npr--2020-11-20--After Australian Report, Calls Grow For More Investigations Of Abuses In Afghanistan

After Australian Report , Calls Grow For More Investigations Of Abuses In Afghanistan When Braden Chapman , newly patrolling with Australian special forces in Afghanistan , saw a fellow soldier shoot dead an unarmed Afghan man whose arms were raised , `` I was taken aback , '' he recalls , `` because I knew it was an execution . ''
The alleged incident occurred in 2012 , when Chapman was serving as an electronic warfare operator in Uruzgan province in southern Afghanistan .
He tells NPR that another soldier tried to put `` words into my mouth . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Afghan man had been moving `` to gain tactical advantage '' on the Australian troops .
Chapman was serving in his first deployment .
He recalls hearing casual talk from members of his elite squad about other killings the unit had committed in Afghanistan stretching back to 2005 .
`` I guess that 's just how this unit operates , '' he recalls thinking .
It was , to some extent .
That became evident on Thursday , when findings were made public of a four-year inquiry into suspected war crimes by Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbered some 3,000 among a force of 26,000 .
The Inspector-General of the Australian Defense Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report , as it is formally known , recommends that 19 former and current Australian soldiers be referred to criminal investigation for killing 39 Afghans in 23 separate incidents .
Most of the killings occurred around 2012 .
The report also recommends disbanding a squadron within the Special Air Services Regiment , more widely known as Australia 's SAS , its most elite forces .
This was the squadron largely involved in the killings .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , lies told and prisoners killed , '' said Gen. Angus Campbell in a speech broadcast live on Australian television as the report was released .
`` Those who wish to speak up were allegedly discouraged , intimidated and discredited . ''
Elite soldiers lied about killing unarmed men , including prisoners and farmers .
They planted guns on some corpses to falsely claim they 'd killed combatants .
Some were forced to kill Afghans as part of an initiation ritual .
`` This shameful record includes alleged instances in which new patrol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in order to achieve that soldier 's first kill , in an appalling practice known as 'blooding , ' '' said Campbell .
Addressing the Afghan people , he said : `` I sincerely and unreservedly apologize for any wrongdoing by Australian soldiers . ''
The Afghan government has acknowledged that Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison called President Ashraf Ghani to inform him of the report .
`` We are grateful for their support , but greatly disappointed in their misconducts and the war crimes they have committed .
Apology and compensation to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough .
Australian federal police should investigate the cases referred to them and serve justice , '' an Afghan official tells NPR .
He did not want to be named since he was not authorized to give a statement before the Afghan government had officially responded .
The Australian inquiry was triggered in 2016 , after Samantha Crompvoets , a military sociologist , compiled gruesome accounts of alleged atrocities while she was investigating the culture of Australia 's special forces .
It evolved into the most wide-ranging military inquiry to date of any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Afghanistan .
Led by a Supreme Court judge and retired reservist , Maj. Gen. Paul Brereton , it examined the period from 2005 to 2016 .
`` Just looking at the post-2001 period , there have been very few efforts by any of the countries involved to really look into what has been a long history of very serious abuses by international forces , '' says Patricia Gossman , the associate Asia director for Human Rights Watch .
`` So if if Australia actually does what it should do , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it would it be unprecedented and so important , not just for Australia ... but for the Afghans who have never , ever seen justice for so many war crimes over a long period of this war . ''
The report has triggered calls by prominent activists , including a leading Afghan human rights group , for the U.S. , U.K. and others with a military presence in Afghanistan to undertake similar investigations .
Their calls come as U.S. forces draw down from Afghanistan , amid concerns that a near two-decade chapter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a close .
`` Only through a series of independent inquiries will we uncover the true extent of this disregard for Afghan life , which normalized murder , and resulted in war crimes , '' the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission said in a statement .
The Australian inquiry 's investigators spoke to 423 witnesses and reviewed more than 20,000 documents and 25,000 images .
They listed atrocities that now form the worst wartime incidents carried out by Australian forces , says Neil James , the director of the Australian Defence Association @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There 's no doubt that the Australian Defence Force committed the odd war crime in previous wars , '' he says .
`` This is an entirely different situation .
These were premeditated , intentional , went for several years and were covered up by the people doing it .
That 's what makes them particularly shameful . ''
Human rights advocates say accountability must extend beyond the 19 men referred for criminal investigation .
`` Civilian officials and military commanders can still be held criminally liable as a matter of command responsibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuses they should have known about .
It is not enough for them to say they did n't know , '' says Gossman .
The details of suspected atrocities were redacted from the 463-page Australian report .
But some were already public , aired by Australian media after a handful of whistleblowers , including Chapman , came forward .
Australian public broadcaster ABC aired footage in March appearing to show an Australian soldier shooting an unarmed Afghan man at close range in a wheat field .
The atrocities identified in the inquiry are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Shaharzad Akbar , the chairperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission .
Victims were often isolated in rural areas , sometimes under Taliban control .
They either could not reach Afghan authorities or did not trust them .
`` They were afraid , '' Akbar says .
`` They thought no one would care . ''
Lalai , an Afghan farmer , tells NPR his family never came forward to report or complain about what he says was the killing by foreign forces of his uncle Wali Mohammad and his brother @ @ @ @ @ @ @ village in Choghak in Uruzgan province .
He does n't know who killed his relatives ; he only knows they were foreign forces at a time when Australians were operating in the province .
He says his loved ones were shot during a night raid on their family compound .
Lalai recalls asking an interpreter with the foreign forces why the soldiers killed his brother and uncle .
`` He said , 'These guys , they do whatever they want , ' '' he recalls .
Lalai says the family did not report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upper hand . ''
`` We could n't say anything about the foreigners , '' he explains .
`` Nobody would have listened to us . ''
Lalai , who is illiterate and guesses his age is 20 , hitched a two-hour ride to the local courthouse to speak to NPR , because there 's no cellphone reception in his village .
He says he made the effort after all these years because `` we want justice . ''
The Australian inquiry notes that Afghan complaints were often dismissed .
According to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces shed their standards in repeated , high-pressure combat missions to Afghanistan .
They did not have effective oversight and junior soldiers were in the thrall of charismatic commanders .
There was also a growing sense of anger toward military superiors who expected them to risk their lives to capture wanted Afghans for investigation , only for the Afghans to be released days later .
`` You started to think , like , oh , we 're wasting our time , '' says Chapman , the former electronic warfare operator .
`` A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he says , `` punching someone or kicking . ''
Or killing .
Now , Chapman says , he hopes the Australian inquiry `` inspires Americans to come forward and speak out against everything they did or they witnessed , because I work with Americans who definitely saw some stuff . ''

After Australian Report, Calls Grow For More Investigations Of Abuses In Afghanistan
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mick Tsikas/AP Mick Tsikas/AP
When Braden Chapman, newly patrolling with Australian special forces in Afghanistan, saw a fellow soldier shoot dead an unarmed Afghan man whose arms were raised, "I was taken aback," he recalls, "because I knew it was an execution."
The alleged incident occurred in 2012, when Chapman was serving as an electronic warfare operator in Uruzgan province in southern Afghanistan. He tells NPR that another soldier tried to put "words into my mouth." He told Chapman to say that the Afghan man had been moving "to gain tactical advantage" on the Australian troops.
Chapman was serving in his first deployment. He recalls hearing casual talk from members of his elite squad about other killings the unit had committed in Afghanistan stretching back to 2005.
"I guess that's just how this unit operates," he recalls thinking.
It was, to some extent. That became evident on Thursday, when findings were made public of a four-year inquiry into suspected war crimes by Australia's special forces in Afghanistan, who numbered some 3,000 among a force of 26,000.
The Inspector-General of the Australian Defense Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report, as it is formally known, recommends that 19 former and current Australian soldiers be referred to criminal investigation for killing 39 Afghans in 23 separate incidents. Most of the killings occurred around 2012. The report also recommends disbanding a squadron within the Special Air Services Regiment, more widely known as Australia's SAS, its most elite forces. This was the squadron largely involved in the killings.
"Rules were broken, stories concocted, lies told and prisoners killed," said Gen. Angus Campbell in a speech broadcast live on Australian television as the report was released. "Those who wish to speak up were allegedly discouraged, intimidated and discredited."
Elite soldiers lied about killing unarmed men, including prisoners and farmers. They planted guns on some corpses to falsely claim they'd killed combatants.
Some were forced to kill Afghans as part of an initiation ritual.
"This shameful record includes alleged instances in which new patrol members were coerced to shoot a prisoner in order to achieve that soldier's first kill, in an appalling practice known as 'blooding,'" said Campbell.
Addressing the Afghan people, he said: "I sincerely and unreservedly apologize for any wrongdoing by Australian soldiers."
The Afghan government has acknowledged that Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison called President Ashraf Ghani to inform him of the report.
"We are grateful for their support, but greatly disappointed in their misconducts and the war crimes they have committed. Apology and compensation to the victims' families won't be enough. Australian federal police should investigate the cases referred to them and serve justice," an Afghan official tells NPR. He did not want to be named since he was not authorized to give a statement before the Afghan government had officially responded.
The Australian inquiry was triggered in 2016, after Samantha Crompvoets, a military sociologist, compiled gruesome accounts of alleged atrocities while she was investigating the culture of Australia's special forces.
It evolved into the most wide-ranging military inquiry to date of any armed forces involved in the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan. Led by a Supreme Court judge and retired reservist, Maj. Gen. Paul Brereton, it examined the period from 2005 to 2016.
"Just looking at the post-2001 period, there have been very few efforts by any of the countries involved to really look into what has been a long history of very serious abuses by international forces," says Patricia Gossman, the associate Asia director for Human Rights Watch. "So if if Australia actually does what it should do, which is to pursue genuine criminal investigations and prosecutions, it would it be unprecedented and so important, not just for Australia... but for the Afghans who have never, ever seen justice for so many war crimes over a long period of this war."
The report has triggered calls by prominent activists, including a leading Afghan human rights group, for the U.S., U.K. and others with a military presence in Afghanistan to undertake similar investigations. Their calls come as U.S. forces draw down from Afghanistan, amid concerns that a near two-decade chapter of foreign force involvement could largely come to a close.
"Only through a series of independent inquiries will we uncover the true extent of this disregard for Afghan life, which normalized murder, and resulted in war crimes," the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission said in a statement.
The Australian inquiry's investigators spoke to 423 witnesses and reviewed more than 20,000 documents and 25,000 images. They listed atrocities that now form the worst wartime incidents carried out by Australian forces, says Neil James, the director of the Australian Defence Association, a security think tank.
"There's no doubt that the Australian Defence Force committed the odd war crime in previous wars," he says. "This is an entirely different situation. These were premeditated, intentional, went for several years and were covered up by the people doing it. That's what makes them particularly shameful."
Human rights advocates say accountability must extend beyond the 19 men referred for criminal investigation.
"Civilian officials and military commanders can still be held criminally liable as a matter of command responsibility. And these are the kinds of abuses they should have known about. It is not enough for them to say they didn't know," says Gossman.
The details of suspected atrocities were redacted from the 463-page Australian report. But some were already public, aired by Australian media after a handful of whistleblowers, including Chapman, came forward. Australian public broadcaster ABC aired footage in March appearing to show an Australian soldier shooting an unarmed Afghan man at close range in a wheat field.
The atrocities identified in the inquiry are probably the tip of the iceberg, says Shaharzad Akbar, the chairperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. Victims were often isolated in rural areas, sometimes under Taliban control. They either could not reach Afghan authorities or did not trust them.
"They were afraid," Akbar says. "They thought no one would care."
Lalai, an Afghan farmer, tells NPR his family never came forward to report or complain about what he says was the killing by foreign forces of his uncle Wali Mohammad and his brother Zainullah about five years ago in their village in Choghak in Uruzgan province.
He doesn't know who killed his relatives; he only knows they were foreign forces at a time when Australians were operating in the province. He says his loved ones were shot during a night raid on their family compound.
Lalai recalls asking an interpreter with the foreign forces why the soldiers killed his brother and uncle. "He said, 'These guys, they do whatever they want,'" he recalls.
Lalai says the family did not report the killings "because foreigners have the upper hand."
"We couldn't say anything about the foreigners," he explains. "Nobody would have listened to us."
Lalai, who is illiterate and guesses his age is 20, hitched a two-hour ride to the local courthouse to speak to NPR, because there's no cellphone reception in his village. He says he made the effort after all these years because "we want justice."
The Australian inquiry notes that Afghan complaints were often dismissed. According to the report, members of Australia's elite forces shed their standards in repeated, high-pressure combat missions to Afghanistan. They did not have effective oversight and junior soldiers were in the thrall of charismatic commanders.
There was also a growing sense of anger toward military superiors who expected them to risk their lives to capture wanted Afghans for investigation, only for the Afghans to be released days later.
"You started to think, like, oh, we're wasting our time," says Chapman, the former electronic warfare operator. "A few of the guys got heavy-handed," he says, "punching someone or kicking." Or killing.
Now, Chapman says, he hopes the Australian inquiry "inspires Americans to come forward and speak out against everything they did or they witnessed, because I work with Americans who definitely saw some stuff."


npr--2020-11-20--Biden Gives New Hope To Refugees Fleeing Religious Persecution

Biden Gives New Hope To Refugees Fleeing Religious Persecution As president , Donald Trump slashed refugee admissions to the United States to a record low .
Paradoxically , his administration also took major steps to highlight the persecution of religious minorities around the world , a key driver of global refugee movements .
President-elect Joe Biden promises to reverse Trump 's refugee policy , raising the annual ceiling for refugee admissions to 125,000 .
President Trump ordered last month that no more than 15,000 refugees be admitted to the United States in 2021 , the lowest level in the history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Jesuit Refugee Service after his election , Biden said his administration `` will restore America 's role in protecting the vulnerable and defending the rights of refugees everywhere . ''
`` The United States has long stood as a beacon of hope for the downtrodden and oppressed , a leader in resettling refugees in our humanitarian response , '' Biden said .
`` I promise as president I 'll reclaim that proud legacy for our country . ''
At the same time , human rights advocates are encouraging Biden to carry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international religious freedom .
During Trump 's term , the State Department hosted two international meetings focusing on the need to end the persecution of religious minorities .
Trump also issued an executive order mandating that support for global religious freedom become a guiding principle of U.S. foreign policy and boosting funding for programs that , among other goals , `` anticipate , prevent , and respond to attacks against individuals and groups on the basis of their religion . ''
Among those impressed by such efforts was Knox Thames , a special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who stayed on at the State Department as part of the Trump team .
`` I think , on promoting international religious freedom , it 's safe to say they did more than any other administration has , '' Thames says .
Thames says he and others working on religious freedom issues at the State Department were nevertheless disappointed at how the initiative proceeded .
`` On other things that were closely related , they came up short of where we hoped they would be , '' Thames says , citing Trump 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries and the lowered number of refugees allowed into the U.S. '' Here we are , working to defend the right of people to believe anything , or nothing , [ or ] to change faith , '' Thames says .
`` We 're pushing governments to reform their laws .
We 're asking like-minded governments to elevate this issue .
And then when you see thousands of people , who are being persecuted for their beliefs , needing to flee their homes , suddenly we 're at the back of the line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And people know we used to be . ''
Thames left the State Department in July of this year and is now working on a book about his experiences .
His own disappointment with the Trump administration 's attitude toward refugees , he says , was shared by State Department colleagues .
`` When we 'd ask questions about why the big [ refugee ] drawdown , they would always [ say ] , 'Well , the White House ... ' There was no conversation you could have in the State Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Thames says , `` because it was coming directly from the White House .
And that was just understood . ''
The refugee admission cutbacks came at a time when the need for refugee resettlement was high .
According to the UN refugee agency 's 2021 Global Needs Assessment , 1.4 million refugees are currently awaiting resettlement around the world .
Many have fled religious persecution .
Open Doors USA , an evangelical Christian organization , estimates that as many as 260 million Christians are living in countries where they experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign speeches , Trump rarely mentioned his administration 's promotion of the religious freedom cause , but he trumpeted his cutback on refugee admissions .
At a rally in Minnesota this fall , Trump predicted that refugees would be `` a vital issue '' in the presidential election .
`` You know it perhaps better than almost anybody , '' he said , presumably referring to the large number of refugees from Somalia who have been settled in Minnesota .
`` Lots of luck , '' he said , sarcastically .
`` You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refugees . ''
A Biden presidency , Trump told the rally crowd , would bring a seven-fold increase in refugee admissions `` from the most dangerous places in the world , including Yemen , Syria and Somalia .
Congratulations , Minnesota .
A 700 % increase .
Good luck , Minnesota .
Enjoy yourselves , because if I 'm not here ... . ''
He did not finish the sentence .
In his October executive order on refugee policy , Trump justified the record low refugee admissions ceiling by saying , `` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public safety posed by the admission of refugees from high-risk areas of terrorist presence or control is significant and can not be fully mitigated at this time . ''
For groups that have worked to assist with refugees in the United States , Trump 's steep cuts have been disheartening , in part because other countries have followed the U.S. example , leading to reduced refugee resettlement around the world .
`` Just in the past few years , there has been a decline of over 40 % of countries that are admitting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice president for advocacy and policy at World Relief , a Christian humanitarian organization .
`` It 's because , if the United States is not taking its position as a world leader , other countries are effectively shutting their doors as well , '' Yang says .
`` When the United States leads , it allows other countries to also accept a higher number of refugees , but any time the United States has declined its numbers , we 've seen a corollary decline in other countries , '' she says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump has meant a drop in funding for refugee resettlement , so agencies devoted to that mission have seen an erosion of their capabilities .
According to a report by the Center for American Progress , refugee assistance agencies have experienced a 38 % decrease in their overall resettlement capacity .
A revival of the refugee program under President-elect Biden would therefore present a challenge .
`` Not only do we need to hire staff that have expertise in this area , we need to train them , '' says Yang .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even reopen offices in certain communities where refugees are going to be going .
That takes a lot of time and investment . ''
President-elect Biden is promising to `` dramatically increase '' funding for refugee and asylee assistance .
His administration may also want to follow through on the Trump administration 's support for international religious freedom efforts as a key part of U.S. foreign policy .
Those efforts have been praised by some of the same groups that have decried the cutbacks in refugee admissions under Trump .
`` There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration has had a historic commitment to promoting international religious freedom , '' Yang says .
Among those applauding the notion of giving religion-related issues more attention in foreign policy is Chris Seiple , president emeritus of the Institute for Global Engagement and a long-time advocate for working with faith groups around the world .
`` The next steps would be , 'How do you equip diplomats and development experts and our military to engage religious actors , '' Seiple says .
`` We need to think about how we train all U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a broader engagement strategy , '' he says .
`` Religion is not something you tack on , as another box .
Religion is in all the boxes . ''
One indication of the Biden administration 's plans in this area will be whether it would support a continuation of the international meetings on religious freedom that began under President Trump .
State Department officials have hoped that other countries would continue those efforts independently of the United States .
An `` International Religious Freedom Alliance '' was organized for that purpose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ministers to Washington , D.C. , to discuss religious freedom issues , a third ministerial meeting was held this week in Poland .

Biden Gives New Hope To Refugees Fleeing Religious Persecution
Enlarge this image toggle caption Muhammed Muheisen /AP Muhammed Muheisen /AP
As president, Donald Trump slashed refugee admissions to the United States to a record low. Paradoxically, his administration also took major steps to highlight the persecution of religious minorities around the world, a key driver of global refugee movements.
President-elect Joe Biden promises to reverse Trump's refugee policy, raising the annual ceiling for refugee admissions to 125,000. President Trump ordered last month that no more than 15,000 refugees be admitted to the United States in 2021, the lowest level in the history of the modern refugee program.
Speaking to the Jesuit Refugee Service after his election, Biden said his administration "will restore America's role in protecting the vulnerable and defending the rights of refugees everywhere."
"The United States has long stood as a beacon of hope for the downtrodden and oppressed, a leader in resettling refugees in our humanitarian response," Biden said. "I promise as president I'll reclaim that proud legacy for our country."
At the same time, human rights advocates are encouraging Biden to carry forward the Trump administration's promotion of international religious freedom. During Trump's term, the State Department hosted two international meetings focusing on the need to end the persecution of religious minorities.
Trump also issued an executive order mandating that support for global religious freedom become a guiding principle of U.S. foreign policy and boosting funding for programs that, among other goals, "anticipate, prevent, and respond to attacks against individuals and groups on the basis of their religion."
Religious freedom
Among those impressed by such efforts was Knox Thames, a special advisor for religious minorities under President Obama who stayed on at the State Department as part of the Trump team.
"I think, on promoting international religious freedom, it's safe to say they did more than any other administration has," Thames says.
Thames says he and others working on religious freedom issues at the State Department were nevertheless disappointed at how the initiative proceeded.
"On other things that were closely related, they came up short of where we hoped they would be," Thames says, citing Trump's ban on immigrants from seven majority Muslim countries and the lowered number of refugees allowed into the U.S.
"Here we are, working to defend the right of people to believe anything, or nothing, [or] to change faith," Thames says. "We're pushing governments to reform their laws. We're asking like-minded governments to elevate this issue. And then when you see thousands of people, who are being persecuted for their beliefs, needing to flee their homes, suddenly we're at the back of the line. We're no longer a leader. And people know we used to be."
Thames left the State Department in July of this year and is now working on a book about his experiences. His own disappointment with the Trump administration's attitude toward refugees, he says, was shared by State Department colleagues.
"When we'd ask questions about why the big [refugee] drawdown, they would always [say], 'Well, the White House...' There was no conversation you could have in the State Department to debate the merits of this policy," Thames says, "because it was coming directly from the White House. And that was just understood."
Politics Refugee Agency World Relief Lays Off Workers In Response To Trump Refugee Agency World Relief Lays Off Workers In Response To Trump Listen · 2:31 2:31
The refugee admission cutbacks came at a time when the need for refugee resettlement was high. According to the UN refugee agency's 2021 Global Needs Assessment, 1.4 million refugees are currently awaiting resettlement around the world. Many have fled religious persecution. Open Doors USA, an evangelical Christian organization, estimates that as many as 260 million Christians are living in countries where they experience high levels of persecution.
In his campaign speeches, Trump rarely mentioned his administration's promotion of the religious freedom cause, but he trumpeted his cutback on refugee admissions.
At a rally in Minnesota this fall, Trump predicted that refugees would be "a vital issue" in the presidential election.
"You know it perhaps better than almost anybody," he said, presumably referring to the large number of refugees from Somalia who have been settled in Minnesota. "Lots of luck," he said, sarcastically. "You're having a good time with the refugees."
A Biden presidency, Trump told the rally crowd, would bring a seven-fold increase in refugee admissions "from the most dangerous places in the world, including Yemen, Syria and Somalia. Congratulations, Minnesota. A 700% increase. Good luck, Minnesota. Enjoy yourselves, because if I'm not here...." He did not finish the sentence.
In his October executive order on refugee policy, Trump justified the record low refugee admissions ceiling by saying, "The threat to United States national security and public safety posed by the admission of refugees from high-risk areas of terrorist presence or control is significant and cannot be fully mitigated at this time."
Rebuilding resettlement infrastructure
For groups that have worked to assist with refugees in the United States, Trump's steep cuts have been disheartening, in part because other countries have followed the U.S. example, leading to reduced refugee resettlement around the world.
"Just in the past few years, there has been a decline of over 40% of countries that are admitting refugees," says Jenny Yang, vice president for advocacy and policy at World Relief, a Christian humanitarian organization.
"It's because, if the United States is not taking its position as a world leader, other countries are effectively shutting their doors as well," Yang says. "When the United States leads, it allows other countries to also accept a higher number of refugees, but any time the United States has declined its numbers, we've seen a corollary decline in other countries," she says.
The sharp reduction in refugee admissions under President Trump has meant a drop in funding for refugee resettlement, so agencies devoted to that mission have seen an erosion of their capabilities. According to a report by the Center for American Progress, refugee assistance agencies have experienced a 38% decrease in their overall resettlement capacity. A revival of the refugee program under President-elect Biden would therefore present a challenge.
"Not only do we need to hire staff that have expertise in this area, we need to train them," says Yang. "We need to prepare our offices, even reopen offices in certain communities where refugees are going to be going. That takes a lot of time and investment."
President-elect Biden is promising to "dramatically increase" funding for refugee and asylee assistance. His administration may also want to follow through on the Trump administration's support for international religious freedom efforts as a key part of U.S. foreign policy. Those efforts have been praised by some of the same groups that have decried the cutbacks in refugee admissions under Trump.
"There's no doubt the [Trump] administration has had a historic commitment to promoting international religious freedom," Yang says.
Among those applauding the notion of giving religion-related issues more attention in foreign policy is Chris Seiple, president emeritus of the Institute for Global Engagement and a long-time advocate for working with faith groups around the world.
"The next steps would be, 'How do you equip diplomats and development experts and our military to engage religious actors," Seiple says. "We need to think about how we train all U.S. personnel with religious literacy as a function of a broader engagement strategy," he says. "Religion is not something you tack on, as another box. Religion is in all the boxes."
One indication of the Biden administration's plans in this area will be whether it would support a continuation of the international meetings on religious freedom that began under President Trump. State Department officials have hoped that other countries would continue those efforts independently of the United States. An "International Religious Freedom Alliance" was organized for that purpose.
After two meetings that brought foreign ministers to Washington, D.C., to discuss religious freedom issues, a third ministerial meeting was held this week in Poland.


npr--2020-11-20--WHO Trial Finds Remdesivir Has 'No Meaningful Effect' In COVID-19 Patients

WHO Trial Finds Remdesivir Has 'No Meaningful Effect ' In COVID-19 Patients A once-promising treatment against COVID-19 has fallen out of favor with the World Health Organization .
On Thursday , a WHO review panel issued new guidelines recommending against the use of remdesivir for COVID-19 — even though the medicine is one of the few to win regulatory approval as a treatment for the disease .
After a clinical trial in April showed that remdesivir sped up the recovery of people with severe cases of the disease , the U.S. snapped up millions of vials of the drug from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ summer , European regulators rapidly signed off on the product , leading to nations around the world signing purchase agreements for the drug .
And last month , the U.S. Food and Drug administration also signed off .
Now the WHO says remdesivir does n't do much of anything to improve the health of people hospitalized with COVID-19 .
The recommendations are based on the WHO 's Solidarity Trial , which is examining several coronavirus treatments including remdesivir on more than 11,000 patients in 30 countries .
The WHO panel says the data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` no meaningful effect on mortality or on other important outcomes for patients . ''
Remdesivir gained even more prominence in October when it was given to President Donald Trump as part of his treatment after he contracted the virus .
The WHO panel says it 's possible there may be some benefit from the drug .
But its relatively high cost along with the risks posed by giving it intravenously led them to recommend against using it .
The retail price of remdesivir in the U.S. was set by Gilead at $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course requiring six or more doses costs thousands of dollars per patient .
The drug is given to patients as an infusion in a medical setting , which can be complicated .
The infusions require a certain level of trained medical staff , who must monitor the patient and administer the drug at the right speed .
Too fast and it can seep into the surrounding tissue .
Infections can occur at the injection site .
Ignoring the example of President Trump , who had a relatively mild case — it was only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ severe forms of the disease .
On Thursday , Gilead issued a statement saying it was disappointed in the WHO 's decision .
The pharmaceutical company and other advocates of remdesivir point to a National Institutes of Health study from April that showed the drug cut the recovery time for patients with severe cases of the disease by five days .
Emily Smith , a professor of public health at the Milken Institute School of Public Health at The George Washington University says the early studies did show a small benefit from remdesivir @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the various recommendations for or against remdesivir that have been issued by different regulatory bodies over the past few months are n't inherently contradictory .
`` While it might feel like people are disagreeing on what the evidence is , I actually see it as different conclusions based on different values , '' Smith says .
`` When WHO guidelines are made , it involves different values that are much broader than the things considered by the FDA , which weighs very heavily the clinical outcome data . ''
Those broader considerations that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of remdesivir , the complexity of administering it in a medical setting , the potential risks giving it as an infusion — and weighing that against the potential benefits .
Smith says the FDA , on the other hand , is looking primarily at clinical improvement from using the drug : whether patients ' symptoms improve , whether fewer people die , for example .
`` This is really consistent with how we think about health care in the U.S. , '' she says , `` which is that we 're willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care for a very small improvement .
And that is not the model everywhere in the world . ''

WHO Trial Finds Remdesivir Has 'No Meaningful Effect' In COVID-19 Patients
Enlarge this image toggle caption Fadel Dawood/DPA/Picture Alliance via Getty Images Fadel Dawood/DPA/Picture Alliance via Getty Images
A once-promising treatment against COVID-19 has fallen out of favor with the World Health Organization.
On Thursday, a WHO review panel issued new guidelines recommending against the use of remdesivir for COVID-19 — even though the medicine is one of the few to win regulatory approval as a treatment for the disease.
After a clinical trial in April showed that remdesivir sped up the recovery of people with severe cases of the disease, the U.S. snapped up millions of vials of the drug from its manufacturer Gilead Sciences. Over the summer, European regulators rapidly signed off on the product, leading to nations around the world signing purchase agreements for the drug. And last month, the U.S. Food and Drug administration also signed off.
Now the WHO says remdesivir doesn't do much of anything to improve the health of people hospitalized with COVID-19.
The recommendations are based on the WHO's Solidarity Trial, which is examining several coronavirus treatments including remdesivir on more than 11,000 patients in 30 countries.
The WHO panel says the data from the trial shows that remdesivir has "no meaningful effect on mortality or on other important outcomes for patients."
Remdesivir gained even more prominence in October when it was given to President Donald Trump as part of his treatment after he contracted the virus.
The WHO panel says it's possible there may be some benefit from the drug. But its relatively high cost along with the risks posed by giving it intravenously led them to recommend against using it.
The retail price of remdesivir in the U.S. was set by Gilead at $520 a dose. A typical treatment course requiring six or more doses costs thousands of dollars per patient.
The drug is given to patients as an infusion in a medical setting, which can be complicated. The infusions require a certain level of trained medical staff, who must monitor the patient and administer the drug at the right speed. Too fast and it can seep into the surrounding tissue. Infections can occur at the injection site. Ignoring the example of President Trump, who had a relatively mild case — it was only being used for hospitalized COVID-19 patients with severe forms of the disease.
On Thursday, Gilead issued a statement saying it was disappointed in the WHO's decision. The pharmaceutical company and other advocates of remdesivir point to a National Institutes of Health study from April that showed the drug cut the recovery time for patients with severe cases of the disease by five days.
Emily Smith, a professor of public health at the Milken Institute School of Public Health at The George Washington University says the early studies did show a small benefit from remdesivir in some hospitalized patients. She says the various recommendations for or against remdesivir that have been issued by different regulatory bodies over the past few months aren't inherently contradictory.
"While it might feel like people are disagreeing on what the evidence is, I actually see it as different conclusions based on different values," Smith says.
"When WHO guidelines are made, it involves different values that are much broader than the things considered by the FDA, which weighs very heavily the clinical outcome data."
Those broader considerations that the WHO is considering include the cost of remdesivir, the complexity of administering it in a medical setting, the potential risks giving it as an infusion — and weighing that against the potential benefits. Smith says the FDA, on the other hand, is looking primarily at clinical improvement from using the drug: whether patients' symptoms improve, whether fewer people die, for example.
"This is really consistent with how we think about health care in the U.S.," she says, "which is that we're willing to spend a lot of money on health care for a very small improvement. And that is not the model everywhere in the world."


npr--2020-11-20--White House Dismisses Concern Over Transition, Says No Pressure Applied To GSA

White House Dismisses Concern Over Transition , Says No Pressure Applied To GSA The White House said Friday that there had been no external pressure from the Trump administration to slow the formalizing of the election 's outcome by the General Services Administration , even as President Trump has continued his unsuccessful campaign to overturn the election results .
`` The president 's been very clear : He wants every legal vote to be counted and to make sure that no illegal votes are counted , '' White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said in the first formal briefing she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ false talking points about widespread fraud .
When asked about President-elect Joe Biden 's concern that Trump 's failure to concede was keeping his team from vital public health information regarding the coronavirus and vaccine development , McEnany dismissed the criticism .
`` I did hear the former vice president say yesterday he was concerned about not being able to distribute a vaccine .
He should n't be .
Maybe he has n't seen , but we have publicly available that plan that I mentioned in my opening .
It 's the COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jurisdiction Operations .
This is publicly available if the former vice president would like to read through it , '' she said .
Biden 's team of coronavirus advisers urged the administration to open access to its plans and information earlier this week , telling reporters they do n't have access to the government 's real-time data on the pandemic and its spread .
The GSA , which releases funds and other access to incoming administrations , has taken criticism in recent days for failing to `` ascertain '' Biden 's victory — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's transition into the White House .
The GSA has said it can not ascertain a president-elect until there is a `` clear '' winner of the election .
Biden holds 306 electoral votes to Trump 's 232 , and states are closing in on a Dec. 8 deadline to certify their results .
( Here 's a timeline of key dates between now and Inauguration Day . )
When asked whether anyone from the Trump campaign or his administration had spoken with GSA Administrator Emily Murphy about the timing of ascertaining a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's team had been applied to Murphy 's agency , McEnany responded : `` Absolutely not . ''
`` GSA will make the determination of ascertainment at the right moment .
Right now , there 's a constitutional process that 's being played out .
There are questions being asked in court , but the GSA will determine when ascertainment has been reached , '' she said .
`` We have done everything statutorily required , and we will continue to do that , '' McEnany continued .
Democrats in the House of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Murphy 's office , demanding that she brief lawmakers on why she has yet to ascertain Biden 's White House victory .
`` Your actions in blocking transition activities required under the law are having grave effects , including undermining the orderly transfer of power , impairing the incoming Administration 's ability to respond to the coronavirus pandemic , hampering its ability to address our nation 's dire economic crisis , and endangering our national security , '' the letter said .

White House Dismisses Concern Over Transition, Says No Pressure Applied To GSA
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
The White House said Friday that there had been no external pressure from the Trump administration to slow the formalizing of the election's outcome by the General Services Administration, even as President Trump has continued his unsuccessful campaign to overturn the election results.
"The president's been very clear: He wants every legal vote to be counted and to make sure that no illegal votes are counted," White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said in the first formal briefing she has held in several weeks, repeating false talking points about widespread fraud.
When asked about President-elect Joe Biden's concern that Trump's failure to concede was keeping his team from vital public health information regarding the coronavirus and vaccine development, McEnany dismissed the criticism.
"I did hear the former vice president say yesterday he was concerned about not being able to distribute a vaccine. He shouldn't be. Maybe he hasn't seen, but we have publicly available that plan that I mentioned in my opening. It's the COVID-19 Vaccination Program, the Interim Playbook for Jurisdiction Operations. This is publicly available if the former vice president would like to read through it," she said.
Biden's team of coronavirus advisers urged the administration to open access to its plans and information earlier this week, telling reporters they don't have access to the government's real-time data on the pandemic and its spread.
The GSA, which releases funds and other access to incoming administrations, has taken criticism in recent days for failing to "ascertain" Biden's victory — a requisite formality to begin the president-elect's transition into the White House. The GSA has said it cannot ascertain a president-elect until there is a "clear" winner of the election.
Biden holds 306 electoral votes to Trump's 232, and states are closing in on a Dec. 8 deadline to certify their results. (Here's a timeline of key dates between now and Inauguration Day.)
When asked whether anyone from the Trump campaign or his administration had spoken with GSA Administrator Emily Murphy about the timing of ascertaining a victor or whether any pressure from Trump's team had been applied to Murphy's agency, McEnany responded: "Absolutely not."
"GSA will make the determination of ascertainment at the right moment. Right now, there's a constitutional process that's being played out. There are questions being asked in court, but the GSA will determine when ascertainment has been reached," she said.
"We have done everything statutorily required, and we will continue to do that," McEnany continued.
Democrats in the House of Representatives on Thursday sent a letter to Murphy's office, demanding that she brief lawmakers on why she has yet to ascertain Biden's White House victory.
"Your actions in blocking transition activities required under the law are having grave effects, including undermining the orderly transfer of power, impairing the incoming Administration's ability to respond to the coronavirus pandemic, hampering its ability to address our nation's dire economic crisis, and endangering our national security," the letter said.