npr--2020-08-15--Facing Eviction, Residents Of Denmark's 'Ghettos' Are Suing The Government

Facing Eviction , Residents Of Denmark 's 'Ghettos ' Are Suing The Government Asif Mehmood moved to his neighborhood in the Nørrebro district of Copenhagen back in 1994 , shortly after emigrating to Denmark from Pakistan .
At the time , few ethnic Danes wanted to live there .
`` A lot of bad things were happening , '' he says .
Nørrebro has a long history of riots , and the year before had marked one of the most violent , with a clash between left-wing activists and police after Denmark voted to join the European Union .
Still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and raised three daughters , surrounded by people from dozens of different countries , with Danish as their common language .
`` Maybe not so good Danish , '' he admits .
`` But they understand me , and I can understand them . ''
Earlier this summer , after it became clear that his housing project , called Mjølnerparken , would be targeted as part of a sweeping plan to rid the country of immigrant-heavy areas by 2030 , Mehmood and 11 of his neighbors filed a lawsuit against the Danish government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Initiative .
The lawsuit , which alleges discrimination and seeks to invalidate a section of the government 's so-called `` ghetto package , '' comes as the country begins to grapple with broader questions about racism in light of global focus on the issue .
Mjølnerparken , which includes more than 500 apartments spread among four building blocks , has been declared a `` hard ghetto '' by the government .
Under the law , which aims to desegregate such areas , public housing stock must be reduced to 40 % .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to meet that requirement by selling two blocks to private investors .
Residents have been told they will be offered equivalent — as yet unspecified — housing units nearby .
But Mehmood and some political opposition parties do n't see how that 's possible , given the relatively low cost of their rent-controlled housing compared to market prices in the surrounding area .
Nørrebro today is a diverse and trendy district in an expensive city .
From his sunny balcony , Mehmood can look out over a tidy soccer pitch with a park @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rise that has just sprouted up near the neighborhood 's brand-new Metro station .
Central Copenhagen is a 15-minute ride away .
But Mjølnerparken is among some 40 areas the government considers `` vulnerable '' — places where residents ' income and education levels are low , unemployment is high , and where the number of people with criminal records is above the national average .
Vulnerable areas where `` the number of immigrants and descendants from non-Western countries is over 50 % '' are officially defined as ghettos .
The `` hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for forced redevelopment and relocation — have met the government 's ghetto criteria for four or more years .
There are currently 15 `` hard ghettos '' in Denmark .
The stated aim of the ghetto package is to better integrate Denmark , where the number of non-Western immigrants and descendants from countries including Syria , Iraq and Afghanistan has grown from about 1 % of the population in 1980 to almost 9 % today .
The package of laws was passed at the end of 2018 by Denmark 's previous center-right government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power strongly defend it .
In November , Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen called it `` one of the best agreements made in Parliament . ''
`` I want , in Denmark , a housing policy where every one of us sitting in this Parliamentary room ... would want to live in any neighborhood of Denmark .
And , honestly , I do n't think that 's true today , '' she told the parliament .
`` I think it 's good that we have finally gotten this on the table , '' she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in housing are n't just about unemployment , lack of education , Danish ability ... but also about ethnicity . ''
In the eyes of Mehmood and the other plaintiffs , this statement , and the law it 's defending , amount to blatant discrimination .
The United Nations Committee on Economic , Social and Cultural Rights , while appreciating the law 's intent to `` enhance social cohesion , '' agrees , as does Amani Hassani , a Danish urban ethnographer based in London .
`` We 're not looking at public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities , '' she says .
`` We 're looking at Mjølnerparken , that 's a bike ride away from central Copenhagen .
Why , '' she asks sardonically , `` are these immigrants and refugees allowed to hold such valuable real estate ? ''
Hassani says that in Denmark , discussions about immigration and integration are deeply entangled with nationalism and the idea of protecting `` Danishness . ''
`` But what is this Danishness ? ''
she says .
`` It 's very vague and no one can really define it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's not .
And that 's non-Western immigrants and their descendants . ''
Hassani falls into this category herself , with family roots in Denmark that go back almost 50 years .
She believes that `` non-Western immigrant '' ( an official term of Statistics Denmark ) offers a tidy , geography-based euphemism for Black , brown and Muslim people in a country that prefers to see itself as color-blind .
`` The ideal here is still that ... Denmark is a post-racial country .
We 're progressive !
We 're liberal !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't see your color ! ''
she says .
A recent survey found that 51 % of Danes do not believe racism to be a widespread problem in their country , despite significant evidence to the contrary .
A new Facebook page , `` Speak out , '' run by a small team of artists and entrepreneurs , features dozens of Danes describing their personal experiences with racism .
And a growing number of studies show that it is more difficult for minorities in Denmark to get jobs , housing and equal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-racism campaigner Mette Toft Nielsen thinks the apparent mismatch between perceptions and reality may be due to Danes ' understanding of what counts as racism .
As a consultant for public school teachers , she works to educate them about concepts like structural racism and microaggression as counterpoints to what she sees as the widespread Danish belief that racism is the purview of a few `` bad '' individuals .
`` I think it could be interesting to ask white people [ in Denmark ] if they believe the ghetto package is racist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , honestly ?
I do n't think a lot of them would . ''
She says the same might be true for a child who dresses up in blackface for a Carnival party ( a practice that is becoming rarer , but still not uncommon ) or uses the N-word .
`` Would that be [ considered ] racist ? ''
she says .
`` In a Danish context , not necessarily ! ''
There is even a uniquely Danish expression for a certain kind of sugarcoated , casual perpetuation of derogatory language @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harmless : `` hygge '' racism .
Media studies scholar Morten Stinus Kristensen says there 's a reason for all this .
`` If you criticize racism , especially in language , '' he says `` then you 're attacking free speech . ''
And freedom of speech is something many Danes would likely name as a core element of `` Danishness . ''
So , he says , `` It 's become this conversation-stopper . ''
Kristensen says that 's been especially true in the 15 years since the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prophet Muhammad , setting off protests among Muslims around the world .
`` The way that debate ended [ in Denmark ] was that Jyllands-Posten was [ seen as ] completely correct in publishing those and it was nothing more than testing free speech , '' he says .
Danes , he adds , are `` not very good at considering that you can have free speech and also critique structural racism , and [ the way ] it manifests in language and discourse . ''
`` The next generation has it worse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says he never forgets that he has a home in Denmark because of `` the nice Danish people . ''
But he , too , has experienced racism — from the politicians who refuse to speak with him when visiting his neighborhood to more subtle interactions in which people `` turn their face to the right or the left and say something .
But you can catch it .
You feel it . ''
Still , when he sees his daughters with their ethnically Danish friends , he feels hopeful .
`` Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 28 children [ from Mjølnerparken ] finished their education .
When they are going in the system , they are going to meet a lot of Danish people and the situation must be changed .
It takes time . ''
Amani Hassani is n't so sure .
While she is happy to see that Danish minorities are finding new ways to express their individual experiences , she is more concerned about Denmark 's hardening political rhetoric and policies like the ghetto package .
`` I want to have that optimistic hope , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already tell — I had it pretty good growing up , but the next generation has it worse .
In the last 20 years , the policy changes have become much more direct in targeting non-Western immigrants and descendants , and they 're pushing the boundaries of what 's constitutionally acceptable . ''
She and Mehmood agree , though , that Danish values — those they see as defining `` Danishness '' — are worth fighting for : A desire to help people , says Mehmood .
`` The fact that we take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' says Hassani .
Then she adds : `` But I 'm afraid that this is what is at stake right now . ''
In trying to protect `` Danishness '' through measures like the ghetto package , she explains , Denmark may be jeopardizing one of its own core values .
`` Because the weak of today 's societies are the refugees , '' she says .
`` And Denmark , as a society , is letting them down . ''

Facing Eviction, Residents Of Denmark's 'Ghettos' Are Suing The Government
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sidsel Overgaard/NPR Sidsel Overgaard/NPR
Asif Mehmood moved to his neighborhood in the Nørrebro district of Copenhagen back in 1994, shortly after immigrating to Denmark from Pakistan. At the time, few ethnic Danes wanted to live there.
"A lot of bad things were happening," he says. Nørrebro has a long history of riots, and the year before had marked one of the most violent, with a clash between left-wing activists and police after Denmark voted to join the European Union.
Still, Mehmood and his wife moved in and raised three daughters, surrounded by people from dozens of countries, with Danish as their common language. "Maybe not so good Danish," he admits. "But they understand me, and I can understand them."
Earlier this summer, after it became clear that his housing project, called Mjølnerparken, would be targeted as part of a sweeping plan to rid the country of immigrant-heavy areas by 2030, Mehmood and 11 of his neighbors filed a lawsuit against the Danish government, with support from the Open Society Justice Initiative.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Stefano Guidi/Getty Images Stefano Guidi/Getty Images
The lawsuit, which alleges discrimination and seeks to invalidate a section of the government's so-called "ghetto package," comes as the country begins to grapple with broader questions about racism in light of global focus on the issue.
Mjølnerparken, which includes more than 500 apartments spread among four building blocks, has been declared a "hard ghetto" by the government. Under the law, which aims to desegregate such areas, public housing stock must be reduced to 40%. Mjølnerparken's nonprofit management company has decided to meet that requirement by selling two blocks to private investors.
Residents have been told they will be offered equivalent — as yet unspecified — housing units nearby. But Mehmood and some political opposition parties don't see how that's possible, given the relatively low cost of their rent-controlled housing compared with market prices in the surrounding area.
Targeting "vulnerable" areas
Nørrebro today is a diverse and trendy district in an expensive city. From his sunny balcony, Mehmood can look out over a tidy soccer pitch with a park nearby. He points to a high-rise that has just sprouted up near the neighborhood's new Metro station. Central Copenhagen is a 15-minute train ride away.
But Mjølnerparken is among some 40 areas the government considers "vulnerable" — places where residents' income and education levels are low, unemployment is high, and the number of people with criminal records is above the national average.
Vulnerable areas where "the number of immigrants and descendants from non-Western countries is over 50%" are officially defined as ghettos. The "hard ghettos" — targeted by the law for forced redevelopment and relocation — have met the government's ghetto criteria for four or more years. There are currently 15 "hard ghettos" in Denmark.
The stated aim of the ghetto package is to better integrate Denmark, where the number of non-Western immigrants and descendants from countries including Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan has grown from about 1% of the population in 1980 to almost 9% today.
The package of laws was passed at the end of 2018 by Denmark's previous center-right government, but the Social Democrats currently in power strongly defend it. In November, Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen called it "one of the best agreements made in Parliament."
"I want, in Denmark, a housing policy where every one of us sitting in this parliamentary room ... would want to live in any neighborhood of Denmark. And, honestly, I don't think that's true today," she told the parliament.
"I think it's good that we have finally gotten this on the table," she said, "that the social challenges in housing aren't just about unemployment, lack of education, Danish ability ... but also about ethnicity."
Protecting "Danishness"
In the eyes of Mehmood and the other plaintiffs, this statement and the law it's defending amount to blatant discrimination. The United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, while appreciating the law's intent to "enhance social cohesion," agrees, as does Amani Hassani, a Danish urban ethnographer based in London.
"We're not looking at public housing in ... mainly white, working-class communities," she says.
"We're looking at Mjølnerparken, that's a bike ride away from central Copenhagen. Why," she asks sardonically, "are these immigrants and refugees allowed to hold such valuable real estate?"
Hassani says that in Denmark, discussions about immigration and integration are deeply entangled with nationalism and the idea of protecting "Danishness."
"But what is this Danishness?" she says. "It's very vague, and no one can really define it. But we definitely know what it's not. And that's non-Western immigrants and their descendants."
Hassani falls into this category herself, with family roots in Denmark that go back almost 50 years. She believes that "non-Western immigrant" (an official term of Statistics Denmark) offers a tidy, geography-based euphemism for Black, brown and Muslim people in a country that prefers to see itself as colorblind.
"The ideal here is still that ... Denmark is a post-racial country. We're progressive! We're liberal! We don't see race, we don't see your color!" she says.
A recent survey found that 51% of Danes do not believe racism to be a widespread problem in their country, despite significant evidence to the contrary. A new Facebook page, "Speak out," run by a small team of artists and entrepreneurs, features dozens of Danes describing their personal experiences with racism. And a growing number of studies show that it is more difficult for minorities in Denmark to get jobs, housing and equal treatment at school.
Racism and free speech
Copenhagen-based teacher and anti-racism campaigner Mette Toft Nielsen thinks the apparent mismatch between perceptions and reality may be because of Danes' understanding of what counts as racism. As a consultant for public school teachers, she works to educate them about concepts like structural racism and microaggression as counterpoints to what she sees as the widespread Danish belief that racism is the purview of a few "bad" individuals.
"I think it could be interesting to ask white people [in Denmark] if they believe the ghetto package is racist," she says. "Because honestly? I don't think a lot of them would."
She says the same might be true for a child who dresses up in blackface for a Carnival party (a practice that is becoming rarer, but still not uncommon) or uses the N-word. "Would that be [considered] racist?" she says. "In a Danish context, not necessarily."
There is even a uniquely Danish expression for a certain kind of sugarcoated, casual perpetuation of derogatory language and stereotypes that is widely perceived as harmless: "hygge" racism.
Media studies scholar Morten Stinus Kristensen says there's a reason for all this.
"If you criticize racism, especially in language," he says "then you're attacking free speech." And freedom of speech is something many Danes would likely name as a core element of "Danishness." So, he says, "it's become this conversation stopper."
Kristensen says that has been especially true in the 15 years since the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten published a series of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, setting off protests among Muslims around the world.
"The way that debate ended [in Denmark] was that Jyllands-Posten was [seen as] completely correct in publishing those and it was nothing more than testing free speech," he says.
Danes, he adds, are "not very good at considering that you can have free speech and also critique structural racism, and [the way] it manifests in language and discourse."
"The next generation has it worse"
Asif Mehmood says he never forgets that he has a home in Denmark because of "the nice Danish people." But he, too, has experienced racism — from the politicians who refuse to speak with him when visiting his neighborhood to more subtle interactions in which people "turn their face to the right or the left and say something. But you can catch it. You feel it."
Still, when he sees his daughters with their ethnically Danish friends, he feels hopeful.
"Last month," he says, "28 children [from Mjølnerparken] finished their education. When they are going in the system, they are going to meet a lot of Danish people and the situation must be changed. It takes time."
Amani Hassani isn't so sure. While she is happy to see that Danish minorities are finding new ways to express their individual experiences, she is more concerned about Denmark's hardening political rhetoric and policies like the ghetto package.
"I want to have that optimistic hope," she says. "But I can already tell — I had it pretty good growing up, but the next generation has it worse. In the last 20 years, the policy changes have become much more direct in targeting non-Western immigrants and descendants, and they're pushing the boundaries of what's constitutionally acceptable."
She and Mehmood agree, though, that Danish values — those they see as defining "Danishness" — are worth fighting for.
A desire to help people, says Mehmood.
"The fact that we take care of the weak ones of society," says Hassani.
Then she adds: "But I'm afraid that this is what is at stake right now."
In trying to protect "Danishness" through measures like the ghetto package, she explains, Denmark may be jeopardizing one of its own core values.
"Because the weak of today's societies are the refugees," she says. "And Denmark, as a society, is letting them down."


npr--2020-08-15--Trump's Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory

Trump 's Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory Twenty-four hours after entertaining and amplifying a false and racist birther conspiracy targeted at Sen. Kamala Harris , President Trump had an opportunity to correct the record .
He did n't .
Neither did his son-in-law and top adviser Jared Kushner .
For Trump , this is a return to familiar territory .
`` Unfortunately this might have been inevitable , '' said Doug Heye , a former Republican National Committee communications director .
He said when Former Vice President Joe Biden first picked Harris as his running mate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : `` Here comes the racism and sexism . ''
But Heye says he rolled his eyes recalling Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin mocked as `` Caribou Barbie . ''
But then , Trump went there , with Harris .
`` The problem with that is , [ the Democrats ] were n't wrong and they were n't wrong because this is where Trump went and Trump supporters went immediately , '' Heye said .
Heye argues it 's not a good strategy , but says Trump is likely returning to it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the American public is worried about coronavirus and overwhelmingly disapprove of the president 's handling of the crisis .
`` This is an old playbook , '' said Amanda Renteria , who was political director for Hillary Clinton 's presidential campaign .
The official response from the Trump campaign was to criticize Harris as a `` radical '' and `` phony . ''
That 's the script campaign surrogates stuck to during a call with reporters earlier this week .
`` You know , today we are talking about Joe Biden 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or as we know her , Phony Kamala , '' said Stacy Washington , a Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board member , mispronouncing the senator 's first name .
Washington pointed to Harris 's co-sponsorship of Bernie Sanders 's Medicare-for-all bill and general support of the Green New Deal .
`` It could n't be clearer that with this VP pick the extreme liberal takeover of Joe Biden is complete .
You do n't have to take our word for it , '' Washington said .
`` Just look at the record @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' The language was colorful , but the focus was ostensibly on policy .
Trump , though , immediately went more personal , describing Harris as a `` mad woman , '' `` disrespectful , '' `` nasty '' and `` angry , '' playing into the old racist sexist trope of the angry black woman .
Then Thursday , given the opportunity to reject a birther conspiracy making the rounds on the internet , Trump threw fuel on it .
`` I heard it today , that she does n't meet the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a White House press briefing about a Newsweek opinion piece suggesting Harris 's immigrant parents mean she should n't qualify to be vice president or president .
`` And by the way , the lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified , very talented lawyer . ''
There is no question .
Harris was born in Oakland , Calif .
Yes , her father was an immigrant from Jamaica , her mother from India .
But Harris is just as much a natural-born American as Trump , whose own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as he often does , Trump did add a dose of plausible deniability .
`` I have no idea if that 's right , '' Trump said .
`` I would have assumed the Democrats would have checked out before she gets chosen to run for vice president . ''
This has echoes of language has used in the past when pushing forward birther conspiracies about former President Obama .
`` I have no idea , '' Trump said in a 2013 ABC interview of whether Obama was born in the U.S. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth certificate .
`` Some people say that was not his birth certificate . ''
Birtherism is in the DNA of Trump 's political rise .
From Obama , to his 2016 primary opponent Ted Cruz .
`` You know based on things that I 've learned over the last few days , many lawyers are coming out saying he does n't even have a right to run , '' Trump said of Cruz .
During the same campaign , he briefly toyed with the idea that Sen. Marco Rubio , whose parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run , before moving on .
Trump always uses the same arms-length , 'just asking questions ' formula to inject conspiracies into the American bloodstream .
On CBS this Friday , Jared Kushner , Trump son-in-law and top adviser , went to a defense Trump allies use regularly .
`` He just said that he had no idea whether that 's right or wrong , '' said Kushner .
`` I do n't see that as promoting it .
But , look at the end of the day , it 's something that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out there , circulating , with an air of suspicion , would seem to be the goal .
`` If Republicans and Trump decide to go after Harris instead of Biden and say that she 's the Biden whisperer from the left , there is the substance there for them to do so , '' said Heye , who wrote about the birther conspiracy on CNN 's website and said Republicans should condemn it .
`` And just like there was plenty of substance for Trump to go after Obama , these are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It almost is his safe space . ''
The Trump campaign has struggled to settle on a message attacking Harris that really sticks , much as they have toiled unsuccessfully to Truly hurt Biden , said Renteria .
So , she says , the birther stuff , is is a way for Trump to signal to his base that America is changing , and that they should be afraid .
`` You know the energy that you 've seen of women of color of breaking barriers , sons and daughters , a daughter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` he 's immediately trying to strip that down and say that 's not American . ''

Trump's Racist 'Birther' Attacks On Harris Are A Return To Familiar Territory
Enlarge this image toggle caption Patrick Semansky/AP Patrick Semansky/AP
Twenty-four hours after entertaining and amplifying a false and racist birther conspiracy aimed at Sen. Kamala Harris, President Trump had an opportunity to correct the record. He didn't. Neither did his son-in-law and top adviser Jared Kushner.
For Trump, this is a return to familiar territory.
"Unfortunately, this might have been inevitable," said Doug Heye, a former Republican National Committee communications director.
He said that when former Vice President Joe Biden first picked Harris as his running mate, he saw tweets from Democrats saying: "Here comes the racism and sexism." Heye says he rolled his eyes recalling Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin being mocked as "Caribou Barbie."
But then, Trump went there, with Harris.
"The problem with that is, [the Democrats] weren't wrong and they weren't wrong because this is where Trump went and Trump supporters went immediately," Heye said.
Heye argues it's not a good strategy but says Trump is likely returning to it because he's down in the polls and the American public is worried about the coronavirus and overwhelmingly disapproves of the president's handling of the crisis.
"This is an old playbook," said Amanda Renteria, who was political director for Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign.
The official response from the Trump campaign was to criticize Harris as a "radical" and "phony." That's the script campaign surrogates stuck to during a call with reporters earlier this week.
"You know, today we are talking about Joe Biden's new running mate, Kamala Harris, or as we know her, Phony Kamala," said Stacy Washington, a Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board member, mispronouncing the senator's first name.
Washington pointed to Harris' co-sponsorship of Bernie Sanders' "Medicare for All" bill and general support of the Green New Deal.
"It couldn't be clearer that with this VP pick, the extreme liberal takeover of Joe Biden is complete. You don't have to take our word for it," Washington said. "Just look at the record of Joe Biden's new handler."
The language was colorful, but the focus was ostensibly on policy. Trump, though, immediately went more personal, describing Harris as a "mad woman," "disrespectful," "nasty" and "angry," playing into the old racist and sexist trope of the angry black woman.
Trump Calls Harris 'Nasty,' Claims He Will Win Vote Of Suburban Women Trump Calls Harris 'Nasty,' Claims He Will Win Vote Of Suburban Women Listen · 10:54 10:54
On Thursday, given the opportunity to reject a birther conspiracy making the rounds on the Internet, Trump threw fuel on it.
"I heard it today, that she doesn't meet the requirements," Trump said when asked at a White House press briefing about a Newsweek opinion piece suggesting Harris' immigrant parents mean she shouldn't qualify to be vice president or president. "And by the way, the lawyer that wrote that piece is a very highly qualified, very talented lawyer."
There is no question. Harris was born in Oakland, Calif. Yes, her father was an immigrant from Jamaica, her mother from India. But Harris is just as much a natural-born American as Trump, whose own mother emigrated from Scotland. And so as he often does, Trump did add a dose of plausible deniability.
"I have no idea if that's right," Trump said. "I would have assumed the Democrats would have checked out before she gets chosen to run for vice president."
This has echoes of language he has used in the past when pushing forward birther conspiracies about Barack Obama.
"I have no idea," Trump said in a 2013 ABC interview of whether Obama was born in the U.S., even after the president had released his birth certificate. "Some people say that was not his birth certificate."
Birtherism is in the DNA of Trump's political rise — from Obama to his 2016 primary opponent Ted Cruz.
"You know based on things that I've learned over the last few days, many lawyers are coming out saying he doesn't even have a right to run," Trump said of Cruz.
During the same campaign, he briefly toyed with the idea that Sen. Marco Rubio, whose parents are Cuban may not be allowed to run, before moving on.
Trump always uses the same arm's-length, "just asking questions" formula to inject conspiracies into the American bloodstream. On CBS this Friday, Kushner, Trump son-in-law and top adviser, went to a defense Trump allies use regularly.
"He just said that he had no idea whether that's right or wrong," said Kushner. "I don't see that as promoting it. But look, at the end of the day, it's something that's out there."
Having it out there, circulating, with an air of suspicion, would seem to be the goal.
"If Republicans and Trump decide to go after Harris instead of Biden and say that she's the Biden whisperer from the left, there is the substance there for them to do so," said Heye, who wrote about the birther conspiracy on CNN's website and said Republicans should condemn it. "And just like there was plenty of substance for Trump to go after Obama, these are the places he goes back to. It almost is his safe space."
The Trump campaign has struggled to settle on a message attacking Harris that really sticks, much as they have toiled unsuccessfully to truly hurt Biden, said Renteria. So, she says, the birther stuff, is a way for Trump to signal to his base that America is changing and that they should be afraid.
"You know the energy that you've seen of women of color of breaking barriers, sons and daughters, a daughter of an immigrant," Renteria said, "he's immediately trying to strip that down and say that's not American."


npr--2020-08-15--Biden Faces A Convention Test, To Offer A Vision Beyond Beating Trump

In a recent campaign ad , Joe Biden is behind the wheel of a 1967 Corvette Stingray , in his trademark aviator sunglasses .
`` I love this car , nothing but incredible memories .
Every time I get in , I think of my dad and Beau , '' Biden says , referring to his late son .
`` God , could my dad drive a car . ''
It 's pure nostalgia .
But then Biden pivots to his pitch to restore American manufacturing .
`` They 're making an electric Corvette and it can go 200 miles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` You think I 'm kidding — I 'm not kidding .
So , I 'm excited about it . ''
It lines up with the vision for the future being laid out by the 77-year old Biden , the ultimate retro politician , a middle of the road Democrat who talks about the good old days , now embracing some of the most progressive ideas of his party .
How Biden , his running mate California Sen. Kamala Harris and other Democrats lay out this vision in their virtual convention over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are won by the candidate who presents the most compelling vision for the future , and the convention is an opportunity for Biden and Harris to convince voters not just that President Trump has failed today , but that Democrats will make Americans ' lives safer and more prosperous tomorrow .
Biden 's vision is a combination of old and new , according to Sen. Mark Warner , D-Va. , a campaign surrogate .
`` Let 's take the best of what our country is , that proud manufacturing tradition , that notion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shot no matter where you live , '' Warner said .
`` Let 's marry it with a vision for the future that says we can build the autos of the future that will also save our planet . ''
Biden calls his vision `` Build Back Better , '' and it includes big investments in the public health system , green infrastructure and American manufacturing , paid for with higher taxes on corporations and the wealthy .
He says he 'll be tougher on Wall Street — a change from the Obama-Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any prosecution of senior Wall Street bankers after the financial crisis that triggered the Great Recession .
He also wants to expand Obamacare with a public option , as well as address systemic racism in policing , home ownership and federal contracting .
Many of Biden 's plans are long standing Democratic Party goals , but they 've been adapted to address racial inequities and climate change .
`` When Donald Trump thinks about climate change , the only word he can muster is 'hoax . '
When I think about climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'jobs , ' '' Biden said last month .
`` Good paying , union jobs that will put Americans to work making the air cleaner for our kids to breathe , restoring our crumbling roads and bridges and ports , making it faster , cheaper and cleaner to transport American-made goods all across the country and around the world . ''
The rap on Biden for most of the year was that he was the candidate of restoration , looking to return to the good old Obama days .
Then the pandemic happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country was forced to confront systemic racism .
All of a sudden , Biden , as the head of the party that believes in activist government , was given a new opportunity to recast his agenda with a forward-looking vision of what government should do .
`` The thing about the American people is , we really do n't like government as a concept .
We do love government , however , when there 's an emergency , '' said Elaine Kamarck , a member of the Democratic National Committee who ran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Clinton White House .
`` So , whenever there 's an emergency , the first question is where 's the government ?
And the first criticism is the government did n't do enough or the government screwed this up . ''
That is the core of Biden 's argument : Donald Trump thinks government is a swamp , while Joe Biden thinks government can be a solution to America 's ills .
`` The pandemic and our response to it , as well as the Floyd events , have really shown us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We do n't actually think of ourselves as all in it together , '' said professor Danielle Allen , a political theorist and director of Harvard 's Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics .
Allen was skeptical at first that Biden could have a vision for the future , but no more : `` I do think the Biden campaign has laid out a vision that is about pulling us all together and that does focus on the key elements that we need in order to restore a healthy , strong social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the objectives of saving lives , securing livelihoods , protecting liberties . ''
But others are not convinced yet that Biden 's vision of the future is compelling enough to get the voters he needs to turn out in large numbers this fall .
`` It 's not everything that we would want , but we think he has the potential , '' said Rev .
William Barber , co-chair of the Poor People 's Campaign .
He 's trying to motivate millions of low-income people to vote , and he says that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explains his vision for the future at the convention .
Barber has advice for how Biden should do that : `` Push the issues that would cause people to see , if I vote , I will get a living wage .
If I vote , there will be health care for me and my children .
If I vote , the candidates will deal with the issues of ecological devastation .
If I vote , somebody would deal with this racist voter suppression that 's not only hurting Black people , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Latino and poor white people , as well . ''

Biden Faces A Convention Test, To Offer A Vision Beyond Beating Trump
Enlarge this image toggle caption Drew Angerer/Getty Images Drew Angerer/Getty Images
In a recent campaign ad, Joe Biden is behind the wheel of a 1967 Corvette Stingray, in his trademark aviator sunglasses.
"I love this car, nothing but incredible memories. Every time I get in, I think of my dad and Beau," Biden says, referring to his late son. "God, could my dad drive a car."
It's pure nostalgia. But then Biden pivots to his pitch to restore American manufacturing.
"They're making an electric Corvette and it can go 200 miles an hour," Biden says. "You think I'm kidding — I'm not kidding. So, I'm excited about it."
It lines up with the vision for the future being laid out by the 77-year-old Biden, the ultimate retro politician, a middle of the road Democrat who talks about the good old days, now embracing some of the most progressive ideas of his party. How Biden, his running mate California Sen. Kamala Harris and other Democrats lay out this vision in their virtual convention over the next week is important.
Presidential elections are won by the candidate who presents the most compelling vision for the future, and the convention is an opportunity for Biden and Harris to convince voters not just that President Trump has failed today, but that Democrats will make Americans' lives safer and more prosperous tomorrow.
Biden's vision is a combination of old and new, according to Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., a campaign surrogate.
"Let's take the best of what our country is, that proud manufacturing tradition, that notion that you ought to have a fair shot no matter where you live," Warner said. "Let's marry it with a vision for the future that says we can build the autos of the future that will also save our planet."
Biden calls his vision "Build Back Better," and it includes big investments in the public health system, green infrastructure and American manufacturing, paid for with higher taxes on corporations and the wealthy. He says he'll be tougher on Wall Street — a change from the Obama-Biden administration, criticized for the lack of any prosecution of senior Wall Street bankers after the financial crisis that triggered the Great Recession. He also wants to expand Obamacare with a public option, as well as address systemic racism in policing, homeownership and federal contracting.
Many of Biden's plans are longstanding Democratic Party goals, but they've been adapted to address racial inequities and climate change.
"When Donald Trump thinks about climate change, the only word he can muster is 'hoax.' When I think about climate change, the word I think of is 'jobs,' " Biden said last month. "Good-paying union jobs that will put Americans to work making the air cleaner for our kids to breathe, restoring our crumbling roads and bridges and ports, making it faster, cheaper and cleaner to transport American-made goods all across the country and around the world."
The rap on Biden for most of the year was that he was the candidate of restoration, looking to return to the good old Obama days. Then the pandemic happened, George Floyd was killed, and the country was forced to confront systemic racism. All of a sudden, Biden, as the head of the party that believes in activist government, was given a new opportunity to recast his agenda with a forward-looking vision of what government should do.
"The thing about the American people is, we really don't like government as a concept. We do love government, however, when there's an emergency," said Elaine Kamarck, a member of the Democratic National Committee who ran a program tasked with reinventing government in the Clinton White House. "So, whenever there's an emergency, the first question is, where's the government? And the first criticism is the government didn't do enough or the government screwed this up."
That is the core of Biden's argument: Donald Trump thinks government is a swamp, while Joe Biden thinks government can be a solution to America's ills.
"The pandemic and our response to it, as well as the Floyd events, have really shown us just how ruptured our social contract is. We don't actually think of ourselves as all in it together," said professor Danielle Allen, a political theorist and director of Harvard's Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics.
Allen was skeptical at first that Biden could have a vision for the future, but no more: "I do think the Biden campaign has laid out a vision that is about pulling us all together and that does focus on the key elements that we need in order to restore a healthy, strong social contract. Where we're pursuing simultaneously the objectives of saving lives, securing livelihoods, protecting liberties."
But others are not convinced yet that Biden's vision of the future is compelling enough to get the voters he needs to turn out in large numbers this fall.
"It's not everything that we would want, but we think he has the potential," said the Rev. William Barber, co-chair of the Poor People's Campaign. He's trying to motivate millions of low-income people to vote, and he says that will depend a lot on how Biden explains his vision for the future at the convention.
Barber has advice for how Biden should do that: "Push the issues that would cause people to see, if I vote, I will get a living wage. If I vote, there will be health care for me and my children. If I vote, the candidates will deal with the issues of ecological devastation. If I vote, somebody would deal with this racist voter suppression that's not only hurting Black people, but it also ends up suppressing the votes of Latino and poor white people, as well."


npr--2020-08-15--Can Testing Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week Prevent Campus Outbreaks?

Can Testing Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week Prevent Campus Outbreaks ?
As students return to the campus of University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign this month , they will be tested for COVID-19 .
And , then they 'll be tested , again .
`` We are requiring testing two times per week for access to campus facilities .
This is for students , faculty , and staff , '' explains Rebecca Lee Smith , an associate professor of epidemiology .
The university is one of several starting ambitious testing regimes — several using proprietary testing technology — as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to campus .
The University of Illinois is using a saliva-based test developed by a research team on campus .
Students will get the results within hours .
And their first test upon arrival will serve as an `` entry test '' , to ensure they 're healthy when returning to campus '' Those living in the dorms will be tested at check-in .
Others are asked to come to a testing location as soon as possible , '' Smith says .
This testing strategy is based on the latest evidence that frequent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Fast and frequent , that 's absolutely the key , '' says Martin Burke , a professor of chemistry at Urbana-Champaign , who helped develop the saliva-based test .
Not only is it less invasive to collect a saliva sample , compared to doing a nasal swab , Burke and his collaborators have developed a streamlined process in the laboratory that leads to faster results , about 3 to 6 hours on average .
This is critical , Burke says , because that way the campus `` can quickly isolate individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or regular testing regime is by no means the norm .
Many colleges are planning on holding classes online only this fall ; others are planning a single entry test before the semester starts ; others will do n't require any asymptomatic testing .
But some campuses are betting on biweekly testing , using a new generation of faster tests .
And , why two tests per week ?
Coronavirus diagnostic tests tend to catch people only during a short window when they 're most infectious .
So , a newly infected person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken too early , before the virus has begun to replicate in their body .
But , if they 're tested again a few days later , the virus would likely be detected .
`` So , by testing frequently the chances of catching that person when their viral load goes up is very high , '' Burke says .
Some researchers say it 's time for colleges to embrace testing .
`` The case for frequency is quite strong now , '' says Rochelle Walensky , an infectious disease physician and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Testing is such a major component of what could be done to get us to a better place on college campuses , and it 's being completely underutilized right now , '' she says .
As part of a recent study published in JAMA Network Open , Walensky and her collaborators modeled different scenarios for safely re-opening campuses .
They found that simply asking students to report symptoms would not be sufficient .
`` We ran thousands of scenarios in our model and we failed to find even one plausible circumstance under which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to emerge would be sufficient to contain an outbreak , '' says Walensky 's co-author , David Paltiel a professor of public health at Yale School of Medicine .
The reason : `` There 's just so much silent spreading , '' Paltiel says .
A recent analysis published in PNAS found that silent disease transmission during the presymptomatic and asymptomatic stages are responsible for the majority of cases .
Paltiel and Walensky 's paper concludes that , in conjunction with social distancing and masking , frequent testing of all students might be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conclude that `` low sensitivity '' tests which can produce more false negatives are acceptable .
`` You can capture a vast majority of the cases in a very short time by repeatedly testing , '' Paltiel says .
He says resistance to faster , less sensitive tests is a mistake .
`` The frequency makes up for a world of blemishes with regard to the accuracy of the test , '' he says .
Despite the growing call for more testing on campuses , currently , the CDC does not recommend `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students .
Paltiel says this guidance could be dangerous .
`` It is baffling to me that the CDC has failed to update its guidance , in light of the accumulating evidence that `` silent spreaders '' are fueling outbreaks , '' he says .
The CDC guidance says that entry tests have not been systematically studied .
`` A lack of evidence is not the same thing as evidence of a lack of effectiveness , '' says physician Aaron Carroll , a professor at Indiana University School of Medicine .
`` From @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we identify and isolate is better than not . ''
He argues entry testing , especially for on-campus students , '' combined with a robust program of ongoing , regular testing of as many people as possible , seems like a good idea . ''
The CDC 's guidance on campus testing was last updated in late June .
Now , as the evidence continues to evolve , a spokesperson for the agency tells NPR they will re-evaluate the guidance in light of the new research .
`` CDC will incorporate this [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body of scientific evidence to date regarding entry testing for college students and will continue to evaluate the guidance , '' a spokesperson wrote in an email .
The agency points to many factors to consider including `` limited availability of dedicated resources and the logistics needed to conduct broad testing '' on campuses .
It 's true that with current testing technology and supply chain shortages , many campuses would n't be able to run frequent tests for all students .
And the types of rapid saliva tests some colleges have developed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Illinois is currently seeking emergency use authorization from the FDA for its proprietary test , and Yale University is seeking authorization for a very similar test .
Researchers at these institutions say the challenge has been to develop a test that wo n't be subject to supply chain snags — and can deliver results faster and cheaper .
They say they 've found a way of working around a time-consuming step in the lab analysis of samples , by using heat to `` break open '' the virus .
`` We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' says Nathan Grubaugh , an assistant professor of epidemiology at Yale School of Medicine .
`` You lose the most expensive step and the most time-consuming . ''
The new technique cuts down significantly the amount of skilled labor required , both in sample collection and lab processing , he says .
If approved , these tests could become more widespread fairly quickly , as commercial labs may begin to license them .
Meanwhile , Carroll says his school , Indiana University , is ramping up its surveillance and screening using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tests .
`` We are testing all on-campus students in all our campuses using antigen testing on arrival , '' he explains , and the school is developing plans for ongoing testing .
An antigen test , which can detect proteins from the virus , can pick up active infections and provide results in less than an hour .
The FDA says these are reliable if results are positive but negative results `` may need to be confirmed with a molecular test . ''
And around the country , campuses continue to adjust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phasing in new testing protocols : Starting Aug. 16 students living on campus dorms and housing will be tested three times a week .
Students living on campus at Brandeis University will be tested two times per week ( every three or four days ) .
By comparison , at the University of Georgia , which typically enrolls about 30,000 undergraduates , asymptomatic testing is voluntary , and the university says it plans to conduct about 300 tests per day .

To Keep Campuses Safe, Some Colleges To Test Students For Coronavirus Twice A Week
Enlarge this image toggle caption Sean Rayford/Getty Images Sean Rayford/Getty Images
Updated 4:10 p.m. ET
As students return to the campus of University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign this month, they will be tested for COVID-19. And, then they'll be tested, again.
"We are requiring testing two times per week for access to campus facilities. This is for students, faculty, and staff," explains Rebecca Lee Smith, an associate professor of epidemiology.
The university is one of several starting ambitious testing regimes as a means to enable students to safely return to campus.
The University of Illinois is using a saliva-based test developed by a research team on campus. Students will get the results within hours. And their first test upon arrival will serve as an "entry test", to ensure they're healthy when returning to campus
"Those living in the dorms will be tested at check-in. Others are asked to come to a testing location as soon as possible," Smith says.
This testing strategy is based on the latest evidence that frequent testing can help prevent outbreaks on campuses.
"Fast and frequent, that's absolutely the key," says Martin Burke, a professor of chemistry at Urbana-Champaign, who helped develop the saliva-based test. Not only is it less invasive to collect a saliva sample, compared to doing a nasal swab, Burke and his collaborators have developed a streamlined process in the laboratory that leads to faster results, about 3 to 6 hours on average.
This is critical, Burke says, because that way the campus "can quickly isolate individuals who tested positive."
This kind or regular testing regime is by no means the norm. Many colleges are planning on holding classes online only this fall; others are planning a single entry test before the semester starts; others will don't require any asymptomatic testing. But some campuses are betting on biweekly testing, using a new generation of faster tests.
And, why two tests per week? Coronavirus diagnostic tests tend to catch people only during a short window when they're most infectious. So, a newly infected person may test negative if the sample is taken too early, before the virus has begun to replicate in their body. But, if they're tested again a few days later, the virus would likely be detected.
"So, by testing frequently the chances of catching that person when their viral load goes up is very high," Burke says.
Some researchers say it's time for colleges to embrace testing. "The case for frequency is quite strong now," says Rochelle Walensky, an infectious disease physician and a professor at Harvard Medical School. "Testing is such a major component of what could be done to get us to a better place on college campuses, and it's being completely underutilized right now,"she says.
As part of a recent study published in JAMA Network Open, Walensky and her collaborators modeled different scenarios for safely re-opening campuses. They found that simply asking students to report symptoms would not be sufficient.
"We ran thousands of scenarios in our model and we failed to find even one plausible circumstance under which a strategy of simply waiting for symptoms to emerge would be sufficient to contain an outbreak," says Walensky's co-author, David Paltiel a professor of public health at Yale School of Medicine.
The reason: "There's just so much silent spreading," Paltiel says. A recent analysis published in PNAS found that silent disease transmission during the presymptomatic and asymptomatic stages are responsible for the majority of cases.
Paltiel and Walensky's paper concludes that, in conjunction with social distancing and masking, frequent testing of all students might be required to control outbreaks. And they conclude that "low sensitivity" tests which can produce more false negatives are acceptable.
"You can capture a vast majority of the cases in a very short time by repeatedly testing," Paltiel says. He says resistance to faster, less sensitive tests is a mistake. "The frequency makes up for a world of blemishes with regard to the accuracy of the test," he says.
Despite the growing call for more testing on campuses, currently, the CDC does not recommend "entry" testing for all returning college students.
Paltiel says this guidance could be dangerous. "It is baffling to me that the CDC has failed to update its guidance, in light of the accumulating evidence that "silent spreaders" are fueling outbreaks," he says.
The CDC guidance says that entry tests have not been systematically studied.
"A lack of evidence is not the same thing as evidence of a lack of effectiveness," says physician Aaron Carroll, a professor at Indiana University School of Medicine. "From a public health perspective, every case we identify and isolate is better than not." He argues entry testing, especially for on-campus students,"combined with a robust program of ongoing, regular testing of as many people as possible, seems like a good idea."
The CDC's guidance on campus testing was last updated in late June. Now, as the evidence continues to evolve, a spokesperson for the agency tells NPR they will re-evaluate the guidance in light of the new research. "CDC will incorporate this [JAMA Network Open] study into the body of scientific evidence to date regarding entry testing for college students and will continue to evaluate the guidance," a spokesperson wrote in an email.
The agency points to many factors to consider including "limited availability of dedicated resources and the logistics needed to conduct broad testing" on campuses.
It's true that with current testing technology and supply chain shortages, many campuses wouldn't be able to run frequent tests for all students.
And the types of rapid saliva tests some colleges have developed are not yet on the market. University of Illinois is currently seeking emergency use authorization from the FDA for its proprietary test, and Yale University received that authorization Saturday for a very similar test. This authorization means other diagnostic labs may now start to use the test.
Researchers at these institutions say the challenge has been to develop a test that won't be subject to supply chain snags — and can deliver results faster and cheaper. They say they've found a way of working around a time-consuming step in the lab analysis of samples, by using heat to "break open" the virus.
"We get rid of the most cumbersome step," says Nathan Grubaugh, an assistant professor of epidemiology at Yale School of Medicine. "You lose the most expensive step and the most time-consuming."
The new technique cuts down significantly the amount of skilled labor required, both in sample collection and lab processing, he says. If approved, these tests could become more widespread fairly quickly, as commercial labs may begin to license them.
Meanwhile, Carroll says his school, Indiana University, is ramping up its surveillance and screening using a combination of saliva tests and antigen tests. "We are testing all on-campus students in all our campuses using antigen testing on arrival," he explains, and the school is developing plans for ongoing testing.
An antigen test, which can detect proteins from the virus, can pick up active infections and provide results in less than an hour. The FDA says these are reliable if results are positive but negative results "may need to be confirmed with a molecular test."
And around the country, campuses continue to adjust their testing plans. Harvard University is phasing in new testing protocols: Starting Aug. 16 students living on campus dorms and housing will be tested three times a week. Students living on campus at Brandeis University will be tested two times per week (every three or four days).
By comparison, at the University of Georgia, which typically enrolls about 30,000 undergraduates, asymptomatic testing is voluntary, and the university says it plans to conduct about 300 tests per day.


npr--2020-08-15--Need A Laptop? Colleges Boost Loaner Programs Amid Pandemic

When the pandemic hit the state of Washington , it took Patricia Lopez 's job as a medical assistant with it .
Not having a college degree made it especially hard to find a new job , as so many employers were making cuts and tightening budgets .
Lopez applied for unemployment benefits — she 'd need money to support her two kids and her mother , who lives with her — and signed up for classes at the local community college .
`` Everything happens for a reason , '' she told me .
She saw the misfortune as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no better time to finally get her associate 's degree .
She could spend her time without a job trying to set up a better financial future for her and her children .
Since she did n't have a computer or Internet at home , she signed up for classes on her iPhone .
We 've long known there 's a digital divide in America .
The pandemic , which has forced the country to jump headfirst into an immersive , all-encompassing digital existence — is only exacerbating it .
Most of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but college students get stuck in this disconnected abyss too .
Research shows 10 percent of the nation 's college students — that 's about 2 million people — do n't have access to a laptop for school .
And , that number may be much higher now as so many families are sharing devices to work remotely or to keep younger children in virtual school .
The lack of connectivity is disproportionate when it comes to non-white communities : 37 % of Latino families either have no broadband Internet at home , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When Patricia Lopez signed up for classes back in March , her plan was to rely on Everett Community College 's library to use a computer and access the Internet .
She imagined she 'd spend time there after class , studying and writing up assignments .
Then the campus closed due to the pandemic and her classes shifted to strictly virtual .
Her library plans `` went out the window . ''
Her daughter 's school offered free and discounted home Internet and a friend offered her an old iPad .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she says , but it was n't so great for her academics .
`` Anything that had to do with typing I would dread , '' explains Lopez .
`` Having to punch in every word with my finger , it does not work . ''
As more and more colleges announce partial or completely virtual fall semesters , having a computer and reliable Internet is crucial .
`` A lot of people still felt laptops were a luxury as opposed to a must-have , '' says Tim Rager , who leads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ College .
`` Now we 're realizing it 's really a must have . ''
The northwest Washington community college , like many schools , had long had a laptop loaner program , where students could check out a computer for a few hours , like a library book .
They had about 50 devices on hand .
But when classes went virtual , they switched from short-term rentals to longer-term rentals .
And they were inundated with requests .
`` So all of a sudden , 'OK , wait !
We 've @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remembers Rager .
Fifty laptops was not enough .
So he and his team purchased 400 more .
Rager thought that was enough .
He was wrong .
`` That initial four hundred were just gone .
They were just gobbled up . ''
So they ordered another 700 .
Several college IT professionals shared similar stories .
Colleges across the country have been amassing as many computers as the market will allow — so they can lend them out to students .
At the University of Southern California , Joe Way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hundreds of additional devices for the school 's laptop loaner program in the days following the university 's shift to online .
`` As the need grows , we do n't want to just keep buying more computers , because then what happens when there is a vaccine , and now we 're stuck with 600 computers that we have nothing to do with , '' he told me in July .
Instead , the school brought in a separate company to manage a long-term laptop loaner program for students .
For those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the college foots the bill , but another company provides the computer and delivers it to the student .
Before the pandemic , Mark Aistrope ran a successful business providing technology for events and meetings , that included occasionally renting devices , like an iPad , to have during the events .
Over the last five months , the events space has n't been as lucrative as it once was , so Aistrope 's company , called Meeting Tomorrow , made an essential pivot : They went all in on those device rentals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in demand for devices , and universities and K-12 schools were a huge market for us , `` explains Aistrope .
The company mostly acquires and distributes refurbished laptops and Chromebooks , sourcing them from corporations or other suppliers that have retired them .
To date , they work with about two dozen universities , but Aistrope anticipates that number to go up as more and more schools start mostly online fall semesters .
`` There are still some schools kind of waiting , trying to buy time before they put in big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he says .
He gets it .
But he 's also worried about the limited supply of devices , amid the surge in demand .
`` If colleges wait longer and longer , it becomes more and more challenging.They 're not going to be able to actually procure the devices . ''
How to pay for it Purchasing hundreds — or thousands — of laptops can be expensive , at a time when colleges are hurting financially from budget cuts , reduced state spending and missed revenue from housing and tuition .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ student , sometimes referred to as a 1 to 1 model , were abandoned years later due to costs and upkeep .
One idea on how to pay for laptops is to adjust a student 's financial aid package to cover it .
A school , through its financial aid office , can require laptops and Internet access the same way it includes textbooks in the cost of attendance , or COA , thereby allowing students to use federal student aid to cover the costs .
`` They could do this tomorrow , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and higher education expert who wrote an op-ed on the idea .
`` If schools can not pay for the tech directly , this is the fastest available option for increasing access . ''
Even for schools attempting in-person semesters , access to a laptop can ensure they do n't fall behind if they have to quarantine or isolate due to positive COVID tests .
At Benedict College , a small historically black college in South Carolina , officials estimate that about 24 % of their student body do not have laptops .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ semester , with most of the students already moved in .
Even though classes wo n't be primarily online , the school has purchased laptops for students and plans to distribute them on campus next week .
`` COVID-19 has certainly caused us to really look deeply at our demographic , '' says Roslyn Clark Artis , the college 's president .
`` We thought we were already doing that , '' she added .
`` But it has certainly taught us that there are challenges our students face that we either have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not appreciate . ''
In Washington State , Patricia Lopez , who had been trying to use her iPad for school , signed up to get one of those rentable laptops that Everett Community College had .
When she took her new Chromebook home , her daughter , Yamely , who 'd recently been issued her own Chromebook from school , showed her how to use it .
Lopez recalls getting frustrated when she could n't figure out how to copy and paste .
Yamely was quick to instruct : `` She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just pushing this ' '' recalls Lopez .
`` And then she just started moving the whole thing , and I 'm like , 'Whoa , hold on !
You got to slow down for me . '
`` Lopez eventually learned keyboard shortcuts ; her favorite is Control - Z , which lets you undo something .
`` It 's the simple things , '' she says , `` anything I 'm doing is just easier now . ''
Especially that 1,000 word essay she just finished .
Looking back , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought she 'd be successful without a computer at home .

Need A Laptop? Colleges Boost Loaner Programs Amid Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jovelle Tamayo for NPR Jovelle Tamayo for NPR
When the pandemic hit the state of Washington, it took Patricia Lopez's job as a medical assistant with it. Not having a college degree made it especially hard to find a new job, as so many employers were making cuts and tightening budgets.
Lopez applied for unemployment benefits — she'd need money to support her two kids and her mother, who lives with her — and signed up for classes at the local community college.
"Everything happens for a reason," she told me. She saw the misfortune as an opportunity, and felt there was no better time to finally get her associate's degree. She could spend her time without a job trying to set up a better financial future for her and her children.
Since she didn't have a computer or Internet at home, she signed up for classes on her iPhone.
We've long known there's a digital divide in America. The pandemic, which has forced the country to jump headfirst into an immersive, all-encompassing digital existence — is only exacerbating it. Most of the discussions focus on elementary school children, but college students get stuck in this disconnected abyss too. Research shows 10 percent of the nation's college students — that's about 2 million people — don't have access to a laptop for school.
toggle caption Jovelle Tamayo for NPR
And, that number may be much higher now as so many families are sharing devices to work remotely or to keep younger children in virtual school. The lack of connectivity is disproportionate when it comes to non-white communities: 37% of Latino families either have no broadband Internet at home, or are connected only through a smartphone.
When Patricia Lopez signed up for classes back in March, her plan was to rely on Everett Community College's library to use a computer and access the Internet. She imagined she'd spend time there after class, studying and writing up assignments. Then the campus closed due to the pandemic and her classes shifted to strictly virtual. Her library plans "went out the window."
Her daughter's school offered free and discounted home Internet and a friend gifted her an old iPad. The device was great for watching videos, she says, but it wasn't so great for her academics.
"Anything that had to do with typing I would dread," explains Lopez. "Having to punch in every word with my finger, it does not work."
As more and more colleges announce partial or completely virtual fall semesters, having a computer and reliable Internet is crucial.
"A lot of people still felt laptops were a luxury as opposed to a must-have," says Tim Rager, who leads the Information Technology department at Everett Community College. "Now we're realizing it's really a must have."
The northwest Washington community college, like many schools, had long had a laptop loaner program, where students could check out a computer for a few hours, like a library book. They had about 50 devices on hand.
But when classes went virtual, they switched from short-term rentals to longer-term rentals. And they were inundated with requests.
"So all of a sudden, 'OK, wait! We've got to expand this,' " remembers Rager. Fifty laptops was not enough. So he and his team purchased 400 more. Rager thought that was enough. He was wrong. "That initial four hundred were just gone. They were just gobbled up." So they ordered another 700.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jovelle Tamayo for NPR Jovelle Tamayo for NPR
Several college IT professionals shared similar stories. Colleges across the country have been amassing as many computers as the market will allow — so they can lend them out to students. At the University of Southern California, Joe Way, who oversees classroom technology there, purchased hundreds of additional devices for the school's laptop loaner program in the days following the university's shift to online. "As the need grows, we don't want to just keep buying more computers, because then what happens when there is a vaccine, and now we're stuck with 600 computers that we have nothing to do with," he told me in July. Instead, the school brought in a separate company to manage a long-term laptop loaner program for students. For those who pass the student needs assessment, the college foots the bill, but another company provides the computer and delivers it to the student.
Pivoting the business
Before the pandemic, Mark Aistrope ran a successful business providing technology for events and meetings, that included occasionally renting devices, like an iPad, to have during the events. Over the last five months, the events space hasn't been as lucrative as it once was, so Aistrope's company, called Meeting Tomorrow, made an essential pivot: They went all in on those device rentals. "There's a huge surge in demand for devices, and universities and K-12 schools were a huge market for us, " explains Aistrope.
The company mostly acquires and distributes refurbished laptops and Chromebooks, sourcing them from corporations or other suppliers that have retired them. To date, they work with about two dozen universities, but Aistrope anticipates that number to go up as more and more schools start mostly online fall semesters. "There are still some schools kind of waiting, trying to buy time before they put in big investments in this kind of thing," he says. He gets it. But he's also worried about the limited supply of devices, amid the surge in demand. "If colleges wait longer and longer, it becomes more and more challenging.They're not going to be able to actually procure the devices."
How to pay for it
Purchasing hundreds — or thousands — of laptops can be expensive, at a time when colleges are hurting financially from budget cuts, reduced state spending and missed revenue from housing and tuition. Previous attempts to offer laptops to every student, sometimes referred to as a 1 to 1 model, were abandoned years later due to costs and upkeep.
One idea on how to pay for laptops is to adjust a student's financial aid package to cover it. A school, through its financial aid office, can require laptops and Internet access the same way it includes textbooks in the cost of attendance, or COA, thereby allowing students to use federal student aid to cover the costs.
"They could do this tomorrow," says Abigail Seldin, a philanthropist and higher education expert who wrote an op-ed on the idea. "If schools cannot pay for the tech directly, this is the fastest available option for increasing access."
Surfacing realities
Even for schools attempting in-person semesters, access to a laptop can ensure they don't fall behind if they have to quarantine or isolate due to positive COVID tests.
At Benedict College, a small historically black college in South Carolina, officials estimate that about 24% of their student body do not have laptops. The campus is open for the fall semester, with most of the students already moved in. Even though classes won't be primarily online, the school has purchased laptops for students and plans to distribute them on campus next week.
"COVID-19 has certainly caused us to really look deeply at our demographic," says Roslyn Clark Artis, the college's president. "We thought we were already doing that," she added. "But it has certainly taught us that there are challenges our students face that we either have become numb to, or perhaps truly did not appreciate."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jovelle Tamayo for NPR Jovelle Tamayo for NPR
In Washington State, Patricia Lopez, who had been trying to use her iPad for school, signed up to get one of those rentable laptops that Everett Community College had. When she took her new Chromebook home, her daughter, Yamely, who'd recently been issued her own Chromebook from school, showed her how to use it.
Lopez recalls getting frustrated when she couldn't figure out how to copy and paste. Yamely was quick to instruct: "She was like, 'Mommmmm! You're just pushing this'" recalls Lopez. "And then she just started moving the whole thing, and I'm like, 'Whoa, hold on! You got to slow down for me.' "
Lopez eventually learned keyboard shortcuts; her favorite is Control - Z, which lets you undo something. "It's the simple things," she says, "anything I'm doing is just easier now." Especially that 1,000 word essay she just finished. Looking back, she says, she can't believe she thought she'd be successful without a computer at home.


npr--2020-08-15--The Democratic National Convention Starts Monday. Here's What You Need To Know

The Democratic National Convention Starts Monday .
Here 's What You Need To Know The next phase of the presidential election starts Monday with the launch of the Democratic National Convention .
While the quadrennial event usually attracts tens of thousands of people to the host city , which this year is Milwaukee , Wis. , the coronavirus has erased the possibility of a traditional series of events .
The pandemic has prompted DNC leaders to assemble a scaled-down , virtual convention .
Much like the audience , prominent speakers will also tune in from their respective remote locations .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the presumptive Democratic nominee , who now will accept the nomination near his home in Delaware .
The convention will take place from Monday , August 17 through Thursday , August 20 , and will broadcast from 9 pm to 11 pm ET .
According to the DNC , each night of the convention will feature `` both live and curated content originating from Milwaukee and other satellite cities , locations and landmarks across the country . ''
Monday : The first night of the convention will address the `` series of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ongoing pandemic and economic recession as well as civil unrest bringing attention to racism and inequality in the country .
Speakers include : Former First Lady Michelle Obama , Sen. Bernie Sanders , Sen. Amy Klobuchar , and Gov .
Andrew Cuomo .
Tuesday : The presidential roll call vote will take place Tuesday night .
Unlike past conventions , this year each state and territory will deliver their votes remotely from different locations around the country , instead of together in a packed arena .
Tuesday night will also feature the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not been publicly announced .
Speakers include : Former Second Lady Jill Biden , Former President Bill Clinton , Sen. Chuck Schumer , and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
Wednesday : The convention will nominate California Sen. Kamala Harris for vice president on the third night .
Speakers include : Former President Barack Obama , Harris , Sen. Elizabeth Warren , former Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton , and Speaker Nancy Pelosi .
Thursday : Thursday night 's events and speeches will focus on Biden , culminating in the former vice president accepting the presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the convention ?
While delegates wo n't be physically present in Milwaukee , party business will occur remotely during the daytime , with caucus and council meetings scheduled throughout .
Democrats will also finalize the party 's platform , which was updated at the end of July and heavily influenced by the joint policy task forces spearheaded by the Biden and Sanders campaigns .
The convention also serves as an opportunity to update party rules , but the DNC has yet to release comprehensive information on any major changes .
In late July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling for the need to keep building on regulations put in place after 2016 concerning the minimized power of super delegates and a transition from caucuses to primaries .
How do I watch and listen to the convention ?
The DNC will be live streaming each night of the convention and provides a schedule of daytime and evening events .
Listen to NPR each night of the convention for special coverage and check out NPR.org for live analysis and fact-checking .
Also be sure to subscribe to The NPR Politics Podcast for a @ @ @

DNC Schedule: Here's What You Need To Know
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
Updated Aug. 17 at 12:31 p.m. ET
The next phase of the presidential election started Monday with the launch of the Democratic National Convention. While the quadrennial event usually attracts tens of thousands of people to the host city, which this year is Milwaukee, Wis., the coronavirus has erased the possibility of a traditional series of events.
The pandemic prompted DNC leaders to assemble a scaled-down, virtual convention. Much like the audience, prominent speakers are tuning in from their respective remote locations. That includes former Vice President Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee, who is set to accept the nomination near his home in Delaware.
The convention is taking place Monday through Thursday and will broadcast from 9 p.m. to 11 p.m. ET. According to the DNC, each night of the convention will feature "both live and curated content originating from Milwaukee and other satellite cities, locations and landmarks across the country."
Who's speaking and when?
Monday: The first night of the convention will address the "series of monumental challenges" facing Americans, notably the ongoing pandemic and economic recession as well as civil unrest bringing attention to racism and inequality in the country.
Speakers include: Former first lady Michelle Obama, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, former Ohio Gov. John Kasich (a Republican), Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo.
Democrats also announced that two other prominent Republicans, former New Jersey Gov. Christine Whitman and Quibi CEO Meg Whitman (no relation), will join the program.
Tuesday: The presidential roll call vote will take place Tuesday night. Unlike past conventions, this year each state and territory will deliver their votes remotely from different locations across the country, instead of from a packed arena.
Tuesday night will also include the convention keynote address, which this year will feature 17 "rising stars," as the party calls them, including onetime Georgia gubernatorial nominee Stacey Abrams and Pennsylvania Rep. Conor Lamb.
Other speakers include: Former second lady Jill Biden, former President Bill Clinton, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, former acting Attorney General Sally Yates and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Wednesday: The convention will nominate California Sen. Kamala Harris for vice president on the third night.
Speakers include: Former President Barack Obama, Harris, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, former Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
Thursday: Thursday night's events and speeches will focus on Biden, culminating in the former vice president accepting the presidential nomination.
Speakers include: Biden, Illinois Sen. Tammy Duckworth, New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker, former South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms, entrepreneur Andrew Yang and California Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Heading into the convention, there have been complaints from some progressive activists about the lack of Muslim speakers in prime time, as well as relatively few Latino speakers. The criticism swelled after former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg announced he would be speaking. Bloomberg is a billionaire former Republican who spent $1 billion of his own fortune on a short-lived Democratic presidential campaign and has pledged massive donations to Democrats to defeat Trump. His name was not added to the official DNC schedule as of Saturday.
In the primaries, both Latino and Muslim Democratic voters favored Sanders heavily, meaning those are demographic groups where Biden may need to shore up support heading into the fall.
What else will happen at the convention?
While delegates won't be physically present in Milwaukee, party business will occur remotely during the daytime, with caucus and council meetings scheduled throughout. Democrats will also finalize the party's platform, which was updated at the end of July and heavily influenced by the joint policy task forces spearheaded by the Biden and Sanders campaigns.
The convention also serves as an opportunity to update party rules, but the DNC has yet to release comprehensive information on any major changes. In late July, the rules committee released a resolution calling for the need to keep building on regulations put in place after 2016 concerning the minimized power of superdelegates and a transition from caucuses to primaries.
How do I watch and listen to the convention?
The DNC will be livestreaming each night of the convention and provides a schedule of daytime and evening events.
You can also watch the event and listen to special coverage at NPR.org/conventions, where we'll also have live analysis and fact-checking. Also be sure to subscribe to The NPR Politics Podcast for a post-convention recap.