npr--2020-11-09--Trump 'Terminates' Secretary Of Defense Mark Esper

Defense Secretary Mark Esper has been `` terminated , '' President Trump wrote in a tweet , and will be replaced by Christopher C. Miller , the director of the National Counterterrorism Center .
`` Chris will do a GREAT job , '' Trump tweeted shortly after noon .
`` Mark Esper has been terminated .
I would like to thank him for his service . ''
Sources say Esper already had a resignation letter ready to go — because Trump threatened to fire him in June over a disagreement about using active duty troops to quell street protests — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the former Army secretary and Raytheon executive who took over the job in July of last year from retired Marine Gen. Jim Mattis .
Mattis abruptly resigned over efforts by Trump to quickly reduce troops in Syria .
Esper had the least amount of higher-level government and military experience of any defense secretary in memory , and he never had the kind of strong relationship Mattis had with Trump — at least until Trump soured on Mattis as well .
Trump also leaned more on two more-forceful officials : Secretary of State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mark Milley .
Esper earned the derogatory nickname `` Yesper '' for seemingly acquiescing or remaining silent over the president 's kneejerk moves .
Those ranged from reducing U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Syria with little or no deliberation to stopping Pentagon efforts to rename military bases named after Confederate generals .
`` He came in with such promise , '' said one Capitol Hill aide who was not authorized to speak publicly .
The aide , who has known Esper for years , called him a `` logical , clear thinker '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for cutting programs deemed no longer necessary .
`` His performance as secretary of defense was disappointing . ''
Just a few weeks ago , national security adviser Robert O'Brien said U.S. troops in Afghanistan would be reduced sharply early next year .
Milley brushed that aside as `` speculation '' in an interview with NPR and said deliberations over troop cuts were ongoing .
Esper was nowhere to be found in that discussion , though Esper 's supporters said he worked quietly behind the scenes .
`` What did he do behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to speak out ? ''
wondered Brad Bowman of the Foundation for Defense of Democracy , who said Trump 's efforts to quickly cut troops in Syria and Afghanistan — as well as some 12,000 American forces in Germany — were `` fundamental policy mistakes '' with seemingly little thought about strategy or repercussions .
Others , though , say Esper made some positive accomplishments during his brief tenure .
`` I think he was solid and successful , '' said Michael O'Hanlon , a defense analyst at the Brookings Institution , pointing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new defense strategy that singled out China and Russia as threats the Pentagon had to address .
`` He handled his relationship with the president about as well as you could have asked any mortal to achieve , '' said O'Hanlon .
`` No-drama Esper was what we needed .
And it was what we got . ''
Ironically , Trump had planned to fire Esper four months ago — after Esper opposed the president 's move to send active duty troops to Washington , D.C .
Protesters were massing across from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police .
Pentagon officials and others said police and National Guard troops could deal with any situation .
But Trump wanted to send a stronger message .
So he ordered the deployment of active troops from bases in North Carolina and New York .
Pentagon leaders made sure they stayed outside the city .
`` The option to use active duty forces in a law enforcement role should only be used as a matter of last resort , and only in the most urgent and dire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Pentagon on June 3 , his last meeting with reporters in the briefing room .
`` We are not in one of those situations now .
I do not support invoking the Insurrection Act . ''
Trump was furious .
But a senior official said Trump was talked out of dismissing Esper , with his advisers saying it was not a good idea to fire the defense secretary — his third one — so close to the election .
Even before that , the White House was not happy with Esper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supposedly `` loose '' messaging with the press , including an interview with NPR in January .
The interview took place shortly after a U.S. drone strike killed Iranian military leader Qassem Soleimani , who oversaw his country 's militia groups in Iraq that were targeting U.S. troops and officials .
Esper told NPR that the U.S. did not have the authority to target those militias under the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force enacted after the Sept. 11 attacks .
Moments after the interview ended , Esper 's aides chased down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the secretary 's office Esper then reversed himself : The administration actually does have that authority under Article 2 of the Constitution , the commander in chief 's authority to defend the nation .
By summer , Trump was openly ridiculing his defense secretary .
At a White House press briefing in August , one reporter asked about the defense secretary .
`` Mark Yesper ?
Did you call him Yesper ? ''
Trump said .
`` Oh OK .
Some people call him Yesper .
No I get along with him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He 's fine .
Yeah no problem . ''
Asked if he was considering firing Esper , Trump said : `` I consider firing everybody .
At some point , that 's what happens . ''
After it was clear Trump was ready to fire him , Esper kept a low profile , rarely talking to reporters and going on trips to Africa and India and appearing in recent weeks before friendly think tanks , where few tough questions would be asked .
In those appearances , he focused on the National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greater focus on the threats from China and Russia .
`` Our primary competitors , China and Russia , are rapidly modernizing their armed forces , '' Esper told the Atlantic Council last month , `` and using their growing strength to ignore international law , violate the sovereignty of states and shift the balance of power in their favor . ''
As part of that effort , said Brad Bowman , a defense analyst with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies , Esper will be remembered for his efforts to counter those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Esper pushed for more weapons research and development in such areas as hypersonics and directed energy .
Such `` cutting edge technologies , '' Bowman said , will put the Pentagon `` in a much better place . ''
In the end , said O'Hanlon , there were no major mishandled crises on Esper 's watch and the U.S. maintained deterrence in key theaters .
`` I think he should be proud of his record , '' O'Hanlon said , `` even if his role was closer to caretaker than a revolutionary .
@

Trump 'Terminates' Secretary Of Defense Mark Esper
Enlarge this image toggle caption Greg Nash/Pool/Getty Images Greg Nash/Pool/Getty Images
Defense Secretary Mark Esper has been "terminated," President Trump wrote in a tweet, and will be replaced by Christopher C. Miller, the director of the National Counterterrorism Center.
"Chris will do a GREAT job," Trump tweeted shortly after noon. "Mark Esper has been terminated. I would like to thank him for his service."
Sources say Esper already had a resignation letter ready to go — because Trump threatened to fire him in June over a disagreement about using active duty troops to quell street protests — and had recently updated it.
Esper is the former Army secretary and Raytheon executive who took over the job in July of last year from retired Marine Gen. Jim Mattis. Mattis abruptly resigned over efforts by Trump to quickly reduce troops in Syria.
Esper had the least amount of higher-level government and military experience of any defense secretary in memory, and he never had the kind of strong relationship Mattis had with Trump — at least until Trump soured on Mattis as well.
Trump also leaned more on two more-forceful officials: Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley.
Esper earned the derogatory nickname "Yesper" for seemingly acquiescing or remaining silent over the president's kneejerk moves. Those ranged from reducing U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Syria with little or no deliberation to stopping Pentagon efforts to rename military bases named after Confederate generals.
"He came in with such promise," said one Capitol Hill aide who was not authorized to speak publicly. The aide, who has known Esper for years, called him a "logical, clear thinker" whose tenure as Army secretary was noteworthy for cutting programs deemed no longer necessary. "His performance as secretary of defense was disappointing."
Just a few weeks ago, national security adviser Robert O'Brien said U.S. troops in Afghanistan would be reduced sharply early next year. Milley brushed that aside as "speculation" in an interview with NPR and said deliberations over troop cuts were ongoing.
Esper was nowhere to be found in that discussion, though Esper's supporters said he worked quietly behind the scenes.
"What did he do behind the scenes and what did he do to speak out?" wondered Brad Bowman of the Foundation for Defense of Democracy, who said Trump's efforts to quickly cut troops in Syria and Afghanistan — as well as some 12,000 American forces in Germany — were "fundamental policy mistakes" with seemingly little thought about strategy or repercussions.
Others, though, say Esper made some positive accomplishments during his brief tenure.
"I think he was solid and successful," said Michael O'Hanlon, a defense analyst at the Brookings Institution, pointing to Esper's continued focus on a new defense strategy that singled out China and Russia as threats the Pentagon had to address.
"He handled his relationship with the president about as well as you could have asked any mortal to achieve," said O'Hanlon. "No-drama Esper was what we needed. And it was what we got."
Ironically, Trump had planned to fire Esper four months ago — after Esper opposed the president's move to send active duty troops to Washington, D.C.
Protesters were massing across from the White House, decrying the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. Pentagon officials and others said police and National Guard troops could deal with any situation.
But Trump wanted to send a stronger message. So he ordered the deployment of active troops from bases in North Carolina and New York. Pentagon leaders made sure they stayed outside the city.
Esper explained why.
"The option to use active duty forces in a law enforcement role should only be used as a matter of last resort, and only in the most urgent and dire of situations," Esper told reporters at the Pentagon on June 3, his last meeting with reporters in the briefing room. "We are not in one of those situations now. I do not support invoking the Insurrection Act."
Trump was furious. But a senior official said Trump was talked out of dismissing Esper, with his advisers saying it was not a good idea to fire the defense secretary — his third one — so close to the election.
Even before that, the White House was not happy with Esper, according to Politico, for his supposedly "loose" messaging with the press, including an interview with NPR in January.
The interview took place shortly after a U.S. drone strike killed Iranian military leader Qassem Soleimani, who oversaw his country's militia groups in Iraq that were targeting U.S. troops and officials.
Esper told NPR that the U.S. did not have the authority to target those militias under the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force enacted after the Sept. 11 attacks.
Moments after the interview ended, Esper's aides chased down the NPR team and brought them back to the secretary's office
Esper then reversed himself: The administration actually does have that authority under Article 2 of the Constitution, the commander in chief's authority to defend the nation.
By summer, Trump was openly ridiculing his defense secretary. At a White House press briefing in August, one reporter asked about the defense secretary.
"Mark Yesper? Did you call him Yesper?" Trump said. "Oh OK. Some people call him Yesper. No I get along with him. I get along with him fine. He's fine. Yeah no problem."
National Security Defense Secretary Mark Esper On 'Nested' Communications And Iran-Backed Militias Defense Secretary Mark Esper On 'Nested' Communications And Iran-Backed Militias Listen · 3:59 3:59
Asked if he was considering firing Esper, Trump said: "I consider firing everybody. At some point, that's what happens."
After it was clear Trump was ready to fire him, Esper kept a low profile, rarely talking to reporters and going on trips to Africa and India and appearing in recent weeks before friendly think tanks, where few tough questions would be asked.
In those appearances, he focused on the National Defense Strategy, which called for a greater focus on the threats from China and Russia.
"Our primary competitors, China and Russia, are rapidly modernizing their armed forces," Esper told the Atlantic Council last month, "and using their growing strength to ignore international law, violate the sovereignty of states and shift the balance of power in their favor."
As part of that effort, said Brad Bowman, a defense analyst with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, Esper will be remembered for his efforts to counter those modernizing efforts by China and Russia.
Esper pushed for more weapons research and development in such areas as hypersonics and directed energy. Such "cutting edge technologies," Bowman said, will put the Pentagon "in a much better place."
In the end, said O'Hanlon, there were no major mishandled crises on Esper's watch and the U.S. maintained deterrence in key theaters.
"I think he should be proud of his record," O'Hanlon said, "even if his role was closer to caretaker than a revolutionary."


npr--2020-11-09--Coronavirus Is Surging: How Severe Is Your State's Outbreak?

Coronavirus Is Surging : How Severe Is Your State 's Outbreak ?
More than 10 million people in the U.S. have had confirmed coronavirus infections and more than 230,000 have died of COVID-19 .
Tens of thousands of new cases are reported daily nationwide .
In the graphics below , explore the trends in your state .
View the data via a heat map ( immediately below ) , curve charts , a table of state-by-state trends over four weeks , or a map of total cases and deaths .
The map above shows the risk of infection in each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capita .
The consortium of researchers and public health experts who developed these risk levels advises states in the red category to issue stay-home orders .
They advise orange states to consider stay-home orders , along with increased testing and contact tracing .
Yellow states need to keep up social distancing and mask usage , and all states should continue testing and contact tracing .
To compare state outbreaks , the chart above graphs trend lines for average new daily cases and deaths against each state 's totals to date .
This type @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growth or decline relative to the overall size of its outbreak .
When both new and total case and death counts grow quickly , the curves bend upward .
As new cases and deaths slow , the curves level or bend down .
In New York , the curve rose sharply before reaching over 170,000 total cases in April .
New cases fell from about 10,000 per day in mid-April to under 900 a day most of the summer , before starting to rise in the fall .
Explore the map above to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country for both new confirmed cases and reported deaths from COVID-19 .
New York was the original epicenter of the pandemic in the U.S. As of mid October , California , Florida and Texas surpass New York for total cases to date , though New York still has the highest death total .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths .
To show trends , the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state , week over week for the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of red have growing outbreaks ; those in shades of green , are declining .
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local media reports .
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies .
This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and updates its feeds .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department 's website .
Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships .
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases and or update their methodologies .
For example , in early June , Michigan health authorities started including probable cases in its totals .
This resulted in a brief spike in the state 's daily numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconcile the historical data .
On June 25 , New Jersey included 1,854 previously-unreported probable deaths in its totals , resulting in a spike in the state 's daily death numbers .
On Sept. 2 , Massachusetts changed its methodology for counting probable cases , which lowered its overall case and death numbers .
The JHU team maintains a list of such changes .
This story was originally published on March 16 , 2020 .
Elena Renken was a co-author on that version .
Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
Loading...
Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
Loading...
The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
Loading...
Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-11-09--Utah Gov. Announces Statewide Mask Mandate, Citing Steep Spike In COVID-19 Cases

Utah Gov .
Gary Herbert has announced a new statewide mask mandate and additional measures to curb the spread of the coronavirus amid a steep spike in COVID-19 cases in the state .
Under the new mask requirement , all Utah residents must wear masks in public and when within 6 feet of anyone they do n't live with .
In an address Sunday evening , Herbert said the measures were necessary to relieve the overwhelming burden on the state 's hospitals and medical professionals .
`` Masks do not negatively affect our economy , and wearing them is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus , '' the governor said .
`` We can not afford to debate this issue any longer .
Individual freedom is certainly important , and it is our rule of law that protects that freedom . ''
Herbert said , `` Laws are put in places to protect all of us .
That 's why we have traffic lights , speed limits and seatbelts , and that 's why we now have a mask mandate . ''
Coronavirus cases in Utah have been rising sharply since mid-September .
The state 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past week , NPR member station KUER reported .
Under the mandate , businesses must require employees to wear masks and promote mask-wearing by patrons — and post signage accordingly .
Businesses that do not comply are subject to fines .
Due to elevated levels of virus transmission , masks were already required in most of the state 's counties .
Under the new restrictions , casual social gatherings are only permitted among people who live in the same household for the next two weeks .
`` You should cancel plans with extended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks .
Telework if you can , '' the state urges on a page outlining the new regulations .
Utah has reported 132,621 confirmed cases of the coronavirus , including 6,084 hospitalizations and 659 deaths .
In a press conference Monday with the governor , state epidemiologist Angela Dunn said the two-week period will allow the state to see fewer new cases .
`` It 's really going to depend on all of us adhering to these principles , and we 'll watch the data to see what is needed past the two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said the state `` will not tolerate organizers of public gatherings that do not exercise the required precautions of social distancing and mask-wearing . ''
Violators can face fines up to $ 10,000 for each instance , he said .
Work , school and religious services are not part of the mandate , as masks and physical distancing are already required in these settings .
Most K-12 sports and activities are also on hold , though high school football games are allowed to take place with some restrictions .
College sports are allowed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Utah football team has been struggling with COVID-19 cases within its program .
Its opening game , scheduled for last Saturday , was declared a no contest after Utah did not have enough scholarship players available to play due to positive cases and isolation requirements .
The Utes ' next game was to take place Friday against UCLA , but it will be delayed by a day , the school said .
Herbert 's executive order is effective Monday and lasts until Nov. 23 .
The mask mandate will continue after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are set to expire then .
The state 's K-12 schools are open for in-person learning .
State Superintendent Sydnee Dickson told KUER that spread of the virus to teachers and students is due in large part to events and gatherings outside the classroom .
`` In the case of activities and athletics , we want to curb the spread so that students and teachers are n't bringing that back into school , '' Dickson said .
`` But when they 're in school they can be very focused on the right things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the spread of the virus . ''
College students who live on campus or attend in-person classes will be tested weekly for the virus , although that testing is expected to take time to ramp up .
Health experts said a full economic shutdown was not necessary in Utah , Herbert said .
But he added that `` the wearing of masks , and exercising every precaution when it comes to gathering with others , including social distancing , is crucial . ''
The governor emphasized that his state is still open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shop , dine , worship and recreate .
But to stem the spread of the virus , he said , it was necessary to issue the new orders .
Herbert also called on citizens to show care for one another beyond the letter of the law .
`` There is no legislation or executive order that can mandate civility , respect and basic consideration for others , '' he said .
`` This is about so much more than just mandates .
This is about personal responsibility . ''

Utah Gov. Announces Statewide Mask Mandate, Citing Steep Spike In COVID-19 Cases
Enlarge this image toggle caption Screen grab by NPR/Facebook/Gov. Gary Herbert Screen grab by NPR/Facebook/Gov. Gary Herbert
Utah Gov. Gary Herbert has announced a new statewide mask mandate and additional measures to curb the spread of the coronavirus amid a steep spike in COVID-19 cases in the state.
Under the new mask requirement, all Utah residents must wear masks in public and when within 6 feet of anyone they don't live with.
In an address Sunday evening, Herbert said the measures were necessary to relieve the overwhelming burden on the state's hospitals and medical professionals.
"Masks do not negatively affect our economy, and wearing them is the easiest way to slow the spread of the virus," the governor said. "We cannot afford to debate this issue any longer. Individual freedom is certainly important, and it is our rule of law that protects that freedom."
Herbert said, "Laws are put in places to protect all of us. That's why we have traffic lights, speed limits and seatbelts, and that's why we now have a mask mandate."
Coronavirus cases in Utah have been rising sharply since mid-September. The state's positivity rate is 20.6% for the past week, NPR member station KUER reported.
Under the mandate, businesses must require employees to wear masks and promote mask-wearing by patrons — and post signage accordingly. Businesses that do not comply are subject to fines.
Due to elevated levels of virus transmission, masks were already required in most of the state's counties.
Under the new restrictions, casual social gatherings are only permitted among people who live in the same household for the next two weeks.
"You should cancel plans with extended family and friends for the next two weeks. Telework if you can," the state urges on a page outlining the new regulations.
Utah has reported 132,621 confirmed cases of the coronavirus, including 6,084 hospitalizations and 659 deaths.
In a press conference Monday with the governor, state epidemiologist Angela Dunn said the two-week period will allow the state to see fewer new cases.
"It's really going to depend on all of us adhering to these principles, and we'll watch the data to see what is needed past the two weeks," she said.
Herbert said the state "will not tolerate organizers of public gatherings that do not exercise the required precautions of social distancing and mask-wearing." Violators can face fines up to $10,000 for each instance, he said.
Work, school and religious services are not part of the mandate, as masks and physical distancing are already required in these settings.
Most K-12 sports and activities are also on hold, though high school football games are allowed to take place with some restrictions.
College sports are allowed to continue under existing restrictions. The University of Utah football team has been struggling with COVID-19 cases within its program. Its opening game, scheduled for last Saturday, was declared a no contest after Utah did not have enough scholarship players available to play due to positive cases and isolation requirements. The Utes' next game was to take place Friday against UCLA, but it will be delayed by a day, the school said.
Herbert's executive order is effective Monday and lasts until Nov. 23. The mask mandate will continue after that date, while the other restrictions are set to expire then.
The state's K-12 schools are open for in-person learning.
State Superintendent Sydnee Dickson told KUER that spread of the virus to teachers and students is due in large part to events and gatherings outside the classroom.
"In the case of activities and athletics, we want to curb the spread so that students and teachers aren't bringing that back into school," Dickson said. "But when they're in school they can be very focused on the right things and not be worried all the time about the spread of the virus."
College students who live on campus or attend in-person classes will be tested weekly for the virus, although that testing is expected to take time to ramp up.
Health experts said a full economic shutdown was not necessary in Utah, Herbert said. But he added that "the wearing of masks, and exercising every precaution when it comes to gathering with others, including social distancing, is crucial."
The governor emphasized that his state is still open for business and residents are able to shop, dine, worship and recreate. But to stem the spread of the virus, he said, it was necessary to issue the new orders.
Herbert also called on citizens to show care for one another beyond the letter of the law.
"There is no legislation or executive order that can mandate civility, respect and basic consideration for others," he said. "This is about so much more than just mandates. This is about personal responsibility."


npr--2020-11-10--Trump Election Lawsuits Have Mostly Failed. Here's What They Tried

Trump Election Lawsuits Have Mostly Failed .
Here 's What They Tried Despite calls from many for a concession this weekend , President Trump and his campaign say they are pushing on to fight the election results tooth-and-nail .
`` Our campaign will start prosecuting our case in court to ensure election laws are fully upheld and the rightful winner is seated , '' Trump said , in a statement Saturday .
`` The American People are entitled to an honest election : that means counting all legal ballots , and not counting any illegal ballots . ''
The problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of the past week in court with little success , and without presenting anything close to evidence that points to a fraudulent result .
`` You ca n't go to court , just because you do n't like the vote totals , '' said Ohio State election law professor Ned Foley , on MSNBC over the weekend .
`` You have to have a legal claim , and you have to have evidence to back it up .
And that 's just not there . ''
Here 's a runthrough of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far : Philadelphia may be the central location in President Trump 's quest to prove the 2020 election was stolen from him .
As expected , Republican voters voted more heavily on Election Day in Pennsylvania , a critical swing state , and Democrats voted in significantly larger numbers by mail .
Because laws around the vote counting process did not adjust to that reality , it took days before it was clear former Vice President Joe Biden had won the state .
The Trump campaign and many Republicans however have seized on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to count ballots as a sign of something fraudulent happening .
But the lawsuits they have filed have not bore that narrative out .
Thus far , the campaign has scored a few wins in court but none that will have an effect on the result of the state .
A state court , and separately the U.S. Supreme Court , ruled that local officials must segregate some ballots in case deadlines that were extended by the secretary of state are found to be unconstitutional .
It 's unclear how many ballots that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts are extremely skeptical it will be anywhere close to enough to overturn Biden 's current 45,000 vote lead in the state .
Separately , a federal judge ruled that election observers could stand slightly closer to election officials than they were previously allowed to , but a request to stop vote-counting over the issue was dismissed .
Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro told NPR that despite President Trump 's rhetoric about `` big '' legal wins in the state , the suits thus far have yielded no material changes to election processes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get into a rhetorical battle with the President ... but it 's hardly a big win , '' Shapiro said after the court decision , which allowed observers in Philadelphia to stand a few feet closer to election workers .
`` It has no effect on the outcome of this election . ''
At a press conference Monday afternoon at the Republican National Committee headquarters , a number of top Republicans announced a fresh lawsuit in Pennsylvania over what it claimed was unfair and unequal treatment of Republicans in the state 's election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in Michigan the Trump campaign has tried to allude to improprieties in a major city in a state it won in 2016 , but lost this year .
In Michigan 's case : Detroit .
The campaign 's claims have focused on an alleged lack of transparency in the vote-counting process , but in two cases , judges have not been swayed .
`` This court finds that while there are assertions made by the plaintiffs that there is no evidence in support of those assertions , '' said Judge Timothy Kenny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of election results .
`` On this factual record , I have no basis to find that there 's a substantial likelihood of success on the merits as relates to this defendant , nor am I convinced that there is a clear legal duty on behalf of anyone who is properly before this court to manage this issue , '' said Judge Cynthia Stephens in denying a separate request to stop the state 's vote counting .
Still , the Trump campaign says it has more evidence to come regarding the elections process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ begun the process of obtaining and accurate and honest vote count , '' said White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany , at a press conference Monday afternoon .
A rumor , which has been debunked by the Department of Homeland Security , still led to a lawsuit by the Trump campaign in Arizona .
The campaign alleged that some voters had their ballots incorrectly rejected because they used Sharpies to fill them out .
It 's a claim that went viral on social media , despite officials insisting it was not true .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ spreading # SharpieGate claims , '' said Chris Krebs , the director of the Department of Homeland Security 's Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency .
The agency debunked the claim on its Rumor Control website , which fact-checks election misinformation .
Republicans in the state dropped the Sharpie lawsuit Saturday , but then filed a separate suit alleging other votes in the state were incorrectly rejected .
Secretary of State Katie Hobbs , a Democrat , called the suit a `` repackaging '' of the Sharpie conspiracy theory , in a local TV @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Hobbs said .
`` At this point folks are grasping at straws . ''
A Georgia judge summarily dismissed a Trump campaign lawsuit last week that alleged ballots received after a 7 p.m. Election Day deadline were mixed in with legitimate ballots , according to The Current , a nonprofit newsroom in Georgia that partners with NPR member station Georgia Public Broadcasting .
Republicans in the state based their allegations on testimony from a Georgia GOP poll watcher who was subsequently unable to provide any evidence .
`` The court finds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots referenced in the petition were received after 7:00 p.m. on [ Election Day ] , thereby making those ballots invalid , '' Judge James F. Bass wrote , in dismissing the case .
On Monday , Georgia 's two sitting Republican senators called for the state 's Republican secretary of state Brad Raffensperger to resign after alleging `` too many failures in Georgia elections this year '' but without mentioning specifics to support their claims , as reported by GPB 's Stephen Fowler .
`` My job is to follow Georgia law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes , and no illegal votes , are counted properly and accurately , '' he said .
`` As Secretary of State , that is my duty , and I will continue to do my duty .
As a Republican , I am concerned about Republicans keeping the U.S. Senate .
I recommend that Sens .
Loeffler and Perdue start focusing on that . ''
In Nevada , another state Biden seems to have won by a fairly thin margin , Nevada Republicans filed a lawsuit which , had it been successful , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The campaign and the Nevada Republican party claimed that `` irregularities have plagued the election '' in Clark County , the state 's most populous county , without providing evidence .
They argued the county should not be able to use a machine to verify signatures , but federal judge Andrew Gordon rejected the request .
The Trump campaign also earlier sued unsuccessfully to completely stop the processing of mail ballots in Clark County .

Trump Election Lawsuits Have Mostly Failed. Here's What They Tried
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chris McGrath/Getty Images Chris McGrath/Getty Images
Updated at 12:24 p.m. ET
Despite calls from many for a concession this weekend, President Trump and his campaign say they are pushing on to fight the election results tooth-and-nail.
Practically speaking, that means lawsuits.
"Our campaign will start prosecuting our case in court to ensure election laws are fully upheld and the rightful winner is seated," Trump said in a statement Saturday. "The American People are entitled to an honest election: that means counting all legal ballots, and not counting any illegal ballots."
The problem is, Trump's campaign has spent much of the past week in court with little success and without presenting anything close to evidence that points to a fraudulent result.
"You can't go to court just because you don't like the vote totals," Ohio State election law professor Ned Foley said on MSNBC over the weekend. "You have to have a legal claim, and you have to have evidence to back it up. And that's just not there."
Here's a run-through of the litigation the Trump campaign has filed so far:
Pennsylvania: Extended deadlines, observers
Philadelphia may be the central location in President Trump's quest to prove the 2020 election was stolen from him.
As expected, Republican voters voted more heavily on Election Day in Pennsylvania, a critical swing state, and Democrats voted in significantly larger numbers by mail.
Because laws around the vote counting process did not adjust to that reality, it took days before it was clear that former Vice President Joe Biden had won the state.
NPR via YouTube
The Trump campaign and many Republicans, however, have seized on the time it has taken for officials to count ballots as a sign of something fraudulent happening. But the lawsuits they have filed have not borne that narrative out.
Thus far, the campaign has scored a few wins in court but none that will have an effect on the result of the state. A state court, and separately the U.S. Supreme Court, ruled that local officials must segregate some ballots in case deadlines that were extended by the secretary of state are found to be unconstitutional.
It's unclear how many ballots that will be at this point, but experts are extremely skeptical it will be anywhere close to enough to overturn Biden's current 45,000-vote lead in the state.
Separately, a state judge ruled that election observers could stand slightly closer to election officials than they were previously allowed to, but a request to stop vote counting over the issue was dismissed.
Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro told NPR that despite Trump's rhetoric about "big" legal wins in the state, the lawsuits thus far have yielded no material changes to election processes.
"I'm not going to get into a rhetorical battle with the president ... but it's hardly a big win," Shapiro said after the court decision that allowed observers in Philadelphia to stand a few feet closer to election workers. "It has no effect on the outcome of this election."
At a press conference Monday afternoon at the Republican National Committee headquarters, a number of top Republicans announced a fresh lawsuit in Pennsylvania over what it claimed was unfair and unequal treatment of Republicans in the state's election. That litigation is ongoing.
Michigan: Unfounded claims of lack of transparency
Enlarge this image toggle caption Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images
Similarly, in Michigan the Trump campaign has tried to allude to improprieties in a major city in a state it won in 2016, but lost this year. In Michigan's case: Detroit.
The campaign's claims have focused on an alleged lack of transparency in the vote-counting process, but in two cases, judges have not been swayed.
"This court finds that while there are assertions made by the plaintiffs that there is no evidence in support of those assertions," said Judge Timothy Kenny in denying a request to delay certification of election results.
"On this factual record, I have no basis to find that there's a substantial likelihood of success on the merits as relates to this defendant, nor am I convinced that there is a clear legal duty on behalf of anyone who is properly before this court to manage this issue," said Judge Cynthia Stephens in denying a separate request to stop the state's vote counting.
Still, the Trump campaign says it has more evidence to come regarding the elections process in Detroit. Two voters filed suit against the City of Detroit and its elections commission, alleging a number of crimes on the part of election officials. The suit includes an affidavit from an elections employee who makes a number of claims that have been disputed by city officials.
"We have only begun the process of obtaining an accurate and honest vote count," said White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany at a press conference Monday afternoon.
Arizona: Baseless Sharpie conspiracies
A rumor, which has been debunked by the Department of Homeland Security, still led to a lawsuit by the Trump campaign in Arizona.
The campaign alleged that some voters had their ballots incorrectly rejected because they used Sharpies to fill them out. It's a claim that went viral on social media, despite officials insisting it was not true.
"Don't promote disinfo! Stop spreading #SharpieGate claims," said Chris Krebs, the director of the Department of Homeland Security's Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency.
The agency debunked the claim on its Rumor Control website, which fact-checks election misinformation.
Republicans in the state dropped the Sharpie lawsuit Saturday but then filed a separate suit alleging other votes in the state were incorrectly rejected.
Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, a Democrat, called the suit a "repackaging" of the Sharpie conspiracy theory, in a local TV interview.
"The claims are baseless," Hobbs said. "At this point folks are grasping at straws."
Georgia: No evidence of late ballots counted
A Georgia judge summarily dismissed a Trump campaign lawsuit last week that alleged ballots received after a 7 p.m. Election Day deadline were mixed in with legitimate ballots, according to The Current, a nonprofit newsroom in Georgia that partners with NPR member station Georgia Public Broadcasting.
Republicans in the state based their allegations on testimony from a Georgia GOP poll watcher who was subsequently unable to provide any evidence.
"The court finds that there is no evidence that the ballots referenced in the petition were received after 7:00 p.m. on [Election Day], thereby making those ballots invalid," Judge James F. Bass wrote, in dismissing the case.
On Monday, Georgia's two sitting Republican senators called for the state's Republican secretary of state Brad Raffensperger to resign after alleging "too many failures in Georgia elections this year" but without mentioning specifics to support their claims, as reported by GPB's Stephen Fowler.
Raffensperger shot back.
"My job is to follow Georgia law and see to it that all legal votes, and no illegal votes, are counted properly and accurately," he said. "As secretary of state, that is my duty, and I will continue to do my duty. As a Republican, I am concerned about Republicans keeping the U.S. Senate. I recommend that Sens. Loeffler and Perdue start focusing on that."
Nevada: Rejected requests to stop machine verification, processing of mail ballots
In Nevada, another state Biden seems to have won by a fairly thin margin, Nevada Republicans filed a lawsuit that, had it been successful, would have slowed down the vote-counting process.
The Trump campaign and the Nevada Republican Party claimed that "irregularities have plagued the election" in Clark County, the state's most populous county, without providing evidence. They argued that the county should not be able to use a machine to verify signatures, but federal Judge Andrew Gordon rejected the request.
The Trump campaign also earlier sued unsuccessfully to stop the processing of mail ballots in Clark County.


npr--2020-11-10--COVID-19 Hospitalizations Are Surging. Where Are Hospitals Reaching Capacity?

COVID-19 Hospitalizations Are Surging .
Where Are Hospitals Reaching Capacity ?
Throughout the U.S. , hospitals and health care workers are tracking the skyrocketing number of new coronavirus cases in their communities and bracing for a flood of patients to come in the wake of those infections .
Already , seriously ill COVID-19 patients are starting to fill up hospital beds at unsustainable rates .
U.S. hospitalizations overall have nearly doubled since late September .
As of Monday more than 56,000 COVID-19 patients were hospitalized around the country , approaching the highs of the midsummer and spring surges .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , very concerned about our health system at a national level , '' says Lauren Sauer , an assistant professor of emergency medicine at Johns Hopkins University who studies hospital surge capacity .
The spring and summer waves of COVID-19 hospitalizations were concentrated largely in a handful of cities in the Northeast and parts of the South .
With the virus now surging across the country , experts warn that the impact of this next wave of hospitalizations will be even more devastating and protracted .
`` I fear that we 're going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Mahshid Abir , an emergency physician at the University of Michigan and researcher at the Rand Corp. who has developed a model that helps hospitals manage surge capacity .
If that happens , Abir warns that there wo n't be flexibility to shuffle around resources to the places in need because everywhere will be overwhelmed .
The impact varies state by state with certain areas showing much more rapid increases in hospitalizations .
As of Monday , hospitalizations are now rising in 47 states , according to data collected by The COVID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeing their highest numbers of COVID-19 hospitalizations since the pandemic began .
Where are hospitals at risk of maxing out ?
With the numbers growing nearly everywhere , the key question for hospital leaders and policymakers is , when is a community on the brink of having more patients than it can handle ?
In parts of the Midwest and the West , hospitals are already brushing up against their capacity to deliver care .
Some are struggling to find room for patients , even in large urban hospitals that have more beds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not evenly spread — and hospitals ' capacity for weathering case surges varies greatly .
One way to gauge the growing stress on a health care system is by tracking the share of hospital beds occupied by COVID-19 patients .
The federal department of Health and Human Services tracks and publishes this data at the state ( but not the local ) level .
Several experts NPR spoke to say that , though imperfect , this is one of the best metrics communities have to work with .
Though there 's not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , generally speaking , once COVID-19 hospitalizations exceed 10 % of all available beds , that signals an increasing risk that the health care system could soon be overwhelmed , explains Sauer .
`` We start to pay attention above 5 % , '' says Sauer .
`` Above that , 10 % is where we think , 'Perhaps we have to start enacting surge strategies and crisis standards of care in some places . '
'' Crisis standards of care is a broad term for how to prioritize medical treatment when resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , that can lead to rationing of care based on a patient 's chance of survival .
The latest data from HHS shows that in 18 states — mostly in the Midwest — COVID-19 hospitalizations have already climbed above 10 % .
Six states are over 15 % , including North Dakota and South Dakota , which are now over 20 % .
Hospital capacity is flexible ... until it 's not The percentage of hospital beds taken up by COVID-19 patients does not tell a complete story about hospital capacity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starting point .
Hospital capacity is not so much a static number , but an ever-shifting balance of resources .
`` It 's space , staff and stuff , and you need all three , and if you do n't have one , it does n't matter if you have the other two , '' says Abir .
The level of COVID-19 hospitalizations that would be a crisis in one place might not be in another .
Still , a growing share of beds occupied by COVID-19 patients can be a strong signal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for trouble .
COVID-19 patients can be more labor intensive because health care workers have to follow intricate protocols around personal protective equipment and infection control .
And some of the patients take up ICU space .
`` When the numbers go up like that , particularly for critical care , that strains the system pretty significantly , '' says Abir .
`` This is a scarce resource .
Critical care nurses are scarce .
Ventilators are scarce .
Respiratory therapists are scarce . ''
In Utah , where the share of hospitalized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state health officials have already warned that hospitals may soon be forced to ration care because of limited ICU space .
There is no `` magic number '' to indicate when a health care system may be overwhelmed , says Eugene Litvak , who is CEO of the Institute for Healthcare Optimization and helps advise hospitals on how to manage their capacity .
But hospitals must be alert to rapid increases in patient load .
`` Even a 10 % increase can be quite dangerous , '' says Litvak .
`` If you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you can tolerate it . ''
But U.S. hospitals generally run close to capacity , Litvak says , with above 90 % of beds already full — especially toward the end of the week .
`` Imagine that 10 % of extremely sick patients on top of that , '' he says .
`` What are your options ?
You can not admit ambulances and patients with non-COVID medical needs , or you have to cancel your elective surgeries . ''
In the spring , some states ordered that most elective surgeries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had room for COVID-19 patients , but Litvak says this leads to all kinds of collateral damage because patients do n't get the care they need and hospitals lose money and lay off staff .
Statewide COVID-19 hospitalization metrics mask huge variations within a state .
Certain health care systems or metro areas may be in crisis .
`` It 's very valuable information , but a state average can be misleading , '' says Ali Mokdad with the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington , which projects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with hospital capacity this winter .
`` It does n't tell you where in the states it 's happening . ''
Big urban centers may be much better equipped to absorb a rush of patients than smaller towns .
In New York City , Mount Sinai Health System was able to more than double its bed capacity during the spring surge .
Other communities do n't have the ability to ramp up capacity so quickly .
`` Especially the states that do n't have major cities with major hospitals , you see a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mokdad says .
But it 's hard for researchers and health leaders to get a clear picture of what 's happening regionally without good data , he adds .
NPR has reported that the federal government does not share this local data , although it does collect it daily .
Some states publish their own hospital data sets .
Texas , which shares the data in detail , provides a striking example .
Statewide , COVID-19 hospitalizations have reached about 11 % .
Meanwhile , El Paso is above 40 % , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the brink .
Ultimately , it 's difficult to know the true capacity for a region because many hospitals still do n't coordinate well , says Dr. Christina Cutter , an emergency physician at the University of Michigan who collaborated on the Rand model with Abir .
`` It 's really hard to make sure you 're leveraging all the resources and that one hospital is not overburdened compared to another hospital , and that may have unintended loss of life as a consequence , '' Cutter says .
During the height of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filled nearly half of all beds in the state .
`` When 50 % of our hospital is doing COVID , it means the hospital is overloaded .
It means that other services in that hospital are being delayed , '' says Mokdad .
`` The hospital becomes a nightmare . ''
Health care workers are pushed to their limits and are required to treat more patients at the same time .
Hospitals can construct makeshift field hospitals to add to their capacity , but those can be logistically challenging and still require @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Wisconsin , COVID-19 patients account for 17 % of all hospitalizations , and many hospitals are warning that they are at or near capacity .
The Marshfield Clinic Health System , which runs nine hospitals in primarily rural parts of the state , is expecting its share of COVID-19 patients to double , if not more , by the end of the month .
`` That will push us well beyond our staffing levels , '' says Dr. William Melms , chief medical officer at Marshfield .
`` We can always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manpower to take care of our patients is the dilemma . ''
During earlier surges , many hospitals relied on bringing in hundreds or even thousands of out-of-state health care workers for backup , but Melms says that is not happening this time .
`` We are on an island out here , '' he says .
An increase in COVID-19 hospitalizations statewide is also associated with higher mortality , according to a recent study that analyzed the relationship between COVID-19 hospitalizations and deaths .
`` It 's an indicator that you 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as you see the numbers inch up in the hospital , '' says Pinar Karaca-Mandic , professor and academic director of the Medical Industry Leadership Institute at the University of Minnesota .
Specifically , Karaca-Mandic 's research found that a 1 % increase of COVID-19 patients in a state 's ICU beds will lead to about 2.8 additional deaths in the next seven days .
She says a statewide level of 20 % COVID-19 hospitalizations may not look all that alarming , but that number does n't capture the constraints on the health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` That 's not very flexible , '' she says .
`` It requires a lot of planning .
It requires a lot of investments .
So the more you fill up the ICU , the impact is going to be larger . ''

COVID-19 Hospitalizations Hit Record Highs. Where Are Hospitals Reaching Capacity?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Justin Sullivan/Getty Images Justin Sullivan/Getty Images
Updated Wednesday 1:20 p.m. ET
Seriously ill COVID-19 patients are starting to fill up hospital beds in record numbers, and health care workers are bracing for even more patients to come in the wake of skyrocketing coronavirus infections. But the burden on hospitals is not evenly spread. Some communities, particularly in the West and Midwest are particularly hard-hit.
As of Wednesday, nearly 62,000 COVID-19 patients were hospitalized around the country, surpassing the highs of the midsummer and spring surges. This is double the numbers hospitalized as of late September.
Loading...
"We have legitimate reason to be very, very concerned about our health system at a national level," says Lauren Sauer, an assistant professor of emergency medicine at Johns Hopkins University who studies hospital surge capacity.
The spring and summer waves of COVID-19 hospitalizations were concentrated largely in a handful of cities in the Northeast and parts of the South.
With the virus now surging across the country, experts warn that the impact of this next wave of hospitalizations will be even more devastating and protracted.
"I fear that we're going to have multiple epicenters," says Dr. Mahshid Abir, an emergency physician at the University of Michigan and researcher at the Rand Corp. who has developed a model that helps hospitals manage surge capacity.
If that happens, Abir warns that there won't be flexibility to shuffle around resources to the places in need because everywhere will be overwhelmed.
Loading...
The impact varies state by state with certain areas showing much more rapid increases in hospitalizations. As of Monday, hospitalizations are rising in 47 states, according to data collected by The COVID Tracking Project, and 22 states are seeing their highest numbers of COVID-19 hospitalizations since the pandemic began.
Where are hospitals at risk of maxing out?
With the numbers growing nearly everywhere, the key question for hospital leaders and policymakers is, when is a community on the brink of having more patients than it can handle?
In parts of the Midwest and the West, hospitals are already brushing up against their capacity to deliver care. Some are struggling to find room for patients, even in large urban hospitals that have more beds.
But the surge in hospitalizations is not evenly spread — and hospitals' capacity for weathering case surges varies greatly.
One way to gauge the growing stress on a health care system is by tracking the share of hospital beds occupied by COVID-19 patients.
The federal department of Health and Human Services tracks and publishes this data at the state (but not the local) level. Several experts NPR spoke to say that, though imperfect, this is one of the best metrics communities have to work with.
Loading...
Though there's not a fixed threshold that applies to all hospitals, generally speaking, once COVID-19 hospitalizations exceed 10% of all available beds, that signals an increasing risk that the health care system could soon be overwhelmed, explains Sauer.
"We start to pay attention above 5%," says Sauer. "Above that, 10% is where we think, 'Perhaps we have to start enacting surge strategies and crisis standards of care in some places.'"
Crisis standards of care is a broad term for how to prioritize medical treatment when resources are scarce. In the most extreme cases, that can lead to rationing of care based on a patient's chance of survival.
The latest data from HHS shows that in 18 states — mostly in the Midwest — COVID-19 hospitalizations have already climbed above 10%.
Seven states are over 15%, including North Dakota and South Dakota, which are now over 20%.
Hospital capacity is flexible ... until it's not
The percentage of hospital beds taken up by COVID-19 patients does not tell a complete story about hospital capacity, says Sauer, but it's a starting point.
Hospital capacity is not so much a static number, but an ever-shifting balance of resources. "It's space, staff and stuff, and you need all three, and if you don't have one, it doesn't matter if you have the other two," says Abir.
The level of COVID-19 hospitalizations that would be a crisis in one place might not be in another. Still, a growing share of beds occupied by COVID-19 patients can be a strong signal that the health care system is headed for trouble.
COVID-19 patients can be more labor intensive because health care workers have to follow intricate protocols around personal protective equipment and infection control. And some of the patients take up ICU space.
"When the numbers go up like that, particularly for critical care, that strains the system pretty significantly," says Abir. "This is a scarce resource. Critical care nurses are scarce. Ventilators are scarce. Respiratory therapists are scarce."
In Utah, where the share of hospitalized COVID-19 patients is about 8%, state health officials have already warned that hospitals may soon be forced to ration care because of limited ICU space.
There is no "magic number" to indicate when a health care system may be overwhelmed, says Eugene Litvak, who is CEO of the Institute for Healthcare Optimization and helps advise hospitals on how to manage their capacity. But hospitals must be alert to rapid increases in patient load.
"Even a 10% increase can be quite dangerous," says Litvak. "If you are a hospital that's half empty, you can tolerate it." But U.S. hospitals generally run close to capacity, Litvak says, with above 90% of beds already full — especially toward the end of the week.
"Imagine that 10% of extremely sick patients on top of that," he says. "What are your options? You can not admit ambulances and patients with non-COVID medical needs, or you have to cancel your elective surgeries."
In the spring, some states ordered that most elective surgeries come to a halt so that hospitals had room for COVID-19 patients, but Litvak says this leads to all kinds of collateral damage because patients don't get the care they need and hospitals lose money and lay off staff.
State data may miss local hot spots
Statewide COVID-19 hospitalization metrics mask huge variations within a state. Certain health care systems or metro areas may be in crisis.
"It's very valuable information, but a state average can be misleading," says Ali Mokdad with the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington, which projects that many states will face big problems with hospital capacity this winter. "It doesn't tell you where in the states it's happening."
Big urban centers may be much better equipped to absorb a rush of patients than smaller towns.
In New York City, Mount Sinai Health System was able to more than double its bed capacity during the spring surge. Other communities don't have the ability to ramp up capacity so quickly.
"Especially the states that don't have major cities with major hospitals, you see a lot of stress on them," Mokdad says.
But it's hard for researchers and health leaders to get a clear picture of what's happening regionally without good data, he adds. NPR has reported that the federal government does not share this local data, although it does collect it daily.
Some states publish their own hospital data sets. Texas, which shares the data in detail, provides a striking example. Statewide, COVID-19 hospitalizations have reached about 11%. Meanwhile, El Paso is above 40%, which has pushed the health care system to the brink.
Loading...
Ultimately, it's difficult to know the true capacity for a region because many hospitals still don't coordinate well, says Dr. Christina Cutter, an emergency physician at the University of Michigan who collaborated on the Rand model with Abir.
"It's really hard to make sure you're leveraging all the resources and that one hospital is not overburdened compared to another hospital, and that may have unintended loss of life as a consequence," Cutter says.
Dire consequences of overfilled hospitals
During the height of Arizona's summer surge, COVID-19 patients filled nearly half of all beds in the state.
"When 50% of our hospital is doing COVID, it means the hospital is overloaded. It means that other services in that hospital are being delayed," says Mokdad. "The hospital becomes a nightmare."
Health care workers are pushed to their limits and are required to treat more patients at the same time. Hospitals can construct makeshift field hospitals to add to their capacity, but those can be logistically challenging and still require health care workers to staff the beds.
In Wisconsin, COVID-19 patients account for 17% of all hospitalizations, and many hospitals are warning that they are at or near capacity.
The Marshfield Clinic Health System, which runs nine hospitals in primarily rural parts of the state, is expecting its share of COVID-19 patients to double, if not more, by the end of the month.
"That will push us well beyond our staffing levels," says Dr. William Melms, chief medical officer at Marshfield. "We can always make more space, but creating the manpower to take care of our patients is the dilemma."
During earlier surges, many hospitals relied on bringing in hundreds or even thousands of out-of-state health care workers for backup, but Melms says that is not happening this time.
"We are on an island out here," he says.
An increase in COVID-19 hospitalizations statewide is also associated with higher mortality, according to a recent study that analyzed the relationship between COVID-19 hospitalizations and deaths.
"It's an indicator that you're going to have more deaths from COVID as you see the numbers inch up in the hospital," says Pinar Karaca-Mandic, professor and academic director of the Medical Industry Leadership Institute at the University of Minnesota.
Specifically, Karaca-Mandic's research found that a 1% increase of COVID-19 patients in a state's ICU beds will lead to about 2.8 additional deaths in the next seven days.
She says a statewide level of 20% COVID-19 hospitalizations may not look all that alarming, but that number doesn't capture the constraints on the health care system in adding more ICU beds.
"That's not very flexible," she says. "It requires a lot of planning. It requires a lot of investments. So the more you fill up the ICU, the impact is going to be larger."
Sean McMinn produced the data vizualizations and contributed reporting to this piece.


npr--2020-11-10--Will Supreme Court Invalidate Obamacare A Decade After It Was Enacted?

Will Supreme Court Invalidate Obamacare A Decade After It Was Enacted ?
Obamacare is back before the Supreme Court on Tuesday , with opponents challenging it for a third time .
The first attempts to derail the law failed in the high court by votes of 5-to-4 and 6-to-3 .
But the makeup of the court is very different now , with three justices appointed by President Trump – among them new Justice Amy Coney Barrett .
Before her nomination , Barrett consistently criticized the court 's two previous decisions , a critique that Senate Democrats repeatedly bludgeoned her with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ACA has remained in place for a decade , and the legal landscape has changed so much over that time that many of those who originally took issue with the law in the Supreme Court think this challenge is a stretch .
In fact , most of the groups that fought the ACA after it was enacted in 2010 are missing in action from Tuesday 's case .
The most controversial part of the ACA when it passed was the requirement that people either buy health insurance or pay a penalty .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the court 's other conservative justices ruled that the individual mandate exceeded Congress ' power to regulate interstate commerce .
But Roberts provided the fifth vote to uphold the penalty anyway on the grounds that it amounted to a tax and thus fell within the taxing power of Congress .
Bottom line : The mandate survived .
Now comes another challenge to the ACA , brought by Texas , other GOP-dominated states and most significant of all , the Trump administration .
They assert that because the penalty has been zeroed out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer a tax and thus is unconstitutional .
Challengers want the law struck down What 's more , the ACA challengers argue that the mandate is so interwoven with the rest of the law that Obamacare must be struck down in its entirety .
But even lawyer Paul Clement , who made that argument in 2012 in the Supreme Court on behalf of those challenging the law , sees the situation today as different because the mandate `` does n't have any teeth . ''
With the Trump administration refusing to defend the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far more often than those in the past — the House of Representatives has stepped in to defend it , along with 20 mainly Democratic states .
Representing the House on Tuesday will be Donald Verrilli , who successfully defended the law when he was solicitor general in the Obama administration .
The argument against the ACA this time `` has kind of a funhouse mirror quality to it , '' he contends .
`` What President Trump said , and what the congressional leadership said , and virtually everybody said when they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were repealing the mandate '' by getting rid of the penalty .
`` Congress is allowed to learn from experience , '' he says .
`` You ca n't lock the 2017 Congress into the judgment '' that it made in 2010 .
In fact , Congress asked the Congressional Budget Office in 2017 for its expert opinion , and `` the CBO came back and told Congress that yes , it will continue to function effectively if you zero out the tax . ''
But the Trump administration will argue that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Or as Chapman University law professor John Eastman puts it , `` Just because there 's no longer a penalty does n't mean that there 's no mandate to buy insurance . ''
Eastman is among a relatively small group of conservatives who have weighed in with briefs siding with those seeking to invalidate the ACA in this latest case .
But most of the groups that originally objected to the ACA in the earlier cases – including business groups – this time have not joined the challenge .
By contrast , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health industry – from the American Medical Association , to hospitals across the country , to the insurance industry – have weighed in urging the Supreme Court to preserve the law .
Ultimately the question the court is likely to decide is whether the mandate language can be struck from the law by itself , or whether it is so intertwined with the rest of the law that the whole ACA must be struck down .
In legal terms , it 's whether the mandate language is severable or not .
Severability is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make people 's eyes glaze over .
But the chief justice probably explained it best last term when he said that one important part of the law creating the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau was unconstitutional , but the rest of the law could remain intact .
`` We think it clear that Congress would prefer that we use a scalpel rather than a bulldozer in curing the constitutional defect we identify today , '' Roberts wrote .
Shortly after that decision , when the court issued an opinion in a case involving robocall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ similar point .
`` Constitutional litigation is not a game of gotcha against Congress , where litigants can ride a discrete constitutional flaw in a statute to take down the whole , otherwise constitutional statute , '' Kavanaugh wrote .
In the ACA case , Verrilli , representing the House , will tell the justices that `` the easy and obvious answer is to sever the rest of the law and let it continue to operate just as Congress intended in 2017 . ''
`` It is Congress ' job to make policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and `` Congress has repeatedly refused to repeal the law , including in 2017 '' when it zeroed out the penalty , Verrilli contends .
To do otherwise , he says , would `` throw the health sector into chaos . ''
In fact , there would be enormous practical consequences were the court to throw out the whole ACA .
Health care accounts for about one-fifth of the U.S. economy .
`` Tens of millions of [ previously uninsured ] people who gained coverage under the law 's various pathways could lose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tipirneni , a primary care physician and health policy researcher at the University of Michigan hospital .
Gone as well would be the ban on discrimination based on preexisting conditions – from cancer , to COVID-19 , to asthma , diabetes and much more .
Until the ACA was enacted , insurers refused to cover people with preexisting conditions , or charged them much more for insurance .
The ACA made those practices illegal .
Also eliminated would be coverage for low-income adult Americans who became eligible for Medicaid when all but a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to expand federally subsidized coverage under the Medicaid program .
Among those who have benefited are many who lost their health insurance when they lost their jobs in the COVID-19 pandemic .
Indeed , the scope of the ACA 's protections for all Americans is so wide that most people now take them for granted , Tipirneni says .
These include provisions that cut drug costs for older Americans to those that eliminated many co-pays and allowed young adults to stay on their parents ' insurance until turning 26 .
With all that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no exaggeration to say that the future of the ACA is up to the Supreme Court .

Will Supreme Court Invalidate Obamacare A Decade After It Was Enacted?
Enlarge this image toggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP J. Scott Applewhite/AP
Obamacare is back before the Supreme Court on Tuesday, with opponents challenging it for a third time. The first attempts to derail the law failed in the high court by votes of 5-to-4 and 6-to-3. But the makeup of the court is very different now, with three justices appointed by President Trump – among them new Justice Amy Coney Barrett.
Before her nomination, Barrett consistently criticized the court's two previous decisions, a critique that Senate Democrats repeatedly bludgeoned her with at her confirmation hearings.
But the ACA has remained in place for a decade, and the legal landscape has changed so much over that time that many of those who originally took issue with the law in the Supreme Court think this challenge is a stretch. In fact, most of the groups that fought the ACA after it was enacted in 2010 are missing in action from Tuesday's case.
The most controversial part of the ACA when it passed was the requirement that people either buy health insurance or pay a penalty. In 2012, Chief Justice John Roberts and the court's other conservative justices ruled that the individual mandate exceeded Congress' power to regulate interstate commerce. But Roberts provided the fifth vote to uphold the penalty anyway on the grounds that it amounted to a tax and thus fell within the taxing power of Congress. Bottom line: The mandate survived.
Now comes another challenge to the ACA, brought by Texas, other GOP-dominated states and most significant of all, the Trump administration. They assert that because the penalty has been zeroed out, it raises no revenue, is no longer a tax and thus is unconstitutional.
Challengers want the law struck down
What's more, the ACA challengers argue that the mandate is so interwoven with the rest of the law that Obamacare must be struck down in its entirety.
But even lawyer Paul Clement, who made that argument in 2012 in the Supreme Court on behalf of those challenging the law, sees the situation today as different because the mandate "doesn't have any teeth."
With the Trump administration refusing to defend the law — something this administration has done far more often than those in the past — the House of Representatives has stepped in to defend it, along with 20 mainly Democratic states. Representing the House on Tuesday will be Donald Verrilli, who successfully defended the law when he was solicitor general in the Obama administration.
The argument against the ACA this time "has kind of a funhouse mirror quality to it," he contends. "What President Trump said, and what the congressional leadership said, and virtually everybody said when they enacted this amendment in 2017 ... is they were repealing the mandate" by getting rid of the penalty.
"Congress is allowed to learn from experience," he says. "You can't lock the 2017 Congress into the judgment" that it made in 2010. In fact, Congress asked the Congressional Budget Office in 2017 for its expert opinion, and "the CBO came back and told Congress that yes, it will continue to function effectively if you zero out the tax."
But the Trump administration will argue that the mandate is still on the books. Or as Chapman University law professor John Eastman puts it, "Just because there's no longer a penalty doesn't mean that there's no mandate to buy insurance." Eastman is among a relatively small group of conservatives who have weighed in with briefs siding with those seeking to invalidate the ACA in this latest case.
But most of the groups that originally objected to the ACA in the earlier cases – including business groups – this time have not joined the challenge.
ACA's supporters
By contrast, just about all the actors in the health industry – from the American Medical Association, to hospitals across the country, to the insurance industry – have weighed in urging the Supreme Court to preserve the law.
Ultimately the question the court is likely to decide is whether the mandate language can be struck from the law by itself, or whether it is so intertwined with the rest of the law that the whole ACA must be struck down. In legal terms, it's whether the mandate language is severable or not.
Severability is a term that almost seems guaranteed to make people's eyes glaze over. But the chief justice probably explained it best last term when he said that one important part of the law creating the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau was unconstitutional, but the rest of the law could remain intact.
"We think it clear that Congress would prefer that we use a scalpel rather than a bulldozer in curing the constitutional defect we identify today," Roberts wrote.
Shortly after that decision, when the court issued an opinion in a case involving robocall regulation, Justice Brett Kavanaugh made a similar point.
"Constitutional litigation is not a game of gotcha against Congress, where litigants can ride a discrete constitutional flaw in a statute to take down the whole, otherwise constitutional statute," Kavanaugh wrote.
In the ACA case, Verrilli, representing the House, will tell the justices that "the easy and obvious answer is to sever the rest of the law and let it continue to operate just as Congress intended in 2017."
"It is Congress' job to make policy, not the court's," and "Congress has repeatedly refused to repeal the law, including in 2017" when it zeroed out the penalty, Verrilli contends.
To do otherwise, he says, would "throw the health sector into chaos."
In fact, there would be enormous practical consequences were the court to throw out the whole ACA. Health care accounts for about one-fifth of the U.S. economy.
Practical consequences
"Tens of millions of [previously uninsured] people who gained coverage under the law's various pathways could lose that coverage overnight," says Renuka Tipirneni, a primary care physician and health policy researcher at the University of Michigan hospital.
Gone as well would be the ban on discrimination based on preexisting conditions – from cancer, to COVID-19, to asthma, diabetes and much more. Until the ACA was enacted, insurers refused to cover people with preexisting conditions, or charged them much more for insurance. The ACA made those practices illegal.
Also eliminated would be coverage for low-income adult Americans who became eligible for Medicaid when all but a dozen states took advantage of the ACA to expand federally subsidized coverage under the Medicaid program. Among those who have benefited are many who lost their health insurance when they lost their jobs in the COVID-19 pandemic.
Indeed, the scope of the ACA's protections for all Americans is so wide that most people now take them for granted, Tipirneni says. These include provisions that cut drug costs for older Americans to those that eliminated many co-pays and allowed young adults to stay on their parents' insurance until turning 26.
With all that on the chopping block Tuesday, it is no exaggeration to say that the future of the ACA is up to the Supreme Court.


npr--2020-11-10--Longtime Palestinian Negotiator Saeb Erekat Dies Of Complications From COVID-19

Saeb Erekat , a tenacious negotiator who helped forge some of the few political gains for Palestinians over more than two decades of on-again , off-again talks with Israel but who was ultimately frustrated by the two sides ' failure to achieve a final peace settlement , died Tuesday from complications of COVID-19 .
Erekat , 65 , was being treated in Hadassah University Hospital Ein Kerem , in Jerusalem .
His death was announced by his family on Facebook , his Palestinian political party Fatah , and confirmed to NPR by his spokesman , Xavier Abu Eid .
Palestinian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mourning in Palestinian Authority-ruled areas of the Israeli-occupied West Bank .
He called Erekat a `` great fighter who had a great role in raising the banner of Palestine high and defending the rights of our people ... in all international forums . ''
A longtime adviser to Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat , Erekat at the time of his death was secretary-general of the PLO Executive Committee and a close ally of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas .
Erekat served as chief Palestinian negotiator for decades , struggling to reach agreement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state .
Erekat was deeply involved in peace negotiations since Israelis and Palestinians held their first conference in Madrid in 1991 , serving as the deputy head of the Palestinian delegation .
Peace efforts peaked with the 1993 Oslo Accords , which led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority .
In 1995 , Erekat helped write the text of a follow-up agreement , known as Oslo II , mapping out areas where the PA would have limited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Oslo process was supposed to lead to a permanent peace agreement in 1998 .
Instead , Erekat spent the rest of his life trying to keep the process alive as it stalled .
In an interview with NPR in 2010 , Erekat looked back wistfully on the Oslo period .
`` I thought that it was a turning point in our history , it was a new chapter , '' he said .
`` I thought that life will never be the same for us , Palestinians and Israelis .
Unfortunately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palestinian uprising of the early 2000s , known as the Second Intifada — with devastating Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel and intense Israeli military offensives in Palestinian population centers — dealt a severe blow to hopes for peace , which have since all but vanished .
Israel 's continued construction of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and its separation barrier have closed off much of the land Palestinians seek for their state .
Erekat was a prominent Palestinian voice protesting President Trump 's peace negotiation team and its peace proposal that heavily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came to blame leaders like Erekat for negotiating an arrangement that , instead of producing independence , kept Palestinian life under Israeli control .
Many Palestinian politicians enriched themselves with funds from international donors and monopolies over resources , while internationally trained Palestinian security forces helped Israel patrol Palestinian areas and were seen by Palestinians as suppressing their struggle against Israel .
Even Erekat 's admittance to an Israeli hospital last month sparked controversy from both Palestinians and Israelis , highlighting the deep divisions that dogged his life 's work .
Palestinian Canadian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years of negotiations .
`` I will remember him as the person who tried , who tried , '' she told NPR .
Born in 1955 and raised in the West Bank city of Jericho , Erekat was educated in the United States and Great Britain .
He received his undergraduate and master 's degrees in international relations at San Francisco State University and a Ph.D. in peace studies at England 's University of Bradford .
At the time of his death Erekat was professor of political science at An-Najah National University in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critical of Israel , but had an affable personality and forged friendly relations with his Israeli interlocutors .
He served on the board of Seeds of Peace , a peace-oriented summer camp in Maine for Arab and Israeli youth .
Three of his four children attended .
As peace efforts failed , Palestinians and Israelis grew farther apart , and many Palestinians came to see talks as futile .
Buttu thinks Erekat was willing to give away too much .
`` He was really wedded to this idea that negotiations were a useful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Even at a time when others saw the light and saw that the negotiations process was n't working ... he was saying 'yes ' to things when he should have just walked out of the room . ''
But Erekat had his admirers , including Joel Singer , one of his Israeli negotiating counterparts during the Oslo process .
`` I see him as a courageous Palestinian who devoted his life to reaching peace with Israel , peace on terms that would be acceptable to the Palestinian people , '' said Singer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups that do n't want to reach peace with Israel , he genuinely wanted to reach peace and never gave up . ''
That was not the view of many Israelis , though , especially as the country has trended rightward under a decade of leadership by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu .
While some Palestinians accused Erekat of offering too much , many Israelis blamed him and Palestinian leaders for never saying yes to a final peace deal .
When word spread that Erekat was in line for a lung transplant from an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their organ donor cards in a show of contempt .
Erekat ultimately received his lung transplant in the United States in 2017 .
Erekat announced his coronavirus infection on Oct. 8 .
Ten days later he was transferred from his home in the West Bank city of Jericho to Hadassah , the Israeli hospital in Jerusalem .
He was admitted in critical condition , requiring immediate ventilation and resuscitation , the hospital said in a statement .
For three weeks , Erekat received intensive care including from a heart-lung machine , and died @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some Israelis and Palestinians criticized Erekat for seeking treatment at an Israeli hospital .
But Hadassah extended `` condolences to his family , admirers , friends and the Palestinian People . ''
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had no immediate comment .
Peace did not come in Erekat 's lifetime – something he reflected on in his conversation with NPR in 2010 .
`` We have come a long way .
We have come a long way , '' Erekat told NPR , referring to both Palestinians and Israelis .
`` We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't have peace . ''

Longtime Palestinian Negotiator Saeb Erekat Dies Of Complications From COVID-19
Enlarge this image toggle caption Amr Nabil/AP Amr Nabil/AP
Saeb Erekat, a tenacious negotiator who helped forge some of the few political gains for Palestinians over more than two decades of on-again, off-again talks with Israel but who was ultimately frustrated by the two sides' failure to achieve a final peace settlement, died Tuesday from complications of COVID-19.
Erekat, 65, was being treated in Hadassah University Hospital Ein Kerem, in Jerusalem. His death was announced by his family on Facebook, his Palestinian political party Fatah, and confirmed to NPR by his spokesman, Xavier Abu Eid.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas declared three days of mourning in Palestinian Authority-ruled areas of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. He called Erekat a "great fighter who had a great role in raising the banner of Palestine high and defending the rights of our people...in all international forums."
A longtime adviser to Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat, Erekat at the time of his death was secretary-general of the PLO Executive Committee and a close ally of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Erekat served as chief Palestinian negotiator for decades, struggling to reach agreement with Israel for an end to the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
Erekat was deeply involved in peace negotiations since Israelis and Palestinians held their first conference in Madrid in 1991, serving as the deputy head of the Palestinian delegation.
Peace efforts peaked with the 1993 Oslo Accords, which led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. In 1995, Erekat helped write the text of a follow-up agreement, known as Oslo II, mapping out areas where the PA would have limited self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Adel Hana/AP Adel Hana/AP
The Oslo process was supposed to lead to a permanent peace agreement in 1998. Instead, Erekat spent the rest of his life trying to keep the process alive as it stalled. In an interview with NPR in 2010, Erekat looked back wistfully on the Oslo period.
Middle East Middle East Peace: Will It Ever Come? Middle East Peace: Will It Ever Come? Listen · 17:49 17:49
"I thought that it was a turning point in our history, it was a new chapter," he said. "I thought that life will never be the same for us, Palestinians and Israelis. Unfortunately I was proven wrong."
The Palestinian uprising of the early 2000s, known as the Second Intifada — with devastating Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel and intense Israeli military offensives in Palestinian population centers — dealt a severe blow to hopes for peace, which have since all but vanished. Israel's continued construction of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and its separation barrier have closed off much of the land Palestinians seek for their state.
Erekat was a prominent Palestinian voice protesting President Trump's peace negotiation team and its peace proposal that heavily favored Israel.
Meanwhile, many Palestinians came to blame leaders like Erekat for negotiating an arrangement that, instead of producing independence, kept Palestinian life under Israeli control. Many Palestinian politicians enriched themselves with funds from international donors and monopolies over resources, while internationally trained Palestinian security forces helped Israel patrol Palestinian areas and were seen by Palestinians as suppressing their struggle against Israel.
Even Erekat's admittance to an Israeli hospital last month sparked controversy from both Palestinians and Israelis, highlighting the deep divisions that dogged his life's work.
Palestinian Canadian Diana Buttu worked with Erekat during the years of negotiations. "I will remember him as the person who tried, who tried," she told NPR.
Born in 1955 and raised in the West Bank city of Jericho, Erekat was educated in the United States and Great Britain. He received his undergraduate and master's degrees in international relations at San Francisco State University and a Ph.D. in peace studies at England's University of Bradford. At the time of his death Erekat was professor of political science at An-Najah National University in Nablus.
Erekat was sharp-tongued and highly critical of Israel, but had an affable personality and forged friendly relations with his Israeli interlocutors. He served on the board of Seeds of Peace, a peace-oriented summer camp in Maine for Arab and Israeli youth. Three of his four children attended.
As peace efforts failed, Palestinians and Israelis grew farther apart, and many Palestinians came to see talks as futile. Buttu thinks Erekat was willing to give away too much.
"He was really wedded to this idea that negotiations were a useful tool," Buttu said. "Even at a time when others saw the light and saw that the negotiations process wasn't working ... he was saying 'yes' to things when he should have just walked out of the room."
But Erekat had his admirers, including Joel Singer, one of his Israeli negotiating counterparts during the Oslo process.
"I see him as a courageous Palestinian who devoted his life to reaching peace with Israel, peace on terms that would be acceptable to the Palestinian people," said Singer. "But yet unlike some other Palestinian groups that don't want to reach peace with Israel, he genuinely wanted to reach peace and never gave up."
That was not the view of many Israelis, though, especially as the country has trended rightward under a decade of leadership by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
While some Palestinians accused Erekat of offering too much, many Israelis blamed him and Palestinian leaders for never saying yes to a final peace deal. When word spread that Erekat was in line for a lung transplant from an Israeli hospital, some Israelis tore up their organ donor cards in a show of contempt. Erekat ultimately received his lung transplant in the United States in 2017.
Erekat announced his coronavirus infection on Oct. 8. Ten days later he was transferred from his home in the West Bank city of Jericho to Hadassah, the Israeli hospital in Jerusalem. He was admitted in critical condition, requiring immediate ventilation and resuscitation, the hospital said in a statement. For three weeks, Erekat received intensive care including from a heart-lung machine, and died following multi-organ failure, the hospital said.
Some Israelis and Palestinians criticized Erekat for seeking treatment at an Israeli hospital. But Hadassah extended "condolences to his family, admirers, friends and the Palestinian People." Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had no immediate comment.
Peace did not come in Erekat's lifetime – something he reflected on in his conversation with NPR in 2010.
"We have come a long way. We have come a long way," Erekat told NPR, referring to both Palestinians and Israelis. "We are different people. Unfortunately, we don't have peace."


npr--2020-11-10--In Midst Of Pandemic Crisis, Peru's Legislature Impeaches The Nation's President

In Midst Of Pandemic Crisis , Peru 's Legislature Impeaches The Nation 's President Peru 's unicameral legislature voted overwhelmingly Monday night to remove President Martín Vizcarra from office , condemning his management of the coronavirus pandemic and alleging he had taken bribes years ago while serving as a regional governor .
Vizcarra , in a speech to the legislature following his impeachment , denied the allegations but said he would not contest his removal and would leave the presidential palace for his private home by the end of the day .
An earlier attempt to impeach Vizcarra in September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and incapacity we 've lost thousands of compatriots , '' lawmaker Robinson Gupioc said during the more than five hours of debate , according to The Associated Press .
Peru has one of the world 's highest deaths per capita due to the coronavirus , according to Johns Hopkins University .
The South American country of 32 million is approaching one million confirmed cases of COVID-19 and almost 35,000 dead .
During the debate , lawmakers blamed Vizcarra for severe shortages of therapeutic oxygen and the government 's strategy of identifying infections through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not detect the disease in its early stages .
Vizcarra is accused of taking bribes earlier this decade from construction companies seeking government contracts .
His defenders point out that the allegations come from construction managers who are themselves accused of crimes and may be offering information in exchange for reduced sentences , according to the AP .
In a tweet following his impeachment addressed to the `` Peruvian People , '' Vizcarra wrote , `` I leave with a clear conscience , my head held high and my duty accomplished .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more popular in Peru than the legislature , according to the AP .
Elected in 2016 as first vice president , Vizcarra became president in 2018 after the resignation of President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski following allegations of corruption .
Vizcarra governed on an anti-corruption platform .
Following the vote , thousands of supporters gathered on the streets of the capital , Lima , some shouting , `` Get out the coup plotters ! ''
referring to lawmakers , according to the AP .
Because the posts of first and second vice president remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Manuel Merino , will be sworn in Tuesday as interim president .

In Midst Of Pandemic Crisis, Peru's Legislature Impeaches The Nation's President
Enlarge this image toggle caption Martin Mejia/AP Martin Mejia/AP
Peru's unicameral legislature voted overwhelmingly Monday night to remove President Martín Vizcarra from office, condemning his management of the coronavirus pandemic and alleging he had taken bribes years ago while serving as a regional governor.
Vizcarra, in a speech to the legislature following his impeachment, denied the allegations but said he would not contest his removal and would leave the presidential palace for his private home by the end of the day. An earlier attempt to impeach Vizcarra in September failed.
"Because of his negligence and incapacity we've lost thousands of compatriots," lawmaker Robinson Gupioc said during the more than five hours of debate, according to The Associated Press.
Peru has one of the world's highest deaths per capita due to the coronavirus, according to Johns Hopkins University. The South American country of 32 million is approaching 1 million confirmed cases of COVID-19 and almost 35,000 dead.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Martin Mejia/AP Martin Mejia/AP
During the debate, lawmakers blamed Vizcarra for severe shortages of therapeutic oxygen and the government's strategy of identifying infections through the use of antibody tests, which do not detect the disease in its early stages.
Vizcarra is accused of taking bribes earlier this decade from construction companies seeking government contracts. His defenders point out that the allegations come from construction managers who are themselves accused of crimes and may be offering information in exchange for reduced sentences, according to the AP.
In a tweet following his impeachment addressed to the "Peruvian People," Vizcarra wrote, "I leave with a clear conscience, my head held high and my duty accomplished."
Vizcarra, 57, is far more popular in Peru than the legislature, according to the AP. Elected in 2016 as first vice president, Vizcarra became president in 2018 after the resignation of President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski following allegations of corruption. Vizcarra governed on an anti-corruption platform.
Following the vote, thousands of supporters gathered in the streets of the capital, Lima, some shouting "Get out the coup plotters!" referring to lawmakers, according to the AP.
Because the posts of first and second vice president remain vacant, the presiding member of Congress, Manuel Merino, will be sworn in Tuesday as interim president.