npr--2020-06-09--As EPA Steps Back, States Face Wave Of Requests For Environmental Leniency

As EPA Steps Back , States Face Wave Of Requests For Environmental Leniency Some of the country 's most polluting industries have flooded state regulators with requests to ease environmental regulations , according to an NPR review of hundreds of state environmental records .
Companies across the country say the pandemic is interfering with their ability to comply with laws that protect the public from pollution .
State environmental authorities are currently the only source of official information about which companies have sought regulatory relief .
That 's because in March , the Environmental Protection Agency told companies that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the pandemic interferes with routine pollution monitoring or testing .
That puts states alone on the front lines of environmental protection , even as they struggle to cope with the immediate effects of the coronavirus pandemic .
Across the U.S. , landfills , recycling facilities and other waste disposal companies asked state regulators to relax or delay pollution monitoring requirements .
In Minnesota and Iowa , at least 70 hog feedlots asked for permission to either house extra animals or dispose of animal carcasses because meat-packing plants temporarily closed or slowed production @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , regulators received requests from oil and gas companies asking the states to back off on enforcement of a wide range of environmental regulations , including checking for leaks in storage tanks and measuring pollution from smokestacks .
Most states do not publish any information about companies that say they are struggling to comply with environmental laws , which means most Americans who live near factories , refineries , farms and other sources of soot , smog and chemical emissions have no way to know whether the pandemic is causing extra pollution .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal , '' says George Czerniak , the former director of the air and radiation division for the EPA regional office for the Upper Midwest .
`` I think that the potentially affected public has a right to know these things , and regulatory agencies and companies have a responsibility to share this information . ''
The EPA says that it will follow up with state authorities if the federal agency notices that a facility did not comply with regulations during the pandemic .
`` Most of our environmental laws have a federalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorized to implement the regulatory program , '' wrote Ken Labbe , a spokesperson for the EPA , in an email to NPR .
'Almost anything could be blamed on the virus' The EPA protects human health by creating rules about how much pollution can be released into the air and water .
The day-to-day implementation of those rules largely falls to state environmental agencies , many of which have seen their funding cut in recent years .
The EPA tracks facilities ' compliance with regulations , and punishes companies that violate the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change , it 's unclear how the federal agency will know if a facility releases extra pollution during the pandemic , especially if the factory , refinery , mine or farm is in a state that is n't tracking requests for regulatory waivers .
The EPA 's passive enforcement policy is particularly worrisome for people who live downstream or downwind of facilities that consistently violated environmental regulations before the pandemic began .
NPR found numerous instances in which companies with recent environmental violations requested that state authorities give them extra leeway to pollute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
An Arkansas petroleum refinery owned by Lion Oil asked to delay repairs to two storage tanks because of the pandemic , according to records shared by the state environmental agency .
The company has repeatedly violated the Clean Water Act and the Clean Air Act , and the EPA fined the company earlier this year for illegally releasing millions of gallons of petroleum into the water , and ordered it to prevent future releases .
The pandemic-related request to delay tank repairs is still pending .
Indiana authorities received a notice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company stating that the company 's mine in southwest Indiana emitted unsafe levels of ammonia into the water , and expected to continue polluting the water with ammonia and suspended solids for the duration of the health crisis , because the company is using so much bleach to disinfect its facilities .
That argument is frustrating to local public health advocate John Blair , who has lived in nearby Evansville , Ind .
for 45 years .
`` Almost anything could be blamed on the virus , '' he says .
`` How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to EPA compliance data , the Gibson County Coal mine has repeatedly violated the Clean Water Act in recent years by releasing unsafe amounts of small particles , or suspended solids — one of the pollutants it ties to the pandemic in its April notice .
Alliance Inc. , which owns the mine , did not respond to questions about why the pandemic might affect emissions of suspended solids .
Blair says he feels that state regulators were already doing too little to protect him and his neighbors from air and water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now they have cover from the EPA to not look into things , '' he says .
`` I 'm offended by it . ''
Indiana Department of Environmental Quality spokesperson Barry Sneed says Gibson County Coal has agreed to stop releasing wastewater that contains high levels of ammonia .
In some cases , the EPA 's March policy change appears to shape requests corporations made to state regulators .
In Indiana , the head of the state 's environmental authority received a letter from Marathon Petroleum Corp. on the same day the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asks for permission to delay or skip pollution monitoring and reporting at more than a dozen facilities .
The letter lists ten regulatory categories — eight of which appear in the EPA 's memo — with which the company said it might not be able to comply because of the pandemic , including testing how much pollution comes out of smokestacks and drainage pipes .
`` That was an extraordinarily broad request , '' says Janet McCabe , who served as EPA Acting Assistant Administrator for the Office of Air and Radiation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Indiana University .
`` It just seems like it 's totally taking advantage of the situation . ''
Sneed says the department denied Marathon 's request , and told the company to submit more specific requests for individual facilities .
Robert Verchick , an environmental law professor at Loyola University New Orleans and a former EPA deputy associate administrator , says it 's not surprising that the EPA 's policy opened the door to such sweeping requests .
`` The federal government sets the tone , '' he says , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right to know Only a handful of states , including Minnesota , Indiana and Pennsylvania , publish details online about which companies have contacted state environmental authorities for regulatory relief .
Only Minnesota publishes details for all requests , including requests that are pending or denied .
`` Ideally that information would be on a state website somewhere , and the people who need the information would be able to find it , '' says Verchick .
Minnesota is also one of nine states , including California and New York , that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic in court .
In an April letter to the EPA , California Attorney General Xavier Becerra demanded that the agency change its policy and begin publishing information about companies that do not comply with environmental regulations due to the pandemic .
`` These reports must also immediately be made publicly available so that the impacted communities can take necessary steps to mitigate the potential impacts from such noncompliance , '' Becerra wrote .
The California Environmental Protection Agency itself does not publish such reports on its website .
The agency did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulatory leniency that the state has received due to the pandemic .
New York also does not publicly track pandemic-related leniency requests , despite leading the lawsuit against the EPA .
The New York State Department of Environmental Conservation suggests that citizens file formal public records requests if they want information about companies that have told the state they can not comply with environmental rules .

As EPA Steps Back, States Face Wave Of Requests For Environmental Leniency
Enlarge this image toggle caption DKAR Images/Tetra images /Getty Images DKAR Images/Tetra images /Getty Images
Some of the country's most polluting industries have flooded state regulators with requests to ease environmental regulations, according to an NPR review of hundreds of state environmental records.
Companies across the country say the pandemic is interfering with their ability to comply with laws that protect the public from pollution.
State environmental authorities are currently the only source of official information about which companies have sought regulatory relief. That's because in March, the Environmental Protection Agency told companies that they do not need to warn federal regulators if the pandemic interferes with routine pollution monitoring or testing.
That puts states alone on the front lines of environmental protection, even as they struggle to cope with the immediate effects of the coronavirus pandemic.
Across the U.S., landfills, recycling facilities and other waste disposal companies asked state regulators to relax or delay pollution monitoring requirements. In Minnesota and Iowa, at least 70 hog feedlots asked for permission to either house extra animals or dispose of animal carcasses because meat-packing plants temporarily closed or slowed production. In Pennsylvania, Texas and Arkansas, regulators received requests from oil and gas companies asking the states to back off on enforcement of a wide range of environmental regulations, including checking for leaks in storage tanks and measuring pollution from smokestacks.
Most states do not publish any information about companies that say they are struggling to comply with environmental laws, which means most Americans who live near factories, refineries, farms and other sources of soot, smog and chemical emissions have no way to know whether the pandemic has led to extra pollution.
"I think it is a huge deal," says George Czerniak, the former director of the air and radiation division for the EPA regional office for the Upper Midwest. "I think that the potentially affected public has a right to know these things, and regulatory agencies and companies have a responsibility to share this information."
The EPA says that it will follow up with state authorities if the federal agency notices that a facility did not comply with regulations during the pandemic. "Most of our environmental laws have a federalism structure. That means states can be authorized to implement the regulatory program," wrote Ken Labbe, a spokesperson for the EPA, in an email to NPR.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Charlie Riedel/AP Charlie Riedel/AP
'Almost anything could be blamed on the virus'
The EPA protects human health by creating rules about how much pollution can be released into the air and water. The day-to-day implementation of those rules largely falls to state environmental agencies, many of which have seen their funding cut in recent years. The EPA tracks facilities' compliance with regulations, and punishes companies that violate the law.
Under the March 2020 policy change, it's unclear how the federal agency will know if a facility releases extra pollution during the pandemic, especially if the factory, refinery, mine or farm is in a state that isn't tracking requests for regulatory waivers.
The EPA's passive enforcement policy is particularly worrisome for people who live downstream or downwind of facilities that consistently violated environmental regulations before the pandemic began. NPR found numerous instances in which companies with recent environmental violations requested that state authorities give them extra leeway to pollute, or to monitor pollution during the pandemic.
An Arkansas petroleum refinery owned by Lion Oil asked to delay repairs to two storage tanks because of the pandemic, according to records shared by the state environmental agency. The company has repeatedly violated the Clean Water Act and the Clean Air Act, including illegally releasing hundreds of thousands of gallons of petroleum into the water, and the EPA has repeatedly fined the company and ordered it to prevent future releases. The pandemic-related request to delay tank repairs is still pending.
Indiana authorities received a notice in April from the Gibson County Coal company stating that the company's mine in southwest Indiana emitted unsafe levels of ammonia into the water, and expected to continue polluting the water with ammonia and suspended solids for the duration of the health crisis, because the company is using so much bleach to disinfect its facilities.
That argument is frustrating to local public health advocate John Blair, who has lived in nearby Evansville, Ind. for 45 years. "Almost anything could be blamed on the virus," he says. "How long will this go on?"
According to EPA compliance data, the Gibson County Coal mine has repeatedly violated the Clean Water Act in recent years by releasing unsafe amounts of small particles, or suspended solids — one of the pollutants it ties to the pandemic in its April notice. Alliance Inc., which owns the mine, did not respond to questions about why the pandemic might affect emissions of suspended solids.
Blair says he feels that state regulators were already doing too little to protect him and his neighbors from air and water pollution in his industry-heavy region. "Now they have cover from the EPA to not look into things," he says. "I'm offended by it."
Indiana Department of Environmental Quality spokesperson Barry Sneed says Gibson County Coal has agreed to stop releasing wastewater that contains high levels of ammonia.
In some cases, the EPA's March policy change appears to shape requests corporations made to state regulators. In Indiana, the head of the state's environmental authority received a letter from Marathon Petroleum Corp. on the same day the EPA announced its new policy, that asks for permission to delay or skip pollution monitoring and reporting at more than a dozen facilities.
The letter lists ten regulatory categories — eight of which appear in the EPA's memo — with which the company said it might not be able to comply because of the pandemic, including testing how much pollution comes out of smokestacks and drainage pipes.
"That was an extraordinarily broad request," says Janet McCabe, who served as EPA Acting Assistant Administrator for the Office of Air and Radiation, and now directs the Environmental Resilience Institute at Indiana University. "It just seems like it's totally taking advantage of the situation."
Sneed says the department denied Marathon's request, and told the company to submit more specific requests for individual facilities.
Robert Verchick, an environmental law professor at Loyola University New Orleans and a former EPA deputy associate administrator, says it's not surprising that the EPA's policy opened the door to such sweeping requests. "The federal government sets the tone," he says, and the EPA's memo was broad.
The right to know
Only a handful of states, including Minnesota, Indiana and Pennsylvania, publish details online about which companies have contacted state environmental authorities for regulatory relief. Only Minnesota publishes details for all requests, including requests that are pending or denied.
"Ideally that information would be on a state website somewhere, and the people who need the information would be able to find it," says Verchick.
Minnesota is also one of nine states, including California and New York, that is challenging the EPA's relaxed enforcement during the pandemic in court.
In an April letter to the EPA, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra demanded that the agency change its policy and begin publishing information about companies that do not comply with environmental regulations due to the pandemic. "These reports must also immediately be made publicly available so that the impacted communities can take necessary steps to mitigate the potential impacts from such noncompliance," Becerra wrote.
The California Environmental Protection Agency itself does not publish such reports on its website. The agency did not respond to questions about requests for regulatory leniency that the state has received due to the pandemic.
New York also does not publicly track pandemic-related leniency requests, despite leading the lawsuit against the EPA. The New York State Department of Environmental Conservation suggests that citizens file formal public records requests if they want information about companies that have told the state they cannot comply with environmental rules.


npr--2020-06-09--She Lost Her Job And Health Insurance And Had To 'Fight' To Get A New Plan

She Lost Her Job And Health Insurance And Had To 'Fight ' To Get A New Plan Liz McLemore was laid off from her digital marketing job in early March and her health insurance coverage disappeared along with it .
`` I 've always been a saver , so I was n't as concerned about the monthly money coming in , '' says McLemore , who 's 42 and lives in Inglewood , Calif. `` But I really was concerned about the [ health ] insurance . ''
Like millions of others , she 's always had health insurance coverage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had to think about it .
Now , she suddenly had to figure out how to find coverage in the middle of a pandemic .
Like most people who lost jobs , she had a few options : Medicaid , COBRA , and the insurance exchanges set up by the Affordable Care Act .
There was also a deadline — most have 60 days from when they lose coverage to enroll in a new plan .
McLemore opted to enroll in a plan from Covered California , her state 's ACA insurance exchange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had to call the county at one point , talk to the insurance company , and navigate a difficult application .
The toughest part was computing an annual income for her ACA insurance application .
That calculation would have to incorporate earnings from the job she had lost , along with the unemployment that she was collecting from the state , and also $ 600 a week from the federal government 's enhanced relief jobs lost during the pandemic .
McLemore says it took weeks to enroll .
But she was determined to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because we 're in the middle of a pandemic '' but also because she wanted to be able to afford hospital care in case she got into an accident or got injured , like falling down the stairs , while doing daily activities .
`` You just got to fight through , '' she says .
In the end , she got a bronze plan on the exchange .
It cost her $ 340 a month — a lot higher than the $ 60 she paid for her job-based plan .
`` My @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , my copay [ for a doctor 's ] visit is actually like three times as high , the deductible is different , '' she says .
`` So it 's not quite the same thing , for more money — but it 's better than nothing . ''
She says the extra $ 600 a week helps with that additional expense for now , but that federal payment will stop at the end of July when the provision ends .
Read more stories in Faces Of The Coronavirus Recession .

She Lost Her Job And Health Insurance And Had To Fight To Get A New Plan
Liz McLemore was laid off from her digital marketing job in early March, and her health insurance coverage disappeared along with it.
"I've always been a saver, so I wasn't as concerned about the monthly money coming in," says McLemore, who's 42 and lives in Inglewood, Calif. "But I really was concerned about the [health] insurance."
Like millions of others, she has always had health insurance coverage through her job, so she never had to think about it. Now, she suddenly had to figure out how to find coverage in the middle of a pandemic. Like most people who lost jobs, she had a few options: Medicaid, COBRA and the insurance exchanges set up by the Affordable Care Act. There was also a deadline — most have 60 days from when they lose coverage to enroll in a new plan.
FACES OF THE CORONAVIRUS RECESSION Jobs lost. Businesses in peril. Meetings gone virtual. Faces Of The Coronavirus Recession offers snapshots of working lives upended by the pandemic.
McLemore opted to enroll in a plan from Covered California, her state's ACA insurance exchange. It wasn't easy — she had to call the county at one point, talk to the insurance company and navigate a difficult application.
The toughest part was computing an annual income for her ACA insurance application. That calculation would have to incorporate earnings from the job she had lost, along with the unemployment that she was collecting from the state, and also $600 a week from the federal government's enhanced relief for jobs lost during the pandemic.
McLemore says it took weeks to enroll. But she was determined to get health coverage — not just "because we're in the middle of a pandemic" but also because she wanted to be able to afford hospital care in case she got into an accident or got injured, like falling down the stairs, while doing daily activities. "You just got to fight through," she says.
In the end, she got a bronze plan on the exchange. It cost her $340 a month — a lot higher than the $60 she paid for her job-based plan. "My prescription cost is a little bit higher, my copay [for a doctor's] visit is actually like three times as high, the deductible is different," she says. "So it's not quite the same thing, for more money — but it's better than nothing."
She says the extra $600 a week helps with that additional expense for now, but that federal payment will stop at the end of July when the provision ends.
Read more stories in Faces Of The Coronavirus Recession.


npr--2020-06-09--COVID-19 Infections And Deaths Are Higher Among Those With Intellectual Disabilities

COVID-19 Infections And Deaths Are Higher Among Those With Intellectual Disabilities People with intellectual disabilities and autism who contract COVID-19 then die at higher rates than the rest of the population , according to an analysis by NPR of numbers obtained from two states that collect data .
They also contract the virus at a higher rate , according to research looking in group homes across the country .
In Pennsylvania , numbers obtained by NPR show people with intellectual disabilities and autism who test positive for COVID-19 die at a rate about twice as high as other Pennsylvania residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York , the state with the most deaths from COVID-19 , people with developmental disabilities die at a rate 2.5 times the rate of others who contract the virus .
The numbers in Pennsylvania are compiled by the Office of Developmental Programs of the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services and count people who get state services while living in group homes , state institutions or in their own homes .
As of June 2nd , there were 801 confirmed cases and 113 deaths of people with intellectual disabilities and autism .
In New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the New York State Office for People with Developmental Disabilities .
Of people who get state services from that office , 2,289 have tested positive for COVID-19 and 368 have died .
The high rate of death `` is disturbing , but it 's not surprising , '' says Scott Landes , an associate professor of sociology at Syracuse University 's Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs .
He 's been collecting his own data from state and private research groups and says people with developmental disabilities who live in group homes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the country from COVID-19 .
`` They 're more likely - four times more likely we 're showing - to actually contract COVID-19 than the general population , '' he says .
`` And then if they do contract COVID-19 , what we 're seeing is they 're about two times more likely to die from it . ''
That 's higher than the death rates for Hispanics and African Americans .
Landes co-authored a recent study that used private health records to show that 18 to 74-year olds with developmental disabilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who contracted COVID-19 died at nearly twice the rate as others .
Landes says there are two reasons for the high death rates .
People with developmental disabilities are far more likely to have a pre-existing health condition , like respiratory disease , that adds to their risk .
They 're much more likely , than even elderly people , to live in a setting with roommates and staff , like group homes where two or four , or 10 or more people live together .
About 13 to 20 percent of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Landes notes , compared to only about six percent of people over age 65 .
`` You reside with multiple roommates , with staff coming in and out , '' says Landes , `` your chances of actually contracting COVID are high .
And then if someone in your home gets it , it 's like there 's no where you can go . ''
There 's been a lot of attention to the deaths in nursing homes , and with good reason .
About a third of all deaths nationwide from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services , there have been at least 31,782 deaths of nursing home residents from COVID-19 as of May 31 .
The CMS total does not count nursing home staff who died .
Still , says Nicole Jorwic , senior director for public policy at the Arc , a group that represents people with intellectual and developmental disabilities , there are consequences to paying less attention to people who live in other care home settings .
One result , she says , is that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serve people with disabilities to get personal protective equipment or extra pay for staff workers .
In most states , these workers do n't get the bonus pay that is sometimes offered to other front-line health care workers and , in some states , the staff who serve people in group homes or their own homes are n't considered essential workers .
`` You do n't go into a hospital and some doctors have on masks and some do n't .
Or some are underpaid and some are not , '' says Antonio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ works with two men at a Philadelphia group home .
`` No , everyone gets what they 're working for .
Everyone 's covered with protection , because that 's what 's required . ''
There 've been no infections at the house where McCall works , but some outbreaks of COVID-19 and even a death at others , and he says his agency managed to find masks for him and he 's received some extra pay .
And McCall is careful .
He does n't want to bring an infection into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he helps care for his mother , who has an underlying health condition , and is raising his niece and nephew .
In New York , a direct service professional working in a group home makes little money , `` at or below the poverty line '' , in the mid $ 20,000s a year , says Tom McAlvanah , president of New York Disability Advocates , a coalition of service providers .
He says it 's been hard to keep workers healthy and on the job .
They 're vulnerable not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they often rely on public transportation .
McAlvanah says New York 's Medicaid program , the main source of payment for group home providers , has failed to increase reimbursements even before the coronavirus pandemic .
Now , he says , group home residents have stopped going to work and group home providers have had to pay staff - without government reimbursement - to work more hours and overtime to run the group homes where residents now spend their full days .
That 's the case in most states , although Colorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to providers .
The CARES Act , the coronavirus relief act signed into law in March , became a source of extra funding , but only through the end of June .
Provider agencies say , on average , they 've spent a third of their annual revenue on unexpected costs from the pandemic and have cash reserves to cover a month or less of operations , according to a recent national survey by the American Network of Community Options and Resources , a trade association for groups that provide services to people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years and years , people we serve in group homes like this , they 're the forgotten people , '' says Todd Goodwin , who runs John F. Murphy Homes , a large provider agency in Maine .
`` Nobody sees them .
Nobody notices them .
We see that repeatedly through policy , we see that in financing at the state and federal level .
It 's been an issue for years . ''
In Washington State , there was a Zoom meeting last month of men and women with developmental disabilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ People First of Washington .
They spoke of their opposition to state budget cuts that , they worried , would cut off public transportation that they depend on to get to work or cut the hours of their state-funded caregivers .
And they were worried about the effects of the coronavirus .
Shane Cody Fairweather , who lives in his own apartment in Chewelah , Washington with support from service providers , said in an interview that he worries that people like him are not getting attention , despite their risks for contracting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society .
We 're more vulnerable , '' he says .
`` It should be on equal footing .
They should be paying attention to the elderly and the disabled as well . ''
Fairweather says there 've been no outbreaks of coronavirus in the apartments where he lives .
He 's healthy and ready to return to his job as a janitor at the local library .

COVID-19 Infections And Deaths Are Higher Among Those With Intellectual Disabilities
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People with intellectual disabilities and autism who contract COVID-19 die at higher rates than the rest of the population, according to an analysis by NPR of numbers obtained from two states that collect data. They also contract the virus at a higher rate, according to research looking into group homes across the United States.
In Pennsylvania, numbers obtained by NPR show that people with intellectual disabilities and autism who test positive for COVID-19 die at a rate about twice as high as other Pennsylvania residents who contract the illness.
In New York, the state with the most deaths from COVID-19, people with developmental disabilities die at a rate 2.5 times the rate of others who contract the virus.
The numbers in Pennsylvania are compiled by the Office of Developmental Programs of the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services and count people who get state services while living in group homes, state institutions or in their own homes. As of June 2, there were 801 confirmed cases and 113 deaths among people with intellectual disabilities and autism. In New York, NPR calculated data obtained from the New York State Office for People with Developmental Disabilities. Of people who get state services from that office, 2,289 have tested positive for COVID-19 and 368 have died.
The high rate of death "is disturbing, but it's not surprising," says Scott Landes, an associate professor of sociology at Syracuse University's Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs.
He's been collecting his own data from state and private research groups and says people with developmental disabilities who live in group homes have some of the highest death rates from COVID-19 in the country.
"They're more likely — four times more likely, we're showing — to actually contract COVID-19 than the general population," he says. "And then if they do contract COVID-19, what we're seeing is they're about two times more likely to die from it."
That's higher than the death rates for Hispanics and African Americans.
Landes co-authored a recent study that used private health records to show that 18- to 74-year-olds with developmental disabilities, mostly those diagnosed with autism, who contracted COVID-19 died at nearly twice the rate as others.
Landes says there are two reasons for the high death rates. People with developmental disabilities are far more likely to have a preexisting health condition, such as respiratory disease, that adds to their risk. They're much more likely, than even elderly people, to live in a setting with roommates and staff like group homes where two or four or 10 or more people live together. About 13% to 20% of people with developmental disabilities live in such settings, Landes notes, compared with only about 6% of people over age 65.
"You reside with multiple roommates, with staff coming in and out," says Landes, "your chances of actually contracting COVID are high. And then if someone in your home gets it, it's like there's nowhere you can go."
There has been a lot of attention to the deaths in nursing homes, and with good reason. About a third of all deaths nationwide from COVID-19 have been linked to them. According to the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, there have been at least 31,782 deaths of nursing home residents from COVID-19 as of May 31. The CMS total does not count nursing home staff who died.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Spencer Platt/Getty Images Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Still, says Nicole Jorwic, senior director for public policy at the Arc, a group that represents people with intellectual and developmental disabilities, there are consequences to paying less attention to people who live in other care home settings.
One result, she says, is that it has been harder for the groups that serve people with disabilities to get personal protective equipment or extra pay for staff workers. In most states, these workers don't get the bonus pay that is sometimes offered to other front-line health care workers and, in some states, the staff who serve people in group homes or their own homes aren't considered essential workers.
"You don't go into a hospital and some doctors have on masks and some don't. Or some are underpaid and some are not," says Antonio McCall, a direct service provider who works with two men at a Philadelphia group home. "No, everyone gets what they're working for. Everyone's covered with protection, because that's what's required."
There have been no infections at the house where McCall works, but there have been some outbreaks of COVID-19 — and even a death — at others. He says his agency managed to find masks for him, and he has received some extra pay.
And McCall is careful. He doesn't want to bring an infection into the group home or his own home, where he helps care for his mother, who has an underlying health condition, and is raising his niece and nephew.
In New York, a direct service professional working in a group home makes little money — "at or below the poverty line," in the mid $20,000s a year, says Tom McAlvanah, president of New York Disability Advocates, a coalition of service providers. He says it has been hard to keep workers healthy and on the job. They're vulnerable not only because of where they work, but because they often rely on public transportation.
McAlvanah says New York's Medicaid program, the main source of payment for group home providers, has failed to increase reimbursements even before the coronavirus pandemic. Now, he says, group home residents have stopped going to work and group home providers have had to pay staff — without government reimbursement — to work more hours and overtime to run the group homes where residents now spend their full days.
That's the case in most states, although Colorado and several others did increase Medicaid resources to providers. The CARES Act, the coronavirus relief act signed into law in March, became a source of extra funding, but only through the end of June.
Provider agencies say that, on average, they've spent a third of their annual revenue on unexpected costs from the pandemic and have cash reserves to cover a month or less of operations, according to a recent national survey by the American Network of Community Options and Resources, a trade association for groups that provide services to people with disabilities.
"For years and years and years, people we serve in group homes like this, they're the forgotten people," says Todd Goodwin, who runs John F. Murphy Homes, a large provider agency in Maine. "Nobody sees them. Nobody notices them. We see that repeatedly through policy, we see that in financing at the state and federal level. It's been an issue for years."
In Washington state, there was a Zoom meeting last month of men and women with developmental disabilities who belong to an advocacy group called People First of Washington. They spoke of their opposition to state budget cuts that, they worried, would cut off public transportation that they depend on to get to work or cut the hours of their state-funded caregivers. And they were worried about the effects of the coronavirus.
Shane Cody Fairweather, who lives in his own apartment in Chewelah, Wash., with support from service providers, said in an interview that he worries that people like him are not getting attention, despite their risks for contracting COVID-19.
"We're part of society. We're more vulnerable," he says. "It should be on equal footing. They should be paying attention to the elderly and the disabled as well."
Fairweather says there have been no outbreaks of the coronavirus in the apartments where he lives. He's healthy and ready to return to his job as a janitor at the local library.


npr--2020-06-09--Chief Editor At 'Bon Appétit' Resigns After Racially Offensive Photo Surfaces

The editor-in-chief of Bon Appétit , Adam Rapoport , has stepped down after an undated photograph of him dressed in a racially insensitive costume added to accusations of discrimination and lack of inclusiveness at the magazine .
The photograph , posted on social media , shows Rapoport and his wife , Simone Shubuck , wearing Halloween costumes meant to portray Puerto Rican dress .
The photo was reportedly first posted to Shubuck 's Instagram feed , but has since been taken down .
In the caption to the post Shubuck calls Rapoport `` Papi '' and adds the word `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Puerto Rican which derives from the Indigenous name of the island .
Rapoport , who was an editor at GQ before taking the top job at Bon Appétit in 2010 , announced late Monday that he would quit , writing in an Instagram post that he was resigning `` to reflect on the work that I need to do as a human being and allow Bon Appétit to get to a better place . ''
Both GQ and Bon Appétit are Condé Nast publications .
Last week , Illyanna Maisonet , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a direct-message exchange between her and Rapoport concerning Bon Appétit 's decision to reject a story she pitched .
In it , Rapoport acknowledges that the magazine does n't do enough stories about Puerto Rican cuisine and suggests how Maisonet might find `` a way in '' to the magazine .
Maisonet 's post prompted another user to repost the Halloween photo of Rapoport and Shubuck .
That in turn led to the resurfacing of complaints about some of the magazine 's other practices .
In an Instagram post , Sohla El-Waylly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote that , `` In reality , currently only white editors are paid for their video appearances .
None of the people of color have been compensated for their appearances . ''
Videos from Bon Appétit 's test kitchen are among the magazine 's most popular and successful features .
Condé Nast 's chief communications officer , Joe Libonati , said in a statement published by CNN Business that it is `` dedicated to creating a diverse , inclusive and equitable workplace . ''
`` We have a zero-tolerance policy toward discrimination and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , we go to great lengths to ensure that employees are paid fairly , in accordance with their roles and experience , across the entire company . ''
The fallout at Bon Appétit follows high-profile resignations at other publications in recent days .
On Sunday , the editorial page editor at The New York Times , James Bennet , stepped down after allowing the publication of a controversial editorial by Arkansas Republican Sen. Tom Cotton .
Last week , Stan Wischnowski , executive editor of the Philadelphia Inquirer , resigned after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Buildings Matter , Too '' that the newspaper later acknowledged `` offensively riffed on the Black Lives Matter movement and suggested an equivalence between the loss of buildings and the lives of black Americans . ''

Chief Editor At 'Bon Appétit' Resigns After Racially Insensitive Photo Surfaces
Enlarge this image toggle caption FilmMagic/Getty Images FilmMagic/Getty Images
The editor-in-chief of Bon Appétit, Adam Rapoport, has stepped down after an undated photograph of him dressed in a racially insensitive costume surfaced, as well as accusations of discrimination and lack of inclusiveness at the magazine.
The photograph, posted on social media, shows Rapoport and his wife, Simone Shubuck, at a Halloween party wearing stereotypical costumes meant to portray Puerto Rican dress. The photo was reportedly first posted to Shubuck's Instagram feed but has since been taken down.
I do not know why Adam Rapoport simply doesn't write about Puerto Rican food for @bonappetit himself!!! https://t.co/rW0k5tjMoS pic.twitter.com/odZnFLz2gd — chez tammie (@tammieetc) June 8, 2020
In the caption to the post, Shubuck calls Rapoport Papi and adds the word Boricua, a local colloquialism for a Puerto Rican that derives from the indigenous name of the island.
Rapoport, who was an editor at GQ before taking the top job at Bon Appétit in 2010, announced late Monday that he would step down, writing in an Instagram post that he was resigning "to reflect on the work that I need to do as a human being and allow Bon Appétit to get to a better place." Both GQ and Bon Appétit are Condé Nast publications.
Some of you have asked about what happened with @bonappetit Nice of you to ask. I got a nice letter from #AdamRapoport this morning. Here is the series of IG DMs we shared moments ago. A montage... pic.twitter.com/ueRP5i91vx — illyanna Maisonet (@eatgordaeat) June 6, 2020
Last week, Illyanna Maisonet, a freelance Puerto Rican food columnist, posted a direct-message exchange between her and Rapoport concerning Bon Appétit's decision to reject a story she pitched. In it, Rapoport acknowledges that the magazine doesn't have enough stories about Puerto Rican cuisine and suggests how Maisonet might find "a way in" to the magazine.
yes, I left BA for multiple reasons, but one of the main reasons was that white leadership refused to make changes that my BIPOC coworkers and I constantly pushed for. — Alex Lau (@iamnotalexlau) June 8, 2020
Maisonet's post prompted another user to repost the Halloween photo of Rapoport and Shubuck. That in turn led to the resurfacing of complaints about some of the magazine's other practices.
The BA Test Kitchen is staging a revolt to support and protect their BIPOC coworkers and I'm really hoping everyone else joins Molly and Carla pic.twitter.com/wiO2Vg8NYc — Sarah Hollowell (@sarahhollowell) June 8, 2020
In an Instagram post, Sohla El-Waylly, an assistant editor at the magazine, wrote that, "In reality, currently only white editors are paid for their video appearances. None of the people of color have been compensated for their appearances."
Videos from Bon Appétit's test kitchen are among the magazine's most popular and successful features.
Condé Nast's chief communications officer, Joe Libonati, said in a statement published by CNN Business that it is "dedicated to creating a diverse, inclusive and equitable workplace."
"We have a zero-tolerance policy toward discrimination and harassment in any forms. Consistent with that, we go to great lengths to ensure that employees are paid fairly, in accordance with their roles and experience, across the entire company."
The fallout at Bon Appétit follows high-profile resignations at other publications in recent days. On Sunday, the editorial page editor at The New York Times, James Bennet, stepped down after allowing the publication of a controversial editorial by Arkansas Republican Sen. Tom Cotton.
Last week, Stan Wischnowski, executive editor of the Philadelphia Inquirer, resigned after the paper published an editorial with the headline "Buildings Matter, Too" that the newspaper later acknowledged "offensively riffed on the Black Lives Matter movement and suggested an equivalence between the loss of buildings and the lives of black Americans."


npr--2020-06-09--LA Protesters Arrested For Violating Curfew Won't Be Charged

Thousands of protesters who have been arrested in Los Angeles for violating curfew or failing to disperse will not be prosecuted , county and city officials announced Monday .
Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey and Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer explained they will take a non-punitive approach to resolving cases in which people who have taken to the streets protesting police brutality since the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis , ended up detained and in police custody .
`` I believe whole-heartedly in free speech and support the right of protesters to demonstrate peacefully against historic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and throughout our nation , '' Lacey said in a statement .
`` I want to encourage the exchange of ideas and work to establish dialogue between law enforcement and protesters so that we may implement enduring systemic change , '' she added .
Los Angeles has made more than a quarter of the total national arrests since cities across the country began implementing curfews , the Associated Press reported .
The District Attorney 's Office prosecutes all felonies in Los Angeles County and misdemeanors that occur in the unincorporated areas of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who is in a tight reelection race , has come under intense scrutiny from Black Lives Matter leaders and other Los Angeles-based activists .
Last week , thousands of protesters showed up outside her office to call for her resignation .
Critics claim she is not doing enough to prosecute police misconduct .
Feuer said his office will create `` opportunities for violators to participate in an exchange of ideas and perspectives -- as well as a discussion of tangible steps that can be taken by individuals , communities , law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relevant to these protests . ''
Without offering details , Feuer said the alternative to prosecution `` will incorporate principles of restorative justice reflected in our Office 's Community Justice Initiative , and allow for a non-punitive ( financial or otherwise ) resolution of these matters , outside of the courts . ''
Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore endorsed Feuer 's decision not to charge protesters .
`` Resolving these violations through alternative methods is a productive and appropriate way to address these offenses , and will have lasting positive effects on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I fully support this approach to criminal justice reform , and will work closely with the City Attorney 's Office to ensure it is successful . ''
While the protests in Los Angeles started off peacefully there have been periods of violence , with some groups setting businesses aflame , vandalizing store fronts and stealing merchandise .
That led to city and county-wide curfews — some as early as 1 p.m. — which have now ended .
Critics have argued that the LA Police and County Sheriff 's departments have been excessively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the protests .
Over the last two weeks , squads of officers have unleashed tear gas , rubber bullets , flash bombs , tasers , SUVs , fists and batons on protesters .
Much of the troubling behavior has been captured by cell phone cameras and shared broadly on social media .
One widely shared video called We See You , Mayor [ Eric ] Garcetti is a graphic compilation of violent police enforcement actions interspersed with a public address by the mayor in which he lauds the bravery of police officers `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' and says the city 's leadership is `` committed to protecting First Amendment rights ... and committed to the peaceful expression of those rights . ''
Since it was first posted on June 3 , it has garnered nearly 8 million views .
( Note : the video contains graphic images and explicit language . )
The mayor responded to accusations of police misconduct saying he supports the creation of a special prosecutor to review complaints .
Meanwhile , the LAPD issued a statement urging the public to contact Internal Affairs investigators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Inspector General if they believed they had been the victims of unjust force or misconduct .

LA Protesters Arrested For Violating Curfew Won't Be Charged
Enlarge this image toggle caption Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP
Thousands of protesters who have been arrested in Los Angeles for violating curfew or failing to disperse will not be prosecuted, county and city officials announced Monday.
Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey and Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer explained they will take a non-punitive approach to resolving cases in which people who have taken to the streets protesting police brutality since the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, ended up detained and in police custody.
"I believe whole-heartedly in free speech and support the right of protesters to demonstrate peacefully against historic racial injustice in our criminal justice system and throughout our nation," Lacey said in a statement.
"I want to encourage the exchange of ideas and work to establish dialogue between law enforcement and protesters so that we may implement enduring systemic change," she added.
Los Angeles has made more than a quarter of the total national arrests since cities across the country began implementing curfews, the Associated Press reported.
The District Attorney's Office prosecutes all felonies in Los Angeles County and misdemeanors that occur in the unincorporated areas of the county and in most cities.
Lacey, who is in a tight reelection race, has come under intense scrutiny from Black Lives Matter leaders and other Los Angeles-based activists. Last week, thousands of protesters showed up outside her office to call for her resignation. Critics claim she is not doing enough to prosecute police misconduct.
Feuer said his office will create "opportunities for violators to participate in an exchange of ideas and perspectives--as well as a discussion of tangible steps that can be taken by individuals, communities, law enforcement and our office--to address issues relevant to these protests."
Without offering details, Feuer said the alternative to prosecution "will incorporate principles of restorative justice reflected in our Office's Community Justice Initiative, and allow for a non-punitive (financial or otherwise) resolution of these matters, outside of the courts."
Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore endorsed Feuer's decision not to charge protesters.
"Resolving these violations through alternative methods is a productive and appropriate way to address these offenses, and will have lasting positive effects on our community," Moore said. "I fully support this approach to criminal justice reform, and will work closely with the City Attorney's Office to ensure it is successful."
While the protests in Los Angeles started off peacefully there have been periods of violence, with some groups setting businesses aflame, vandalizing store fronts and stealing merchandise. That led to city and county-wide curfews — some as early as 1 p.m. — which have now ended.
Critics have argued that the LA Police and County Sheriff's departments have been excessively and unnecessarily brutal in their response to the protests.
Over the last two weeks, squads of officers have unleashed tear gas, rubber bullets, flash bombs, tasers, SUVs, fists and batons on protesters. Much of the troubling behavior has been captured by cell phone cameras and shared broadly on social media.
One widely shared video called We See You, Mayor [Eric] Garcetti is a graphic compilation of violent police enforcement actions interspersed with a public address by the mayor in which he lauds the bravery of police officers "who put their lives on the line" and says the city's leadership is "committed to protecting First Amendment rights ... and committed to the peaceful expression of those rights."
Since it was first posted on June 3, it has garnered nearly 8 million views. (Note: the video contains graphic images and explicit language.)
The mayor responded to accusations of police misconduct saying he supports the creation of a special prosecutor to review complaints.
Meanwhile, the LAPD issued a statement urging the public to contact Internal Affairs investigators or the department's Office of the Inspector General if they believed they had been the victims of unjust force or misconduct.


npr--2020-06-08--Texas Reports Record-Breaking COVID-19 Hospitalizations As State Reopens

Texas reported a record-breaking number of COVID-19 hospitalizations Monday as the governor plans to reopen more businesses and double capacity .
Texas Department of State Health Services figures show 1,935 people were admitted as hospital patients for coronavirus-related treatment .
That is up from a previous record of 1,888 on May 5 .
The department 's new figures were released as Gov .
Greg Abbott moves forward with a plan to open bars , restaurants , amusement parks and other businesses to 50 % capacity .
Abbott led most of the nation 's governors in allowing Texas to lift statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at limited capacity on May 1 .
But even in states where officials left stringent restrictions in place , the number of newly diagnosed cases are rising .
About 20 states , including California and Arizona , have also reported a rise in COVID-19 cases in recent weeks , according to The New York Times .
Meanwhile , state leaders have come under increasing pressure to restart the economy .
The pattern holds true worldwide .
On Monday , the World Health Organization warned that the outbreak is worsening around the globe .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ recorded its highest daily jump of cases — 136,000 .
And the United States and Brazil continue to report the highest number of new cases on a daily basis with roughly 20,000 each .
Meanwhile , virus experts and epidemiologists are concerned that the recent protests that have cascaded across the country since the killing of George Floyd on Memorial Day will lead to an unprecedented spike in coronavirus cases .
In Texas , the availability of intensive care beds and ventilators — 1,600 and 5,800 respectively — have been seen as markers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to reopen the economy .
Some officials have stated that the increase in cases has more to do with the spread of testing .
Some counties are now including prison testing results in their data , which is driving reporting rates up .
And the numbers are likely to continue to rise .
On Monday , Abbott pledged to increase testing `` in underserved and minority communities that have been disproportionately impacted by the virus . ''
Throughout Texas , more than 75,000 people have been infected and more than 1,800 others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johns Hopkins University .

Texas Reports Record-Breaking COVID-19 Hospitalizations As State Reopens
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eric Gay/AP Eric Gay/AP
Texas reported a record-breaking number of COVID-19 hospitalizations Monday as the governor plans to reopen more businesses and double capacity.
Texas Department of State Health Services figures show 1,935 people were admitted as hospital patients for coronavirus-related treatment. That is up from a previous record of 1,888 on May 5.
The department's new figures were released as Gov. Greg Abbott moves forward with a plan to open bars, restaurants, amusement parks and other businesses to 50% capacity.
Abbott led most of the nation's governors in allowing Texas to lift statewide stay-at-home orders and urging businesses to reopen at limited capacity on May 1.
But even in states where officials left stringent restrictions in place, the number of newly diagnosed cases are rising. About 20 states, including California and Arizona, have also reported a rise in COVID-19 cases in recent weeks, according to The New York Times. Meanwhile, state leaders have come under increasing pressure to restart the economy.
The pattern holds true worldwide. On Monday, the World Health Organization warned that the outbreak is worsening around the globe. The U.N. body said the world had recorded its highest daily jump of cases — 136,000. And the United States and Brazil continue to report the highest number of new cases on a daily basis with roughly 20,000 each.
Meanwhile, virus experts and epidemiologists are concerned that the recent protests that have cascaded across the country since the killing of George Floyd on Memorial Day will lead to an unprecedented spike in coronavirus cases.
In Texas, the availability of intensive care beds and ventilators — 1,600 and 5,800 respectively — have been seen as markers of improvement and evidence that it is time to reopen the economy.
Some officials have stated that the increase in cases has more to do with the spread of testing. Some counties are now including prison testing results in their data, which is driving reporting rates up.
And the numbers are likely to continue to rise. On Monday, Abbott pledged to increase testing "in underserved and minority communities that have been disproportionately impacted by the virus."
Throughout Texas, more than 75,000 people have been infected and more than 1,800 others have died from COVID-19, according to Johns Hopkins University.


npr--2020-06-08--Protests Are Bringing Down Confederate Monuments Around The South

Protests Are Bringing Down Confederate Monuments Around The South New attention from people protesting police brutality and racial injustice is changing the way cities and campuses in the American South regard symbols of white supremacy .
On Monday , Alabama 's flagship state university took down memorials to Confederate soldiers .
The University of Alabama removed plaques honoring students who served in the Confederate Army and student cadet corps .
The panels had been displayed on and in front of the Gorgas library on the Quad , a large green space in the middle of the Tuscaloosa campus and popular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they `` will be placed at a more appropriate historical setting , '' according to a statement from the University of Alabama System .
And trustees say they will review the names of campus buildings .
On Sunday , the Student Government Association called for change , tweeting that student leaders had been in talks with school officials to `` begin the work of changing the names of campus buildings with racist namesakes . ''
Removal of the Confederate plaques comes on a campus that was once at the center of the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days from the June 11th anniversary of former segregationist Gov .
George Wallace 's infamous `` stand in the schoolhouse door , '' a symbolic attempt to block black students from enrolling at the University of Alabama in 1963 .
Activists at rival Auburn University are also seeking changes to buildings that are named after `` men and women who actively sought to uphold white supremacy . ''
Earlier , two of Alabama 's largest cities – Birmingham and Mobile – took down Confederate monuments that were focal points for civil unrest .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ such memorials , Birmingham dismantled a massive obelisk dedicated to Confederate soldiers and sailors in a downtown park .
Mobile took down a statue of a Confederate naval officer that had been vandalized .
Mobile Mayor Sandy Stimpson said on Twitter the move was not an attempt to rewrite history but intended to remove `` a potential distraction '' to focus on the future of the Gulf coast city .
In Virginia , the state started work to remove a huge statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee in Richmond , the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to take down another four Confederate memorials along Monument Ave. On Monday a judge issued an order delaying the Lee statue 's removal for 10 days in response to a lawsuit seeking to preserve the monument .
Pressure is also mounting in Mississippi over the state flag .
Adopted in 1894 , the design incorporates the Confederate battle flag – a red background with a blue X lined with white stars .
In 2001 , Mississippi voted to keep it .
Now Republican Gov .
Tate Reeves says it 's not up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` It should be the people who make that decision not some backroom deal by a bunch of politicians in Jackson , '' Reeves said Monday when pressed by reporters whether he thought the flag was an accurate representation of modern-day Mississippi , a state with a 38 % African-American population .
The Marine Corps recently banned displays of the Confederate flag , with an exception for Mississippi 's flag .
The last time the country saw a purge of relics of the Old South was in the aftermath of the Emanuel AME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A self-avowed white supremacist , Dylann Roof , killed 9 worshippers at the historic African-American church .
Before the slayings , he had posed for pictures with a gun and a Confederate battle flag .

Protests Are Bringing Down Confederate Monuments Around The South
Enlarge this image toggle caption Steve Helber/AP Steve Helber/AP
Updated at 11:17 p.m. ET
New attention from people protesting police brutality and racial injustice is changing the way cities and campuses in the American South regard symbols of white supremacy. On Monday, Alabama's flagship state university took down memorials to Confederate soldiers. The University of Alabama removed plaques honoring students who served in the Confederate Army and student cadet corps.
The panels had been displayed on and in front of the Gorgas library on the Quad, a large green space in the middle of the Tuscaloosa campus and popular gathering place. Now school officials say they "will be placed at a more appropriate historical setting," according to a statement from the University of Alabama System. And trustees say they will review the names of campus buildings.
On Sunday, the Student Government Association called for change, tweeting that student leaders had been in talks with school officials to "begin the work of changing the names of campus buildings with racist namesakes."
Removal of the Confederate plaques comes on a campus that was once at the center of the nation's battle over integration, and just days from the June 11th anniversary of former segregationist Gov. George Wallace's infamous "stand in the schoolhouse door," a symbolic attempt to block black students from enrolling at the University of Alabama in 1963.
Activists at rival Auburn University are also seeking changes to buildings that are named after "men and women who actively sought to uphold white supremacy."
Earlier, two of Alabama's largest cities – Birmingham and Mobile – took down Confederate monuments that were focal points for civil unrest. Violating a state law intended to protect such memorials, Birmingham dismantled a massive obelisk dedicated to Confederate soldiers and sailors in a downtown park. Mobile took down a statue of a Confederate naval officer that had been vandalized. Mobile Mayor Sandy Stimpson said on Twitter the move was not an attempt to rewrite history but intended to remove "a potential distraction" to focus on the future of the Gulf coast city.
In Virginia, the state started work to remove a huge statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee in Richmond, the state capital. And city leaders say they want to take down another four Confederate memorials along Monument Ave.
On Monday a judge issued an order delaying the Lee statue's removal for 10 days in response to a lawsuit seeking to preserve the monument.
A slave auction block was removed from downtown Fredericksburg, Va.
Pressure is also mounting in Mississippi over the state flag. Adopted in 1894, the design incorporates the Confederate battle flag – a red background with a blue X lined with white stars. In 2001, Mississippi voted to keep it. Now Republican Gov. Tate Reeves says it's not up to elected leaders to change it.
"It should be the people who make that decision not some backroom deal by a bunch of politicians in Jackson," Reeves said Monday when pressed by reporters whether he thought the flag was an accurate representation of modern-day Mississippi, a state with a 38% African-American population.
The Marine Corps recently banned displays of the Confederate flag, with an exception for Mississippi's flag.
The last time the country saw a purge of relics of the Old South was in the aftermath of the Emanuel AME Church massacre in Charleston in 2015. A self-avowed white supremacist, Dylann Roof, killed 9 worshippers at the historic African-American church. Before the slayings, he had posed for pictures with a gun and a Confederate battle flag.


npr--2020-06-09--IBM Abandons Facial Recognition Products, Condemns Racially Biased Surveillance

IBM will no longer provide facial recognition technology to police departments for mass surveillance and racial profiling , Arvind Krishna , IBM 's chief executive , wrote in a letter to Congress .
Krishna wrote that such technology could be used by police to violate `` basic human rights and freedoms , '' and that would be out of step with the company 's values .
`` We believe now is the time to begin a national dialogue on whether and how facial recognition technology should be employed by domestic law enforcement agencies , '' Krishna said .
The nationwide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd already have led to changes to police departments around the country - over use of force policies , police misconduct and police contracts .
The moment of reckoning over the country 's relationship with law enforcement also comes as artificial-intelligence researchers and technology scholars continue to warn about facial recognition software , particularly how some of the data-driven systems have been shown to be racially biased .
For instance , the MIT Media Lab has found that the technology is often less successful at identifying the gender of darker-skinned faces , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a welcome recognition that facial recognition technology , especially as deployed by police , has been used to undermine human rights , and to harm Black people specifically , as well as Indigenous people and other People of Color , '' said Joy Buolamwini , who conducted the MIT study and is the founder of the Algorithmic Justice League .
Nate Freed Wessler , a lawyer with the ACLU 's Speech , Privacy , and Technology Project , said while he was encouraged by the news from IBM , other major technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` It 's good that IBM took this step , but it ca n't be the only company , '' Freed Wessler told NPR .
`` Amazon , Microsoft and other corporations are trying to make a lot of money by selling these dangerous , dubious tools to police departments .
That should stop right now . ''
At IBM , Krishna , who took over as CEO in April , noted the technology 's risk of producing discriminatory results in his announcement dropping `` general purpose '' facial recognition software .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that can help law enforcement keep citizens safe , '' he wrote to Congressional Democrats , who introduced police reform legislation on Monday that would ban federal law enforcement from using facial recognition technology .
`` But vendors and users of AI systems have a shared responsibility to ensure that AI is tested for bias , particularity when used in law enforcement , and that such bias testing is audited and reported . ''
IBM had tested facial recognition software with the New York Police Department , but its adoption by other law-enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who track IBM have noted that the company 's facial recognition did not pull in much revenue , suggesting that the decision perhaps made good business sense .
Critics of the surveillance technology who have called on Microsoft and Amazon to make similar commitments say relying on data-mining tools to make public-safety decisions could endanger citizens .
`` Face recognition systems have much higher failure rates when it comes from people of color and women and younger people , which can them subject them to great harm by police , '' the ACLU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use force , whether to arrest someone , whether to stop someone on the street . ''
Amazon is a major player in facial recognition software .
Its Rekognition product has been used by local police departments in Florida and Oregon .
The ACLU found in 2018 that the software mistakenly identified 28 members of Congress as people who had been arrested for crimes .
And Buolamwini has discovered that when the photos of several prominent black women , including Oprah and Michelle Obama , are scanned by Amazon 's technology that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men .
Amazon has publicly defended its facial recognition software , saying studies challenging its accuracy have contained misperceptions about how the technology operates .
`` We know that facial recognition technology , when used irresponsibly , has risks , '' wrote Matt Wood , general manager of artificial intelligence at Amazon Web Services .
`` But we remain optimistic about the good this technology will provide in society , and are already seeing meaningful proof points with facial recognition helping thwart child trafficking , reuniting missing kids with parents , providing better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud .
Amazon did not return a request for comment on IBM 's decision to walk away from facial recognition software .
Microsoft , which uses facial recognition technology through its Azure cloud computing services , also did not return a request for comment .
Big Tech 's use of facial recognition has sparked controversy and legal action for useage beyond law enforcement .
In January , Facebook agreed to pay half a billion dollars to settle a class action lawsuit for allegedly violating Illinois consumer privacy laws in its use of facial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guess who appears in photos posted to the social network .

IBM Abandons Facial Recognition Products, Condemns Racially Biased Surveillance
Enlarge this image toggle caption Richard Drew/AP Richard Drew/AP
IBM will no longer provide facial recognition technology to police departments for mass surveillance and racial profiling, Arvind Krishna, IBM's chief executive, wrote in a letter to Congress.
Krishna wrote that such technology could be used by police to violate "basic human rights and freedoms," and that would be out of step with the company's values.
"We believe now is the time to begin a national dialogue on whether and how facial recognition technology should be employed by domestic law enforcement agencies," Krishna said.
The nationwide demonstrations following the police killing of George Floyd already have led to changes to police departments around the country - over use of force policies, police misconduct and police contracts.
The moment of reckoning over the country's relationship with law enforcement also comes as artificial-intelligence researchers and technology scholars continue to warn about facial recognition software, particularly how some of the data-driven systems have been shown to be racially biased. For instance, the MIT Media Lab has found that the technology is often less successful at identifying the gender of darker-skinned faces, which could lead to misidentifications.
"This is a welcome recognition that facial recognition technology, especially as deployed by police, has been used to undermine human rights, and to harm Black people specifically, as well as Indigenous people and other People of Color," said Joy Buolamwini, who conducted the MIT study and is the founder of the Algorithmic Justice League.
Nate Freed Wessler, a lawyer with the ACLU's Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, said while he was encouraged by the news from IBM, other major technology companies are still standing by the software.
"It's good that IBM took this step, but it can't be the only company," Freed Wessler told NPR. "Amazon, Microsoft and other corporations are trying to make a lot of money by selling these dangerous, dubious tools to police departments. That should stop right now."
At IBM, Krishna, who took over as CEO in April, noted the technology's risk of producing discriminatory results in his announcement dropping "general purpose" facial recognition software.
"Artificial Intelligence is a powerful tool that can help law enforcement keep citizens safe," he wrote to Congressional Democrats, who introduced police reform legislation on Monday that would ban federal law enforcement from using facial recognition technology with body-worn cameras. "But vendors and users of AI systems have a shared responsibility to ensure that AI is tested for bias, particularity when used in law enforcement, and that such bias testing is audited and reported."
IBM had tested facial recognition software with the New York Police Department, but its adoption by other law-enforcement agencies appears to be limited. Analysts who track IBM have noted that the company's facial recognition did not pull in much revenue, suggesting that the decision perhaps made good business sense.
Critics of the surveillance technology who have called on Microsoft and Amazon to make similar commitments say relying on data-mining tools to make public-safety decisions could endanger citizens.
"Face recognition systems have much higher failure rates when it comes from people of color and women and younger people, which can them subject them to great harm by police," the ACLU's Freed Wessler said. "Whether to use force, whether to arrest someone, whether to stop someone on the street."
Amazon is a major player in facial recognition software. Its Rekognition product has been used by local police departments in Florida and Oregon.
The ACLU found in 2018 that the software mistakenly identified 28 members of Congress as people who had been arrested for crimes.
And Buolamwini has discovered that when the photos of several prominent black women, including Oprah and Michelle Obama, are scanned by Amazon's technology that the system wrongly states that they are men.
Amazon has publicly defended its facial recognition software, saying studies challenging its accuracy have contained misperceptions about how the technology operates.
"We know that facial recognition technology, when used irresponsibly, has risks," wrote Matt Wood, general manager of artificial intelligence at Amazon Web Services. "But we remain optimistic about the good this technology will provide in society, and are already seeing meaningful proof points with facial recognition helping thwart child trafficking, reuniting missing kids with parents, providing better payment authentication, or diminishing credit card fraud.
Amazon did not return a request for comment on IBM's decision to walk away from facial recognition software.
Microsoft, which uses facial recognition technology through its Azure cloud computing services, also did not return a request for comment.
Big Tech's use of facial recognition has sparked controversy and legal action for useage beyond law enforcement.
In January, Facebook agreed to pay half a billion dollars to settle a class action lawsuit for allegedly violating Illinois consumer privacy laws in its use of facial recognition technology that used face-matching software to guess who appears in photos posted to the social network.


npr--2020-06-09--3 Visions For The Future Of Police In South LA

3 Visions For The Future Of Police In South LA In the weeks since police killed George Floyd in Minneapolis , people around the U.S. and the world have flooded the streets in rage and protest against police violence toward African Americans .
There 's particular resonance for Los Angeles , which has a long and familiar history with police brutality and civil unrest .
For those who lived through earlier convulsions — the Watts rebellion of 1965 and the Rodney King riots of 1992 — today 's events surface intense personal memories .
NPR 's All Things Considered spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ witness to one or both of those events .
Over the decades , each of them has thought seriously about how policing in Los Angeles should change — and each has arrived at a different answer .
Get rid of the guns Bruce Patton was born in South Los Angeles in 1952 — when the area was known as South Central , the name he still prefers — and has lived there his whole life .
The Los Angeles City Council officially changed the neighborhood 's name in 2003 to avoid negative associations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Patton says changing the name does n't erase the neighborhood 's problems or history .
`` It needs to be understood that South Central has not been forgotten .
The treatment we received in South Central has not been forgotten , '' he says .
One of his earliest memories of the troubled relationship between police and African Americans unfolded in August 1965 in the nearby Watts neighborhood .
A California Highway Patrol officer stopped a black driver , a crowd gathered , a fight ensued , and the unrest ignited existing tensions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Patton remembers mowing the lawn at his grandmother 's house and seeing smoke in the distance .
`` We , of course , did not know what it was , '' the 68-year-old says .
`` In essence , we just knew it was a disturbance , and that some black people finally had enough .
And like a pressure cooker , it exploded . ''
Patton was 13 at the time .
He did n't understand enough to be scared .
What he did pick up on was something very different from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was a joy that black people would stand up and have the audacity to stand up and push back , '' he says .
`` Fighting back .
That was the joy . ''
The problem , he says , is that his community has been fighting back against an issue that never seems to change : police violence against black people .
And at least for Patton , the solution to that problem is clear : He advocates taking all guns away from the police .
`` There 's no need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That is what gives them the propensity to kill you , '' he says .
`` It 's their approach to the people in these communities that makes police officers fear for their lives . ''
Patton says that 's because these police officers go into neighborhoods such as his without asking the right question .
`` His mind should be as a doctor is , '' Patton says .
`` He should say , how can I help that person ? ''
He says police in his community do n't think about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the police Twenty-seven years after Watts burned , unrest spilled through the streets of South Los Angeles again — when four police officers were acquitted in the videotaped beating of a black man named Rodney King .
Riots erupted on April 29 , 1992 — at the corner of Normandie and Florence avenues , right in front of a liquor store called Tom 's .
`` It was mayhem .
It was crazy .
It was like world war or something going on , '' Gilbert Johnson remembers .
Johnson , 36 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Los Angeles , where he was once part of a gang .
For a long time , his gang affiliation meant he could n't stand at this particular corner because , he says , `` there was a very good chance I could get killed or beat up severely . ''
He was 8 during the Rodney King riots .
He says there was so much anger in his house at the time that when the looting started , his brother and uncle got in on it .
`` Everybody was doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They got out there and capitalized off the situation , too . ''
He remembers the things they stole : guns , appliances , TVs , food , clothes .
`` It was a pretty good moment , as far as if you look at it from that standpoint , because we were all poor , '' he says .
`` You know , we used to get free food , stand in lines to get food , recycle cans to get food , food stamps . ''
He says it did n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already wronged them so many times .
Johnson ended up spending most of his young adult life in and out of prison .
He says cycling through the criminal justice system only reinforced his view against law enforcement .
But when it comes to policing , he calls himself an abolitionist — as in , abolish the police .
`` I 've talked to hundreds and hundreds of people across South LA , and they do not want more law enforcement , '' he says .
He supports alternatives such as gang intervention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where community members `` could be first responders . ''
When asked if he thinks his community can ever have a workable relationship with the police , his answer is blunt : `` No , I do n't . ''
Get to know the communities Marqueece Harris-Dawson completely understands perspectives such as Johnson 's .
`` I 've been in the place that you 're at , '' he says .
`` I think there 's obviously a use for LAPD and other police departments , '' says Harris-Dawson , a City Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Los Angeles .
While Patton wants all guns gone from the Los Angeles police , and Johnson wants to see the police completely gone — Harris-Dawson , 51 , says he just wants to see the police focus on fewer things .
`` We ask police departments to solve homelessness .
We ask them to solve truancy .
We ask them to solve blight , traffic problems , pedestrian safety , '' he says .
`` We ask them to solve a whole bunch of problems that they oftentimes are not the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' And while the Los Angeles Police Department is getting overloaded with all these tasks , Harris-Dawson says he thinks the city is also overloading it with money that could be spent on schools or health care .
When it comes to policing , he says initiatives such as the Community Safety Partnership are the best way forward .
The program , which began in 2011 in the Watts neighborhood , embeds Los Angeles police officers — the same ones , for several years — within a neighborhood .
They watch kids grow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community .
Harris-Dawson says the Harvard Park neighborhood in South Los Angeles had one of the highest rates of violent crime in the city before the program was implemented there in 2017 , including six murders that year .
The Community Safety Partnership program assigned 10 officers to the area .
Since then , the council member says , there have been no reports of violent crime or homicides in the neighborhood .
It 's a remarkable decline in crime — and , more important , he says , increase in trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is oftentimes officers are evaluated by how many citations they give away or how many people they arrest , '' he says .
`` Here we say , how many interactions did you have ?
How many church services did you attend ?
How many events with young people did you participate in ? ''
Ultimately , Harris-Dawson says , the more police officers get to know the people they 're policing , the less likely people will resort to violence .
In the past , Patton and Johnson say they have seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But the current wave of protests does offer them hope .
There are more people listening and more communities are rising up , they say .
`` We have a chance to really organize and galvanize all this momentum and push it in a positive way , '' says Johnson , the community organizer .
`` A lot more people are out there protesting because they want change .
So , yes , I see this as a moment of hope amidst all the chaos . ''

3 Visions For The Future Of Police In South LA
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
In the weeks since police killed George Floyd in Minneapolis, people around the U.S. and the world have flooded the streets in rage and protest against police violence toward African Americans.
There's particular resonance for Los Angeles, which has a long and familiar history with police brutality and civil unrest. For those who lived through earlier convulsions — the Watts rebellion of 1965 and the Rodney King riots of 1992 — today's events surface intense personal memories.
NPR's All Things Considered spoke with three African American men who bore witness to one or both of those events. Over the decades, each of them has thought seriously about how policing in Los Angeles should change — and each has arrived at a different answer.
Get rid of the guns
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
Bruce Patton was born in South Los Angeles in 1952 — when the area was known as South Central, the name he still prefers — and has lived there his whole life.
The Los Angeles City Council officially changed the neighborhood's name in 2003 to avoid negative associations that outsiders had with the area. Patton says changing the name doesn't erase the neighborhood's problems or history.
"It needs to be understood that South Central has not been forgotten. The treatment we received in South Central has not been forgotten," he says.
One of his earliest memories of the troubled relationship between police and African Americans unfolded in August 1965 in the nearby Watts neighborhood. A California Highway Patrol officer stopped a black driver, a crowd gathered, a fight ensued, and the unrest ignited existing tensions between police and the black community.
Patton remembers mowing the lawn at his grandmother's house and seeing smoke in the distance.
Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP
"We, of course, did not know what it was," the 68-year-old says. "In essence, we just knew it was a disturbance, and that some black people finally had enough. And like a pressure cooker, it exploded."
Patton was 13 at the time. He didn't understand enough to be scared. What he did pick up on was something very different from fear.
"Deep down inside, it was a joy that black people would stand up and have the audacity to stand up and push back," he says. "Fighting back. That was the joy."
The problem, he says, is that his community has been fighting back against an issue that never seems to change: police violence against black people. And at least for Patton, the solution to that problem is clear: He advocates taking all guns away from the police.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hulton Archive/Getty Images Hulton Archive/Getty Images
"There's no need for policemen to have a gun. That is what gives them the propensity to kill you," he says. "It's their approach to the people in these communities that makes police officers fear for their lives."
Patton says that's because these police officers go into neighborhoods such as his without asking the right question.
"His mind should be as a doctor is," Patton says. "He should say, how can I help that person?"
He says police in his community don't think about their work this way.
Get rid of the police
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
Twenty-seven years after Watts burned, unrest spilled through the streets of South Los Angeles again — when four police officers were acquitted in the videotaped beating of a black man named Rodney King.
Riots erupted on April 29, 1992 — at the corner of Normandie and Florence avenues, right in front of a liquor store called Tom's.
"It was mayhem. It was crazy. It was like world war or something going on," Gilbert Johnson remembers.
Johnson, 36, is from a different part of South Los Angeles, where he was once part of a gang. For a long time, his gang affiliation meant he couldn't stand at this particular corner because, he says, "there was a very good chance I could get killed or beat up severely."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
He was 8 during the Rodney King riots. He says there was so much anger in his house at the time that when the looting started, his brother and uncle got in on it.
"Everybody was doing it," Johnson says. "They got out there and capitalized off the situation, too."
He remembers the things they stole: guns, appliances, TVs, food, clothes.
"It was a pretty good moment, as far as if you look at it from that standpoint, because we were all poor," he says. "You know, we used to get free food, stand in lines to get food, recycle cans to get food, food stamps."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Paul Sakuma/AP Paul Sakuma/AP
He says it didn't feel wrong, because the system had already wronged them so many times.
Johnson ended up spending most of his young adult life in and out of prison. He says cycling through the criminal justice system only reinforced his view against law enforcement.
Today, he's a community organizer, leading youth and gang intervention programs.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
But when it comes to policing, he calls himself an abolitionist — as in, abolish the police.
"I've talked to hundreds and hundreds of people across South LA, and they do not want more law enforcement," he says.
He supports alternatives such as gang intervention, mental health services and neighborhood watches where community members "could be first responders."
When asked if he thinks his community can ever have a workable relationship with the police, his answer is blunt: "No, I don't."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Douglas C. Pizac/AP Douglas C. Pizac/AP
Get to know the communities
Marqueece Harris-Dawson completely understands perspectives such as Johnson's. "I've been in the place that you're at," he says.
But he doesn't agree.
"I think there's obviously a use for LAPD and other police departments," says Harris-Dawson, a City Council member who is also a native of South Los Angeles.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
While Patton wants all guns gone from the Los Angeles police, and Johnson wants to see the police completely gone — Harris-Dawson, 51, says he just wants to see the police focus on fewer things.
"We ask police departments to solve homelessness. We ask them to solve truancy. We ask them to solve blight, traffic problems, pedestrian safety," he says. "We ask them to solve a whole bunch of problems that they oftentimes are not the appropriate set of individuals to do."
And while the Los Angeles Police Department is getting overloaded with all these tasks, Harris-Dawson says he thinks the city is also overloading it with money that could be spent on schools or health care.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kyle Grillot/AFP via Getty Images Kyle Grillot/AFP via Getty Images
When it comes to policing, he says initiatives such as the Community Safety Partnership are the best way forward. The program, which began in 2011 in the Watts neighborhood, embeds Los Angeles police officers — the same ones, for several years — within a neighborhood. They watch kids grow up there. They get to know the community.
Harris-Dawson says the Harvard Park neighborhood in South Los Angeles had one of the highest rates of violent crime in the city before the program was implemented there in 2017, including six murders that year.
The Community Safety Partnership program assigned 10 officers to the area. Since then, the council member says, there have been no reports of violent crime or homicides in the neighborhood. It's a remarkable decline in crime — and, more important, he says, increase in trust.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
Such programs measure successful policing differently, Harris-Dawson says.
"One of the big differences is oftentimes officers are evaluated by how many citations they give away or how many people they arrest," he says. "Here we say, how many interactions did you have? How many church services did you attend? How many events with young people did you participate in?"
Ultimately, Harris-Dawson says, the more police officers get to know the people they're policing, the less likely people will resort to violence.
In the past, Patton and Johnson say they have seen little improve between police and their community. But the current wave of protests does offer them hope.
toggle caption Bethany Mollenkof for NPR
There are more people listening and more communities are rising up, they say.
"We have a chance to really organize and galvanize all this momentum and push it in a positive way," says Johnson, the community organizer. "A lot more people are out there protesting because they want change. So, yes, I see this as a moment of hope amidst all the chaos."
Sami Yenigun edited the audio story. Maureen Pao edited the Web story.