npr--2020-06-12--The NFL Announces A New Holiday. It's Listening. But Is It Enough?

The NFL Announces A New Holiday .
It 's Listening .
But Is It Enough ?
Many say for a league that 's been criticized for lagging behind on issues of race , it seems that way .
Friday , Commissioner Roger Goodell announced the NFL will observe June 19th as a recognized holiday .
The day , referred to as Juneteenth , commemorates the effective end of slavery in the U.S. Goodell made the announcement in a memo to league offices in New York City , New Jersey and Los Angeles .
Juneteenth , celebrated annually on June 19th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the United States .
Though the Emancipation Proclamation , made effective by President Lincoln on January 1 , 1863 declared that all persons held as slaves be freed , slavery persisted throughout the course of the Civil War .
It was not until two and a half years later , on June 19th 1865 , when Union soldiers landed in Galveston , Texas and declared the war to be over , that all of those enslaved became free .
The power of this historical feat in our country 's blemished history is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no question that the magnitude of this event weighs even more heavily today in the current climate .
Juneteenth not only marks the end of slavery in the United States , but it also symbolizes freedom – a freedom that was delayed , and brutally resisted ; and though decades of progress followed , a freedom for which we must continue to fight .
This year , as we work together as a family and in our communities to combat the racial injustices that remain deeply rooted into the fabric of our society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Friday , June 19th as a recognized holiday and our league offices will be closed .
It is a day to reflect on our past , but more importantly , consider how each one of us can continue to show up and band together to work toward a better future .
Goodell 's memo follows an announcement from the day before , that the NFL is pledging to donate $ 250 million over 10 years to a fund to combat systemic racism and support the battle against injustices faced by African Americans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has contributed ... a reported $ 44 million ... .as part of its work with the Players Coalition , a player-started advocacy group working on racial equality and social justice issues .
And then a week ago , Goodell released a video in which he condemned racism , stated black lives matter and admitted the NFL was wrong for not listening earlier to players protesting against police brutality and racial inequality .
Goodell 's video was in direct response to another video put together by some of the NFL 's biggest stars , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make the statements he ultimately made .
The league and its commissioner appear highly responsive right now , to players and the protest movement sweeping this country , following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police .
But one dramatic week of heightened awareness has n't rid the NFL of its many critics .
A video apology to protesters is nice , they say , but where is the public apology to Colin Kaepernick , the former San Francisco 49ers quarterback who started the protests in 2016 , and who still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NFL ?
Where are people of color in some of the NFL 's most prominent and prestigious positions ?
28 of 32 head coaches are white ; only two general managers are people of color ; only two offensive coordinators and two quarterback coaches in the NFL are minorities .
One dramatic week of heightened awareness is good .
But in the NFL , even the league admits there 's work left to do .

The NFL Announces A New Holiday. It's Listening. But Is It Enough?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bryan Allen/Getty Images Bryan Allen/Getty Images
Is the NFL newly woke?
Many say for a league that's been criticized for lagging behind on issues of race, it seems that way.
Friday, Commissioner Roger Goodell announced the NFL will observe June 19th as a recognized holiday. The day, referred to as Juneteenth, commemorates the effective end of slavery in the U.S. Goodell made the announcement in a memo to league offices in New York City, New Jersey and Los Angeles.
Dear NFL Colleagues: Juneteenth, celebrated annually on June 19th, commemorates the effective end of slavery in the United States. Though the Emancipation Proclamation, made effective by President Lincoln on January 1, 1863 declared that all persons held as slaves be freed, slavery persisted throughout the course of the Civil War. It was not until two and a half years later, on June 19th 1865, when Union soldiers landed in Galveston, Texas and declared the war to be over, that all of those enslaved became free. The power of this historical feat in our country's blemished history is felt each year, but there is no question that the magnitude of this event weighs even more heavily today in the current climate. Juneteenth not only marks the end of slavery in the United States, but it also symbolizes freedom – a freedom that was delayed, and brutally resisted; and though decades of progress followed, a freedom for which we must continue to fight. This year, as we work together as a family and in our communities to combat the racial injustices that remain deeply rooted into the fabric of our society, the NFL will observe Juneteenth on Friday, June 19th as a recognized holiday and our league offices will be closed. It is a day to reflect on our past, but more importantly, consider how each one of us can continue to show up and band together to work toward a better future. Roger
Goodell's memo follows an announcement from the day before, that the NFL is pledging to donate $250 million over 10 years to a fund to combat systemic racism and support the battle against injustices faced by African Americans. The pledge extends what the league already has contributed...a reported $44 million....as part of its work with the Players Coalition, a player-started advocacy group working on racial equality and social justice issues.
And then a week ago, Goodell released a video in which he condemned racism, stated black lives matter and admitted the NFL was wrong for not listening earlier to players protesting against police brutality and racial inequality. Goodell's video was in direct response to another video put together by some of the NFL's biggest stars, all African-American, calling on the Commissioner to make the statements he ultimately made.
The league and its commissioner appear highly responsive right now, to players and the protest movement sweeping this country, following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police.
But one dramatic week of heightened awareness hasn't rid the NFL of its many critics.
A video apology to protesters is nice, they say, but where is the public apology to Colin Kaepernick, the former San Francisco 49ers quarterback who started the protests in 2016, and who still doesn't have a job in the NFL? Where are people of color in some of the NFL's most prominent and prestigious positions? 28 of 32 head coaches are white; only two general managers are people of color; only two offensive coordinators and two quarterback coaches in the NFL are minorities.
One dramatic week of heightened awareness is good. But in the NFL, even the league admits there's work left to do.


npr--2020-06-12--Prosecutors Question Italy's Top Leaders Over Coronavirus Response

Italy 's prime minister , health and interior ministers faced hours of questioning in Rome Friday as prosecutors opened an investigation into possible government mismanagement of the COVID-19 crisis .
Investigators want to know why the towns of Alzano Lombardo and Nembro in the northern industrial region of Lombardy were not isolated and declared `` red zones '' as soon as the first cases were identified .
As of now , no one has been charged .
As the first country outside Asia hit by the new coronavirus , Italy was totally unprepared to deal with the new and poorly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first official case of local infection in the town of Codogno on Feb. 21 .
By that evening , the national government ordered 10 towns in the surrounding province of Lodi into lockdown .
Action was not so swift in the towns of Alzano Lombardo and Nembro , in Bergamo province .
They registered their first cases on Feb. 23 , but it was n't until March 3 that national health officials recommended the two towns be sealed off .
Meanwhile , the local branch of the leading business lobby , Confindustria , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' playing down the threat of the virus : `` Italian governments and responsible agencies have taken immediate protective measures , in order to prevent new cases , '' the head of Cofindustria Bergamo said in an online letter .
It was only on March 8 , when the entire Lombardy region was locked down , that Alzano Lombardo and Nembro were quarantined .
Several experts say that delay allowed the coronavirus to spread to the city of Bergamo , which became the virus epicenter in Italy .
The city recorded nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month of March as the average over the previous five years .
Bergamo became the symbol of the Italy 's COVID-19 tragedy when videos showed army trucks carrying coffins from its overwhelmed cemetery to other towns : Caskets were piling up ; Bergamo 's crematorium , even working nonstop , could not handle more than 25 bodies a day .
Mayor Giorgio Gori says he regrets his city and the surrounding area were not locked down sooner .
He told the Foreign Press Association this week , `` We did n't lose five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Asked by the daily La Repubblica if , in hindsight , he should have ordered a lockdown sooner , Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte said his conscience was clear and that he would not have done anything differently .
Conte and his center-left coalition are engaged in a blame game with Lombardy 's right-wing regional government .
Lombardy officials say the decision to isolate Alzano Lombardo and Nembro was up to the national government , but officials in Rome say regions have the full authority to order their own lockdowns , as several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 50 families of victims of COVID-19 in Bergamo province have filed formal legal complaints to seek to know whether there was wrongdoing in any of the deaths of their loved ones .
They say their aim is not to prosecute individual health care workers but to reveal where the system may have failed .
About 57,000 Italians have joined the families ' Facebook group called Noi Denunceremo ( We Will Report ) .
The daily Corriere della Sera reported on Friday that 250 more complaints were about to be filed .

Prosecutors Question Italy's Top Leaders Over Coronavirus Response
Enlarge this image toggle caption Claudio Furlan/AP Claudio Furlan/AP
Italy's prime minister, health and interior ministers faced hours of questioning in Rome Friday as prosecutors opened an investigation into possible government mismanagement of the COVID-19 crisis.
Investigators want to know why the towns of Alzano Lombardo and Nembro in the northern industrial region of Lombardy were not isolated and declared "red zones" as soon as the first cases were identified. As of now, no one has been charged.
As the first country outside Asia hit by the new coronavirus, Italy was totally unprepared to deal with the new and poorly understood virus. The country reported its first official case of local infection in the town of Codogno on Feb. 21. By that evening, the national government ordered 10 towns in the surrounding province of Lodi into lockdown.
Action was not so swift in the towns of Alzano Lombardo and Nembro, in Bergamo province. They registered their first cases on Feb. 23, but it wasn't until March 3 that national health officials recommended the two towns be sealed off. Meanwhile, the local branch of the leading business lobby, Confindustria, launched an English-language campaign "#Bergamoisrunning," playing down the threat of the virus: "Italian governments and responsible agencies have taken immediate protective measures, in order to prevent new cases," the head of Cofindustria Bergamo said in an online letter.
It was only on March 8, when the entire Lombardy region was locked down, that Alzano Lombardo and Nembro were quarantined. Several experts say that delay allowed the coronavirus to spread to the city of Bergamo, which became the virus epicenter in Italy. The city recorded nearly six times as many deaths in the month of March as the average over the previous five years.
Bergamo became the symbol of the Italy's COVID-19 tragedy when videos showed army trucks carrying coffins from its overwhelmed cemetery to other towns: Caskets were piling up; Bergamo's crematorium, even working nonstop, could not handle more than 25 bodies a day. Mayor Giorgio Gori says he regrets his city and the surrounding area were not locked down sooner. He told the Foreign Press Association this week, "We didn't lose five days, we lost two months."
Asked by the daily La Repubblica if, in hindsight, he should have ordered a lockdown sooner, Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte said his conscience was clear and that he would not have done anything differently. Conte and his center-left coalition are engaged in a blame game with Lombardy's right-wing regional government. Lombardy officials say the decision to isolate Alzano Lombardo and Nembro was up to the national government, but officials in Rome say regions have the full authority to order their own lockdowns, as several did in March.
Meanwhile, some 50 families of victims of COVID-19 in Bergamo province have filed formal legal complaints to seek to know whether there was wrongdoing in any of the deaths of their loved ones. They say their aim is not to prosecute individual health care workers but to reveal where the system may have failed.
About 57,000 Italians have joined the families' Facebook group called Noi Denunceremo (We Will Report). The daily Corriere della Sera reported on Friday that 250 more complaints were about to be filed.


npr--2020-06-12--Oregon Pauses Reopening As Coronavirus Cases Rise

Oregon Gov .
Kate Brown has put a temporary pause on all further reopening efforts in the state after it saw the most new cases of the coronavirus in a single day since the start of the pandemic .
`` In order to ensure that the virus is not spreading too quickly , I am putting all county applications for further reopening on hold for seven days , '' Brown said in a statement .
`` This is essentially a statewide 'yellow light . '
It is time to press pause for one week before any further reopening . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ seven-day rolling average of new cases in the state was lower than 32 .
Now , it 's above 100 , according to data compiled by The Oregonian newspaper The pause came just before Oregon 's most populous county , Multnomah , was set to start phase one of reopening , as Oregon Public Radio reported .
The county , which is home to Portland , was planning to have a limited reopening of establishments such as restaurants , gyms , salons and malls .
It is the only county in the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phase of reopening .
Brown cited a number of `` areas for concern '' that the state has been seeing in Multnomah County in its recent coronavirus data .
She said that hospitalizations have gone up there in the last two weeks , a higher percentage of tests are coming back positive , and more than 40 % of new cases have n't been traced back to a source .
`` This was not the outcome we anticipated when we submitted our application on June 5 , '' Multnomah County Chair Deborah Kafoury @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand how difficult this is for businesses , employers and families .
But the increase in cases and delay in reopening is a reminder that we are very much still in this . ''

Oregon Pauses Reopening As Coronavirus Cases Rise
Enlarge this image toggle caption Gillian Flaccus/AP Gillian Flaccus/AP
Oregon Gov. Kate Brown has put a temporary pause on all further reopening efforts in the state after it saw the most new cases of the coronavirus in a single day since the start of the pandemic.
"In order to ensure that the virus is not spreading too quickly, I am putting all county applications for further reopening on hold for seven days," Brown said in a statement. "This is essentially a statewide 'yellow light.' It is time to press pause for one week before any further reopening."
Less than three weeks ago, the seven-day rolling average of new cases in the state was lower than 32. Now, it's above 100, according to data compiled by The Oregonian newspaper
The pause came just before Oregon's most populous county, Multnomah, was set to start phase one of reopening, as Oregon Public Radio reported.
The county, which is home to Portland, was planning to have a limited reopening of establishments such as restaurants, gyms, salons and malls. It is the only county in the state that hasn't moved into the initial phase of reopening.
Brown cited a number of "areas for concern" that the state has been seeing in Multnomah County in its recent coronavirus data.
She said that hospitalizations have gone up there in the last two weeks, a higher percentage of tests are coming back positive, and more than 40% of new cases haven't been traced back to a source.
"This was not the outcome we anticipated when we submitted our application on June 5,'' Multnomah County Chair Deborah Kafoury said in a statement. "I understand how difficult this is for businesses, employers and families. But the increase in cases and delay in reopening is a reminder that we are very much still in this.''


npr--2020-06-13--This November, Election Night Could Stretch Into Election Week Or Month

This November , Election Night Could Stretch Into Election Week Or Month On the night of Pennsylvania 's June 2 primary , things looked bleak for Nina Ahmad .
The former deputy mayor of Philadelphia was running in a crowded Democratic primary field to become the state 's auditor general in a race that could be a preview of things to come across the country in November .
If Ahmad won , she 'd become the first woman of color to be nominated for an executive leadership position in the state .
But she trailed in the race by tens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Supporters began reaching out with sympathy .
`` People were worried ; they emailed [ about how I lost ] and said I 'm so sorry , '' Ahmad said .
`` I said , 'Just hold your horses . '
`` The election night results mostly reflected the totals from the western part of the state .
But Ahmad 's base was in the east , in vote-rich Philadelphia , which was still counting votes .
It was a full week after election day , a week that involved her and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every two minutes , '' before she took the lead .
She declared victory officially Thursday , nine days after election day .
More than half of all ballots cast in the Pennsylvania primary were by mail , and as states across the country transition to the historic amount of mail voting happening as a result of the pandemic , similar stories are playing out in other primaries .
Experts and election officials are already sounding the alarm that voters need to expect the same sort of delay in November 's presidential election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a mindset that we will not know who the winner of the election is on election night , '' said Nathaniel Persily , an election law professor at Stanford University .
The biggest reason for the delays is that mail ballots take longer to process than in-person votes .
Officials need to verify signatures , open envelopes , and in many states , including Pennsylvania , much of that process ca n't begin until the day of the election due to state law .
None of that is inherently a problem — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the tabulation or the accuracy of the count .
If anything , it 's an indicator that election officials are working through the sort of safeguards that prevent fraud or errors .
But problems arise because voters do n't understand that , Persily said .
And then these sorts of delays can become fertile ground for conspiracy theories .
`` In some ways , this is the worst year to have a pandemic that affects election administration because we were already worrying about disinformation and loss of confidence , '' Persily said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the additional challenge to voter confidence that 's posed by the possibility that all kinds of votes are going to be counted after Election Day . ''
This scenario has already played out multiple times in the past two years .
When the Iowa caucus app famously malfunctioned in February leading to a delay in results , theories flooded the Internet about whether it was an inside job by one of the campaigns .
And in recent general elections , such as in California , Florida and Arizona during the midterms , Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legitimacy of votes counted after Election Day because they skewed more toward Democrats .
`` I will not sit idly by while unethical liberals try to steal this election from the great people of Florida , '' said now-Sen. Rick Scott , R-Fla. , as his race tightened in the days after the election as mail ballots continued to be processed .
On the contrary , the reason ballots counted after Election Day often tilt in favor of Democrats is because they are usually being processed in densely populated urban voting jurisdictions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as South Florida or Philadelphia ) .
Many voting rights advocates , including Debra Cleaver , who founded the nonprofit voter outreach organization VoteAmerica , said they are worried about what Trump will say if the same thing happens later this year .
`` Given who is currently in the White House , that is going to lead to some wild accusations , '' Cleaver said .
`` Twitter is gon na be on fire . ''
The irony is that the delay in results come from the precautions election officials take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about which Trump often worries openly .
`` One of the reasons that the results take longer is [ officials are ] being diligent , '' Cleaver said .
`` That 's actually what we should be pushing for as a country .
So we should celebrate the fact that we 're actually counting every vote . ''
In Pennsylvania , the problem could be alleviated somewhat with a rule change .
Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar is lobbying the Legislature to pass a law that would allow local election officials to begin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepare them to be scanned , as is allowed in most states that process a large number of mail ballots .
`` Even if you did n't start counting until Election Day , you could do so much of the process weeks before , '' Boockvar said .
Regardless , she said the reason conspiracy theories around results `` have legs '' is because there 's been a failure by election officials , candidates and journalists to set voter expectations properly .
`` There 's the headlines that say this is a disaster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 's not right , '' she said .
`` If we all anticipate that accurate vote counts , with a higher volume by mail , or for any reason , for a pandemic or for civil unrest , take longer because it takes longer to make sure the count is accurate , then that 's the opposite of a disaster .
`` That 's what every single voter and official should want for this country . ''
Ahmad , for one , is at peace with the delay .
`` Patience is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And I am finding that to be true emotionally , '' she said .
`` What I 'm learning is you have to trust the process . ''

This November, Election Night Could Stretch Into Election Week Or Month
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt Rourke/AP Matt Rourke/AP
On the night of Pennsylvania's June 2 primary, things looked bleak for Nina Ahmad.
The former deputy mayor of Philadelphia was running in a crowded Democratic primary field to become the state's auditor general in a race that could be a preview of things to come across the country in November.
If Ahmad won, she'd become the first woman of color to be nominated for an executive leadership position in the state.
But she trailed in the race by tens of thousands of votes on election night. Supporters began reaching out with sympathy.
"People were worried; they emailed [about how I lost] and said I'm so sorry," Ahmad said. "I said, 'Just hold your horses.' "
The election night results mostly reflected the totals from the western part of the state. But Ahmad's base was in the east, in vote-rich Philadelphia, which was still counting votes.
It was a full week after election day, a week that involved her and her daughters refreshing results' websites "every two minutes," before she took the lead. She declared victory officially Thursday, nine days after election day.
More than half of all ballots cast in the Pennsylvania primary were by mail, and as states across the country transition to the historic amount of mail voting happening as a result of the pandemic, similar stories are playing out in other primaries.
Experts and election officials are already sounding the alarm that voters need to expect the same sort of delay in November's presidential election.
"We really need to get into a mindset that we will not know who the winner of the election is on election night," said Nathaniel Persily, an election law professor at Stanford University.
The biggest reason for the delays is that mail ballots take longer to process than in-person votes.
Officials need to verify signatures, open envelopes and, in many states, including Pennsylvania, much of that process can't begin until the day of the election, due to state law.
None of that is inherently a problem — it doesn't mean anything is wrong with the tabulation or the accuracy of the count. If anything, it's an indicator that election officials are working through the sort of safeguards that prevent fraud or errors.
But problems arise because voters don't understand that, Persily said. And then these sorts of delays can become fertile ground for conspiracy theories.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images
"In some ways, this is the worst year to have a pandemic that affects election administration because we were already worrying about disinformation and loss of confidence," Persily said. "And so now we have the additional challenge to voter confidence that's posed by the possibility that all kinds of votes are going to be counted after Election Day."
This scenario has already played out multiple times in the past two years.
When the Iowa caucus app famously malfunctioned in February leading to a delay in results, theories flooded the Internet about whether it was an inside job by one of the campaigns.
And in recent general elections, such as in California, Florida and Arizona during the midterms, Republicans, including President Trump, questioned the legitimacy of votes counted after Election Day because they skewed more toward Democrats.
"I will not sit idly by while unethical liberals try to steal this election from the great people of Florida," said now-Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., as his race tightened in the days after the election as mail ballots continued to be processed.
On the contrary, the reason ballots counted after Election Day often tilt in favor of Democrats is because they are usually being processed in densely populated urban voting jurisdictions, where more Democrats are usually clustered (such as South Florida or Philadelphia).
Many voting rights advocates, including Debra Cleaver, who founded the nonprofit voter outreach organization VoteAmerica, said they are worried about what Trump will say if the same thing happens later this year.
"Given who is currently in the White House, that is going to lead to some wild accusations," Cleaver said. "Twitter is gonna be on fire."
The irony is that the delay in results come from the precautions election officials take to prevent the issues with mail ballots about which Trump often worries openly.
"One of the reasons that the results take longer is [officials are] being diligent," Cleaver said. "That's actually what we should be pushing for as a country. So we should celebrate the fact that we're actually counting every vote."
YouTube
In Pennsylvania, the problem could be alleviated somewhat with a rule change.
Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar is lobbying the Legislature to pass a law that would allow local election officials to begin opening mail ballots before Election Day to prepare them to be scanned, as is allowed in most states that process a large number of mail ballots.
"Even if you didn't start counting until Election Day, you could do so much of the process weeks before," Boockvar said.
Regardless, she said the reason conspiracy theories around results "have legs" is because there's been a failure by election officials, candidates and journalists to set voter expectations properly.
"There's the headlines that say this is a disaster if there's a delay, and that's not right," she said. "If we all anticipate that accurate vote counts, with a higher volume by mail, or for any reason, for a pandemic or for civil unrest, take longer because it takes longer to make sure the count is accurate, then that's the opposite of a disaster.
"That's what every single voter and official should want for this country."
Ahmad, for one, is at peace with the delay. "Patience is a virtue, my mother told me. And I am finding that to be true emotionally," she said. "What I'm learning is you have to trust the process."


npr--2020-06-13--Will This Be The Moment Of Reckoning On Race That Lasts?

Will This Be The Moment Of Reckoning On Race That Lasts ?
In 2020 , things happen that never happened before .
And right now they seem to be happening all at once .
Atop a global pandemic and resulting recession , June has given us another dimension of head-spinning events .
Following two weeks of widespread street protests over the police killing of George Floyd , a change of attitude seems to have swept across the national culture like a sudden wind .
Long-controversial statues of Confederate Civil War heroes have been smashed , beheaded or pulled to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elected officials and courts are weighing their future anew .
Where they are down , few would expect them to rise again .
The spontaneous action of the unlawful may prove as lasting as the legal steps of officials .
Action as dramatic as sledgehammers on bronze was sure to dominate the story on TV .
But perhaps more stunning was the prospective absence of another Southern icon .
The Confederate battle flag known as the `` Stars and Bars '' has been banned from NASCAR races , where the banner has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The change was proposed years ago but rejected .
The head of the National Football League has reversed its stand on players kneeling during the National Anthem .
And the Republican-run Senate Armed Services Committee blessed a process to rename major U.S. military facilities in Southern states that now honor Confederate generals from the Civil War .
That idea had been promoted in The Atlantic by retired General David Petraeus , former commander of U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan .
The long-running TV reality show called `` COPS '' was cancelled and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was briefly shuttered on HBO Max before coming back battened with `` historical context . ''
A long- running fan favorite ( President Trump recently said he wished there were more movies like it ) the Civil War epic romanticized prewar plantation life and post-war vigilantism in Georgia while demeaning African Americans in both eras .
Suddenly , we are having a new moment of reckoning about race .
And like the pandemic with which it coincides , it has global implications .
In many parts of the world , protesters have torn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As far away as New Zealand , protesters in Hamilton removed the statue of the British naval commander for whom the city was named ( he died in the 1860s battling the tribal people of the island ) .
The pulling down of statues was common in Africa half a century ago as the European colonial powers decamped and left their monuments behind .
More monumental fury burst forth with the fall of the Soviet Empire a generation later .
Then there was that immense ( if hollow ) statue of Saddam Hussein @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Baghdad in 2003 .
These were surely significant acts marking legitimate breakthroughs for these peoples .
Does their sudden escalation in America mark a similar breakthrough ?
`` I think this country needs to have a reckoning , '' says Mitch Landrieu , the former mayor of New Orleans who removed Confederate statues from his city 's parks years ago .
`` A collective reckoning that what we have done in the past is wrong , that what we did in the past had consequences and to make a commitment to change .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of pause and amazement .
So much has taken place in two weeks .
What will the long-term effects be ?
Many of the changes taking place , while notable and even newsworthy , can be said to be more symbolic than real .
A renamed Fort Bragg will not raise wages for blacks in North Carolina or enhance their voting power .
Renaming a boulevard for Martin Luther King Jr. , or a park for Malcolm X , will not lessen the chances of police violence targeting the people who use that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is undeniable that names and flags are symbols that convey historical values .
These symbols meant approval to people when they were created , and they convey much of that same meaning now .
Surely there are those who brandish the Confederate flag – whether at a stock car race or on a truck — for its air of outlaw cool .
But what is signaled here to an African American is a more than a casual attachment to the Confederate cause — in the present as well as the past .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the past that represent things they abhor .
Statues and flags may not do physical harm to anyone or suppress anyone 's vote .
But they meant something to the people who put them up , and they have meaning for people who see them today .
They connote a social order , a cultural hierarchy , the holding of power .
Ultimately , they signify white supremacy .
The racial and cultural history of our nation is maddeningly complex and contradictory .
Gone With the Wind ironically produced the first Oscar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who played Mammy ) .
It was a personal triumph and hailed as a breakthrough .
But it did not break the cycle of type-casting that kept McDaniel a maid throughout her acting career .
It did not change Hollywood or the expectation of audiences .
It did not result in a proliferation of parts for people of color .
Momentous Supreme Court decisions and major pieces of legislation gave permanence to the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s .
Barack Obama was twice elected president .
Yet the notion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dream .
Just three years ago a furor followed the racially charged street fighting in Charlottesville , Va.. That ugly day , and the death of one counter-protester , began with a neo-Nazi march about preserving Confederate statues .
Since then , many monuments have been removed – but others have been installed and seven states have passed laws to give them more protection .
Two years before Charlottesville our eyes were on Charleston , S.C. , where a young white man killed nine people praying in the city 's historic Mother @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sang at the funeral .
We all came to know the names Trayvon Martin , Tamir Rice , Walter Scott and so many others .
Those moments came , attention was paid .
And then time moved on .
But that should not devalue this moment or what sets it apart .
It may be the existence of the COVID-19 pandemic and its disparate health and economic effects on the races .
It may be the cumulative effect of President Trump 's calling protesters `` thugs '' and backing virtually all actions by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as the NPR/PBS/Marist Poll , showed big majorities of the country supporting the protesters over the police .
What 's more , in a sudden gush of announcements , one organization after another that might have been expected to hunker down and ride out the storm have instead responded with gestures that widen our eyes .
They are only gestures , not changes in policy or action .
But they are not without weight .
They will alter important elements of our shared national life that have broad popular appeal .
Sports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans .
Movies and TV matter to our sense of ourselves .
And monuments bespeak mindsets .
When these elements of our life can change , more can change .

Will This Be The Moment Of Reckoning On Race That Lasts?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Parker Michels-Boyce/AFP via Getty Images Parker Michels-Boyce/AFP via Getty Images
In 2020, things happen that never happened before. And right now, they seem to be happening all at once.
Atop a global pandemic and resulting recession, May and June have given us another dimension of head-spinning events. Following two weeks of widespread street protests after George Floyd was killed by police in Minneapolis, a change of attitude seems to have swept through the national culture like a sudden wind.
Long-controversial statues of Confederate Civil War heroes and other divisive figures have been smashed, beheaded or pulled to the ground. Where they still stand, elected officials and courts are weighing their future anew. Where they are down, few would expect them to rise again. The spontaneous action of the unlawful may prove as lasting as the legal steps of officials.
Action as dramatic as sledgehammers on bronze was sure to dominate the story on TV. But perhaps more stunning was the prospective absence of another Southern icon. The Confederate flag has been banned from NASCAR races, where the banner has been so common as to be emblematic. The change was proposed years ago but rejected.
The National Football League has reversed its stance on players kneeling during the national anthem. And the Republican-run Senate Armed Services Committee blessed a process to rename major U.S. military facilities in Southern states that now honor Confederate generals from the Civil War. That idea had been promoted in The Atlantic by retired Gen. David Petraeus, former commander of U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The long-running TV reality show called Cops, was canceled and the 1939 film Gone With the Wind was briefly shuttered on HBO Max before coming back battened with "historical context." A long-running fan favorite (President Trump recently said he wished there were more movies like it) the Civil War epic romanticized prewar plantation life and postwar vigilantism in Georgia while demeaning African Americans in both eras.
Suddenly, we are having a new moment of reckoning about racial injustice. And like the pandemic with which it coincides, it has global implications. In many parts of the world, protesters have torn down symbols fraught with racial antipathy. As far away as New Zealand, protesters in Hamilton removed the statue of the British naval commander for whom the city was named (he died in the 1860s battling the tribal people of the island).
The pulling down of statues was common in Africa half a century ago as the European colonial powers decamped and left their monuments behind. More monumental fury burst forth with the fall of the Soviet Empire a generation later. Then there was that immense (if hollow) statue of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein that came down after the fall of Baghdad in 2003.
These were surely significant acts marking legitimate breakthroughs for these peoples. Does their sudden escalation in America mark a similar breakthrough?
"I think this country needs to have a reckoning," says Mitch Landrieu, the former mayor of New Orleans who removed Confederate statues from his city's parks years ago. "A collective reckoning that what we have done in the past is wrong, that what we did in the past had consequences and to make a commitment to change."
We stand now at a moment of pause and amazement. So much has taken place in two weeks. What will the long-term effects be?
Many of the changes taking place, while notable and even newsworthy, can be said to be more symbolic than real. A renamed Fort Bragg will not raise wages for blacks in North Carolina or enhance their voting power. Renaming a boulevard for Martin Luther King Jr. or a park for Malcolm X will not lessen the chances of police violence targeting the people who use that street or park.
That said, it is undeniable that names and flags are symbols that convey historical values. These symbols meant approval to people when they were created, and they convey much of that same meaning now.
Surely there are those who brandish the Confederate flag — whether at a stock car race or on a truck — for its air of outlaw cool. But what is signaled here to an African American is a more than a casual attachment to the Confederate cause — in the present as well as the past. People do not cling to the emblems of the past that represent things they abhor.
Statues and flags may not do physical harm to anyone or suppress anyone's vote. But they meant something to the people who put them up, and they have meaning for people who see them today. They connote a social order, a cultural hierarchy, the holding of power. Ultimately, they signify white supremacy.
The racial and cultural history of our nation is maddeningly complex and contradictory. Gone With the Wind ironically produced the first Oscar for an African American (Hattie McDaniel, who played Mammy). It was a personal triumph and hailed as a breakthrough. But it did not break the cycle of type-casting that kept McDaniel a maid throughout her acting career. It did not change Hollywood or the expectation of audiences. It did not result in a proliferation of parts for people of color.
Momentous Supreme Court decisions and major pieces of legislation gave permanence to the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Barack Obama was twice elected president. Yet the notion of a "post-racial society" remained a dream.
Just three years ago, a furor followed the racially charged street fighting in Charlottesville, Va.. That ugly day, and the death of one counterprotester, began with a neo-Nazi march about preserving Confederate statues. Since then, many monuments have been removed – but others have been installed and seven states have passed laws to give them more protection.
Two years before Charlottesville, our eyes were on Charleston, S.C., where a young white man killed nine people praying in the city's historic Mother Emanuel church. President Obama spoke and sang at the funeral.
Around the same time, we all came to know the names Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott and so many others.
Those moments came, attention was paid. And then time moved on.
But that should not devalue this moment or what sets it apart. It may be the existence of the COVID-19 pandemic and its disparate health and economic effects on the races. It may be the cumulative effect of President Trump's calling protesters "thugs" and backing virtually all actions by police.
This time, the polls, such as the NPR/PBS/Marist Poll, showed big majorities of the country supporting the protesters over the police. What's more, in a sudden gush of announcements, one organization after another that might have been expected to hunker down and ride out the storm have instead responded with gestures that widen our eyes.
They are only gestures, not changes in policy or action. But they are not without weight. They will alter important elements of our shared national life that have broad popular appeal. Sports are essential to life for millions of Americans. Movies and TV matter to our sense of ourselves. And monuments bespeak mindsets. When these elements of our life can change, more can change.


npr--2020-06-13--During Pandemic, Farmworkers Kept Their Jobs And Raised Risk Of Infection

During Pandemic , Farmworkers Kept Their Jobs And Raised Risk Of Infection On May 30 , David Cruz died of COVID-19 , before he could finish remodeling his Yakima home .
Cruz , 60 , had only replaced about a quarter of the old darkened roof tiles with clean green ones .
Old gutters lie in his backyard waiting to be replaced .
His wife , Reyna Cruz , and four children have taken over repainting the interior of their house .
About a two-hour drive east of Seattle , Yakima County in rural Washington has the most COVID-19 cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those cases originate from two hot spots : long-term care facilities and agriculture .
But it 's apples and cherries that make up the backbone of Yakima 's economy and has kept farmworkers like David exposed to the coronavirus .
David was a hard worker , Reyna says , taking on projects at home after logging long hours at Allan Brothers Fruit , a fruit growing , packing , and shipping company in Naches , Wash .
He built boxes for apples at the end of the packing line there for more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be on time , '' Reyna says of her husband of 21 years .
`` He never misses his job .
He never .
Sometimes he feeling sick , and I tell him to stay and he said 'No .
I 'm going . '
`` Long before David got sick with COVID-19 , when the pandemic first came to Yakima in March , Reyna says he started to reconsider going to work .
Coworkers started getting sick .
`` He told me , ' I 'm scared to go to work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ scared , you stay .
You stay in the house .
You 're not going .
Forget about the bills . ''
Those bills kept David at work .
He decided to isolate himself from Reyna and their kids to protect them , `` because he 's scared to infect everybody , '' Reyna says .
Even so , when he got sick in mid-May , he brought the coronavirus home and infected Reyna and three of their four daughters .
In Yakima , agriculture employs about a third of the workforce .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Allan Brothers CEO Miles Kohl says his company is doing all it can to keep workers safe , installing plastic dividers between workers , handing out masks , and shutting down the production line to clean more often .
But farmworkers everywhere are still at risk , he says .
`` I wish the American public could appreciate that the agricultural community , that workforce , is continuing to work , putting themselves out in an environment by just being out of the home where they have a higher likelihood of having an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of that likelihood , hundreds of farmworkers went on strike for weeks this spring at seven of Yakima 's fruit packing facilities , demanding protective supplies like masks , gloves , disinfectant and plastic dividers between workers .
They also demanded a $ 2 per hour increase in to their $ 13.50 an hour pay , to make up for lost income and rising expenses .
All strikes have been resolved .
David Cruz died while some were ongoing and workers took note .
They placed altars in his honor in front of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the local office of the Department of Labor and Industries .
Farmworkers union Familias Unidas Por La Justicia ( FUJ ) has helped organize the worker strikes and connect them with legal advisors .
Edgar Franks is their political director .
He says weak emergency rules for agriculture have broader consequences for Yakima .
`` If we 're looking to have a healthy , productive economy , it depends on a healthy and viable workforce , '' Franks says .
`` If there is nothing being done to protect these workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whole economy , along with causing a health crisis . ''
The state of Washington has issued safety guidelines for fruit packing facilities , telling employers to hand out masks and install plastic dividers between workers .
Franks worries the state is n't doing enough to enforce the rules .
Agricultural employers are doing everything they can to keep up and implement evolving guidelines , Jon DeVaney , president of the Washington State Tree Fruit Association says .
But how these facilities implement them can vary .
`` Some already have made transitions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already have fewer staff on their lines , '' DeVaney says .
`` Others have had more difficulty making those adjustments .
And everyone has struggled to get enough protective equipment . ''
That 's a difference the Cruz family saw from up close .
Reyna works in the packing line at Highland Fruit and her experience there was a big contrast to what she heard from David about precautions taken at Allan Brothers early in the pandemic .
`` People get infected and they 're working like nothing happened , '' Reyna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 'm glad I work there , because they protect everybody .
Masks , covers , dividers , everything .
And I told David , 'they do n't do anything ? '
and he told me 'no . '
`` Some Yakima companies , like Allan Brothers , are also asking the Yakima Health District for feedback on safety measures they 've put in place .
But other large employers with positive cases are concerned they may lose a large percentage of their workforce if wide-scale testing found more employees with COVID-19 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` We have had a number of employers who have either declined our on-site support and/or refused testing when recommended , which is incredibly frustrating as a public health official , '' Everson says .
`` At some point , we 're going to need to have consequences for employers who choose to turn a blind eye on an outbreak that they may have on their facility . ''
It 's hard to say exactly how many fruit packing facilities have outbreaks and how big they are .
But Everson says an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is impacting Yakima 's Latinos .
`` A large amount of our agricultural workforce is Hispanic or Latino .
It is very clear in Yakima County that they are bearing the brunt of coronavirus infections , '' Everson says .
`` They are just under 50 % of our population for the county and over 60 % of our infections . ''
Statewide , Latinos make-up 13 % of Washington 's population but 42 % of its cases .
The essential workforce here is much bigger than in other places — about 63 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a survey conducted by the Yakima Health District , only a third of residents wear masks in public .
That 's a lot of people potentially exposed to the virus who could take it to neighboring counties .

During Pandemic, Farmworkers Kept Their Jobs And Raised Risk Of Infection
toggle caption Enrique Pérez de la Rosa/Northwest Public Broadcasting
On May 30, David Cruz died of COVID-19, before he could finish remodeling his Yakima home. Cruz, 60, had only replaced about a quarter of the old darkened roof tiles with clean green ones. Old gutters lie in his backyard waiting to be replaced. His wife, Reyna Cruz, and four children have taken over repainting the interior of their house.
About a two-hour drive east of Seattle, Yakima County in rural Washington has the most COVID-19 cases per capita among West Coast states. Those cases originate from two hot spots: long-term care facilities and agriculture.
But it's apples and cherries that make up the backbone of Yakima's economy and has kept farmworkers like David exposed to the coronavirus.
David was a hard worker, Reyna says, taking on projects at home after logging long hours at Allan Brothers Fruit, a fruit growing, packing, and shipping company in Naches, Wash. He built boxes for apples at the end of the packing line there for more than 10 years.
"He'd always be on time," Reyna says of her husband of 21 years. "He never misses his job. He never. Sometimes he feeling sick, and I tell him to stay and he said 'No. I'm going.' "
Long before David got sick with COVID-19, when the pandemic first came to Yakima in March, Reyna says he started to reconsider going to work. Coworkers started getting sick.
"He told me, 'I'm scared to go to work.' I said, 'if you're scared, you stay. You stay in the house. You're not going. Forget about the bills."
Those bills kept David at work. He decided to isolate himself from Reyna and their kids to protect them, "because he's scared to infect everybody," Reyna says. Even so, when he got sick in mid-May, he brought the coronavirus home and infected Reyna and three of their four daughters.
In Yakima, agriculture employs about a third of the workforce. Most of those farmworkers are Latino.
Allan Brothers CEO Miles Kohl says his company is doing all it can to keep workers safe, installing plastic dividers between workers, handing out masks, and shutting down the production line to clean more often.
But farmworkers everywhere are still at risk, he says.
"I wish the American public could appreciate that the agricultural community, that workforce, is continuing to work, putting themselves out in an environment by just being out of the home where they have a higher likelihood of having an exposure," Kohl says.
Because of that likelihood, hundreds of farmworkers went on strike for weeks this spring at seven of Yakima's fruit packing facilities, demanding protective supplies like masks, gloves, disinfectant and plastic dividers between workers. They also demanded a $2 per hour increase in to their $13.50 an hour pay, to make up for lost income and rising expenses.
All strikes have been resolved. David Cruz died while some were ongoing and workers took note. They placed altars in his honor in front of Allan Brothers, the Yakima Health District and the local office of the Department of Labor and Industries.
Farmworkers union Familias Unidas Por La Justicia (FUJ) has helped organize the worker strikes and connect them with legal advisors. Edgar Franks is their political director. He says weak emergency rules for agriculture have broader consequences for Yakima.
"If we're looking to have a healthy, productive economy, it depends on a healthy and viable workforce," Franks says. "If there is nothing being done to protect these workers, it has the potential to crash the whole economy, along with causing a health crisis."
The state of Washington has issued safety guidelines for fruit packing facilities, telling employers to hand out masks and install plastic dividers between workers. Franks worries the state isn't doing enough to enforce the rules.
Agricultural employers are doing everything they can to keep up and implement evolving guidelines, Jon DeVaney, president of the Washington State Tree Fruit Association says. But how these facilities implement them can vary.
"Some already have made transitions to more automated processes, so they already have fewer staff on their lines," DeVaney says. "Others have had more difficulty making those adjustments. And everyone has struggled to get enough protective equipment."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Enrique Pérez de la Rosa/Northwest Public Broadcasting Enrique Pérez de la Rosa/Northwest Public Broadcasting
That's a difference the Cruz family saw from up close. Reyna works in the packing line at Highland Fruit and her experience there was a big contrast to what she heard from David about precautions taken at Allan Brothers early in the pandemic.
"People get infected and they're working like nothing happened," Reyna says. "The other warehouse, I'm glad I work there, because they protect everybody. Masks, covers, dividers, everything. And I told David, 'they don't do anything?' and he told me 'no.' "
Some Yakima companies, like Allan Brothers, are also asking the Yakima Health District for feedback on safety measures they've put in place.
But other large employers with positive cases are concerned they may lose a large percentage of their workforce if wide-scale testing found more employees with COVID-19, according to health officer Dr. Teresa Everson.
"We have had a number of employers who have either declined our on-site support and/or refused testing when recommended, which is incredibly frustrating as a public health official," Everson says. "At some point, we're going to need to have consequences for employers who choose to turn a blind eye on an outbreak that they may have on their facility."
It's hard to say exactly how many fruit packing facilities have outbreaks and how big they are. But Everson says an indirect measure may be how the coronavirus is impacting Yakima's Latinos.
"A large amount of our agricultural workforce is Hispanic or Latino. It is very clear in Yakima County that they are bearing the brunt of coronavirus infections," Everson says. "They are just under 50% of our population for the county and over 60% of our infections."
Statewide, Latinos make-up 13% of Washington's population but 42% of its cases.
The essential workforce here is much bigger than in other places — about 63% of worker. And according to a survey conducted by the Yakima Health District, only a third of residents wear masks in public.
That's a lot of people potentially exposed to the virus who could take it to neighboring counties.


npr--2020-06-13--Pandemic Perspective: What The 20 Poorest And Richest Countries Spend On Health Care

Pandemic Perspective : What The 20 Poorest And Richest Countries Spend On Health Care Of the world 's poorest states , the Democratic Republic of the Congo spends the least per citizen on health care — $ 19 per person annually .
And in Sierra Leone , the highest health spender south of the Sahara , it 's over triple — $ 66 per capita .
That 's still just a fraction of how much the world 's wealthiest countries spend on each of their residents ' health .
In the United States , the number is nearly $ 10,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spend at least $ 5,000 per person .
While experts warn that higher health spending does n't necessarily lead to better outcomes , it helps in a pandemic .
These budgets fund hospitals .
They pay for doctors and cover the cost of essential medical supplies and services , like intensive care beds , medication and ventilators .
Strapped health-care budgets and weak infrastructure imperil the coronavirus response and longer-term health outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa , where the world 's poorest countries are clustered , but that 's only part of the picture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already battled other outbreaks – AIDs , Ebola and tuberculosis – the playbook has always looked different .
As confirmed cases of the virus mount across developing and underdeveloped countries previously spared by the virus , disparities in testing capacity mean current caseload estimates in low-resource countries likely undershoot the true scope of the disease , says Dr. Andrea Tenner , who oversaw isolation units in Sierra Leone during the 2014 Ebola outbreak and is helping to develop emergency care in Tanzania .
On top of this , poor record keeping of cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fully measure the scope of the virus .
Facing a dearth of reliable and consolidated national numbers , many governments are flying blind as they roll out a response to the outbreak .
`` The documentation [ of deaths ] is mostly paper , '' Tenner recalls of her experience working in these countries .
`` It 's hard to follow . ''
Also , sub-Saharan Africa , which is critically dependent on imported medicinal and pharmaceutical products , faces acute shortages in the supplies needed to treat COVID-19 .
According to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Africa , nearly 94 percent of Africa 's total stock of pharmaceutical products are imported .
And at least 71 nations have already imposed limitations or full bans on exports of essential COVID-19 supplies , forcing many of the poorest countries into bidding wars over highly urgent , highly priced medical products .
`` What 's going to happen to countries having to choose between supporting populations living with malnutrition or starvation or getting personal protective equipment for hospitals ? ''
Tenner says .
`` And it 's very hard to enforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are ] ... eating what they earn every day .
They ca n't stay home for two weeks and survive . ''
These inequities run deeper than any single medical resource : World Bank research in 2015 suggests that 54 % of all deaths in low- and middle-income countries could have been prevented with adequate prehospital or emergency care .
Not all the challenges have to do with money or material resources .
Many sub-Saharan countries must grapple with people not showing up to get medical care , especially during an infectious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ head of University of British Columbia 's School of Public Health , says in Ethiopia , for instance , citizens were significantly more reticent to seek medical care during the Ebola crisis .
This led to an increase in mortality from other , often-preventable causes .
`` People will drastically reduce their use of very important measures that are available to address other causes of disease and mortality , '' Berman said .
`` They will stop bringing their children for treatment for respiratory infection or diarrheal diseases .
They will stop getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the clinic .
They will stop getting more treatment for tuberculosis , malaria , [ HIV ] or other problems that are prevalent . ''
Yet , even in the face of cultural factors like these , research shows that having money is n't all it takes to keep people healthy anyway .
A 2019 report on global health security by researchers at the Nuclear Threat Initiative , the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and the Economist Intelligence Unit demonstrate major vulnerabilities for countries — poor and rich — when it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Despite their wealth , some of the richest countries were less prepared to deal with a pandemic than researchers expected .
Jessica Bell , one of the report 's leads , explains : Wealthier countries often did n't prioritize health systems and disease prevention in ways tantamount to their resource power .
That 's why how a nation spends the money it does have can be more important than the dollar amount of a nation 's wealth , regardless of whether there 's a pandemic .
`` Imagine that if we spend $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high-level hospitals which treat sophisticated diseases — that does n't do much for the general population , '' Berman says .
`` If we spent that same money on assuring that everyone is immunized or treating these children 's infections and so on , we could see a very significant drop in mortality at the population level . ''
When it comes to a pandemic , past experience helps these countries , too , says Krutika Kuppalli , an infectious diseases physician and vice chair of the Infectious Diseases Society of America 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patients with Ebola in Sierra Leone and worked with HIV- infected patients and patients with tuberculosis in Ethiopia .
`` You have the experience of standing up the infrastructure , having a health care workforce that has been deployed and working with those high-consequence pathogens .
You have people , again , that are trained to do contact tracing , which is important , '' Kuppalli says .
Poor countries are used to leveraging extremely limited resources , Kuppalli and Tenner say , which is not something countries like the U.S. are used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helping the city of San Francisco respond to COVID-19 outbreak , described drawing from her experience in Africa : she 's begun giving patients nebulizer treatments in the open air rather than in buildings , to lower the risk that medical workers are exposed to the coronavirus .
`` In the U.S. , treating patients outside is not something we ever do , '' Tenner says .
`` In Ethiopia , I worked in a clinic where we saw a lot of [ tuberculosis ] patients and we saw all of them outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tenner is worried that the poorest countries may lose out to wealthier ones in the global grab for medical supplies — a devastating hit .
`` They could be bidding against San Francisco , against New York or Seattle , or Dar es Salaam in Tanzania or Freetown [ in Sierra Leone ] , '' she says .
`` When you 're in those bidding wars , the highest price wins . ''

Pandemic Perspective: What The 20 Poorest And Richest Countries Spend On Health Care
Of the world's 20 poorest states, the Democratic Republic of the Congo spends the least per citizen on health care — $19 per person annually.
And in Sierra Leone, the highest health spender among those states south of the Sahara, it's over triple — $66 per capita.
That's still just a fraction of how much the world's wealthiest countries spend on each of their residents' health. In the United States, the number is nearly $10,000. Half of the 20 richest countries spend at least $5,000 per person.
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While experts warn that higher health spending doesn't necessarily lead to better outcomes, it helps in a pandemic.
These budgets fund hospitals. They pay for doctors and cover the cost of essential medical supplies and services, like intensive care beds, medication and ventilators.
Strapped health-care budgets and weak infrastructure imperil the coronavirus response and longer-term health outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa, where the world's poorest countries are clustered, but that's only part of the picture. For these countries, which have already battled other outbreaks – AIDs, Ebola and tuberculosis – the playbook has always looked different.
As confirmed cases of the virus mount across developing and underdeveloped countries previously spared by the virus, disparities in testing capacity mean current caseload estimates in low-resource countries likely undershoot the true scope of the disease, says Dr. Andrea Tenner, who oversaw isolation units in Sierra Leone during the 2014 Ebola outbreak and is helping to develop emergency care in Tanzania.
On top of this, poor record keeping of cases and deaths is making it even harder to fully measure the scope of the virus. Facing a dearth of reliable and consolidated national numbers, many governments are flying blind as they roll out a response to the outbreak.
"The documentation [of deaths] is mostly paper," Tenner recalls of her experience working in these countries. "It's hard to follow."
Also, sub-Saharan Africa, which is critically dependent on imported medicinal and pharmaceutical products, faces acute shortages in the supplies needed to treat COVID-19.
According to a report by the United Nations Commission for Africa, nearly 94 percent of Africa's total stock of pharmaceutical products are imported. And at least 71 nations have already imposed limitations or full bans on exports of essential COVID-19 supplies, forcing many of the poorest countries into bidding wars over highly urgent, highly priced medical products.
"What's going to happen to countries having to choose between supporting populations living with malnutrition or starvation or getting personal protective equipment for hospitals?" Tenner says. "And it's very hard to enforce these kinds of regulations with people [who are] ... eating what they earn every day. They can't stay home for two weeks and survive."
These inequities run deeper than any single medical resource: World Bank research in 2015 suggests that 54% of all deaths in low- and middle-income countries could have been prevented with adequate prehospital or emergency care.
Not all the challenges have to do with money or material resources. Many sub-Saharan countries must grapple with people not showing up to get medical care, especially during an infectious disease outbreak.
Peter Berman, the head of University of British Columbia's School of Public Health, says in Ethiopia, for instance, citizens are more reticent to seek medical care as coronavirus spreads. This could lead to an increase in mortality from other, often-preventable causes.
"People will drastically reduce their use of very important measures that are available to address other causes of disease and mortality," Berman said. "They will stop bringing their children for treatment for respiratory infection or diarrheal diseases. They will stop getting immunized because they're afraid to go to the clinic. They will stop getting more treatment for tuberculosis, malaria, [HIV] or other problems that are prevalent."
Yet, even in the face of cultural factors like these, research shows that having money isn't all it takes to keep people healthy anyway.
A 2019 report on global health security by researchers at the Nuclear Threat Initiative, the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and the Economist Intelligence Unit demonstrate major vulnerabilities for countries — poor and rich — when it comes to defense against a pandemic. Despite their wealth, some of the richest countries were less prepared to deal with a pandemic than researchers expected.
Jessica Bell, one of the report's leads, explains: Wealthier countries often didn't prioritize health systems and disease prevention in ways tantamount to their resource power.
That's why how a nation spends the money it does have can be more important than the dollar amount of a nation's wealth, regardless of whether there's a pandemic.
"Imagine that if we spend $100 per capita to build up very high-level hospitals which treat sophisticated diseases — that doesn't do much for the general population," Berman says. "If we spent that same money on assuring that everyone is immunized or treating these children's infections and so on, we could see a very significant drop in mortality at the population level."
When it comes to a pandemic, past experience helps these countries, too, says Krutika Kuppalli, an infectious diseases physician and vice chair of the Infectious Diseases Society of America's Global Health Committee. She cared for patients with Ebola in Sierra Leone and worked with HIV- infected patients and patients with tuberculosis in Ethiopia.
"You have the experience of standing up the infrastructure, having a health care workforce that has been deployed and working with those high-consequence pathogens. You have people, again, that are trained to do contact tracing, which is important," Kuppalli says.
Poor countries are used to leveraging extremely limited resources, Kuppalli and Tenner say, which is not something countries like the U.S. are used to. Tenner, who is now helping the city of San Francisco respond to COVID-19 outbreak, described drawing from her experience in Africa: she's begun giving patients nebulizer treatments in the open air rather than in buildings, to lower the risk that medical workers are exposed to the coronavirus.
"In the U.S., treating patients outside is not something we ever do," Tenner says. "In Ethiopia, I worked in a clinic where we saw a lot of [tuberculosis] patients and we saw all of them outside."
Despite these mitigating factors, Tenner is worried that the poorest countries may lose out to wealthier ones in the global grab for medical supplies — a devastating hit.
"They could be bidding against San Francisco, against New York or Seattle, or Dar es Salaam in Tanzania or Freetown [in Sierra Leone]," she says.
"When you're in those bidding wars, the highest price wins."


npr--2020-06-13--Obsession Or Just Good Hygiene? Keeping The Coronavirus And OCD At Bay

Obsession Or Just Good Hygiene ?
Keeping The Coronavirus And OCD At Bay When I was 8 years old , just about all I could think of was how I was going to die that day .
No , I did n't grow up in the middle of a war zone , though many others across the world were living through that kind of nightmare in 1996 .
I was born and raised in a safe , small town in Idaho where murder was a rarity .
It would n't be a gun , a child predator , or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figured .
Instead , because I had a significant form of anxiety that neither I nor my parents recognized at the time — obsessive compulsive disorder — I was convinced that some kind of microscopic creature would be absorbed through my hands and infect every living cell in my body .
Maybe it would be bacteria , I thought , or parasites .
Or a virus .
That pencil I borrowed from my second grade classmate ?
It had to be totally infested .
The handle on the drinking fountain ?
Crawling with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trash or cleaned our cat 's litter box , my mind raced to strategize which hand I would use to turn on every light switch , open and close each door and carefully lift the lid on the garbage can to minimize my exposure to any kind of contamination .
I got good at using my feet , elbows and any other part of my body that lacked opposable thumbs to avoid touching what I deemed to be the life-threatening surfaces of everyday objects .
Now , 23 years later , those skills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called `` eccentric '' in pre-pandemic times are actually useful as I try to keep myself and my immunocompromised housemate — my girlfriend — safe .
But those skills come at a cost as I try to balance the need to frequently sanitize our home with the need to keep anxiety-driven compulsion at bay .
One in 40 adults and 1 in 100 children in the United States cope with OCD on a daily basis , according to the National Institutes of Mental Health There are different flavors of OCD , with different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compulsions , including what people may have seen on the A & E TV show `` Hoarders . ''
Those who militantly organize their surroundings also might have a touch of it .
One of my symptoms has always been an extreme and focused aversion to contamination , a characteristic I share with an estimated 40 % of those who develop OCD , according to Dr. Elias Aboujaoude , a psychiatrist and director of Stanford University 's OCD clinic .
As a child , touching anything I thought was covered with germs cancelled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I had a chance to scour it with soap and water .
Until then I 'd hold my hand as far as possible from my torso .
If I did n't perfectly perform these draconian mental gymnastics , I knew — without a doubt — I was going to die .
Maybe not immediately , but probably within a day or two , I thought .
Logic , which seems like it would be the panacea for irrational fears , is actually cruelly twisted back at you with OCD .
No matter how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you dreamed up in your head is n't real , the condition amplifies your fears until you perform whatever fantastic ritual you 've created for yourself to alleviate the anxiety .
By the time I turned 9 — with cognitive behavioral therapy , persistent practice , as well as a lot of patience and support from my parents — I learned to accept the invasive , persistent thoughts for what they were .
Just thoughts .
Medication also helps cut my base-level anxiety and it limits the scope of an occasional panic attack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as mild to moderate , which means I 'm not crippled by anxiety , at least most of the time .
I have n't had a major contamination relapse since 2008 when I was in college .
I was convinced for months back then that I needed to always keep whatever food I ate or drank within sight , because I thought it would magically be dosed with LSD .
Let 's be real , no one would be that generous with their stash .
( That episode ended after I finally got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not having seen one for more than a decade ) .
It 's not uncommon for people with well-controlled OCD to experience a small lapse in compulsive behaviors when under great pressure or stress , psychiatrists find , though for many people , full-blown relapses are , as in my case , rare after successful treatment .
Still , the pandemic has been challenging for a lot of us .
Cases of COVID-19 began to spring up in Idaho , where I live , in mid-March .
Since then , thousands more cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ details of how some patients died — alone , gasping for air , choking on fluid that fills their lungs like a lock system in a dam — I could feel my anxiety rise .
I 've been lucky enough to be able to work from home .
But I 'm suddenly finding my cleaning regimen taking up a not-so-insignificant part of my day .
In the home I share with my girlfriend , I take every precaution I can to maintain a contamination-free zone in the house , just as CDC guidelines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little overboard .
High-touch objects such as door knobs , light switches , remotes , faucets and countertops are all disinfected multiple times per day .
When a package gets delivered , I handle it like a live grenade .
It , too , must be zapped of any trace of this disease that could sneak into our house .
I know where every object in this house has been , whether I 've touched it with a finger that 's grazed a doorknob that was nicked by the grocery bags that were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 've recently doused that surface with rubbing alcohol to kill any possible trace of the coronavirus that might have crept in while I was n't paying attention .
If the gallon and a half of hand soap does n't run out first , the hand lotion will .
I worry that , to my girlfriend , I look like a frazzled conspiracy theorist — as though I 'm tracking links and clues on a corkboard filled with pins and ribbons , meticulously tracing every step .
That 's not how she sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her own mental health , she 's been leaving the cleaning up to me .
It 's stressful for her , too .
She knows I do n't trust her to decontaminate any delivery or package we receive ( and I feel guilty admitting that 's true ) .
While her mind is consumed with concern over the rising global death toll and whether there 's any end in sight , my mind is also managing dozens of little internal clocks ticking down the hours , minutes and seconds until every microbe will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cloth seat in my car .
There 's a thin line between being hypervigilant and succumbing to my deeper obsessions and compulsions — so far I 've managed to stay on the right side of that line .
My therapist , who will tell me if I 've crossed it , is still accessible by video call , thankfully .
I 've taken up exercising on our back porch to burn off some of my anxious energy , and that helps .
I 've planted my garden full of lettuce , spinach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radishes .
Smelling the rich soil and seeing the vibrant colors of my vegetables transports me away from the day 's news and body count .
Heading back inside , I 'll think about how delicious all these things I 've grown will be to eat in a month or two .
But sometimes another thought breaks through , with a slight sense of dread : `` Did I wash my hands ? ''
James Dawson is writer and reporter for Boise Public Radio .

Obsession Or Just Good Hygiene? Keeping The Coronavirus And OCD At Bay
Enlarge this image Keith Negley for NPR Keith Negley for NPR
When I was 8 years old, just about all I could think of was how I was going to die that day.
No, I didn't grow up in the middle of a war zone, though many others on the other side of the world were living through that kind of nightmare in 1996.
I was born and raised in a safe, small town in Idaho where murder was a rarity. It wouldn't be a gun, a child predator, or a car accident that killed me, I figured.
Instead, because I had a significant form of anxiety that neither I nor my parents recognized at the time — obsessive compulsive disorder — I was convinced that some kind of microscopic creature would be absorbed through my hands and infect every living cell in my body. Maybe it would be bacteria, I thought, or parasites. Or a virus.
That pencil I borrowed from my second-grade classmate? It had to be totally infested. The handle on the drinking fountain? Crawling with germs.
When I took out the trash or cleaned our cat's litter box, my mind raced to strategize which hand I would use to turn on every light switch, open and close each door and carefully lift the lid on the garbage can to minimize my exposure to any kind of contamination.
I got good at using my feet, elbows and any other part of my body that lacked opposable thumbs to avoid touching what I deemed to be the life-threatening surfaces of everyday objects.
Now, 23 years later, those skills that only the most generous would have called "eccentric" in pre-pandemic times are actually useful as I try to keep myself and my immunocompromised housemate — my girlfriend — safe.
I worry that, to my girlfriend, I look like a frazzled conspiracy theorist — as though I'm tracking links and clues on a corkboard filled with pins and ribbons, meticulously tracing every step.
But those skills come at a cost as I try to balance the need to frequently sanitize our home with the need to keep anxiety-driven compulsion at bay.
One in 40 adults and 1 in 100 children in the United States cope with OCD on a daily basis, according to the National Institutes of Mental Health
There are different flavors of OCD with different degrees and different types of obsessions and compulsions, including what people may have seen on the A&E TV show Hoarders. Those who militantly organize their surroundings also might have a touch of it.
One of my symptoms has always been an extreme and focused aversion to contamination, a characteristic I share with an estimated 40% of those who develop OCD, according to Dr. Elias Aboujaoude, a psychiatrist and director of Stanford University's OCD clinic.
As a child, touching anything I thought was covered with germs canceled out the use of that hand until I had a chance to scour it with soap and water. Until then I would hold my hand as far as possible from my torso.
If I didn't perfectly perform these draconian mental gymnastics, I knew — without a doubt — I was going to die. Maybe not immediately, but probably within a day or two, I thought.
Logic, which seems like it would be the panacea for irrational fears, is actually cruelly twisted back at you with OCD. No matter how much you reassure yourself that the hellscape you dreamed up in your head isn't real, the condition amplifies your fears until you perform whatever fantastic ritual you've created for yourself to alleviate the anxiety.
By the time I turned 9 — with cognitive behavioral therapy, persistent practice, as well as a lot of patience and support from my parents — I learned to accept the invasive, persistent thoughts for what they were. Just thoughts. Medication also helps cut my base-level anxiety, and it limits the scope of an occasional panic attack.
Today, my OCD is classified as mild to moderate, which means I'm not crippled by anxiety, at least most of the time.
I haven't had a major contamination relapse since 2008 when I was in college. I was convinced for months back then that I needed to always keep whatever food I ate or drank within sight, because I thought it would magically be dosed with LSD. Let's be real, no one would be that generous with their stash.
(That episode ended after I finally got the help of a new therapist after not having seen one for more than a decade).
It's not uncommon for people with well-controlled OCD to experience a small lapse in compulsive behaviors when under great pressure or stress, psychiatrists find, though for many people, full-blown relapses are, as in my case, rare after successful treatment.
Still, the pandemic has been challenging for a lot of us.
Cases of COVID-19 began to spring up in Idaho, where I live, in mid-March. Since then, thousands more cases have appeared.
As we learned the details of how some patients died — alone, gasping for air, choking on fluid that fills their lungs like a lock system in a dam — I could feel my anxiety rise.
I've been lucky enough to be able to work from home. But I'm suddenly finding my cleaning regimen taking up a not-so-insignificant part of my day.
In the home I share with my girlfriend, I take every precaution I can to maintain a contamination-free zone in the house, just as CDC guidelines recommend, though sometimes I go a little overboard.
High-touch objects such as door knobs, light switches, remotes, faucets and countertops are all disinfected multiple times per day. When a package gets delivered, I handle it like a live grenade. It, too, must be zapped of any trace of this disease that could sneak into our house.
I know where every object in this house has been, whether I've touched it with a finger that has grazed a doorknob that was nicked by the grocery bags that were left on our doorstep, and whether I've recently doused that surface with rubbing alcohol to kill any possible trace of the coronavirus that might have crept in while I wasn't paying attention.
If the gallon and a half of hand soap doesn't run out first, the hand lotion will.
I worry that, to my girlfriend, I look like a frazzled conspiracy theorist — as though I'm tracking links and clues on a corkboard filled with pins and ribbons, meticulously tracing every step.
That's not how she sees me, she says. But for her own mental health, she has been leaving the cleaning up to me.
It's stressful for her, too. She knows I don't trust her to decontaminate any delivery or package we receive (and I feel guilty admitting that's true).
While her mind is consumed with concern over the rising global death toll and whether there's any end in sight, my mind is also managing dozens of little internal clocks ticking down the hours, minutes and seconds until every microbe will die on the mail pile or on the cloth seat in my car.
There's a thin line between being hypervigilant and succumbing to my deeper obsessions and compulsions — so far I've managed to stay on the right side of that line.
My therapist, who will tell me if I've crossed it, is still accessible by video call, thankfully. I've taken up exercising on our back porch to burn off some of my anxious energy, and that helps.
I've planted my garden full of lettuce, spinach, arugula, fancy purple carrots and radishes. Smelling the rich soil and seeing the vibrant colors of my vegetables transports me away from the day's news and body count.
Heading back inside, I'll think about how delicious all these things I've grown will be to eat in a month or two. But sometimes another thought breaks through, with a slight sense of dread: "Did I wash my hands?"
James Dawson is writer and reporter for Boise Public Radio.


npr--2020-06-13--Trump Reschedules Tulsa Campaign Rally 'Out Of Respect' For Juneteenth

Trump Reschedules Tulsa Campaign Rally 'Out Of Respect ' For Juneteenth President Trump has announced that he is moving the date of his June 19th campaign rally in Tulsa , Okla. , by one day `` out of respect '' for Juneteenth , the holiday commemorating the effective end of slavery .
June 19 , 1865 is the date that the Union Army informed people in Texas – more than two years after the Emancipation Proclamation – that enslaved people were now free .
The president faced fierce criticism for scheduling the rally on the holiday , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the site of brutal racial violence .
In May of 1921 , black citizens in Tulsa were massacred at the hands of white mobs .
Democratic Rep. Val Demings of Florida condemned the decision , saying the rally was `` a message to every Black American : More of the same . ''
Now scheduled on June 20th , the rally will mark President Trump 's official return to the campaign trail after the COVID-19 pandemic halted in-person gatherings .
Trump announced his decision in a series of late Friday night tweets , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends and supporters have reached out to suggest that we consider changing the date out of respect for this Holiday and in observance of this important occasion and all that it represents . ''
Oklahoma 's Republican Governor Kevin Stitt quickly released a statement thanking the president for changing the date .
`` I am thankful President Trump recognizes the significance of June 19 and has chosen to move his campaign rally out of respect to Oklahomans and the important Juneteenth celebrations . ''
White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany on Thursday defended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Juneteenth , calling it a `` meaningful day '' for the president .
`` The African American community is very near and dear to his heart , '' she told reporters .
`` At these rallies , he often shares the great work he has done for minority communities . ''
McEnany added that Trump is `` working on rectifying injustices , injustices that go back to the very beginning of this country 's history . ''
Amid the criticism behind the date of the rally , many are also concerned about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The president said in a tweet that the rally had ticket requests `` in excess of 200,000 . ''
A disclaimer at the bottom of the rally 's registration page tells attendees they voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to COVID-19 .

Trump Reschedules Tulsa Campaign Rally 'Out Of Respect' For Juneteenth
Enlarge this image toggle caption Nicholas Kamm/AFP via Getty Images Nicholas Kamm/AFP via Getty Images
President Trump has announced that he is moving the date of his June 19 campaign rally in Tulsa, Okla., by one day "out of respect" for Juneteenth, the holiday commemorating the effective end of slavery.
June 19, 1865, is the date that the Union Army informed people in Texas — more than two years after the Emancipation Proclamation was issued — that enslaved people were now free. The president faced fierce criticism for scheduling the rally on the holiday, as well as holding it in a city that was the site of brutal racial violence. In May 1921, black citizens in Tulsa were massacred at the hands of white mobs.
Democratic Rep. Val Demings of Florida had condemned the original plans, saying the rally was "a message to every Black American: more of the same."
Now scheduled on June 20, the rally will mark Trump's official return to the campaign trail after the COVID-19 pandemic halted in-person gatherings.
Trump announced his decision to change the date in a series of late Friday night tweets, saying, "Many of my African American friends and supporters have reached out to suggest that we consider changing the date out of respect for this Holiday and in observance of this important occasion and all that it represents."
Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt, a Republican, quickly released a statement thanking the president for changing the date. "I am thankful President Trump recognizes the significance of June 19 and has chosen to move his campaign rally out of respect to Oklahomans and the important Juneteenth celebrations."
On Thursday, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany had defended the decision to hold the rally on Juneteenth, calling it a "meaningful day" for the president.
"The African American community is very near and dear to his heart," she told reporters. "At these rallies, he often shares the great work he has done for minority communities."
McEnany added that Trump is "working on rectifying injustices, injustices that go back to the very beginning of this country's history."
Amid the criticism behind the date of the rally, many are also concerned about the possible exposure of attendees to the coronavirus. The president said in a tweet that the rally had ticket requests "in excess of 200,000."
A disclaimer at the bottom of the rally's registration page says attendees voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to COVID-19.


npr--2020-06-12--Oscars: Future Films Must Meet Diversity And Inclusion Rules

The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences on Friday announced a new initiative to expand diversity and inclusion within the filmmaking industry , as it faces renewed criticism over a lack of diverse representation on screen and behind the scenes .
The latest effort to de-white-ify the film community , called `` Academy Aperture 2025 , '' includes a plan to require Oscar nominees to meet certain diversity and inclusion standards .
`` While the Academy has made strides , we know there is much more work to be done in order to ensure equitable opportunities across the board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a statement Friday .
`` The need to address this issue is urgent .
To that end , we will amend — and continue to examine — our rules and procedures to ensure that all voices are heard and celebrated . ''
Although it was light on details , the Academy said it is creating a task force of film industry leaders `` to develop and implement new representation and inclusion standards for Oscars eligibility by July 31 . ''
The new rules are expected to `` encourage equitable hiring practices and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the statement .
Additionally , the pool of Best Picture nominees will be permanently set at 10 beginning with the 94th Oscars in 2022 .
In recent years the number of films in the category has fluctuated between five and 10 .
The new measures come on the heels of a sweep of protests against institutional racism that were sparked by the killing of George Floyd , a black man who was killed by a white police officer on Memorial Day .
But the changes also follow years of conflict between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which they accuse of decades of exclusion of non-white directors , writers and actors in the competition for film 's most prestigious prizes .
In 2014 , a complete shut-out of any non-white Academy Award nominees in the more prominent categories prompted the Oscars So White hashtag .
As a result , the following year the Academy tried to broaden its voting membership , inviting over 300 new members .
It also launched A2020 , a plan designed to promote inclusion within the organization .
Earlier this week , a record number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the board of governors , including Whoopi Goldberg and Ava DuVernay .
Moving forward , all Academy governors , branch executive committee members and Academy staff will be required to attend unconscious bias training .
`` To truly meet this moment , we must recognize how much more needs to be done , and we must listen , learn , embrace the challenge , and hold ourselves and our community accountable , '' said Academy President David Rubin .

Oscars: Future Films Must Meet Diversity And Inclusion Rules
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chris Pizzello/Chris Pizzello/Invision/AP Chris Pizzello/Chris Pizzello/Invision/AP
The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences on Friday announced a new initiative to expand diversity and inclusion within the filmmaking industry, as it faces renewed criticism over a lack of diverse representation on screen and behind the scenes.
The latest effort to de-white-ify the film community, called "Academy Aperture 2025," includes a plan to require Oscar nominees to meet certain diversity and inclusion standards.
"While the Academy has made strides, we know there is much more work to be done in order to ensure equitable opportunities across the board," Academy CEO Dawn Hudson said in a statement Friday. "The need to address this issue is urgent. To that end, we will amend — and continue to examine — our rules and procedures to ensure that all voices are heard and celebrated."
Although it was light on details, the Academy said it is creating a task force of film industry leaders "to develop and implement new representation and inclusion standards for Oscars eligibility by July 31."
The new rules are expected to "encourage equitable hiring practices and representation on and off screen," according to the statement.
Additionally, the pool of Best Picture nominees will be permanently set at 10 beginning with the 94th Oscars in 2022. In recent years the number of films in the category has fluctuated between five and 10.
The new measures come on the heels of a sweep of protests against institutional racism that were sparked by the killing of George Floyd, a black man who was killed by a white police officer on Memorial Day.
But the changes also follow years of conflict between filmmakers of color and the Academy, which they accuse of decades of exclusion of non-white directors, writers and actors in the competition for film's most prestigious prizes. In 2014, a complete shut-out of any non-white Academy Award nominees in the more prominent categories prompted the Oscars So White hashtag.
As a result, the following year the Academy tried to broaden its voting membership, inviting over 300 new members. It also launched A2020, a plan designed to promote inclusion within the organization.
As Yahoo reported:
"In the more than 90 years of the Oscars, no Black director has ever won the Best Director award, no Black women have been nominated in that category, and only two films by Black directors have been awarded Best Picture: Steve McQueen's 12 Years a Slave and Barry Jenkins' Moonlight."
Earlier this week, a record number of women and people of color were elected to the board of governors, including Whoopi Goldberg and Ava DuVernay.
Moving forward, all Academy governors, branch executive committee members and Academy staff will be required to attend unconscious bias training.
"To truly meet this moment, we must recognize how much more needs to be done, and we must listen, learn, embrace the challenge, and hold ourselves and our community accountable," said Academy President David Rubin.