npr--2020-09-15--Growing Demand For Wilderness Education May Widen Learning Inequality

A high school senior kneels in the forest duff , grasping a handmade bow .
He moves his arm back and forth , and a high-pitched squeaking sound ricochets through the woods .
Eight-year-old Asher Wool stands a few feet away .
He explains what this teenager is up to .
`` So , he 's rubbing the string against the spindle to make a coal that can make a fire , '' Asher says .
No matches .
No crumpled newspaper .
The teenager has worked for years to develop the skill of building a friction fire here at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ western Massachusetts .
`` We work with knives , we work with fire , we work with saws , we fell trees , we build shelters , we track animals , '' says director Frank Grindrod , who founded Earthwork more than 20 years ago .
Asher spent three weeks at Earthwork camp this summer , the kids all in masks and mostly keeping 6-feet apart .
And even though he 'll be in school this fall — `` We 're probably doing Zoom school , '' he says — he 'll also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day a week , participating in a program that was previously only available to homeschool kids .
His mom , Andrea Wool , says with the demands of remote schooling , her son is going to need every minute in the woods he can get .
`` It 's just a lot of time on a screen , '' Wool says .
`` And Asher 's a wiggly kid .
He likes to move . ''
Demand has surged for outdoor and wilderness programs , driven by parents desperate to get their kids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Numerous New England wilderness schools report they could double or triple their already increased programming and still have waitlists .
`` I think we 're entering the golden age of outdoor education , '' says Sam Stegeman , executive director of the Vermont Wilderness School .
`` Because of COVID , one of the silver linings is we 're finally getting huge numbers of American children outdoors during the school day . ''
But who gets to participate in wilderness education ?
Like the much-hyped learning pod phenomenon , the rush to secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become another example of the opportunity hoarding that leads to learning inequality .
David Brownstein is executive director of Wild Earth , a wilderness school in New York 's Hudson Valley .
He says for years he called his school accessible because of their generous financial aid program .
`` But it really did n't meet the needs of people who are like , ' I do n't have money for these kinds of things at all .
They 're not even on the menu of what 's possible for my family , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , Wild Earth began a collaboration serving the 2,200 public middle school students in the urban district of Kingston , N.Y .
The instructors took the kids on forest field trips , and they met the same kids on the school playground twice a week during recess .
The collaboration is especially meaningful to Zachary Jones , a Wild Earth program team leader .
Jones is Black and Asian — that 's rare in the world of wilderness education — and he was one of the few kids of color in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doing their programs 17 years ago , at age 9 .
`` Nature does n't care how much money , what your race is , all these things , '' Jones says .
`` It does n't care how cool you are , it does n't care [ about ] your social status in school .
It 's a level playing field . ''
Mary Beth Bonville , assistant superintendent of Kingston schools , says the forest field trips were a revelation to many Kinston middle schoolers .
`` We have students that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the woods before .
They did n't know certain insects , they did n't understand how to build a fire . ''
Bonville adds that there are numerous academic benefits to Kingston 's collaboration with Wild Earth .
`` We 've had teachers that have actually taken the programming from outside and brought it into their classroom , '' she says .
But ultimately , Bonville says , the benefits to Kingston students come down to the social and emotional support kids receive from Wild Earth staff .
However , COVID has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students on hold , at least for now .
Kingston — like most urban districts across the country — is starting the year remotely .
Field trips are canceled .
Recess does n't exist .
Instead , David Brownstein hopes Wild Earth will find other ways to meet kids ' needs for safe , structured outdoor play .
`` We may end up in a parking lot running games after the school day , '' Brownstein says .
`` And then , as soon as they 're done , we 're like , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run around together . '
'' Back in western Massachusetts , Andrea Wool — who already worked at home before the pandemic — says she knows it 's a privilege to be able to pull her son Asher out of remote school for a weekly day in the woods at Earthwork .
`` I have the flexibility and schedule to just be able to drive him out here , '' Wool says .
`` Not everybody can do that . ''
Asher himself is still working on firebuilding .
He kneels before a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a rock , using a survival tool called a ferro rod and striker to make a spark and set his tinder aflame .
Once a spark connects to the tinder and starts to glow , Earthwork instructor Michael Haynack picks up the bundle .
He coaches Asher on how to use a long , gentle breath to build the heat of the coal .
Suddenly the whole bundle comes alight in Haynack 's hand .
`` Nice , '' says Haynack .
`` I 'm sorry we dropped it pretty quick there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Asher says .
`` At least I got the flame ! ''
Asher 's pride is evident .
A little fire to help him make it through the rest of his week at Zoom school .

Growing Demand For Wilderness Education May Widen Learning Inequality
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ben James for NPR Ben James for NPR
A high school senior kneels in the forest duff, grasping a handmade bow. He moves his arm back and forth, and a high-pitched squeaking sound ricochets through the woods.
Eight-year-old Asher Wool stands a few feet away. He explains what this teenager is up to.
"So, he's rubbing the string against the spindle to make a coal that can make a fire," Asher says.
No matches. No crumpled newspaper. The teenager has worked for years to develop the skill of building a friction fire here at Earthwork, a wilderness school located in western Massachusetts.
"We work with knives, we work with fire, we work with saws, we fell trees, we build shelters, we track animals," says director Frank Grindrod, who founded Earthwork more than 20 years ago.
Asher spent three weeks at Earthwork camp this summer, with the kids all in masks and mostly keeping 6 feet apart. And even though he'll be in school this fall — "We're probably doing Zoom school," he says — he'll also be out in these woods one full day a week, participating in a program that was previously only available to home-schooled kids.
His mom, Andrea Wool, says with the demands of remote schooling, her son is going to need every minute in the woods he can get.
"It's just a lot of time on a screen," Wool says. "And Asher's a wiggly kid. He likes to move."
Golden age of outdoor education
Demand has surged for outdoor and wilderness programs, driven by parents desperate to get their kids off-screen and out of the house. Numerous New England wilderness schools report they could double or triple their already increased programming and still have waiting lists.
"I think we're entering the golden age of outdoor education," says Sam Stegeman, executive director of the Vermont Wilderness School. "Because of COVID, one of the silver linings is we're finally getting huge numbers of American children outdoors during the school day."
But who gets to participate in wilderness education? Like the much-hyped learning pod phenomenon, the rush to secure spots in wilderness home-school groups can easily become another example of the opportunity hoarding that leads to learning inequality.
David Brownstein is executive director of Wild Earth, a wilderness school in New York's Hudson Valley. He says that for years he called his school accessible because of its generous financial aid program.
"But it really didn't meet the needs of people who are like, 'I don't have money for these kinds of things at all. They're not even on the menu of what's possible for my family,'" Brownstein says.
Four years ago, Wild Earth began a collaboration serving the 2,200 public middle school students in the urban district of Kingston, N.Y. The instructors took the kids on forest field trips, and they met the same kids on the school playground twice a week during recess.
Education 'Pandemic Pods' Raise Concerns About Equity 'Pandemic Pods' Raise Concerns About Equity Listen · 5:23 5:23
The collaboration is especially meaningful to Zachary Jones, a Wild Earth program team leader. Jones is Black and Asian — that's rare in the world of wilderness education — and he was one of the few kids of color in the woods with Wild Earth when he started doing their programs 17 years ago, at age 9.
"Nature doesn't care how much money, what your race is, all these things," Jones says. "It doesn't care how cool you are. It doesn't care [about] your social status in school. It's a level playing field."
Mary Beth Bonville, assistant superintendent of Kingston schools, says the forest field trips were a revelation to many Kingston middle schoolers.
"We have students that have commented that they've never been in the woods before. They didn't know certain insects; they didn't understand how to build a fire."
Bonville adds that there are numerous academic benefits to Kingston's collaboration with Wild Earth.
"We've had teachers that have actually taken the programming from outside and brought it into their classroom," she says.
But ultimately, Bonville says, the benefits to Kingston students come down to the social and emotional support kids receive from Wild Earth staff.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ben James for NPR Ben James for NPR
However, the COVID-19 pandemic has put that social and emotional support for students on hold, at least for now. Kingston — like most urban districts across the country — is starting the year remotely. Field trips are canceled. Recess doesn't exist. Instead, David Brownstein hopes Wild Earth will find other ways to meet kids' needs for safe, structured outdoor play.
"We may end up in a parking lot running games after the school day," Brownstein says. "And then, as soon as they're done, we're like, 'Come on out, and let's run around together.'"
"I got the flame!"
Back in western Massachusetts, Andrea Wool — who already worked at home before the pandemic — says she knows it's a privilege to be able to pull her son Asher out of remote school for a weekly day in the woods at Earthwork.
"I have the flexibility and schedule to just be able to drive him out here," Wool says. "Not everybody can do that."
Asher himself is still working on fire-building. He kneels before a small bundle of tinder he's placed on a rock, using a survival tool called a ferro rod and striker to make a spark and set his tinder aflame.
Once a spark connects to the tinder and starts to glow, Earthwork instructor Michael Haynack picks up the bundle. He coaches Asher on how to use a long, gentle breath to build the heat of the coal. Suddenly the whole bundle comes alight in Haynack's hand.
"Finally!" Asher shouts.
"Nice," says Haynack. "I'm sorry we dropped it pretty quick there."
"It's OK," Asher says. "At least I got the flame!"
Asher's pride is evident. A little fire to help him make it through the rest of his week at Zoom school.


npr--2020-09-15--She Can't Vote Herself, But This DACA Recipient Is Working To Register Others

She Ca n't Vote Herself , But This DACA Recipient Is Working To Register Others These days , Miriam Robles spends a lot of time on the phone .
In between her day job as an environmental justice organizer at Mi Familia Vota , a Latino political advocacy group that opposes President Trump , Robles phone-banks to register new voters .
One new voter she 's worked with is her 18-year-old brother , Kevin .
`` I was super excited to get him registered , '' she says .
`` I helped him fill out his primary ballot and made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's ] Permanent Early Voting List .
For him , he is looking at this fiercely as something that he could do for his family . ''
Robles says it 's a bittersweet feeling , helping her brother perform his civic duty while she is unable to vote .
Their father came to the United States from Mexico through a temporary work program in the '90s .
Robles and her mother joined him in Phoenix when she was 3 years old under a visitor 's visa .
They all stayed .
Her brother @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and are citizens , but Robles remained undocumented and applied for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals , better known as DACA , in high school .
DACA is an Obama-era program that currently shields from deportation roughly 640,000 immigrants who were brought into the U.S. as children .
Robles says growing up , there was always a looming fear for the safety of her family .
`` That 's definitely something that all children of undocumented parents have to go through , whether they 're documented or not , is having that conversation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this is what you need to do . '
And that 's a really scary conversation to have at any age , '' she says .
`` Even today , I 'm a 24-year-old , and I still have plans if something were to happen and I know exactly how I would make sure my siblings are safe and things like that . ''
Only recently has Robles felt comfortable sharing her family 's story .
`` I grew up in a majority-white neighborhood , '' she says .
`` So for me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about my status .
I have friends who I 've known 10 to 15 years , and I 'm just now letting them know what my situation is because , you 're obviously scared .
I 've had friends who have had their parents deported because someone called [ Immigration and Customs Enforcement ] on them . ''
Of particular concern to Robles is a path toward protected status for her parents , and the DACA program itself .
Shortly after taking office , Trump attempted to dismantle DACA .
The Supreme Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program , but the administration is still trying to scale it back .
It has reduced the renewal period for current recipients from two years to one year , which doubles applicant fees , and has stopped processing new applications .
Robles says she feels compelled to speak up now in a year that has brought a national reckoning on racial injustice .
`` If I can see Black activists going out there and getting arrested and getting beaten , then why would I not want to do the bare minimum and share @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In her work and activism , Robles often faces a common refrain : that people have no plans to vote .
`` They 're like , 'Well [ the impact of voting is ] very marginal . '
And so for me , what 's been really important is to just come from a place of a lot of vulnerability and say , 'Some of us actually live in those margins and some of us , our lives are decided by those margins . '
`` Robles also says it can feel disheartening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote , knowing it 's not possible for her .
`` I definitely get a little sad , but it also gives me hope .
I think a lot of people have these fantasies of like what their future [ will be ] like .
A lot of little girls always imagine , 'Oh , my wedding day . '
For me , that 's always been , 'Oh , the day that I become a citizen and get to vote ! '
`` Cristina Jiménez , co-founder of United We Dream Action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people such as Robles are the most effective messengers for political participation .
`` When you hear from people whose lives have been impacted by a policy and by how we vote , that really builds the consciousness of people around us , that our vote matters a lot , '' she says .
It 's a story that 's personal for Jiménez , too .
`` Growing up undocumented , not having the right to vote and living in this country for over 20 years , I will be voting for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , '' she says .
`` This is my first presidential election .
And when people [ ask ] me why am I passionate about this election , it 's because I have experienced directly how policies that are voted on by elected officials have a direct impact on people 's lives . ''
United We Dream Action is also trying to organize as Trump runs for reelection , four years after building a base of support among mostly white , native-born voters , with an anti-immigrant platform that he 's built @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show Trump performing better with some minority groups than he did in 2016 , his record while in office may help organizers such as Robles make voters who oppose Trump 's policies more motivated to turn out than four years ago .
She recalls a conversation with a white man who said he was n't planning to vote because it was n't worth it .
`` There 's a certain subset of Americans who definitely treat politics as a spectator sport as opposed to how I see it as a means of survival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did bring up how it 's really easy to make these judgment calls when your life and your well-being is n't the one at stake .
At that point , I do n't know if changed his mind , but he definitely left with that to think about . ''
Robles says she 'll keep having those conversations right up to Election Day .

She Can't Vote Herself, But This DACA Recipient Is Working To Register Others
Enlarge this image toggle caption Miriam Robles Miriam Robles
These days, Miriam Robles spends a lot of time on the phone. In between her day job as an environmental justice organizer at Mi Familia Vota, a Latino political advocacy group that opposes President Trump, Robles phone-banks to register new voters.
One new voter she's worked with is her 18-year-old brother, Kevin.
"I was super excited to get him registered," she says. "I helped him fill out his primary ballot and made sure that he applied for [Arizona's] Permanent Early Voting List. For him, he is looking at this fiercely as something that he could do for his family."
Robles says it's a bittersweet feeling, helping her brother perform his civic duty while she is unable to vote.
Their father came to the United States from Mexico through a temporary work program in the '90s. Robles and her mother joined him in Phoenix when she was 3 years old under a visitor's visa. They all stayed. Her brother and sister were born in the U.S. and are citizens, but Robles remained undocumented and applied for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, better known as DACA, in high school.
DACA is an Obama-era program that currently shields from deportation roughly 640,000 immigrants who were brought into the U.S. as children.
Robles says growing up, there was always a looming fear for the safety of her family.
"That's definitely something that all children of undocumented parents have to go through, whether they're documented or not, is having that conversation of, 'If I get deported, this is what you need to do.' And that's a really scary conversation to have at any age," she says.
"Even today, I'm a 24-year-old, and I still have plans if something were to happen and I know exactly how I would make sure my siblings are safe and things like that."
Only recently has Robles felt comfortable sharing her family's story.
"I grew up in a majority-white neighborhood," she says. "So for me, it was even hard to talk about my status. I have friends who I've known 10 to 15 years, and I'm just now letting them know what my situation is because, you're obviously scared. I've had friends who have had their parents deported because someone called [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] on them."
Of particular concern to Robles is a path toward protected status for her parents, and the DACA program itself.
Shortly after taking office, Trump attempted to dismantle DACA. The Supreme Court recently sided with recipients in protecting the program, but the administration is still trying to scale it back. It has reduced the renewal period for current recipients from two years to one year, which doubles applicant fees, and has stopped processing new applications.
Robles says she feels compelled to speak up now in a year that has brought a national reckoning on racial injustice.
"If I can see Black activists going out there and getting arrested and getting beaten, then why would I not want to do the bare minimum and share my story, you know?"
In her work and activism, Robles often faces a common refrain: that people have no plans to vote.
"They're like, 'Well [the impact of voting is] very marginal.' And so for me, what's been really important is to just come from a place of a lot of vulnerability and say, 'Some of us actually live in those margins and some of us, our lives are decided by those margins.' "
Robles also says it can feel disheartening to push so hard for people to vote, knowing it's not possible for her.
"I definitely get a little sad, but it also gives me hope. I think a lot of people have these fantasies of like what their future [will be] like. A lot of little girls always imagine, 'Oh, my wedding day.' For me, that's always been, 'Oh, the day that I become a citizen and get to vote!' "
Cristina Jiménez, co-founder of United We Dream Action, an immigrant youth-led organization, says people such as Robles are the most effective messengers for political participation.
"When you hear from people whose lives have been impacted by a policy and by how we vote, that really builds the consciousness of people around us, that our vote matters a lot," she says.
It's a story that's personal for Jiménez, too.
"Growing up undocumented, not having the right to vote and living in this country for over 20 years, I will be voting for the first time after becoming a citizen last year," she says. "This is my first presidential election. And when people [ask] me why am I passionate about this election, it's because I have experienced directly how policies that are voted on by elected officials have a direct impact on people's lives."
United We Dream Action is also trying to organize as Trump runs for reelection, four years after building a base of support among mostly white, native-born voters, with an anti-immigrant platform that he's built on while in office.
Though polls show Trump performing better with some minority groups than he did in 2016, his record while in office may help organizers such as Robles make voters who oppose Trump's policies more motivated to turn out than four years ago.
She recalls a conversation with a white man who said he wasn't planning to vote because it wasn't worth it.
"There's a certain subset of Americans who definitely treat politics as a spectator sport as opposed to how I see it as a means of survival," she says. "I did bring up how it's really easy to make these judgment calls when your life and your well-being isn't the one at stake. At that point, I don't know if changed his mind, but he definitely left with that to think about."
Robles says she'll keep having those conversations right up to Election Day.


npr--2020-09-15--Some Urban Hospitals Face Closure Or Cutbacks As The Pandemic Adds To Fiscal Woes

Some Urban Hospitals Face Closure Or Cutbacks As The Pandemic Adds To Fiscal Woes Victor Coronado felt lightheaded one morning last month when he stood up to grab an iced tea .
The right side of his body suddenly felt heavy .
He heard himself slur his words .
`` That 's when I knew I was going to have a stroke , '' he recalls .
Coronado was rushed to Mercy Hospital & Medical Center , the hospital nearest his home on Chicago 's South Side .
Doctors there pumped medicine into his veins to break up the clot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coronado may outlive the hospital that saved him .
Founded 168 years ago as the city 's first hospital , Mercy survived the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 but is succumbing to modern economics , which have underfinanced hospitals serving the poor .
In July , the 412-bed hospital informed state regulators that it planned to shutter all inpatient services as soon as February .
`` If something else happens , who is to say if the responders can get my husband to the nearest hospital ? ''
says Coronado 's wife , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closing at a quickening pace over the past two decades , a number of inner-city hospitals now face a similar fate .
And experts fear that the economic damage inflicted by the COVID-19 pandemic on safety net hospitals and the ailing finances of the cities and states that subsidize them are helping push some urban hospitals over the edge .
By the nature of their mission , safety net hospitals everywhere struggle because they treat a large share of patients who are uninsured — and ca n't pay bills — or have their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't cover costs .
But metropolitan hospitals confront additional threats beyond what rural hospitals do .
State-of-the-art hospitals in affluent city neighborhoods are luring more of the safety net hospitals ' best-insured patients .
These combined financial pressures have been exacerbated by the pandemic at a time when these hospitals ' role has become more important : Their core patients — the poor and people of color — have been disproportionately stricken by COVID-19 in metropolitan regions like Chicago .
`` We 've had three hospital closures in the last year or so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Dr. David Ansell , senior vice president for community health equity at Rush University Medical Center , a teaching hospital on Chicago 's West Side .
He says the decision to close Mercy `` is really criminal in my mind , because people will die as a result . ''
Mercy is following the same lethal path as did two other hospitals with largely lower-income patient bases that shuttered last year : Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia and Providence Hospital in Washington , D.C. , which ended its inpatient services .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medical Center — in the city 's poorest ward — is slated to close in 2023 as well , and some services are already curtailed .
So far , urban hospital closures have remained infrequent compared with the cascading disappearance of their rural counterparts .
But the closing of a few could portend problems at others .
Even some of those that remain open may cut back crucial specialties like labor and delivery services or trauma care , forcing patients to travel farther for help when minutes can matter .
Nancy Kane , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Chan School of Public Health , who has studied urban safety net hospital changes since 2010 , says , `` Some close , but most of them have tried to get into a bigger system and hang on for a few more years until management closes them . ''
For much of the 20th century , most cities ran their own hospitals to care for the indigent .
But after the creation of Medicare and Medicaid , and as the rising cost of health care became a burden for local budgets , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today , only 498 of 5,230 general hospitals in the U.S. are owned by governments or a public hospital district .
Instead , many hospitals in low-income urban neighborhoods are run by nonprofits — often faith based — and , in some cases , for-profit corporations .
In recent years , owners have unloaded safety net hospitals to entities with limited patience for keeping them alive .
In 2018 , the for-profit hospital chain Tenet Healthcare Corp. sold Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia to Joel Freedman , a California private equity investor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year later , Freedman filed for bankruptcy on the hospital , saying its losses were insurmountable , while separating its real estate , including the physical building , into another corporation , which could ease its sale to developers .
In 2018 , Tenet sold another safety net hospital , Westlake Hospital in Melrose Park , Ill. , a suburb west of Chicago , to a private investment company .
Two weeks after the sale , the firm announced it would close the hospital , which ultimately led the owners to pay Melrose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuit alleging they had misled local officials by claiming before the sale that they would keep it open .
Some government-run hospitals are also struggling to stay open .
Hoping to stem losses , the District of Columbia outsourced management of United Medical Center to private consulting firms .
But far from turning the hospital around , one firm was accused of misusing taxpayer funds , and it oversaw a string of serious patient safety incidents , including violations in its obstetrics ward so egregious that the District was forced to shut down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the District struck a deal with Universal Health Services , a Fortune 500 company with 400 hospitals and $ 11 billion in revenues , to run a new hospital that would replace United , albeit with a third fewer beds .
The deal also involves George Washington University Hospital , which UHS operates in the city .
That relationship has been contentious : Last year , the university accused the company of diverting $ 100 million that should have stayed in the medical system .
In June , a judge dismissed most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has three publicly owned hospitals , but much of the care for low-income patients falls on private safety net hospitals like Mercy that are near their homes and have strong reputations .
These hospitals have been sources of civic pride as well as major providers of jobs in neighborhoods that have few .
Fifty-five percent of Chicagoans living in poverty and 62 % of its African American residents live within Mercy 's service area , according to Mercy 's 2019 community needs assessment , a federally mandated report .
The neighborhoods served by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death from diabetes , cancer and stroke .
Babies are more likely to be born early and at low weight or die in infancy .
The nearest hospitals from Mercy can be 15 minutes or more away by car , and many residents do n't have cars .
`` You 're going to have this big gap of about 7 miles where there 's no hospital , '' Ansell says .
`` It creates a health care desert on the South Side . ''
Dr. Maya Rolfe , who was a resident at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the hospital 's labor and delivery department would cause substantial harm , especially since African American women suffer from a higher rate of maternal mortality than do white women .
`` Mercy serves a lot of high-risk women , '' she says .
Mercy , a nonprofit , has been in financial trouble for a while .
In 2012 , it joined Trinity Health , a giant nonprofit Roman Catholic health system headquartered in Michigan with operations in 22 states .
Over the next seven years , Trinity invested $ 124 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in financial support .
During that time , the hospital continued to be battered by headwinds facing hospitals everywhere , including the migration of well-reimbursed surgeries and procedures to outpatient settings .
Likewise , patients with private insurance , which provides higher reimbursements than government programs do , departed to Chicago 's better-capitalized university hospitals , including Rush , the University of Chicago Medical Center and Northwestern Memorial Hospital .
Seventy-five percent of Mercy 's revenues come from the government insurance programs Medicare and Medicaid .
Only 42 % of its beds were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most recent state data , from 2018 .
Mercy told state regulators that it is losing $ 4 million a month and requires at least $ 100 million in additional building upgrades to operate safely .
Trinity said it spent more than a year shopping for a buyer .
After that yielded no success , Mercy joined forces with three other struggling South Side hospitals to consolidate into a single health system planning to build one hospital and a handful of outpatient facilities to replace their antiquated buildings .
They sought state financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1.1 billion over a decade .
At the close of the legislative session , Illinois lawmakers — already strapped for funding because of the economic effects of the pandemic — balked at the hospitals ' request for the state to cover half the cost .
Lamont Robinson , a Democratic state representative whose district includes Mercy Hospital , says that was because the group did not declare where the new hospital would be built .
`` We were all supportive of the merger but not with the lack of information , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ email that the location would have been chosen after the hospital organizations combined and chose new leaders .
Trinity said in a statement : `` We are committed to continuing to serve the Mercy Chicago community through investment in additional ambulatory and community-based services that are driven by high-priority community needs . ''
Blame for Mercy 's closure has been spread widely to include the city and state governments as well as Mercy 's owner .
Trinity Health had $ 8.8 billion in cash and liquid investments at the end of March and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been running a slight profit .
This year in Philadelphia , Trinity Health announced it would phase out inpatient services at another of its safety net hospitals , Mercy Catholic Medical Center-Mercy Philadelphia Campus , a 157-bed hospital that has been around since 1918 .
`` People put their money where they want to , '' says Rolfe , the former medical resident at Mercy in Chicago .
The city has no qualms about spending large sums to beautify its downtown , she notes , while other neighborhoods are in danger of losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to me that those patients are not that important as patients that exist in other communities . ''
KHN ( Kaiser Health News ) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues .
It is an editorially independent program of KFF ( Kaiser Family Foundation ) , which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Some Urban Hospitals Face Closure Or Cutbacks As The Pandemic Adds To Fiscal Woes
Enlarge this image toggle caption Taylor Glascock for KHN Taylor Glascock for KHN
Victor Coronado felt lightheaded one morning last month when he stood up to grab an iced tea. The right side of his body suddenly felt heavy. He heard himself slur his words. "That's when I knew I was going to have a stroke," he recalls.
Coronado was rushed to Mercy Hospital & Medical Center, the hospital nearest his home on Chicago's South Side. Doctors there pumped medicine into his veins to break up the clot that had traveled to his brain.
Coronado may outlive the hospital that saved him. Founded 168 years ago as the city's first hospital, Mercy survived the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 but is succumbing to modern economics, which have underfinanced hospitals serving the poor. In July, the 412-bed hospital informed state regulators that it planned to shutter all inpatient services as soon as February.
"If something else happens, who is to say if the responders can get my husband to the nearest hospital?" says Coronado's wife, Sallie.
While rural hospitals have been closing at a quickening pace over the past two decades, a number of inner-city hospitals now face a similar fate. And experts fear that the economic damage inflicted by the COVID-19 pandemic on safety net hospitals and the ailing finances of the cities and states that subsidize them are helping push some urban hospitals over the edge.
By the nature of their mission, safety net hospitals everywhere struggle because they treat a large share of patients who are uninsured — and can't pay bills — or have their care paid by Medicaid, which doesn't cover costs. But metropolitan hospitals confront additional threats beyond what rural hospitals do. State-of-the-art hospitals in affluent city neighborhoods are luring more of the safety net hospitals' best-insured patients.
These combined financial pressures have been exacerbated by the pandemic at a time when these hospitals' role has become more important: Their core patients — the poor and people of color — have been disproportionately stricken by COVID-19 in metropolitan regions like Chicago.
"We've had three hospital closures in the last year or so, all of them Black neighborhoods," says Dr. David Ansell, senior vice president for community health equity at Rush University Medical Center, a teaching hospital on Chicago's West Side. He says the decision to close Mercy "is really criminal in my mind, because people will die as a result."
Mercy is following the same lethal path as did two other hospitals with largely lower-income patient bases that shuttered last year: Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia and Providence Hospital in Washington, D.C., which ended its inpatient services. Washington's only public hospital, United Medical Center — in the city's poorest ward — is slated to close in 2023 as well, and some services are already curtailed.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Taylor Glascock for KHN Taylor Glascock for KHN
Slow death of urban safety nets
So far, urban hospital closures have remained infrequent compared with the cascading disappearance of their rural counterparts. But the closing of a few could portend problems at others. Even some of those that remain open may cut back crucial specialties like labor and delivery services or trauma care, forcing patients to travel farther for help when minutes can matter.
Nancy Kane, an adjunct professor at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, who has studied urban safety net hospital changes since 2010, says, "Some close, but most of them have tried to get into a bigger system and hang on for a few more years until management closes them."
For much of the 20th century, most cities ran their own hospitals to care for the indigent. But after the creation of Medicare and Medicaid, and as the rising cost of health care became a burden for local budgets, many jurisdictions turned away from that model. Today, only 498 of 5,230 general hospitals in the U.S. are owned by governments or a public hospital district.
Instead, many hospitals in low-income urban neighborhoods are run by nonprofits — often faith based — and, in some cases, for-profit corporations. In recent years, owners have unloaded safety net hospitals to entities with limited patience for keeping them alive.
In 2018, the for-profit hospital chain Tenet Healthcare Corp. sold Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia to Joel Freedman, a California private equity investor, for $170 million. A year later, Freedman filed for bankruptcy on the hospital, saying its losses were insurmountable, while separating its real estate, including the physical building, into another corporation, which could ease its sale to developers.
In 2018, Tenet sold another safety net hospital, Westlake Hospital in Melrose Park, Ill., a suburb west of Chicago, to a private investment company. Two weeks after the sale, the firm announced it would close the hospital, which ultimately led the owners to pay Melrose Park $1.5 million to settle a lawsuit alleging they had misled local officials by claiming before the sale that they would keep it open.
Some government-run hospitals are also struggling to stay open. Hoping to stem losses, the District of Columbia outsourced management of United Medical Center to private consulting firms. But far from turning the hospital around, one firm was accused of misusing taxpayer funds, and it oversaw a string of serious patient safety incidents, including violations in its obstetrics ward so egregious that the District was forced to shut down the ward in 2017.
This year, the District struck a deal with Universal Health Services, a Fortune 500 company with 400 hospitals and $11 billion in revenues, to run a new hospital that would replace United, albeit with a third fewer beds. Universal also operates George Washington University Hospital in the city in partnership with George Washington University. That relationship has been contentious: Last year, the university accused the company of diverting $100 million that should have stayed in the medical system. In June, a judge dismissed most of the university's complaint.
No saviors for Mercy
Chicago has three publicly owned hospitals, but much of the care for low-income patients falls on private safety net hospitals like Mercy that are near their homes and have strong reputations. These hospitals have been sources of civic pride as well as major providers of jobs in neighborhoods that have few.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Taylor Glascock for KHN Taylor Glascock for KHN
Fifty-five percent of Chicagoans living in poverty and 62% of its African American residents live within Mercy's service area, according to Mercy's 2019 community needs assessment, a federally mandated report. The neighborhoods served by Mercy are distinguished by higher rates of death from diabetes, cancer and stroke. Babies are more likely to be born early and at low weight or die in infancy. The nearest hospitals from Mercy can be 15 minutes or more away by car, and many residents don't have cars.
"You're going to have this big gap of about 7 miles where there's no hospital," Ansell says. "It creates a health care desert on the South Side."
Dr. Maya Rolfe, who was a resident at Mercy until July, says the loss of the hospital's labor and delivery department would cause substantial harm, especially since African American women suffer from a higher rate of maternal mortality than do white women. "Mercy serves a lot of high-risk women," she says.
Mercy, a nonprofit, has been in financial trouble for a while. In 2012, it joined Trinity Health, a giant nonprofit Roman Catholic health system headquartered in Michigan with operations in 22 states. Over the next seven years, Trinity invested $124 million in infrastructure improvements and $112 million in financial support.
During that time, the hospital continued to be battered by headwinds facing hospitals everywhere, including the migration of well-reimbursed surgeries and procedures to outpatient settings. Likewise, patients with private insurance, which provides higher reimbursements than government programs do, departed to Chicago's better-capitalized university hospitals, including Rush, the University of Chicago Medical Center and Northwestern Memorial Hospital.
Seventy-five percent of Mercy's revenues come from the government insurance programs Medicare and Medicaid.
Only 42% of its beds were occupied on average, according to the most recent state data, from 2018. Mercy told state regulators that it is losing $4 million a month and requires at least $100 million in additional building upgrades to operate safely.
Trinity said it spent more than a year shopping for a buyer. After that yielded no success, Mercy joined forces with three other struggling South Side hospitals to consolidate into a single health system planning to build one hospital and a handful of outpatient facilities to replace their antiquated buildings. They sought state financial help.
The plan would have cost $1.1 billion over a decade. At the close of the legislative session, Illinois lawmakers — already strapped for funding because of the economic effects of the pandemic — balked at the hospitals' request for the state to cover half the cost. Lamont Robinson, a Democratic state representative whose district includes Mercy Hospital, says that was because the group did not declare where the new hospital would be built.
"We were all supportive of the merger but not with the lack of information," Robinson says.
Mercy said in an email that the location would have been chosen after the hospital organizations combined and chose new leaders. Trinity said in a statement: "We are committed to continuing to serve the Mercy Chicago community through investment in additional ambulatory and community-based services that are driven by high-priority community needs."
Blame for Mercy's closure has been spread widely to include the city and state governments as well as Mercy's owner. Trinity Health had $8.8 billion in cash and liquid investments at the end of March and, until the pandemic hit, had been running a slight profit. This year in Philadelphia, Trinity Health announced it would phase out inpatient services at another of its safety net hospitals, Mercy Catholic Medical Center-Mercy Philadelphia Campus, a 157-bed hospital that has been around since 1918.
"People put their money where they want to," says Rolfe, the former medical resident at Mercy in Chicago. The city has no qualms about spending large sums to beautify its downtown, she notes, while other neighborhoods are in danger of losing a major institution: "It shows to me that those patients are not that important as patients that exist in other communities."
KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation), which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


npr--2020-09-15--Biden Is Outspending Trump On TV, And Just 6 States Are The Focus Of The Campaign

Biden Is Outspending Trump On TV , And Just 6 States Are The Focus Of The Campaign Where the major party presidential campaigns are spending their money on TV advertising can tell you a lot about where they 're focusing their efforts .
And based on that , it 's pretty clear that the race between President Trump and Joe Biden is coming down to just six swing states — Florida , Pennsylvania , North Carolina , Michigan , Wisconsin and Arizona .
They are getting the lion 's share of the TV advertising money from the campaigns and outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 700 million has been spent on TV ad bookings so far in 14 key states , with almost 85 % of that money going to the big six , according to data collected by ad-tracking firm Advertising Analytics through Friday , and analyzed by NPR .
And Democrats have keyed in even more closely on the six states : The Biden campaign and supporting groups have spent almost 90 % of their money there , while Trump and Republican organizations have spent 78 cents of every dollar across the six .
Here are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which reflect broadcast and cable TV bookings from April through Election Day in November : 1 .
The Biden campaign and Democratic groups supporting him are outspending Trump and his allies by $ 40 million since the beginning of the campaign , $ 379 million to $ 337 million .
( Team Trump often outspends Team Biden on digital advertising . )
2 .
Biden is getting more support from outside groups than Trump is .
The Biden campaign is outspending the Trump campaign , $ 245 million to $ 234 million , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outside groups supporting Trump as well , $ 134 million to $ 103 million .
3 .
The highest-spending outside group has been the Trump-aligned America First Action and America First Policies , which have combined to spend $ 51.7 million .
Preserve America PAC has spent $ 24.2 million .
On the Democratic side , Priorities USA Action is the top spender at $ 48.4 million so far across the big six states , followed by Future Forward at $ 39 million and American Bridge at $ 20.5 million .
The attention-grabbing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
4 .
Biden and allies are far outspending Republicans in the `` Blue Wall '' states .
Biden and Democrats supporting him ca n't be accused this year of ignoring Michigan , Wisconsin and Pennsylvania , the three former `` Blue Wall '' states that Trump flipped in his favor in 2016 .
Trump won by fewer than 80,000 votes combined four years ago , and Biden and allies are making a push to take them back , outspending Trump and groups supporting him , $ 174 million to $ 103 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Ohio and Iowa .
In addition to the focus on the big six states , Republicans have spent $ 32 million on Ohio and Iowa .
By comparison , Biden and allies have spent just $ 9 million in these two states .
GOP money includes $ 22 million in Ohio and almost $ 10 million in Iowa — places where the president should be favored to win but has seen polls close .
6 .
But Trump 's trying to expand the map in Minnesota , New Hampshire and Nevada .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ these three states Hillary Clinton won in 2016 , by a combined $ 31 million to $ 19 million .
7 .
The Trump campaign has basically written off Colorado to this point .
It has spent $ 0 there , and a super PAC supporting him has spent minimally .
8 .
When it comes to Georgia , so far it 's all Trump .
Georgia has been a toss-up state , with polls showing a statistical dead heat for months .
But on the airwaves , it 's been all Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it a focus , spending almost $ 12.8 million through the end of September to almost nothing from Biden and his supporters ( about $ 50,000 ) .
But that 's about to change .
The Biden campaign has reserved nearly $ 3.9 million in ads in October and November so far .
9 .
Democrats appear to be about to test Texas , while Republicans are ignoring it .
The Biden campaign has booked $ 5.2 million in Texas for the month of October so far .
The Trump campaign , on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .
That likely means Republicans think they have enough of a cushion and believe Trump will win there anyway .
It can also mean that the campaign is having to ration its resources with money being stretched .
What all of this spending shows is Trump is having to defend a lot of territory , while the Biden campaign has remained focused on the core states they set out to compete heavily in to begin with .
To put that in context , in states Trump won in 2016 , the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 356 million , while Biden has spent just $ 21 million in states Clinton won .
Here 's a state-by-state breakdown in order of where the campaigns are spending the most .
The list is in order of the most spent , and the totals include the outside groups supporting each candidate and/or opposing his opponent : New Hampshire Trump and allies : $ 6.1 million Biden and allies : $ 3.4 million Texas Biden and allies : $ 6.7 million Trump and America First : $ 156,000 Colorado Biden and allies : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : $ 38,000

Biden Is Outspending Trump On TV, And Just 6 States Are The Focus Of The Campaign
Enlarge this image Caroline Amenabar/NPR Caroline Amenabar/NPR
Where the major party presidential campaigns are spending their money on TV advertising can tell you a lot about where they're focusing their efforts.
And based on that, it's pretty clear that the race between President Trump and Joe Biden is coming down to just six swing states — Florida, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Michigan, Wisconsin and Arizona. They are getting the lion's share of the TV advertising money from the campaigns and outside groups supporting them.
More than $700 million has been spent on TV ad bookings so far in 14 key states, with almost 85% of that money going to the big six, according to data collected by ad-tracking firm Advertising Analytics through Friday, and analyzed by NPR.
And Democrats have keyed in even more closely on the six states: The Biden campaign and supporting groups have spent almost 90% of their money there, while Trump and Republican organizations have spent 78 cents of every dollar across the six.
Here are nine more takeaways from the figures, which reflect broadcast and cable TV bookings from April through Election Day in November:
1. The Biden campaign and Democratic groups supporting him are outspending Trump and his allies by $40 million since the beginning of the campaign, $379 million to $337 million. (Team Trump often outspends Team Biden on digital advertising.)
2. Biden is getting more support from outside groups than Trump is. The Biden campaign is outspending the Trump campaign, $245 million to $234 million, but outside groups supporting Biden are outspending outside groups supporting Trump as well, $134 million to $103 million.
3. The highest-spending outside group has been the Trump-aligned America First Action and America First Policies, which have combined to spend $51.7 million. Preserve America PAC has spent $24.2 million.
On the Democratic side, Priorities USA Action is the top spender at $48.4 million so far across the big six states, followed by Future Forward at $39 million and American Bridge at $20.5 million. The attention-grabbing Lincoln Project has spent $8.5 million.
4. Biden and allies are far outspending Republicans in the "Blue Wall" states. Biden and Democrats supporting him can't be accused this year of ignoring Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, the three former "Blue Wall" states that Trump flipped in his favor in 2016. Trump won by fewer than 80,000 votes combined four years ago, and Biden and allies are making a push to take them back, outspending Trump and groups supporting him, $174 million to $103 million.
5. Trump is playing defense in Ohio and Iowa. In addition to the focus on the big six states, Republicans have spent $32 million on Ohio and Iowa. By comparison, Biden and allies have spent just $9 million in these two states. GOP money includes $22 million in Ohio and almost $10 million in Iowa — places where the president should be favored to win but has seen polls close.
6. But Trump's trying to expand the map in Minnesota, New Hampshire and Nevada. Trump's team is outspending Biden in these three states Hillary Clinton won in 2016, by a combined $31 million to $19 million.
7. The Trump campaign has basically written off Colorado to this point. It has spent $0 there, and a super PAC supporting him has spent minimally.
8. When it comes to Georgia, so far it's all Trump. Georgia has been a toss-up state, with polls showing a statistical dead heat for months. But on the airwaves, it's been all Trump. His campaign and allies have made it a focus, spending almost $12.8 million through the end of September to almost nothing from Biden and his supporters (about $50,000). But that's about to change. The Biden campaign has reserved nearly $3.9 million in ads in October and November so far.
9. Democrats appear to be about to test Texas, while Republicans are ignoring it. The Biden campaign has booked $5.2 million in Texas for the month of October so far. The Trump campaign, on the other hand, has spent nothing there. That likely means Republicans think they have enough of a cushion and believe Trump will win there anyway. It can also mean that the campaign is having to ration its resources with money being stretched.
What all of this spending shows is Trump is having to defend a lot of territory, while the Biden campaign has remained focused on the core states they set out to compete heavily in to begin with.
To put that in context, in states Trump won in 2016, the president and groups supporting him have spent $356 million, while Biden has spent just $21 million in states Clinton won.
State-by-state breakdown
Here's a state-by-state breakdown in order of where the campaigns are spending the most. The list is in order of the most spent, and the totals include the outside groups supporting each candidate and/or opposing his opponent:
Florida
Biden and allies: $83.5 million
Trump and allies: $82.3 million
Pennsylvania
Biden and allies: $74.1 million
Trump and allies: $50 million
North Carolina
Trump and allies: $49 million
Biden and allies: $37.1 million
Michigan
Biden and allies: $55.6 million
Trump and allies: $21.7 million
Wisconsin
Biden and allies: $44.4 million
Trump and allies: $31.8 million
Arizona
Biden and allies: $43.7 million
Trump and allies: $26.3 million
Ohio
Trump and allies: $22.3 million
Biden and allies: $6.8 million
Minnesota
Trump and allies: $16.9 million
Biden and allies: $8.9 million
Georgia
Trump and allies: $12.8 million
Biden and allies: $3.9 million
Nevada
Trump and allies: $7.8 million
Biden and allies: $7.2 million
Iowa
Trump and allies: $9.7 million
Biden and allies: $2.3 million
New Hampshire
Trump and allies: $6.1 million
Biden and allies: $3.4 million
Texas
Biden and allies: $6.7 million
Trump and America First: $156,000
Colorado
Biden and allies: $1.5 million
Trump and America First: $38,000


npr--2020-09-14--'I Don't Think Science Knows': Visiting Fires, Trump Denies Climate Change

With wildfires devastating the West and a hurricane bearing down on the Gulf Coast , President Trump , who has for years mocked and denied the reality of climate change , was briefed on Monday on the status of fires in California .
During his briefing , which included California Democratic Gov .
Gavin Newsom , officials repeatedly invoked climate change and its impact on the state 's ability to manage the raging infernos .
Still , even as more than two dozen wildfires roared across California alone , Trump declined to acknowledge the role climate change likely played in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had temperatures explode this summer .
... We want to work with you to really recognize the changing climate and what it means to our forests and actually work together with that science , '' said Wade Crowfoot , California 's secretary for natural resources .
`` That science is going to be key because if we ignore that science and sort of put our head in the sand and think it 's all about vegetation management , we 're not going to succeed in protecting Californians . ''
`` It 'll start @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just watch , '' the president said .
`` I wish science agreed with you , '' Crowfoot said .
`` Well , I do n't think science knows , actually , '' he said .
Trump visited the area to cheer on first responders and emergency managers , holding a ceremony to honor California National Guard troops who rescued trapped campers .
He also said better forest management is the key to preventing the state 's fires .
In recent days , he has criticized California officials , but most of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private .
On the other side of the country , Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden addressed these disasters and others , and their link to human-caused climate change .
`` With every bout with nature 's fury , caused by our own inaction on climate change , more Americans see and feel the devastation in big cities , small towns , on coastlines and farmlands , '' Biden said in prepared remarks .
Speaking outdoors on the grounds of the Delaware Museum of Natural History , Biden stressed that climate disasters are affecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It 's not a partisan phenomenon ; it 's science , '' he said .
Biden called Trump a `` climate arsonist '' and turned the president 's campaign warnings about at-risk suburbs around : `` You know what 's actually threatening our suburbs ?
Wildfires are burning the suburbs in the West .
Floods are wiping out suburban neighborhoods in the Midwest .
And hurricanes are imperiling suburban life along our coasts . ''
Biden has focused much of his campaign on fighting the battle against climate disasters and has vowed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to create domestic jobs in the sector .
This is in stark contrast with Trump , who has dismissed or diluted dozens of federal environmental policies since taking office .
A major pitch of his 2016 campaign was to appeal to coal industry workers , vowing to restore the industry .

'I Don't Think Science Knows': Visiting Fires, Trump Denies Climate Change
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images
With wildfires devastating the West and a hurricane bearing down on the Gulf Coast, President Trump, who has for years mocked and denied the reality of climate change, was briefed on Monday on the status of fires in California.
During his briefing, which included California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, officials repeatedly invoked climate change and its impact on the state's ability to manage the raging infernos.
Still, even as more than two dozen wildfires roared across California alone, Trump declined to acknowledge the role climate change likely played in fueling the flames.
"We've had temperatures explode this summer. ... We want to work with you to really recognize the changing climate and what it means to our forests and actually work together with that science," said Wade Crowfoot, California's secretary for natural resources. "That science is going to be key because if we ignore that science and sort of put our head in the sand and think it's all about vegetation management, we're not going to succeed in protecting Californians."
"It'll start getting cooler. You just — you just watch," the president said.
"I wish science agreed with you," Crowfoot said.
"Well, I don't think science knows, actually," he said.
Trump visited the area to cheer on first responders and emergency managers, holding a ceremony to honor California National Guard troops who rescued trapped campers.
He also said better forest management is the key to preventing the state's fires. In recent days, he has criticized California officials, but most of the state's forested land is federal or private.
On the other side of the country, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden addressed these disasters and others, and their link to human-caused climate change.
"With every bout with nature's fury, caused by our own inaction on climate change, more Americans see and feel the devastation in big cities, small towns, on coastlines and farmlands," Biden said in prepared remarks.
Speaking outdoors on the grounds of the Delaware Museum of Natural History, Biden stressed that climate disasters are affecting blue and red states alike. "It's not a partisan phenomenon; it's science," he said.
Biden called Trump a "climate arsonist" and turned the president's campaign warnings about at-risk suburbs around: "You know what's actually threatening our suburbs? Wildfires are burning the suburbs in the West. Floods are wiping out suburban neighborhoods in the Midwest. And hurricanes are imperiling suburban life along our coasts."
Biden has focused much of his campaign on fighting the battle against climate disasters and has vowed to boost funding for clean energy initiatives and to create domestic jobs in the sector.
This is in stark contrast with Trump, who has dismissed or diluted dozens of federal environmental policies since taking office. A major pitch of his 2016 campaign was to appeal to coal industry workers, vowing to restore the industry.
Deputy political editor Benjamin Swasey contributed reporting.


npr--2020-09-17--Nursing Homes Given Federal Go-Ahead To Allow More Visitors

Nursing Homes Given Federal Go-Ahead To Allow More Visitors The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services , which regulate nursing facilities , are lifting the ban on visitors , effective immediately .
CMS imposed the restriction in March in an effort to control outbreaks of the coronavirus .
Advocates for nursing home residents and family organizations have been clamoring for a repeal , noting the many residents who have suffered anxiety or depression , as well as physical or mental decline since the ban was imposed .
The issue was also raised in the report of the Coronavirus Commission for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which became public on Wednesday .
Now , all nursing homes can allow outdoor visits with social distancing , as a few states have recently allowed .
And most nursing homes can allow indoor visits as long as there have been no new COVID-19 infections in the past 2 weeks and the infection rate in the surrounding county is no more than 10 % .
But CMS recommends that nursing homes limit how many visitors a resident can have at one time , as well as limiting the number of visitors that can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A nursing facility that fails to allow visitation without a valid medical reason can suffer sanctions .
Also , nursing home residents can once again participate in social activities and communal dining , as long as there is social distancing and residents wear masks .
Since March , family members have only been allowed to visit their loved ones for so-called compassionate care .
This was interpreted strictly by many nursing homes to mean end of life situations .
The new guidance from CMS expands the criteria to include residents who were living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nursing home and are now struggling with the change in environment , residents who need family members to provide encouragement with eating or drinking , and residents experiencing emotional distress or crying more frequently .
The guidance says this should not be regarded as an exhaustive list .
The fines that the government collects for nursing home violations can now be used for facilities to buy technology that aids in family communication , as well as plastic partitions , tents , or other equipment that can help prevent transmission of the virus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nursing homes .
CMS states that visitors who do n't follow infection prevention routines such as wearing a mask , should not be permitted to visit or should be asked to leave .

Nursing Homes Given Federal Go-Ahead To Allow More Visitors
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jeff Chiu/AP Jeff Chiu/AP
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, which regulate nursing facilities, are lifting the ban on visitors, effective immediately. CMS imposed the restriction in March in an effort to control outbreaks of the coronavirus.
Advocates for nursing home residents and family organizations have been clamoring for a repeal, noting the many residents who have suffered anxiety or depression, as well as physical or mental decline since the ban was imposed. The issue was also raised in the report of the Coronavirus Commission for Safety and Quality in Nursing Homes, which became public on Wednesday.
Now, all nursing homes can allow outdoor visits with social distancing, as a few states have recently allowed. And most nursing homes can allow indoor visits as long as there have been no new COVID-19 infections in the past 2 weeks and the infection rate in the surrounding county is no more than 10%. But CMS recommends that nursing homes limit how many visitors a resident can have at one time, as well as limiting the number of visitors that can be in the facility at once.
A nursing facility that fails to allow visitation without a valid medical reason can suffer sanctions.
Also, nursing home residents can once again participate in social activities and communal dining, as long as there is social distancing and residents wear masks.
Since March, family members have only been allowed to visit their loved ones for so-called compassionate care. This was interpreted strictly by many nursing homes to mean end of life situations. The new guidance from CMS expands the criteria to include residents who were living with their family before admission to the nursing home and are now struggling with the change in environment, residents who need family members to provide encouragement with eating or drinking, and residents experiencing emotional distress or crying more frequently. The guidance says this should not be regarded as an exhaustive list.
The fines that the government collects for nursing home violations can now be used for facilities to buy technology that aids in family communication, as well as plastic partitions, tents, or other equipment that can help prevent transmission of the virus.
The rules do not apply only to the nursing homes. CMS states that visitors who don't follow infection prevention routines such as wearing a mask, should not be permitted to visit or should be asked to leave.


npr--2020-09-17--'A Very Serious Situation': WHO Says Coronavirus Cases Are Rising In Europe Again

' A Very Serious Situation ' : WHO Says Coronavirus Cases Are Rising In Europe Again The World Health Organization warned on Thursday that weekly coronavirus case numbers are rising in Europe at a higher rate than during the pandemic 's peak in March .
At a virtual news conference , Dr. Hans Kluge , regional director of WHO in Europe , warned , `` We do have a very serious situation unfolding before us . ''
`` Weekly cases have exceeded those reported when the pandemic first peaked in Europe in March , '' he said .
`` Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exceeded 300,000 patients . ''
Wearing a green face mask , Kluge said , `` Strict lockdown measures in the spring and early summer yielded good results .
Our efforts , our sacrifices paid off .
In June , cases hit an all-time low . ''
Reported cases in Spain , France and the U.K. were in the hundreds in June and July .
However , Kluge said the early September case numbers `` should serve as a wake-up call for all of us . ''
He said the numbers reflect more comprehensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transmission across the region . ''
`` More than half of European countries have reported a greater than 10 % increase in cases in the past two weeks , '' said Kluge .
`` Of those , seven countries have seen newly reported cases increase more than twofold in the same period . ''
`` Where the pandemic goes from here is in our hands .
... We have fought it back before , and we can fight back again , '' he said .
Kluge said quarantines should remain in place .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed cases , and the death toll is at 216,005 during this pandemic .
Spain has the highest number of confirmed coronavirus infections in Europe at 625,651 , followed by France at 454,099 , the United Kingdom at 384,075 and Italy at 293,025 , according to the Johns Hopkins University dashboard .

'A Very Serious Situation': WHO Says Coronavirus Cases Are Rising In Europe Again
Enlarge this image toggle caption David Barrett/AP David Barrett/AP
The World Health Organization warned on Thursday that weekly coronavirus case numbers are rising in Europe at a higher rate than during the pandemic's peak in March.
At a virtual news conference, Dr. Hans Kluge, regional director of WHO in Europe, warned, "We do have a very serious situation unfolding before us."
"Weekly cases have exceeded those reported when the pandemic first peaked in Europe in March," he said. "Last week, the region's weekly tally exceeded 300,000 patients."
Wearing a green face mask, Kluge said, "Strict lockdown measures in the spring and early summer yielded good results. Our efforts, our sacrifices paid off. In June, cases hit an all-time low."
Reported cases in Spain, France and the U.K. were in the hundreds in June and July.
However, Kluge said the early September case numbers "should serve as a wake-up call for all of us." He said the numbers reflect more comprehensive testing but also "alarming rates of transmission across the region."
"More than half of European countries have reported a greater than 10% increase in cases in the past two weeks," said Kluge. "Of those, seven countries have seen newly reported cases increase more than twofold in the same period."
"Where the pandemic goes from here is in our hands. ... We have fought it back before, and we can fight back again," he said.
Kluge said quarantines should remain in place.
So far, Europe has seen 4,893,614 confirmed cases, and the death toll is at 216,005 during this pandemic. Spain has the highest number of confirmed coronavirus infections in Europe at 625,651, followed by France at 454,099, the United Kingdom at 384,075 and Italy at 293,025, according to the Johns Hopkins University dashboard.


npr--2020-09-17--Governor Says Most Of Texas Can Loosen Limits On Businesses, But Bars Must Stay Shut

Governor Says Most Of Texas Can Loosen Limits On Businesses , But Bars Must Stay Shut Certain businesses in most of Texas will be able to expand their operations starting Monday , thanks to an improvement in the state 's COVID-19 metrics .
But there is one notable exception : Bars must stay closed .
Gov .
Greg Abbott on Thursday announced a slew of executive orders loosening restrictions on hospitals , long-term care facilities and certain business sectors .
This is the state 's first major step toward reopening since June , when a drastic uptick in coronavirus cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The number of new cases and hospitalizations has declined significantly since July , Abbott said , adding that the state reported its lowest number of hospitalizations in three months on Wednesday .
It averaged 3,396 new cases and 112 deaths per day in the past week .
Abbott credited the improvement to `` Texans taking COVID seriously '' by social distancing , wearing masks , washing their hands and following other public health guidance over the summer .
`` Texans have shown that we can address both the health and safety concerns of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steps to restore the livelihoods that Texans depend on , '' said Abbott .
`` Achieving both goals requires safe standards that contain COVID-19 , emphasize protecting the most vulnerable and establish clear metrics that the public can depend on . ''
He said hospitalization levels — specifically , the number of COVID-19 patients as a percentage of all people hospitalized in a region — will guide the state 's reopening efforts .
Areas that have experienced seven consecutive days during which that figure is 15 % or less can proceed with additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will have to tighten restrictions .
Nineteen of the state 's 22 hospital regions currently meet the threshold for further reopening .
Hospitals in those regions can resume elective procedures , Abbott said .
He also announced guidance allowing eligible nursing homes and other long-term care facilities to reopen for limited visitation beginning Sept. 24 , abiding by specific protocols .
And businesses that had previously been operating at 50 % capacity may expand to 75 % starting Sept. 21 .
Those include restaurants , retail stores , office buildings , manufacturing facilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At a news conference on Thursday , Abbott said bars are `` nationally recognized as COVID-spreading locations '' and must remain closed statewide .
He added that officials are working on finding ways to get them back open .
`` If we fully reopen Texas without limits , without safe practices , it could lead to an unsustainable increase in COVID that would require the possibility of being forced to ratchet back down , '' Abbott said .
`` The better approach is to safely take strategic steps that help Texans return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
He urged Texans to practice `` personal vigilance '' and keep up with their mitigation efforts , especially with schools in session , sporting events resuming and flu season on the way .

Governor Says Most Of Texas Can Loosen Limits On Businesses, But Bars Must Stay Shut
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eric Gay/AP Eric Gay/AP
Certain businesses in most of Texas will be able to expand their operations starting Monday, thanks to an improvement in the state's COVID-19 metrics. But there is one notable exception: Bars must stay closed.
Gov. Greg Abbott on Thursday announced a slew of executive orders loosening restrictions on hospitals, long-term care facilities and certain business sectors. This is the state's first major step toward reopening since June, when a drastic uptick in coronavirus cases forced Abbott to hit the brakes.
The number of new cases and hospitalizations has declined significantly since July, Abbott said, adding that the state reported its lowest number of hospitalizations in three months on Wednesday. It averaged 3,396 new cases and 112 deaths per day in the past week.
Abbott credited the improvement to "Texans taking COVID seriously" by social distancing, wearing masks, washing their hands and following other public health guidance over the summer.
"Texans have shown that we can address both the health and safety concerns of COVID-19 while also taking careful, measured steps to restore the livelihoods that Texans depend on," said Abbott. "Achieving both goals requires safe standards that contain COVID-19, emphasize protecting the most vulnerable and establish clear metrics that the public can depend on."
He said hospitalization levels — specifically, the number of COVID-19 patients as a percentage of all people hospitalized in a region — will guide the state's reopening efforts. Areas that have experienced seven consecutive days during which that figure is 15% or less can proceed with additional reopenings, while those with higher rates will have to tighten restrictions.
Nineteen of the state's 22 hospital regions currently meet the threshold for further reopening.
Hospitals in those regions can resume elective procedures, Abbott said. He also announced guidance allowing eligible nursing homes and other long-term care facilities to reopen for limited visitation beginning Sept. 24, abiding by specific protocols.
And businesses that had previously been operating at 50% capacity may expand to 75% starting Sept. 21. Those include restaurants, retail stores, office buildings, manufacturing facilities, gyms, libraries and museums.
At a news conference on Thursday, Abbott said bars are "nationally recognized as COVID-spreading locations" and must remain closed statewide. He added that officials are working on finding ways to get them back open.
"If we fully reopen Texas without limits, without safe practices, it could lead to an unsustainable increase in COVID that would require the possibility of being forced to ratchet back down," Abbott said. "The better approach is to safely take strategic steps that help Texans return to jobs while also protecting them from COVID."
He urged Texans to practice "personal vigilance" and keep up with their mitigation efforts, especially with schools in session, sporting events resuming and flu season on the way.


npr--2020-09-17--In 'Tense' Call, DeJoy Tells Election Officials That USPS Can Handle Mail Ballots

In 'Tense ' Call , DeJoy Tells Election Officials That USPS Can Handle Mail Ballots In a call that included a number of `` tense moments , '' Postmaster General Louis DeJoy sought to reassure a group of the nation 's top election officials Thursday that election mail will be his agency 's highest priority this fall .
Specifically , DeJoy told the officials that his agency was undertaking a public information campaign to explain to voters that the U.S .
Postal Service is equipped to handle the expected increase in mail volume that comes during election season , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Toulouse Oliver , who leads the National Association of Secretaries of State , which organized the call .
DeJoy also talked more in depth about training for Postal Service employees about how to handle election mail , including postmarking , which in some jurisdictions needs to happen for a mail ballot to count .
`` We 're at the 'trust but verify ' point , '' said Toulouse Oliver , a Democrat .
`` We will be taking [ the Postal Service ] at their word that they are going to put these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And only through ongoing communication and accountability will we be able to be assured . ''
`` Better in the future '' The implementation of the aforementioned information campaign got off to a rocky start , with one state election official even calling postcards the USPS sent out last week `` misinformation . ''
The cards urge voters to `` plan ahead '' if they expect to vote by mail this fall , which is a message consistent with what officials nationwide have tried to relay .
But the cards also tell voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 15 days before Election Day '' — a message that has alarmed officials in states where ballots are automatically sent out to registered voters , like Colorado , Utah and Washington , and where voters might be then confused about whether they need to make a request .
`` I just found out the @ USPS is sending this postcard to every household and PO Box in the nation , '' tweeted Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold , a Democrat , last Friday , with an image of the card @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we send ballots to all voters , the information is not just confusing , it 's WRONG . ''
On Thursday 's call , DeJoy said the fact that election officials did n't proofread the mailers before they were sent to millions of people was a mistake and he promised to do `` better in the future , '' according to Toulouse Oliver .
She said there were multiple `` tense '' moments during the questioning period about the postcards .
But that issue , which culminated in a lawsuit and a judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Colorado on Saturday , is just the latest in a string of USPS mishaps over the past few months .
The agency has been mired in controversy virtually since DeJoy , a former logistics executive and prominent Republican Party donor , took over in June .
The urgency around those concerns grew after he instituted policy changes later in the summer .
DeJoy has disputed the specific changes he made , but regardless , mail delays followed shortly thereafter , leading to bipartisan calls for him to reverse the changes .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a federal district judge in Washington state also ordered the changes be halted .
Speaking from the bench on Thursday , that judge , Stanley Bastian , said the changes were a `` politically motivated attack '' on the efficiency of the Postal Service , according to The Associated Press .
DeJoy faced similar accusations during congressional hearings last month and ardently denied that his moves were about anything more than trying to right the ship at a federal agency operating on a multibillion-dollar annual shortfall .
Regardless , mail is still being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was at the beginning of the pandemic , according to a tracker maintained by The New York Times .
Most of those delays are by only a single day , but the general air of doubt hanging over the Postal Service may push some voters , especially Democrats , to vote in person instead of by mail this fall .
A CNBC/Change Research poll in late August found an 11 percentage-point decline in the share of Democrats nationwide who said they planned to vote by mail , compared with a poll taken two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Service became well-known .
Toulouse Oliver called the conversation Thursday `` extremely productive '' and said she 's optimistic that DeJoy appears to be making more of an effort to communicate with the public and election officials about policies he is implementing .
`` We have to take the election process out of the realm of toxic partisan rhetoric and make sure that voters have the best information possible to make their decisions about how , where and when to cast their ballot , '' she said .

In 'Tense' Call, DeJoy Tells Election Officials That USPS Can Handle Mail Ballots
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images
In a call that included a number of "tense moments," Postmaster General Louis DeJoy sought to reassure a group of the nation's top election officials Thursday that election mail will be his agency's highest priority this fall, according to one state election official on the call.
Specifically, DeJoy told the officials that his agency was undertaking a public information campaign to explain to voters that the U.S. Postal Service is equipped to handle the expected increase in mail volume that comes during election season, according to New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver, who leads the National Association of Secretaries of State, which organized the call.
DeJoy also talked more in depth about training for Postal Service employees about how to handle election mail, including postmarking, which in some jurisdictions needs to happen for a mail ballot to count.
"We're at the 'trust but verify' point," said Toulouse Oliver, a Democrat. "We will be taking [the Postal Service] at their word that they are going to put these much-needed processes and guidelines into place. And only through ongoing communication and accountability will we be able to be assured."
"Better in the future"
The implementation of the aforementioned information campaign got off to a rocky start, with one state election official even calling postcards the USPS sent out last week "misinformation."
The cards urge voters to "plan ahead" if they expect to vote by mail this fall, which is a message consistent with what officials nationwide have tried to relay.
But the cards also tell voters to "Request your mail-in ballot ... at least 15 days before Election Day" — a message that has alarmed officials in states where ballots are automatically sent out to registered voters, like Colorado, Utah and Washington, and where voters might be then confused about whether they need to make a request.
"I just found out the @USPS is sending this postcard to every household and PO Box in the nation," tweeted Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold, a Democrat, last Friday, with an image of the card. "For states like Colorado where we send ballots to all voters, the information is not just confusing, it's WRONG."
On Thursday's call, DeJoy said the fact that election officials didn't proofread the mailers before they were sent to millions of people was a mistake and he promised to do "better in the future," according to Toulouse Oliver. She said there were multiple "tense" moments during the questioning period about the postcards.
But that issue, which culminated in a lawsuit and a judge temporarily blocking the mailing of the cards in Colorado on Saturday, is just the latest in a string of USPS mishaps over the past few months.
The agency has been mired in controversy virtually since DeJoy, a former logistics executive and prominent Republican Party donor, took over in June. The urgency around those concerns grew after he instituted policy changes later in the summer.
DeJoy has disputed the specific changes he made, but regardless, mail delays followed shortly thereafter, leading to bipartisan calls for him to reverse the changes. He did so, and on Thursday, a federal district judge in Washington state also ordered the changes be halted.
Speaking from the bench on Thursday, that judge, Stanley Bastian, said the changes were a "politically motivated attack" on the efficiency of the Postal Service, according to The Associated Press. DeJoy faced similar accusations during congressional hearings last month and ardently denied that his moves were about anything more than trying to right the ship at a federal agency operating on a multibillion-dollar annual shortfall.
Regardless, mail is still being delivered at a slower-than-average pace than it was at the beginning of the pandemic, according to a tracker maintained by The New York Times.
Most of those delays are by only a single day, but the general air of doubt hanging over the Postal Service may push some voters, especially Democrats, to vote in person instead of by mail this fall.
A CNBC/Change Research poll in late August found an 11 percentage-point decline in the share of Democrats nationwide who said they planned to vote by mail, compared with a poll taken two weeks before the changes at the Postal Service became well-known.
Toulouse Oliver called the conversation Thursday "extremely productive" and said she's optimistic that DeJoy appears to be making more of an effort to communicate with the public and election officials about policies he is implementing.
"We have to take the election process out of the realm of toxic partisan rhetoric and make sure that voters have the best information possible to make their decisions about how, where and when to cast their ballot," she said.


npr--2020-09-17--Pennsylvania Supreme Court Extends Vote By Mail Deadline, Allows Drop Boxes

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court handed down several voting-related decisions Thursday that are likely to help Democrats this fall .
The court extended the deadline for accepting mail ballots , will allow voters to submit their ballots through drop boxes and removed the Green Party 's candidate for president from the ballot .
The decisions come less than two months before Election Day and as a flurry of election-related lawsuits continue to pile up around the country .
In dozens of cases , parties , campaigns and other groups are trying to sort questions about voting that have cropped up because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asked to clarify murky areas of election law that will be exacerbated by the millions more mail ballots that will be cast this year .
The questions include whether a ballot must be received by or postmarked by Election Day , must there be a witness for a mail-in ballot , what standards are being used to judge a voter 's signature and whether drop boxes can be used to return ballots instead of relying on the postal service .
2020 is the first year Pennsylvanians have the option to vote by mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Pennsylvania Department of State says nearly two million people have already asked for mail ballots for the upcoming election — and that figure is expected to grow .
`` This is a victory that will help ensure that every eligible voter will more easily be able to cast their ballot and have it counted fairly , '' Gov .
Tom Wolf , a Democrat , wrote in a statement on Thursday .
Mail ballots will now be accepted if they are received by 5 p.m. on the Friday after the election and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is no evidence to suggest they were sent after Election Day .
Previously , mail ballots had to be received by 8 p.m. on Election Day .
During the state 's June primary , tens of thousands of ballots arrived after the cutoff due to postal service delays and election officials scrambling to manage the deluge of mail ballots because of the pandemic .
The Pennsylvania Democratic Party and the state 's Democratic secretary of state filed suit to extend the deadline .
`` While [ the timeline ] may be feasible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fail under the strain of COVID-19 and the 2020 presidential election , resulting in the disenfranchisement of voters , '' Justice Max Baer , a Democrat , wrote for the majority .
Though the decision will enfranchise more voters — it will also mean that a final vote tally will take longer to certify .
Under current Pennsylvania law , clerks can not begin counting mail ballots until Election Day .
More Democrats are expected to vote by mail than Republicans , in part because President Trump for months has seeded doubts , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of mail ballots .
The ruling to give the legal green light to drop boxes is another win for the Democrats .
The Trump campaign filed a lawsuit in federal court to stop their use — but that case was paused while state courts weighed in .
The court 's decision to prevent the Green Party candidate , Howie Hawkins , from appearing on the ballot , could also help Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
In 2016 , President Trump won Pennsylvania by 44,000 votes .
Green Party candidate Jill Stein received nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin 's Supreme Court also ruled that Hawkins will not be on the state 's ballot this fall .
In other rulings Thursday , the Pennsylvania Supreme Court also upheld a state law that poll watchers must be registered to vote in the county where they 're observing the polls .
And in a win for Republicans , the court blocked people from delivering other voters ' absentee ballots — a practice Democrats call `` community collection '' and Republicans deem `` ballot harvesting . ''
On the heels of the decisions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement that they are exploring legal and legislative options to circumvent the rulings .
`` Today 's decision makes Pennsylvania 's elections less secure and opens the door to serious questions about the integrity of the process in one of the most significant national and state elections in recent memory , '' Speaker of the House Bryan Cutler and Majority Leader Kerry Benninghoff wrote .
There have already been an estimated 248 pandemic-related election lawsuits this year , and with the election ticking closer , more litigation is likely ahead .

Pennsylvania Supreme Court Extends Vote By Mail Deadline, Allows Drop Boxes
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt Rourke/AP Matt Rourke/AP
The Pennsylvania Supreme Court handed down several voting-related decisions Thursday that are likely to help Democrats this fall.
The court extended the deadline for accepting mail ballots, will allow voters to submit their ballots through drop boxes, and removed the Green Party's candidate for president from the ballot.
The decisions come less than two months before Election Day and as a flurry of election-related lawsuits continue to pile up around the country.
In dozens of cases, parties, campaigns and other groups are trying to sort questions about voting that have cropped up because of the pandemic. Courts are being asked to clarify murky areas of election law that will be exacerbated by the millions more mail ballots that will be cast this year. The questions include whether a ballot must be received by or postmarked by Election Day, must there be a witness for a mail-in ballot, what standards are being used to judge a voter's signature and whether drop boxes can be used to return ballots instead of relying on the postal service.
2020 is the first year Pennsylvanians have the option to vote by mail without needing to specify a reason. The Pennsylvania Department of State says nearly 2 million people have already asked for mail ballots for the upcoming election — and that figure is expected to grow.
"This is a victory that will help ensure that every eligible voter will more easily be able to cast their ballot and have it counted fairly," Gov. Tom Wolf, a Democrat, wrote in a statement on Thursday.
Mail ballots will now be accepted if they are received by 5 p.m. on the Friday after the election and were either postmarked by Nov. 3 or there is no evidence to suggest they were sent after Election Day. Previously, mail ballots had to be received by 8 p.m. on Election Day.
During the state's June primary, tens of thousands of ballots arrived after the cutoff due to postal service delays and election officials scrambling to manage the deluge of mail ballots because of the pandemic. The Pennsylvania Democratic Party and the state's Democratic secretary of state filed suit to extend the deadline.
"While [the timeline] may be feasible under normal conditions, it will unquestionably fail under the strain of COVID-19 and the 2020 presidential election, resulting in the disenfranchisement of voters," Justice Max Baer, a Democrat, wrote for the majority.
Though the decision will enfranchise more voters — it will also mean that a final vote tally will take longer to certify. Under current Pennsylvania law, clerks cannot begin counting mail ballots until Election Day.
More Democrats are expected to vote by mail than Republicans, in part because President Trump for months has seeded doubts, without any evidence, about the integrity of mail ballots.
The ruling to give the legal green light to drop boxes is another win for the Democrats. The Trump campaign filed a lawsuit in federal court to stop their use — but that case was paused while state courts weighed in.
The court's decision to prevent the Green Party candidate, Howie Hawkins, from appearing on the ballot, could also help Democratic nominee Joe Biden. In 2016, President Trump won Pennsylvania by 44,000 votes. Green Party candidate Jill Stein received nearly 50,000 votes. Earlier this week, Wisconsin's Supreme Court also ruled that Hawkins will not be on the state's ballot this fall.
In other rulings Thursday, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court also upheld a state law that poll watchers must be registered to vote in the county where they're observing the polls.
And in a win for Republicans, the court blocked people from delivering other voters' absentee ballots — a practice Democrats call "community collection" and Republicans deem "ballot harvesting."
On the heels of the decisions, Republicans in the state legislature wrote in a statement that they are exploring legal and legislative options to circumvent the rulings.
"Today's decision makes Pennsylvania's elections less secure and opens the door to serious questions about the integrity of the process in one of the most significant national and state elections in recent memory," Speaker of the House Bryan Cutler and Majority Leader Kerry Benninghoff wrote.
There have already been an estimated 248 pandemic-related election lawsuits this year, and with the election ticking closer, more litigation is likely ahead.