issues.
During global health crises, the U.S. has historically played a key role in funding as well as offering political and diplomatic leadership, Kates says.
But now, "this dialogue around setting up WHO as the problem – versus the virus as the problem – has altered the way the U.S. is operating on the global stage" and how other world governments view it, Kates says. By "choosing to point the blame at WHO on an ongoing basis," she says, the Trump administration has "distracted from combating the real problem, which is COVID-19."
Instead of leading the way, the U.S. has "undermined WHO's authority" and standing globally, Atun adds, and may have caused some people to question the agency's guidance during the pandemic.
Even under a Biden administration, experts say the U.S. is unlikely to play the same role it once did on the global health stage. "I think the U.S. could have a leadership role again, but I think it will be a different one," says Kates. She says the last four years have shown the world that the U.S. can be an unreliable ally on global health and other matters, depending on the administration in power, "and there's going be a memory of that going forward."
Adds Gostin, "There's been a huge trust deficit that's been opened the last four years, and it's going to take a long time to heal."
Did Trump have a point about WHO shortcomings — and if so, can they now be addressed by the U.S.?
In a letter sent to WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus in May, Trump noted that China had delayed in first reporting cases of the coronavirus for days or weeks.
Gostin agrees that China was less than transparent early on in the outbreak. The way to fix that, he says, is to give WHO greater powers to independently verify outbreaks, which it was not able to do in China early on in the pandemic, leaving it to rely on Chinese reporting. "But there's absolutely no way that the United States can have influence or even a seat at the table right now in the reform of the World Health Organization or the international health regulations," he says. "We really are on the outside looking in."
Indeed, the Biden campaign has said that U.S. absence has actually opened a window for China to assert more leadership at the WHO, an assessment Gostin agrees with. "If we aren't at the table, decisions will be made in ways we may not like," Antony Blinken, Biden's senior foreign policy adviser, said earlier this year.
What about global vaccine plans?
Gostin and Kate hope that, under the Biden administration, the U.S. will become a part of COVAX, an international initiative to develop a COVID-19 vaccine and distribute it more equally around the world, including to countries that lack the resources to purchase it.
While the Biden campaign has not yet said whether it plans to join COVAX, Gostin and Kate are optimistic, given the president-elect's multilateralist approach to foreign policy, embracing cooperation with international institutions.
Under Trump, the U.S. has so far refused to join COVAX, in part because it is co-led by the World Health Organization. Instead, the U.S. has invested more than $6 billion to develop and buy doses of several vaccine candidates for its own citizens. Gostin argues that approach is short-sighted. For one thing, he notes it's possible that the U.S.-backed vaccines may not end up the most successful ones, and that a vaccine developed via the COVAX effort might offer better protection against the coronavirus.
And experts say it's ultimately in America's best interest to help poorer nations get wider access to a COVID-19 vaccine, because the only way to stop the pandemic is to quash the coronavirus everywhere with a truly global approach.
"Viruses and microbes do not recognize borders," says Atun. "We need to act rapidly. We need to act effectively, but we need to act together."


npr--2020-11-09--'A Vexing Decision': Calif. Governor Mulls Who Will Replace Harris In Senate

' A Vexing Decision ' : Calif .
Governor Mulls Who Will Replace Harris In Senate Speculation about who California Gov .
Gavin Newsom would choose to fill out the rest of Kamala Harris 's U.S. Senate term if she got elected vice president began almost the moment President-elect Joe Biden announced her as his running mate .
Now that Harris is Vice President-elect , filling her Senate seat is not a matter of if , but who and when .
And what are the qualities Newsom should consider as he makes his most important political decision yet as governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ geography , electability and political compatibility .
Asked on Election Day about the possibility of choosing a successor , Newsom insisted he was not looking forward to it .
`` I mean , honestly , I 'm not even exaggerating .
There 's a hundred chores that I 'd prefer .
I 'm not kidding , '' Newsom joked .
`` This is not something that I wish even on my worst enemy , because you create enemies in this process you know , not just friends .
And it 's a vexing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Newsom said .
Harris , who was elected to her first Senate term in 2016 , would be up for reelection in 2022 .
Whomever Newsom chooses to replace her will get a couple of years in the Senate before running ( Newsom has ruled out a special election to fill out the term ) .
`` Diversity is a given , '' said Newsom 's longtime advisor Nathan Ballard .
`` It 's not going to be someone who looks like Gavin , '' meaning not a straight white male @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd 's death and Harris 's focus on rooting racial bias out of the criminal justice system , would seem to rule out likely Senate aspirants such as Rep. Adam Schiff , at least at this time .
For Newsom , there are also other , practical considerations .
`` Is it a caretaker , or someone who can turnaround a win ?
Is it someone that 's qualified that may not win but would be ? ''
Newsom asked rhetorically .
Kamala Harris is the only Black woman in the U.S. Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Would Newsom want to replace her with someone who fits that criteria ?
In that case , the governor has solid options .
Two Bay Area mayors fit the bill , San Francisco 's London Breed , who 's won high marks for her handling of the coronavirus pandemic , and Libby Schaaf in Oakland .
Both Democrats have solid relationships with Gov .
Newsom and are relatively young .
Rep. Karen Bass from Los Angeles is chair of the Congressional Black Caucus .
Bass saw her stock rise during the vice presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by stories about her past comments regarding Cuba and Fidel Castro .
But Bass , 67 , is well-liked by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and others in Congress , who lobbied Biden 's vetting committee to chose her to be his running mate .
And as former Speaker of the State Assembly Bass is known as an effective legislator who worked across party lines .
House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy , R-Bakersfield , who worked with Bass in the legislature , called her `` my favorite Democrat , '' which , considering that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be saying much .
Then there 's Rep. Barbara Lee , a longtime friend of Harris and a fellow Oaklander who has represented her city in Congress since 1998 .
Lee , 74 , is also close to the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party and was the only member of Congress to vote against authorizing the use of force for President George W. Bush before the Iraq War .
Lee also helped bridge the divide between the left-wing and moderate parts of the party in 2016 after Hillary Clinton won the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than acceptable to all parts of the California Democratic Party .
Silicon Valley Rep. Ro Khanna , 44 , is also an up and comer after crushing veteran Congressman Mike Honda in 2016 .
Like Harris , Khanna is Indian-American and co-chaired Bernie Sanders ' national campaign for president this year .
One argument against Breed , Schaaf , Bass and Lee however is that none of them has never waged a statewide campaign in California , which is hardly an easy task given the size of the state and the cost of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Padilla has been widely rumored to covet a U.S. Senate seat and is a longtime friend and supporter of Newsom .
Padilla chaired Newsom 's abortive campaign for governor in 2010 before Jerry Brown jumped in .
Padilla was also an early endorser of Newsom while he was running against former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and others in 2018 .
`` Gavin Newsom has just a handful of close friends , '' Ballard noted .
`` And Alex is one of them .
He 's part of that inner circle . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dianne Feinstein and at age 26 was elected to the Los Angeles City Council .
Two years later he became the youngest person ever elected president of the city council .
Padilla , 47 , just oversaw a complicated election where , for the first time , every registered voter was sent a vote-by-mail ballot .
But the secretary of state was recently caught up in controversy over a $ 35 million contract for nonpartisan voter outreach that went to a firm linked with Joe Biden .
How much the dustup would matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ballard tells it , Padilla is near the top of Newsom 's list .
`` He is eminently qualified for the position , and of all the contenders he 's the most senatorial , '' Ballard says , meaning he believes Padilla sounds and looks like a senator .
Ballard notes that whoever Newsom chooses would be on the ballot in 2022 when the governor is up for reelection .
`` It 's almost like having a running mate , '' he said , adding he would n't want to appoint someone who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign .
Padilla has run for statewide office twice and won both times .
Another point in Padilla 's favor : It 's a two-for .
If Newsom chooses him , or another statewide officeholder , he would get to also name the replacement for that office as well .
State Sen. Holly Mitchell of Los Angeles would be a dynamic , and younger choice to replace Harris .
As Chair of the state Senate Budget Committee , Mitchell has been a fierce and effective advocate for social justice , working mothers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was just elected to the powerful Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors would seem unlikely to give that up before she 's even sworn in .
Newsom , who says he 's been inundated with subtle and not-so-subtle entreaties by would-be appointees , called the decision `` vexing '' because of all the dynamics involved .
`` In this case you 've got people that voted for Kamala Harris .
And so is it [ someone ] in her image ?
Do you sort of extend that narrative ?
, '' Newsom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nomination of a Black , openly-gay judge to the California Supreme Court , seems to enjoy making history .
In that case , he has several options including : • Toni Atkins , President pro tempore of the State Senate , is a 58-year-old San Diego Democrat who was also Speaker of the State Assembly is a lesbian and a long-time ally of Newsom .
• Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia , 42 , is Latino ( Peruvian-American ) and the city 's first openly gay mayor .
He lost both his parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story .
Others who are either thought to be eyeing this U.S. Senate seat or the one held by 87-year-old Senator Dianne Feinstein include : • Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti , who is Jewish and Mexican-American .
He co-chaired Biden 's vice-presidential search committee .
He 's widely thought to be a possible member of Biden 's cabinet although he recently said `` it 's more likely than not '' that he 'd finish his term , which expires in 2022 .
• Rep. Adam Schiff of Los Angeles has been was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House Intelligence Committee during impeachment proceedings .
At age 60 he could certainly wait for Sen. Feinstein to vacate her Senate seat before running on his own .
• Eleni Kounalakis is a relative newcomer to statewide politics , getting elected as the state 's first female Lt .
Governor in 2018 in her first run for office .
Kounalakis , 54 , is no stranger to Democratic Party politics however , having served as President Barack Obama 's ambassador to Hungary from 2010-13 .
• Attorney General Xavier Becerra replaced Harris as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when she was elected to the U.S. Senate .
Becerra has raised his profile by challenging the Trump administration 's policies in court .
Becerra , 62 , was elected to Congress in 1992 , representing Los Angeles for 24 years .
But when asked about returning to Washington he said he prefers to live in Sacramento .
While Gov .
Newsom eyes these potential picks for political ascension , he has also long eyed higher office .
He is widely believed to have seen himself running for president one day , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the ascension of Harris .
But the former San Francisco mayor has remained quite popular with voters , receiving a 57 % approval rating in an October survey from the Public Policy Institute of California .
He could decide to run for the U.S. Senate when Feinstein leaves .
In any case , Newsom said on Election Day that he was thrilled for Harris , who has been a kind of `` frenemy '' or political competitor since he was the city 's mayor and she was the city 's district attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more happy , more confident , loose , '' Newsom said .
`` She 's in her element .
And you feel that .
You see that .
And so I just could n't be more happy for her .
And it 's profoundly significant for the state . ''

'A Vexing Decision': Calif. Governor Mulls Who Will Replace Harris In Senate
Enlarge this image toggle caption Damian Dovarganes/AP Damian Dovarganes/AP
Speculation about who California Gov. Gavin Newsom would choose to fill out the rest of Kamala Harris' U.S. Senate term if she got elected vice president began almost the moment Joe Biden announced her as his running mate.
Now that Harris is vice president-elect, filling her Senate seat is not a matter of if, but who and when. And what are the qualities Newsom should consider as he makes his most important political decision yet as governor? Newsom's considerations include diversity, geography, electability and political compatibility.
Asked on Election Day about the possibility of choosing a successor, Newsom insisted he was not looking forward to it.
"I mean, honestly, I'm not even exaggerating. There's a hundred chores that I'd prefer. I'm not kidding," Newsom joked.
"This is not something that I wish even on my worst enemy, because you create enemies in this process you know, not just friends. And it's a vexing decision. It's a challenging one," Newsom said.
Harris, who was elected to her first Senate term in 2016, would be up for reelection in 2022. Whoever replaces her will get a couple of years in the Senate before running (Newsom has ruled out a special election to fill out the term).
"Diversity is a given," said Newsom's longtime adviser Nathan Ballard. "It's not going to be someone who looks like Gavin," meaning not a straight white male.
The current moment, after George Floyd's death and Harris' focus on rooting racial bias out of the criminal justice system, would seem to rule out likely Senate aspirants such as Rep. Adam Schiff, at least at this time.
For Newsom, there are also other, practical considerations.
"Is it a caretaker, or someone who can turn around a win? Is it someone that's qualified that may not win but would be?" Newsom asked rhetorically.
The shortlist
Kamala Harris is the only Black woman in the U.S. Senate, so you can start there. Would Newsom want to replace her with someone who fits that criteria? In that case, the governor has solid options.
One Bay Area mayor fits the bill, San Francisco's London Breed, who's won high marks for her handling of the coronavirus pandemic. Across the Bay, Mayor Libby Schaaf in Oakland, who is white, also has made a name for herself. Both Democrats have solid relationships with Gov. Newsom and are relatively young.
Rep. Karen Bass from Los Angeles is chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. Bass saw her stock rise during the vice presidential vetting process only to be taken down by stories about her past comments regarding Cuba and Fidel Castro.
But Bass, 67, is well-liked by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and others in Congress who lobbied Biden's vetting committee to choose her to be his running mate. And as former speaker of the state Assembly, Bass is known as an effective legislator who worked across party lines.
House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Bakersfield, who worked with Bass in the legislature, called her "my favorite Democrat," which, considering that's a short list, may not be saying much.
Then there's Rep. Barbara Lee, a longtime friend of Harris and a fellow Oaklander who has represented her city in Congress since 1998. Lee, 74, is also close to the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party and was the only member of Congress to vote against authorizing the use of force for President George W. Bush before the Iraq War.
Lee also helped bridge the divide between the left-leaning and moderate parts of the party in 2016 after Hillary Clinton won the nomination. That may make her more than acceptable to all parts of the California Democratic Party.
Silicon Valley Rep. Ro Khanna, 44, is also an up and comer after crushing veteran Congressman Mike Honda in 2016. Like Harris, Khanna is Indian American and co-chaired Sanders' national campaign for president this year.
One argument against Breed, Schaaf, Bass and Lee, however, is that none of them has ever waged a statewide campaign in California, which is hardly an easy task given the size of the state and the cost of running.
Secretary of State Alex Padilla has been widely rumored to covet a U.S. Senate seat and is a longtime friend and supporter of Newsom. Padilla chaired Newsom's abortive campaign for governor in 2010 before Jerry Brown jumped in. Padilla was also an early endorser of Newsom while he was running against former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and others in 2018.
"Gavin Newsom has just a handful of close friends," Ballard noted. "And Alex is one of them. He's part of that inner circle."
Padilla worked as an intern for Sen. Dianne Feinstein and at age 26 was elected to the Los Angeles City Council. Two years later he became the youngest person ever elected president of the city council.
Padilla, 47, just oversaw a complicated election where, for the first time, every registered voter was sent a vote-by-mail ballot. But the secretary of state was recently caught up in controversy over a $35 million contract for nonpartisan voter outreach that went to a firm linked with Joe Biden. How much the dustup would matter to Newsom is unclear.
But as Ballard tells it, Padilla is near the top of Newsom's list. "He is eminently qualified for the position, and of all the contenders he's the most senatorial," Ballard said, meaning he believes Padilla sounds and looks like a senator.
Ballard noted that Newsom's choice will be on the ballot in 2022 when the governor is up for reelection. "It's almost like having a running mate," he said, adding he wouldn't want to appoint someone who would be a drag on his own campaign. Padilla has run for statewide office twice and won both times.
Another point in Padilla's favor: It's a two-for. If Newsom chooses him, or another statewide officeholder, he would get to name the replacement for that office as well.
Other options
State Sen. Holly Mitchell of Los Angeles would be a dynamic choice to replace Harris. As chair of the state Senate Budget Committee, Mitchell has been a fierce and effective advocate for social justice, working mothers and low-income people. But Mitchell, 56, was just elected to the powerful Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors and would seem unlikely to give that up before she's even sworn in.
Newsom, who said he's been inundated with subtle and not-so-subtle entreaties by would-be appointees, called the decision "vexing" because of all the dynamics involved.
"In this case you've got people that voted for Kamala Harris. And so is it [someone] in her image? Do you sort of extend that narrative?" Newsom wondered aloud.
Newsom, whose recent nomination of a Black, openly gay judge to the California Supreme Court, seems to enjoy making history. In that case, he has several options including:
Toni Atkins, president pro tempore of the state Senate, is a 58-year-old San Diego Democrat who was also speaker of the state Assembly and is a lesbian and a longtime ally of Newsom.
Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia, 42, is Latino (Peruvian American) and the city's first openly gay mayor. He lost both his parents to COVID-19 and has a compelling personal story.
Others who are either thought to be eyeing this U.S. Senate seat or the one held by 87-year-old Sen. Dianne Feinstein include:
Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, who is Jewish and Mexican American. He co-chaired Biden's vice-presidential search committee. He's widely thought to be a possible member of Biden's Cabinet, although he recently said "it's more likely than not" that he'd finish his term, which expires in 2022.
Rep. Adam Schiff of Los Angeles has been omnipresent on media as chair of the House Intelligence Committee during impeachment proceedings. At age 60 he could certainly wait for Feinstein to vacate her Senate seat before running on his own.
Eleni Kounalakis is a relative newcomer to statewide politics, getting elected as the state's first female lieutenant governor in 2018 in her first run for office. Kounalakis, 54, is no stranger to Democratic Party politics, however, having served as President Barack Obama's ambassador to Hungary from 2010-13.
Attorney General Xavier Becerra replaced Harris as the state's top law enforcement official when she was elected to the U.S. Senate. Becerra has raised his profile by challenging the Trump administration's policies in court. Becerra, 62, was elected to Congress in 1992, representing Los Angeles for 24 years. But when asked about returning to Washington, he said he prefers to live in Sacramento.
While Newsom eyes these potential picks for political ascension, he has also long eyed higher office. He is widely believed to have seen himself running for president one day, though that option seemingly foreclosed at the moment by the ascension of Harris.
But the former San Francisco mayor has remained quite popular with voters, receiving a 57% approval rating in an October survey from the Public Policy Institute of California. He could decide to run for the U.S. Senate when Feinstein leaves.
In any case, Newsom said on Election Day that he was thrilled for Harris, who has been a kind of "frenemy" or political competitor since he was the city's mayor and she was the city's district attorney.
"I've never seen her more happy, more confident, loose," Newsom said. "She's in her element. And you feel that. You see that. And so I just couldn't be more happy for her. And it's profoundly significant for the state."


npr--2020-11-08--ICU Doctor Stresses COVID-19 Severity In Communities Of Color, Faults White House

Dr. Taison Bell , the director of the medical intensive care unit at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville , was doing rounds in the COVID-19 ICU , caring for about 20 patients , when he noticed that his unit was full almost entirely of Black and Latinx people , despite the fact that Charlottesville is 70 % white .
Bell , who grew up just an hour away from the hospital , says he `` just could n't escape the thought of this virus disproportionately killing people in my community . ''
As he tells NPR 's Michel Martin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pause rounds and `` acknowledge how tough emotionally it was for me just to see what we were seeing . ''
`` I did n't know what to do about it , '' he says .
`` I did n't know how to deal with that emotion , but I had to get it out there because if I was feeling that way , I knew that several other of my team members were feeling the same way , too . ''
The United States has been experiencing a massive surge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record was more than 120,000 confirmed cases a day , three days in a row , according to the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center .
Bell , who is also an assistant professor of medicine at UVA , notes that those numbers represent real people .
`` At the end of the day , we 're tracking a lot of numbers because the metrics are important , '' Bell says .
`` But we have to remember that behind that number is a story , a story of a life that either may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do make it , their life may be completely different from now . ''
It 's a pandemic that has infected nearly 10 million people in the country and killed more than 230,000 , and it disproportionately affects Black and Latinx people in the U.S. Black Americans are dying of COVID-19 at a rate of nearly twice their share of the population .
Latinx people made up a greater share of confirmed cases and deaths than their share of the population as well , according to data analyzed by NPR .
Bell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emphasize the virus 's disproportionate impact on minority communities .
`` There was an opportunity lost there to communicate the urgency , the necessity and the basic public health measures that we could take and the fact that even if it 's not in your community now , it 's likely to be in your community later , '' Bell says , `` so we all need to take the same sort of safety measures . ''
Bell says one of the problems at play was the messaging from the Trump White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ segments of the country '' to not take the virus seriously .
`` You have to connect it to the top where in the White House , they may have been holding events outside , but very tight , '' he said .
`` No mask , no social distancing , not setting an example of how we should be proceeding in society to control the spread of COVID-19 . ''
Bell says the virus has changed the nation dramatically , and that the death toll is almost impossible to fathom .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exposed a lot of issues in our society , '' he says .
`` But just to think about the individuals that we 're losing and the weddings that are being missed , the barbecues , the hugs , the reunions and all of these opportunities and moments that are going to be lost because of this virus .
It 's just really hard to think about . ''
Jeffrey Pierre and William Troop produced and edited the audio version of this story .

ICU Doctor Stresses COVID-19 Severity In Communities Of Color, Faults White House
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg via Getty Images Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Dr. Taison Bell, the director of the medical intensive care unit at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville, was doing rounds in the COVID-19 ICU, caring for about 20 patients, when he noticed that his unit was full almost entirely of Black and Latinx people, despite the fact that Charlottesville is 70% white.
Bell, who grew up just an hour away from the hospital, says he "just couldn't escape the thought of this virus disproportionately killing people in my community."
As he tells NPR's Michel Martin on All Things Considered, he had to pause rounds and "acknowledge how tough emotionally it was for me just to see what we were seeing."
"I didn't know what to do about it," he says. "I didn't know how to deal with that emotion, but I had to get it out there because if I was feeling that way, I knew that several other of my team members were feeling the same way, too."
The United States has been experiencing a massive surge of COVID-19 cases. Last week the new record was more than 120,000 confirmed cases a day, three days in a row, according to the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center.
Bell, who is also an assistant professor of medicine at UVA, notes that those numbers represent real people.
"At the end of the day, we're tracking a lot of numbers because the metrics are important," Bell says. "But we have to remember that behind that number is a story, a story of a life that either may not make it. And even if they do make it, their life may be completely different from now."
It's a pandemic that has infected nearly 10 million people in the country and killed more than 230,000, and it disproportionately affects Black and Latinx people in the U.S. Black Americans are dying of COVID-19 at a rate of nearly twice their share of the population. Latinx people made up a greater share of confirmed cases and deaths than their share of the population as well, according to data analyzed by NPR.
Bell says the Trump administration didn't adequately emphasize the virus's disproportionate impact on minority communities.
"There was an opportunity lost there to communicate the urgency, the necessity and the basic public health measures that we could take and the fact that even if it's not in your community now, it's likely to be in your community later," Bell says, "so we all need to take the same sort of safety measures."
Bell says one of the problems at play was the messaging from the Trump White House, which he says led "large segments of the country" to not take the virus seriously.
"You have to connect it to the top where in the White House, they may have been holding events outside, but very tight," he said. "No mask, no social distancing, not setting an example of how we should be proceeding in society to control the spread of COVID-19."
Bell says the virus has changed the nation dramatically, and that the death toll is almost impossible to fathom.
"In the minority community, it's exposed a lot of issues in our society," he says. "But just to think about the individuals that we're losing and the weddings that are being missed, the barbecues, the hugs, the reunions and all of these opportunities and moments that are going to be lost because of this virus. It's just really hard to think about."
Jeffrey Pierre and William Troop produced and edited the audio version of this story.