npr--2020-06-10--A Stadium Name Once Meant To Honor Now Offends

A Stadium Name Once Meant To Honor Now Offends As nationwide protests against police brutality and racism demand change to current laws and institutions , the ripple effects are reaching historic symbols of white supremacy .
The effort to dismantle , relocate or rename symbols is happening in the sports world as well .
Athletes have gotten involved in a potential name change at the University of Cincinnati .
Former UC baseball player Jordan Ramey started a petition drive to change the name of Marge Schott Stadium .
Schott owned Major League Baseball 's Cincinnati Reds from 1984 to 1999 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an understatement .
Her racial and ethnic slurs against African Americans , Jewish and Japanese people prompted a one-year ban from baseball in 1993 .
After publicly praising Adolf Hitler in a 1996 ESPN interview , Schott was forced to give up day-to-day control of the Reds until 1998 .
Schott also was known as a philanthropist in Cincinnati — she gave money , through her foundation , to the city zoo , hospitals and the university .
In 2006 , the Bearcats named their baseball stadium after Schott , following a foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school 's athletic programs .
University of Cincinnati pitcher Nathan Moore has played home games at Marge Schott Stadium for the past four years .
But it was n't until he heard about former teammate Ramey 's petition that he learned about Schott 's past .
Moore has since become an outspoken supporter of the petition drive , saying the call for a stadium name change should be `` a really simple decision '' for the university .
`` I think it would set a great example for schools around the world that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrong way and were racist , '' he said .
The University of Cincinnati released a statement from Athletic Director John Cunningham .
`` We appreciate the willingness of our current and former student-athletes to have tough conversations and express their feelings about the name of our baseball stadium .
The Department of Athletics is providing the University Administration any information or context they may need to better understand this issue from the perspectives of our student-athletes .
We are One Team and I want to thank our student-athletes for their candor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know I 'm always available to them via phone or text if they want or need to talk . ''
Beyond the statement , the university says no one will comment further .
Moore says he was initially conflicted when he discovered the university named the stadium after Schott 14 years ago .
`` I was honestly confused as to why nothing was done before , '' he told NPR .
`` But I did n't want to waste too much time on that .
I knew I had a powerful voice and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was done waiting around for someone to do it I guess .
`` Honestly , I mean no disrespect to Marge Schott and I 'm sure she had good intentions , but just from my beliefs personally , money that comes from somebody who has that hatred in her heart for fellow human beings , is not money worth accepting in my opinion . ''
Rob Yowell was n't part of the negotiations between UC and the Schott Foundation .
But as president of Gemini Sports Group , an agency that specializes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been in similar negotiations and he has a pretty good idea what happened in 2006 .
`` [ The university ] could 've said no , '' Yowell said , `` but I imagine there was n't anyone else in line with a $ 2 million check [ for the school 's athletic programs ] .
They made a business decision at that point . ''
As far as what UC will do now , Yowell said a decision could be made based on the current environment and the school 's ability to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end of the day , '' Yowell said , `` [ the university ] wants a piece of inventory in naming rights to try to sell [ to someone else ] and generate money .
And at the same time , distance itself from an individual who 's been identified in the past as someone very insensitive to race . ''
He says the university would n't have to return the $ 2 million `` because at this point , it 's a gift .
You 're talking about 14 plus years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent history .
They gave a lump sum donation . ''
There 's precedent , however , for a similar controversy prompting a donation return .
Although it happened in a much smaller window of time .
In 2014 , UCLA returned nearly a half million dollars donated by the Donald Sterling Charitable Foundation , and canceled what would 've been a $ 3 million , multi-year gift from the former NBA owner .
UCLA acted after Sterling made racist comments that year which ultimately led to his lifetime ban from the NBA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his team , the Los Angeles Clippers .
In this time of free-flowing anger after George Floyd 's death , there 's little tolerance for those whose words have contributed to the country 's toxic racial environment .
No doubt , Marge Schott was a contributor .
But with her life back in public view , there 's talk of a legacy that 's more complex .
Certainly in Cincinnati , where she was born and where she died in 2004 .
On that day 16 years ago , Cincinnati Enquirer sports columnist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ true measure of a person is whether he or she leaves a place better than he or she found it .
Is Cincinnati better for having raised and rooted Marge Schott ?
Now the University of Cincinnati has to navigate this dual legacy , although thousands of petition signers see nothing complex about Marge Schott .
They see a name on a stadium representing a person whose words directly contradict one of the school 's stated goals : to foster a community that prioritizes inclusion .
A spokesman for the Schott Foundation declined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but provided this statement : '' The Schott Foundation continues on its mission to support and find qualified charitable programs and organizations for the betterment of the greater Cincinnati community .
The foundation will support its community partners in any decisions that will progress unity of purpose and stand against prejudice in any manner . ''
Meanwhile , other athletes are involved in a similar renaming effort at Clemson University in South Carolina .
NFL stars DeAndre Hopkins , a wide receiver with the Arizona Cardinals , and Houston Texans quarterback Deshaun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joining a petition drive calling for the university to change the name of its Calhoun Honors College .
John C. Calhoun , who served as vice president of the United States in the 1820 's and 30 's , was a strong proponent of slavery .
Clemson , according to the university 's website , is built on Calhoun 's Fort Hill Plantation , where he owned `` some 70-80 enslaved African-Americans . ''
The Greenville News reports the Honors College Director sent an email to students that said : '' The decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name does not rest with us ; such decisions are the purview of University leadership , which is aware of the situation .
We have heard your concerns and wishes , have shared those with others , and will continue to make sure those voices for change are heard . ''

She Was Generous. She Was Also Racist. Should This Ballpark Carry Her Name?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Google Street View/Screenshot by NPR Google Street View/Screenshot by NPR
As nationwide protests against police brutality and racism demand change to current laws and institutions, the ripple effects are reaching historic symbols of white supremacy.
The effort to dismantle, relocate or rename symbols is happening in the sports world as well.
Athletes have gotten involved in a potential name change at the University of Cincinnati.
Former UC baseball player Jordan Ramey started a petition drive to change the name of Marge Schott Stadium.
Schott owned Major League Baseball's Cincinnati Reds from 1984 to 1999. To say she was controversial is an understatement. Her racial and ethnic slurs against African American, Jewish and Japanese people prompted a one-year ban from baseball in 1993. After publicly praising Adolf Hitler in a 1996 ESPN interview, Schott was forced to give up day-to-day control of the Reds until 1998.
Schott also was known as a philanthropist in Cincinnati — she gave money, through her foundation, to the city zoo, hospitals and the university. In 2006, the Bearcats named their baseball stadium after Schott, following a foundation gift of $2 million to the school's athletic programs.
University of Cincinnati pitcher Nathan Moore has played home games at Marge Schott Stadium for the past four years. But it wasn't until he heard about former teammate Ramey's petition that he learned about Schott's past.
Moore has since become an outspoken supporter of the petition drive, saying the call for a stadium name change should be "a really simple decision" for the university.
"I think it would set a great example for schools around the world that still commemorate people who clearly thought the wrong way and were racist," he said.
The University of Cincinnati released a statement from Athletic Director John Cunningham.
"We appreciate the willingness of our current and former student-athletes to have tough conversations and express their feelings about the name of our baseball stadium. The Department of Athletics is providing the University Administration any information or context they may need to better understand this issue from the perspectives of our student-athletes. We are One Team and I want to thank our student-athletes for their candor and let each and every one of them know I'm always available to them via phone or text if they want or need to talk."
Beyond the statement, the university says no one will comment further.
Moore says he was initially conflicted when he discovered the university named the stadium after Schott 14 years ago.
"I was honestly confused as to why nothing was done before," he told NPR. "But I didn't want to waste too much time on that. I knew I had a powerful voice and a platform to use, so, I was done waiting around for someone to do it I guess.
"Honestly, I mean no disrespect to Marge Schott and I'm sure she had good intentions, but just from my beliefs personally, money that comes from somebody who has that hatred in her heart for fellow human beings, is not money worth accepting in my opinion."
Rob Yowell wasn't part of the negotiations between UC and the Schott Foundation. But as president of Gemini Sports Group, an agency that specializes in stadium naming rights, he's been in similar negotiations and he has a pretty good idea what happened in 2006.
"[The university] could've said no," Yowell said, "but I imagine there wasn't anyone else in line with a $2 million check [for the school's athletic programs]. They made a business decision at that point."
As far as what UC will do now, Yowell said a decision could be made based on the current environment and the school's ability to get new money.
"At the end of the day," Yowell said, "[the university] wants a piece of inventory in naming rights to try to sell [to someone else] and generate money. And at the same time, distance itself from an individual who's been identified in the past as someone very insensitive to race."
He says the university wouldn't have to return the $2 million "because at this point, it's a gift. You're talking about 14-plus years. It's not like this happened in recent history. They gave a lump-sum donation."
There's precedent, however, for a similar controversy prompting a donation return. Although it happened in a much smaller window of time.
In 2014, UCLA returned nearly a half million dollars donated by the Donald Sterling Charitable Foundation, and canceled what would've been a $3 million, multiyear gift from the former NBA owner.
UCLA acted after racist comments Sterling made were revealed that year, which ultimately led to his lifetime ban from the NBA. He also was forced to sell his team, the Los Angeles Clippers.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Focus On Sport/Getty Images Focus On Sport/Getty Images
In this time of free-flowing anger after the killing of George Floyd in police custody, there's little tolerance for those whose words have contributed to the country's toxic racial environment. No doubt, Marge Schott was a contributor. But with her life back in public view, there's talk of a legacy that's more complex. That is certainly the case in Cincinnati, where she was born and where she died in 2004.
On that day 16 years ago, Cincinnati Enquirer sports columnist Paul Daugherty wrote this:
"The true measure of a person is whether he or she leaves a place better than he or she found it. Is Cincinnati better for having raised and rooted Marge Schott?
"Yeah. Probably.
"Good Marge competed with Bad Marge, daily."
Now the University of Cincinnati has to navigate this dual legacy, although thousands of petition signers see nothing complex about Marge Schott. They see a name on a stadium representing a person whose words directly contradict one of the school's stated goals: to foster a community that prioritizes inclusion.
A spokesman for the Schott Foundation declined a request to talk about the petition, but provided this statement:
"The Schott Foundation continues on its mission to support and find qualified charitable programs and organizations for the betterment of the greater Cincinnati community. The foundation will support its community partners in any decisions that will progress unity of purpose and stand against prejudice in any manner."
Meanwhile, there is a similar renaming effort at Clemson University in South Carolina.
NFL stars DeAndre Hopkins, a wide receiver with the Arizona Cardinals, and Houston Texans quarterback Deshaun Watson, both Clemson alums, are joining a petition drive calling for the university to change the name of its Calhoun Honors College. John C. Calhoun, who served as vice president of the United States in the 1820s and 30s, was a strong proponent of slavery. Clemson, according to the university's website, is built on Calhoun's Fort Hill Plantation, where he owned "some 70-80 enslaved African-Americans."
The Greenville News reports the honors college director sent an email to students that said:
"The decision on any change in the college's name does not rest with us; such decisions are the purview of University leadership, which is aware of the situation. We have heard your concerns and wishes, have shared those with others, and will continue to make sure those voices for change are heard."


npr--2020-06-10--Joe Biden Has Come A Long Way On Criminal Justice Reform. Progressives Want More

Joe Biden Has Come A Long Way On Criminal Justice Reform .
Progressives Want More Former Vice President Joe Biden has mostly responded to the aftermath of George Floyd 's death by contrasting his governing and leadership style with President Trump 's .
But the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee has also laced his speeches , interviews and campaign statements with policy specifics .
Biden has called for a federal ban on police chokeholds , a new federal police oversight commission , new national standards for when and how police use force , more mandatory data collection from local law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Justice to investigate local police departments , among other changes .
`` Let us vow to make this , at last , an era of action to reverse systemic racism with long overdue and concrete changes , '' Biden said in a speech last week .
And while Biden has rejected progressive demands for something that Trump is eager to tie his fall opponent to — `` defunding '' police departments — Biden has said that federal funding for law enforcement should be `` based on whether or not they meet certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Two members of a task force charged with pulling Biden 's campaign platform to the left are encouraged by Biden 's initial statements and demands , but remain hopeful the onetime author of tough-on-crime bills will embrace even broader policing and criminal justice reforms .
`` I 'm encouraged that he 's getting specific and trying to meet the moment , '' said Chiraag Bains , who worked in the Department of Justice 's Civil Rights Division during the Obama administration .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders tapped Bains to co-chair the criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigns set up at the end of their primary contest as part of a broader effort to try to reach more policy consensus between the progressive and moderate wings of the Democratic Party .
`` It 's not enough to speak to people 's pain and utter the right words , '' said Bains , who emphasized he was speaking for himself , not the task force .
Bains said Biden 's statements and speeches have been the right start , and have been well-received — especially when contrasted to the president .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and it needs to be bold , '' he said.
`` I do see that the vice president moving that direction .
I just think we need to do more . ''
Bains wants Biden to expand on already-announced proposals on ending mandatory minimum prison sentences and ramping up the use of clemency .
He 's also pushing for the restoration of federal parole and the legalization of marijuana , among other policies .
Progressives see this moment of national protests and calls to action — a moment where even a former Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` black lives matter '' — as a once-in-a-generation chance for substantial reforms .
Stacey Walker , a fellow Sanders appointee to the criminal justice task force and chairman of Iowa 's Linn County Board of Supervisors , called the worldwide protests against police violence and racism `` a global liberation movement '' that could open the door for massive policy changes .
`` I think the vice president totally understands that we are at a moral moment in history , '' Walker said .
`` The policies that he is supporting certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and it 's going to help move the dialogue along on the issues we seek to address .
Now , there are a lot of advocates in the criminal justice reform space who believe that we can do more , who believe that this is a moment , unlike any other , in the fight for freedom for black Americans in this country . ''
The task force , divided between Sanders and Biden appointees , meets online once a week , with constant smaller phone calls and emails between members in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committees working on climate change and other policy areas , it aims to present proposals ahead of August 's Democratic National Convention .
One example of the push and pull between Biden 's instincts and those of the progressives who flocked to Sanders , and would need to back Biden in order for him to win this fall : how to lessen federal marijuana penalties .
Biden has called for decriminalizing marijuana .
Bains is hoping Biden shifts to a call for full legalization .
`` Decriminalization typically means that you do n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could still be issued a civil fine .
And then there are other kinds of consequences that could follow from that , '' Bains explained .
`` It 's still illegal conduct .
If possession of marijuana is just decriminalized and that is the hook for extensive police involvement in people 's lives .
And if you have n't addressed the underlying systemic problems in policing and the justice system overall , then people could continue to be stopped and searched and frisked and so forth . ''
Still , a call for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marijuana marks a notable shift for Biden , who as a senator authored and voted for several tough-on-crime measures in the 1980s and 1990s that strengthened penalties for drug-related crimes in particular .
The most high-profile measure : the 1994 crime bill , which Biden helped write as a senator .
While Biden regularly highlights the legislation 's domestic violence protections and 10-year ban on assault weapon sales , the measure is more broadly seen as a key moment in a generation-long policy push that led to increasingly crowded prisons , and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know with the fullness of time that we made some terrible mistakes , '' Jeremy Travis , the president of the John Jay College of Criminal Justice , told NPR in 2014 .
`` Here 's the federal government coming in and saying we 'll give you money if you punish people more severely , and 28 states and the District of Columbia followed the money and enacted stricter sentencing laws for violent offenses , '' Travis said .
When Biden 's campaign rolled out his criminal justice policy platform last year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Biden wants to fund a $ 20 billion grant program aimed at lowering incarceration and crime rates in states .
`` In order to receive this funding , states will have to eliminate mandatory minimums for non-violent crimes , institute earned credit programs , and take other steps to reduce incarceration rates without impacting public safety , '' the campaign 's policy paper reads .
But despite Biden 's shifts , some progressives still view him with skepticism on criminal justice , and have watched warily as Biden promises to take on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on police violence and racism .
`` This is an opportunity for him to come to account for his role in promoting the crime bill back in the '90s that led to a lot of federal support of local police departments , federal arming of police departments and a lot more expectations and money that goes toward them , '' progressive organizer Aimee Allison told NPR 's Morning Edition .
Allison is particularly frustrated at how quickly Biden rejected calls for `` defunding '' police departments .
`` We understand the phrase 'defund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a range of serious policy proposals that will end the cycle of police violence against black people and put public safety before violence , '' Allison said .
`` But if Joe Biden is not serious about ending that cycle , he 's risking the success of his campaign .
I mean , this is the make-or-break moment for him . ''
Stacey Walker supports police defunding , too , though he conceded `` we may have a marketing and branding issue on our hands '' when it comes to selling non-progressives on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from law enforcement , and toward social services , education , and other areas .
Walker does n't see Biden shifting ground on the issue .
But ultimately , he does n't think that will hurt Biden with the progressives who have embraced the push .
`` We all understand that Donald Trump poses an existential risk to our democracy , to the American project and to everything Democrats hold dear , '' Walker said .
`` So while you know , we 're not going to get to a point where everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal .
I think Democrats are going to be united . ''

Joe Biden Has Come A Long Way On Criminal Justice Reform. Progressives Want More
Enlarge this image toggle caption David J. Phillip/Pool/AFP via Getty Images David J. Phillip/Pool/AFP via Getty Images
Updated at 9:05 a.m. ET
Former Vice President Joe Biden has mostly responded to the aftermath of George Floyd's death by contrasting his governing and leadership style with President Trump's. But the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee has also laced his speeches, interviews and campaign statements with policy specifics.
Biden has called for a federal ban on police chokeholds, a new federal police oversight commission, new national standards for when and how police use force, more mandatory data collection from local law enforcement, and more power for the Department of Justice to investigate local police departments, among other changes.
"Let us vow to make this, at last, an era of action to reverse systemic racism with long overdue and concrete changes," Biden said in a speech last week.
And while Biden has rejected progressive demands for something that Trump is eager to tie his fall opponent to — "defunding" police departments — Biden has said that federal funding for law enforcement should be "based on whether or not they meet certain basic standards of decency and honorableness."
"I've long been a firm believer in the power of community policing — getting cops out of their cruisers and building relationships with the people and the communities they are there to serve and protect," Biden wrote in a USA Today op-ed Wednesday. "That's why I'm proposing an additional $300 million to reinvigorate community policing in our country. Every single police department should have the money they need to institute real reforms like adopting a national use of force standard, buying body cameras, and recruiting more diverse police officers."
Two members of a task force charged with pulling Biden's campaign platform to the left are encouraged by Biden's initial statements and demands but remain hopeful the onetime author of tough-on-crime bills will embrace even broader policing and criminal justice reforms.
"I'm encouraged that he's getting specific and trying to meet the moment," said Chiraag Bains, who worked in the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division during the Obama administration. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders tapped Bains to co-chair the criminal justice reform committee the Sanders and Biden campaigns set up at the end of their primary contest as part of a broader effort to try to reach more policy consensus between the progressive and moderate wings of the Democratic Party.
"It's not enough to speak to people's pain and utter the right words," said Bains, who emphasized he was speaking for himself, not the task force.
Bains said Biden's statements and speeches have been the right start and have been well-received — especially when contrasted to the president. "But we need a specific agenda and it needs to be bold," he said. "I do see that the vice president is moving that direction. I just think we need to do more."
Bains wants Biden to expand on already-announced proposals on ending mandatory-minimum prison sentences and ramping up the use of clemency. He's also pushing for the restoration of federal parole and the legalization of marijuana, among other policies.
Progressives see this moment of national protests and calls to action — a moment where even a former Republican presidential nominee is marching and declaring that "black lives matter" — as a once-in-a-generation chance for substantial reforms.
Stacey Walker, a fellow Sanders appointee to the criminal justice task force and chairman of Iowa's Linn County Board of Supervisors, called the worldwide protests against police violence and racism "a global liberation movement" that could open the door for massive policy changes.
"I think the vice president totally understands that we are at a moral moment in history," Walker said. "The policies that he is supporting certainly is a step in the right direction, and it's going to help move the dialogue along on the issues we seek to address. Now, there are a lot of advocates in the criminal justice reform space who believe that we can do more, who believe that this is a moment, unlike any other, in the fight for freedom for black Americans in this country."
The task force, divided between Sanders and Biden appointees, meets online once a week, with constant smaller phone calls and emails between members in between sessions. Along with the other committees working on climate change and other policy areas, it aims to present proposals ahead of August's Democratic National Convention.
One example of the push and pull between Biden's instincts and those of the progressives who flocked to Sanders, and would need to back Biden in order for him to win this fall: how to lessen federal marijuana penalties. Biden has called for decriminalizing marijuana. Bains is hoping Biden shifts to a call for full legalization.
"Decriminalization typically means that you don't have a criminal penalty, but you could still be issued a civil fine. And then there are other kinds of consequences that could follow from that," Bains explained. "It's still illegal conduct. If possession of marijuana is just decriminalized and that is the hook for extensive police involvement in people's lives, and if you haven't addressed the underlying systemic problems in policing and the justice system overall, then people could continue to be stopped and searched and frisked and so forth."
Still, a call for decriminalizing — if not fully legalizing — marijuana marks a notable shift for Biden, who as a senator authored and voted for several tough-on-crime measures in the 1980s and 1990s that strengthened penalties for drug-related crimes in particular.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Paul J. Richards/AFP via Getty Images Paul J. Richards/AFP via Getty Images
The most high-profile measure: the 1994 crime bill, which Biden helped write as a senator. While Biden regularly highlights the legislation's domestic violence protections and 10-year ban on assault weapon sales, the measure is more broadly seen as a key moment in a generation-long policy push that led to increasingly crowded prisons and that disproportionately targeted black Americans.
"We now know with the fullness of time that we made some terrible mistakes," Jeremy Travis, the president of the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, told NPR in 2014.
"Here's the federal government coming in and saying we'll give you money if you punish people more severely, and 28 states and the District of Columbia followed the money and enacted stricter sentencing laws for violent offenses," Travis said.
When Biden's campaign rolled out his criminal justice policy platform last year, a key provision proposed just the opposite. Biden wants to fund a $20 billion grant program aimed at lowering incarceration and crime rates in states. "In order to receive this funding, states will have to eliminate mandatory minimums for non-violent crimes, institute earned credit programs, and take other steps to reduce incarceration rates without impacting public safety," the campaign's policy paper reads.
But despite Biden's shifts, some progressives still view him with skepticism on criminal justice and have watched warily as Biden promises to take on policing abuses amid an unprecedented national focus on police violence and racism.
"This is an opportunity for him to come to account for his role in promoting the crime bill back in the '90s that led to a lot of federal support of local police departments, federal arming of police departments and a lot more expectations and money that goes toward them," progressive organizer Aimee Allison told NPR's Morning Edition.
Allison is particularly frustrated at how quickly Biden rejected calls for "defunding" police departments.
"We understand the phrase 'defund the police' to be shorthand for a range of serious policy proposals that will end the cycle of police violence against black people and put public safety before violence," Allison said. "But if Joe Biden is not serious about ending that cycle, he's risking the success of his campaign. I mean, this is the make-or-break moment for him."
Stacey Walker supports police defunding, too, though he conceded "we may have a marketing and branding issue on our hands" when it comes to selling nonprogressives on the idea of shifting government resources away from law enforcement and toward social services, education and other areas.
Walker doesn't see Biden shifting ground on the issue. But ultimately, he doesn't think that will hurt Biden with the progressives who have embraced the push.
"We all understand that Donald Trump poses an existential risk to our democracy, to the American project and to everything Democrats hold dear," Walker said. "So while you know, we're not going to get to a point where everyone is happy, although that is the goal, I think Democrats are going to be united."


npr--2020-06-10--Pressure Mounts To Rename Army Bases That Honor Confederate Officers

It was the summer of 1917 .
America had declared war on Germany a few months earlier , and young men were streaming into the Army by the tens of thousands .
So the U.S. War Department rushed to create new camps and bases around the country for all the soldiers who would soon go to war .
A July 2 memo to the Army Chief of Staff spelled out how to choose names for the new facilities .
It was titled : `` Names for cantonments , National Army , and camps , National Guard . ''
The memo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ named after Americans — preferably those with short names , to `` avoid clerical labor . ''
The military would choose the names of `` Federal commanders '' for facilities in the North , the memo stated , and `` Confederate commanders for camps of divisions from southern states . ''
The first of these camps in the South were Camp Lee in Virginia , named after the Confederate commander Robert E. Lee , and Camp Beauregard in Louisiana , after another confederate general , Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard .
Then came a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ names of rebel generals , eventually 10 in all , created over the course of World War I and World War II .
Among them : Fort Bragg , N.C. ( Braxton Bragg ) , Fort Benning , Ga. , ( Henry Benning ) and Fort Hood , Texas , ( John Bell Hood ) .
Now , as the nation erupts in protests over police treatment of African Americans , these base names honoring Confederate leaders are coming under scrutiny — again .
Michael Newcity , a Duke University professor , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decades .
He said his interest started with a simple question when he arrived in North Carolina from the Washington , D.C. , area and visited Fort Bragg .
`` Why would the U.S. Army name its largest base after one of the most senior generals in the Confederate Army ? ''
he asked .
He said it seems some of this was driven by the Lost Cause , an interpretation of the Civil War that suggests there were gallant leaders on both sides – and an effort by Southern leaders and some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery and play up `` states ' rights '' in the face of `` Northern aggression . ''
Retired Army General David Petraeus picked up on that theme , writing in The Atlantic this week , `` Had Bragg , like most of the rebel honorees , not been elevated by the effort to memorialize the 'Lost Cause ' ... he would probably have been consigned to historical obscurity . ''
Petraeus wrote that throughout his Army career he encountered enthusiasm for rebel commanders and `` a special veneration for Lee . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to retire all those names .
`` We do not live in a country to which Braxton Bragg , Henry L. Benning or Robert E. Lee can serve as an inspiration .
Acknowledging this fact is imperative . ''
This is not the first time there 's been a call to change the names of Army bases .
In 2015 , after white supremacist Dylann Roof slaughtered black worshippers at a South Carolina church , the Pentagon was pressed to remove the names of Confederate generals from its facilities .
`` These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or ideologies .
It should be noted that the naming occurred in the spirit of reconciliation , not division , '' said Brigadier General Malcolm Frost , the Army 's spokesman at the time .
Three years ago , following a rally of white supremacists and neo-Nazis in Charlottesville , Va. , a Democratic lawmaker from New York , Rep. Yvette Clarke , introduced a bill requiring the defense secretary to change the names of installations `` named after individuals who took up arms against the US in the Civil War . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2017 , the Congressional Research Service looked into the issue .
`` The Department of the Army has no formal administrative process for renaming military installations , '' it said .
`` Proponents of renaming the bases contend that there are noteworthy national military leaders from other conflicts who demonstrated selfless service and sacrifice .
Opponents of renaming these installations cite the bureaucracy of creating a new review process and the difficulty of satisfying the various viewpoints over which names ( if any ) would be selected as subjects of contention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of George Floyd and international protests over racism and police brutality , there is a new national conversation about the prevalence of Confederate symbols .
Virginia Gov .
Ralph Northam has called for the removal of the statue of Robert E. Lee in Richmond , Va. , and a crane recently lifted a Confederate soldier from its perch on Washington Street in Lee 's home town of Alexandria , Va. , where it had stood since 1889 .
Marine Commandant General David Berger last week prohibited the display of the Confederate battle flag @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , posters and bumper stickers .
The Navy is moving in the same direction .
Cmdr .
Nate Christensen , spokesman for the Chief of Naval Operations , said in a statement , `` The Chief of Naval Operations , Adm. Mike Gilday , has directed his staff to begin crafting an order that would prohibit the Confederate battle flag from all public spaces and work areas aboard Navy installations , ships , aircraft and submarines .
The order is meant to ensure unit cohesion , preserve good order and discipline , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ honor , courage and commitment . ''
And the Pentagon has agreed to look into the matter of the bases named after Confederate officers .
`` The Secretary of Defense and Secretary of the Army are open to bipartisan discussion of the topic , '' according to a statement issued on Monday .
Whether any discussion will be bipartisan remains to be seen .
When Rep. Clarke introduced her bill three years ago , it drew only 29 Democratic co-sponsors .
And it never made it out of a House Armed Services subcommittee @

Pressure Mounts To Rename Army Bases That Honor Confederate Officers
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chris Seward/AP Chris Seward/AP
Updated 5:17 pm ET
It was the summer of 1917. America had declared war on Germany a few months earlier, and young men were streaming into the Army by the tens of thousands.
So the U.S. War Department rushed to create new camps and bases around the country for all the soldiers who would soon go to war. A July 2 memo to the Army Chief of Staff spelled out how to choose names for the new facilities. It was titled: "Names for cantonments, National Army, and camps, National Guard."
The memo said the bases and camps would be named after Americans — preferably those with short names, to "avoid clerical labor." The military would choose the names of "Federal commanders" for facilities in the North, the memo stated, and "Confederate commanders for camps of divisions from southern states."
The first of these camps in the South were Camp Lee in Virginia, named after the Confederate commander Robert E. Lee, and Camp Beauregard in Louisiana, after another confederate general, Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard.
Then came a steady stream of bases bearing the last names of rebel generals, eventually 10 in all, created over the course of World War I and World War II.
Among them: Fort Bragg, N.C. (Braxton Bragg), Fort Benning, Ga., (Henry Benning) and Fort Hood, Texas, (John Bell Hood).
Now, as the nation erupts in protests over police treatment of African Americans, these base names honoring Confederate leaders are coming under scrutiny — again.
Michael Newcity, a Duke University professor, has been researching the naming issue for several decades. He said his interest started with a simple question when he arrived in North Carolina from the Washington, D.C., area and visited Fort Bragg.
"Why would the U.S. Army name its largest base after one of the most senior generals in the Confederate Army?" he asked.
He said it seems some of this was driven by the Lost Cause, an interpretation of the Civil War that suggests there were gallant leaders on both sides – and an effort by Southern leaders and some historians to downplay the central question of slavery and play up "states' rights" in the face of "Northern aggression."
Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP
Retired Army General David Petraeus picked up on that theme, writing in The Atlantic this week, "Had Bragg, like most of the rebel honorees, not been elevated by the effort to memorialize the 'Lost Cause' ... he would probably have been consigned to historical obscurity."
Petraeus wrote that throughout his Army career he encountered enthusiasm for rebel commanders and "a special veneration for Lee."
Now, he wrote, it's time to retire all those names. "We do not live in a country to which Braxton Bragg, Henry L. Benning or Robert E. Lee can serve as an inspiration. Acknowledging this fact is imperative."
This is not the first time there's been a call to change the names of Army bases. In 2015, after white supremacist Dylann Roof slaughtered black worshippers at a South Carolina church, the Pentagon was pressed to remove the names of Confederate generals from its facilities.
The Army wouldn't budge.
"These historic names represent individuals, not causes or ideologies. It should be noted that the naming occurred in the spirit of reconciliation, not division," said Brigadier General Malcolm Frost, the Army's spokesman at the time.
Three years ago, following a rally of white supremacists and neo-Nazis in Charlottesville, Va., a Democratic lawmaker from New York, Rep. Yvette Clarke, introduced a bill requiring the defense secretary to change the names of installations "named after individuals who took up arms against the US in the Civil War."
The Army had no comment that year.
In 2017, the Congressional Research Service looked into the issue. "The Department of the Army has no formal administrative process for renaming military installations," it said. "Proponents of renaming the bases contend that there are noteworthy national military leaders from other conflicts who demonstrated selfless service and sacrifice. Opponents of renaming these installations cite the bureaucracy of creating a new review process and the difficulty of satisfying the various viewpoints over which names (if any) would be selected as subjects of contention."
Now, after the killing of George Floyd and international protests over racism and police brutality, there is a new national conversation about the prevalence of Confederate symbols.
Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam has called for the removal of the statue of Robert E. Lee in Richmond, Va., and a crane recently lifted a Confederate soldier from its perch on Washington Street in Lee's home town of Alexandria, Va., where it had stood since 1889.
Marine Commandant General David Berger last week prohibited the display of the Confederate battle flag at Marine installations — including on mugs, posters and bumper stickers.
The Navy is moving in the same direction. Cmdr. Nate Christensen, spokesman for the Chief of Naval Operations, said in a statement, "The Chief of Naval Operations, Adm. Mike Gilday, has directed his staff to begin crafting an order that would prohibit the Confederate battle flag from all public spaces and work areas aboard Navy installations, ships, aircraft and submarines. The order is meant to ensure unit cohesion, preserve good order and discipline, and uphold the Navy's core values of honor, courage and commitment."
And the Pentagon has agreed to look into the matter of the bases named after Confederate officers.
"The Secretary of Defense and Secretary of the Army are open to bipartisan discussion of the topic," according to a statement issued on Monday.
Whether any discussion will be bipartisan remains to be seen.
When Rep. Clarke introduced her bill three years ago, it drew only 29 Democratic co-sponsors. And it never made it out of a House Armed Services subcommittee.
On Wednesday, President Trump tweeted that his administration "will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations."


npr--2020-06-10--The Fed Is Throwing Money Around. Not Everyone Is Reaping The Benefits

The Fed Is Throwing Money Around .
Not Everyone Is Reaping The Benefits After the coronavirus lockdowns forced it to shut down its 345 U.S. theaters , Texas-based Cinemark in April decided to do what a lot of companies have done : borrow money by selling bonds .
What made the move especially attractive was that the bonds were implicitly backed by the Federal Reserve , which is lending out trillions of dollars to businesses and governments in an effort to prop up the economy .
Even as it was borrowing money , Cinemark also announced a number of steps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no revenue . ''
They included laying off 17,500 workers , with no guarantee when they 'll be rehired .
During the current crisis , the Fed , which began a two-day meeting on Tuesday , has pulled out all the stops to keep the economy afloat , lowering interest rates to zero and starting a series of unprecedented and historic new lending facilities practically overnight .
`` It has taken what were already extraordinary , exceptional , unusual , unconventional tools and has expanded them even further , '' says former Fed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money is available to all kinds of companies , even those that have n't been especially hurt by the pandemic .
`` There are certain industries that would be at high risk of bankruptcy without these loans and there are other industries that will do just fine , '' says Gary Richardson , an economist at the University of California at Irvine and a former Fed historian .
Unlike the Paycheck Protection Program approved by Congress , the Fed programs attach no conditions to the loans , which means companies can do whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Marcus Stanley , policy director at Americans for Financial Reform , a coalition of unions and progressive reform groups .
`` You could sell a bond to the Fed and turn right around and use that money to buy back shares and basically transfer that money to your shareholders and executives , '' he says .
The food service giant Sysco Corp. borrowed $ 4 billion in March , only to lay off a third of its workforce a short time later .
It 's also paying a dividend to its shareholders .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds and private equity funds could borrow money through the companies they own with no obligation to pay it back if they fail , Stanley adds .
`` This could potentially lead to some of the wealthiest people in our society basically absconding with some of this loan money , '' he says .
The Fed 's willingness to act as a lender of last resort has sent a message to investors that it 's safe to come back into the water , and many have eagerly rushed to buy stocks again , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March .
The Nasdaq composite index is at a record high , and the other major indexes have recouped much of the ground they lost earlier in the spring .
`` The U.S. stock market was falling very rapidly at the beginning of this COVID contraction , but once the Fed got into the game of supporting the economy and pulling out all the stops the stock market has gradually recovered , '' Richardson says .
But the overall economy has n't performed as well , and the danger is that the recovery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We 're going to likely end up with an economy that is not recovering at the same rate .
So people who own stocks and bonds , those people will recover , will do better quicker than , say , small business owners , '' she says .

The Fed Helped Companies Borrow Money. Some Laid Off Thousands Anyway
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jacquelyn Martin/AP Jacquelyn Martin/AP
After the coronavirus lockdowns forced it to shut down its 345 U.S. theaters, Texas-based Cinemark in April decided to do what a lot of companies have done: borrow money by selling bonds.
The sale was made easier by the fact that the Federal Reserve was lending out trillions of dollars to businesses and governments, providing a much-needed boost to the corporate debt market in an effort to prop up the economy.
Even as it was borrowing money, Cinemark also announced a number of steps "to endure a prolonged period of no revenue." They included laying off 17,500 workers with no guarantee when they'll be rehired.
During the current crisis, the Fed, which began a two-day meeting on Tuesday, has pulled out all the stops to keep the economy afloat, lowering interest rates to zero and starting a series of unprecedented and historic new lending facilities practically overnight.
"It has taken what were already extraordinary, exceptional, unusual, unconventional tools and has expanded them even further," says former Fed Gov. Sarah Bloom Raskin.
The money is available to all kinds of companies, even those that haven't been especially hurt by the pandemic.
"There are certain industries that would be at high risk of bankruptcy without these loans and there are other industries that will do just fine," says Gary Richardson, an economist at the University of California at Irvine and
a former Fed historian.
Unlike the Paycheck Protection Program approved by Congress, the Fed programs attach no conditions to the loans, which means companies can do whatever they like with the money, says Marcus Stanley, policy director at Americans for Financial Reform, a coalition of unions and progressive reform groups.
"You could sell a bond to the Fed and turn right around and use that money to buy back shares and basically transfer that money to your shareholders and executives," he says.
The food service giant Sysco Corp. borrowed $4 billion in March, only to lay off a third of its workforce a short time later. It's also paying a dividend to its shareholders.
It's even possible that deep-pocketed hedge funds and private equity funds could borrow money through the companies they own with no obligation to pay it back if they fail, Stanley adds.
"This could potentially lead to some of the wealthiest people in our society basically absconding with some of this loan money," he says.
The Fed's willingness to act as a lender of last resort has sent a message to investors that it's safe to come back into the water, and many have eagerly rushed to buy stocks again, after seeing prices plunge in February and March.
The Nasdaq composite index is at a record high, and the other major indexes have recouped much of the ground they lost earlier in the spring.
"The U.S. stock market was falling very rapidly at the beginning of this COVID contraction, but once the Fed got into the game of supporting the economy and pulling out all the stops the stock market has gradually recovered," Richardson says.
But the overall economy hasn't performed as well, and the danger is that the recovery will be lopsided, Raskin says.
"We're going to likely end up with an economy that is not recovering at the same rate. So people who own stocks and bonds, those people will recover, will do better quicker than, say, small business owners," she says.


npr--2020-06-10--From Rent Freezes To Liquor Buybacks: How States Are Helping People Cope

From Rent Freezes To Liquor Buybacks : How States Are Helping People Cope Millions have lost their jobs during the coronavirus shutdowns , placing an unprecedented burden on public welfare programs designed to help people in these situations .
For those people and others who are hurting financially as a result of the virus , it 's often the case that where you live determines what kind of help is available .
Absent further legislation from Congress that would support states ' responses to the economic crisis , it 's up to each state to decide how to manage the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need of help .
An NPR analysis of state laws , executive orders and policy changes found uneven approaches by states on how to tackle that need .
We built an interactive tool to show you what could be available to you in your state .
Though there are more than 400 programs included , there are likely more opportunities for aid out there .
Because of the quick onset of this emergency — and social distancing measures that forced many state legislatures to halt their sessions when the virus took hold — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sorts of programs existed prior to the pandemic , says Josh Cunningham , a program manager at the National Conference of State Legislatures and a former aide in the Colorado state House of Representatives .
`` They have a lot of programs for economic development already in place , '' Cunningham says .
`` Now it 's like , how do they make it more accessible ? ''
Some legislatures have begun to resume session as states have started the process of reopening .
But in the meantime , governors largely took the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive orders to provide financial help .
Money right now , though , is hard to come by for state governments .
States have seen up to 30 % revenue declines since the beginning of nationwide lockdowns .
Here are some typical — and creative — ways that states have been coming to the aid of people who need help .
This is where the bulk of the relief efforts have landed .
Though these programs have helped those who have lost jobs because of the coronavirus , many states have taken actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their employment status .
Commonly , states have barred residential evictions or utility shutoffs for people who ca n't pay .
Others have temporarily stopped landlords from raising rents or have established funds that help those who are struggling to pay their rent or mortgage .
Some states have also expanded safety net programs , such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families , which provides cash benefits to families with children .
Maine , for example , doubled the amount people receive for food through the Worker Supplement Benefits program , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announced that those receiving SNAP can use benefits online , including for delivery orders .
• New Jersey allowed residential tenants to apply their security deposits to rent payments .
• Minnesota approved grants specifically for veterans who need help paying their bills because of the coronavirus .
If you 've been ordered to quarantine or self-isolate At different points , 42 states ordered residents to stay at home except to perform essential tasks .
In a number of those states , governments barred employers from firing people who were required to stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus .
Some , like New Mexico , expanded unemployment insurance to people who could n't work , even if they were n't officially separated from their employer .
• New York began offering job protections for those required or cautioned to self-isolate or quarantine by a government entity .
Leave for quarantined employees depends on the size and net annual income of the employer .
If you lost your job Many states have waived unemployment insurance waiting periods for the tens of millions who lost their jobs .
Others suspended requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' seek work to help those who may not be able to because of illness or the state lockdowns .
• In addition to money the federal government sent states to increase unemployment insurance payments , Alaska tripled the amount paid per dependent from $ 24 to $ 75 per week .
If you own a small business Similar to individual renters , many states have stopped evictions of small businesses and nonprofits that ca n't pay rent .
Some states have also set up their loan programs to supplement federal loans aimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners were forced to lay off employees , several states have suspended the requirements that employers pay part of their former employees ' unemployment insurance claims .
This could help stop employers from discouraging former employees to apply for the benefits they 're entitled to .
• Michigan created a spirits buyback program offering financial relief to bars and restaurants with on-premises liquor licenses .
• Minnesota lifted hours of service requirements for truck drivers transporting livestock feed or fertilizer to support the state 's agriculture community .
• Montana authorized the Easter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creatures as essential workers , leaving them to go about their business despite stay-at-home orders .
NPR reporters and research specialists reviewed state laws , executive orders , official government websites and news reports to compile a dataset of state aid programs that have been enacted to help those affected by COVID-19 .
The entries generally do not include aid organized or funded by entities other than the state ( e.g .
a county or a nonprofit in the state ) .
Reporters provided all governors ' offices the opportunity to review our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As of publication , 29 governors ' offices responded .
See something we missed ?
Send a note and let us know .
Sarah Knight , Elizabeth Metzger , Brooklyn Riepma , Rachel Treisman and Acacia Squires contributed to this report .

From Rent Freezes To Liquor Buybacks: How States Are Helping People Cope
Enlarge this image toggle caption John Minchillo/AP John Minchillo/AP
Millions have lost their jobs during the coronavirus shutdowns, placing an unprecedented burden on public welfare programs designed to help people in these situations. For those people and others who are hurting financially as a result of the virus, it's often the case that where you live determines what kind of help is available.
Absent further legislation from Congress that would support states' responses to the economic crisis, it's up to each state to decide how to manage the surge of residents and small businesses in need of help. An NPR analysis of state laws, executive orders and policy changes found uneven approaches by states on how to tackle that need.
We built an interactive tool to show you what could be available to you in your state. Though there are more than 400 programs included, there are likely more opportunities for aid out there.
Loading...
Because of the quick onset of this emergency — and social distancing measures that forced many state legislatures to halt their sessions when the virus took hold — states' options often depended on what sorts of programs existed prior to the pandemic, says Josh Cunningham, a program manager at the National Conference of State Legislatures and a former aide in the Colorado state House of Representatives.
"They have a lot of programs for economic development already in place," Cunningham says. "Now it's like, how do they make it more accessible?"
Some legislatures have begun to resume session as states have started the process of reopening. But in the meantime, governors largely took the lead in setting up aid programs through executive orders to provide financial help.
Money right now, though, is hard to come by for state governments. States have seen up to 30% revenue declines since the beginning of nationwide lockdowns.
Here are some typical — and creative — ways that states have been coming to the aid of people who need help.
If you're having trouble paying bills
This is where the bulk of the relief efforts have landed. Though these programs have helped those who have lost jobs because of the coronavirus, many states have taken actions that apply to all residents, regardless of their employment status.
Commonly, states have barred residential evictions or utility shutoffs for people who can't pay. Others have temporarily stopped landlords from raising rents or have established funds that help those who are struggling to pay their rent or mortgage.
Some states have also expanded safety net programs, such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, which provides cash benefits to families with children. Maine, for example, doubled the amount people receive for food through the Worker Supplement Benefits program, which is funded by TANF.
Some other solutions:
Kentucky announced that those receiving SNAP can use benefits online, including for delivery orders.
New Jersey allowed residential tenants to apply their security deposits to rent payments.
Minnesota approved grants specifically for veterans who need help paying their bills because of the coronavirus.
If you've been ordered to quarantine or self-isolate
At different points, 42 states ordered residents to stay at home except to perform essential tasks. In a number of those states, governments barred employers from firing people who were required to stay at home to prevent the spread of the virus. Some, like New Mexico, expanded unemployment insurance to people who couldn't work, even if they weren't officially separated from their employer.
Another solution:
New York began offering job protections for those required or cautioned to self-isolate or quarantine by a government entity. Leave for quarantined employees depends on the size and net annual income of the employer.
If you lost your job
Many states have waived unemployment insurance waiting periods for the tens of millions who lost their jobs. Others suspended requirements that recipients of unemployment insurance "actively" seek work to help those who may not be able to because of illness or the state lockdowns.
Another solution:
In addition to money the federal government sent states to increase unemployment insurance payments, Alaska tripled the amount paid per dependent from $24 to $75 per week.
If you own a small business
Similar to individual renters, many states have stopped evictions of small businesses and nonprofits that can't pay rent. Some states have also set up their loan programs to supplement federal loans aimed at small business owners.
As business owners were forced to lay off employees, several states have suspended the requirements that employers pay part of their former employees' unemployment insurance claims. This could help stop employers from discouraging former employees to apply for the benefits they're entitled to.
Some other solutions:
Michigan created a spirits buyback program offering financial relief to bars and restaurants with on-premises liquor licenses.
Minnesota lifted hours of service requirements for truck drivers transporting livestock feed or fertilizer to support the state's agriculture community.
Montana authorized the Easter Bunny, Tooth Fairy and other magical creatures as essential workers, leaving them to go about their business despite stay-at-home orders.
Methodology
NPR reporters and research specialists reviewed state laws, executive orders, official government websites and news reports to compile a dataset of state aid programs that have been enacted to help those affected by COVID-19. The entries generally do not include aid organized or funded by entities other than the state (e.g. a county or a nonprofit in the state).
Reporters provided all governors' offices the opportunity to review our findings and make any additions or corrections. As of publication, 29 governors' offices responded.
See something we missed? Send a note and let us know.
Sarah Knight, Elizabeth Metzger, Brooklyn Riepma, Rachel Treisman and Acacia Squires contributed to this report.


npr--2020-06-10--Judge Blocks Deportation Of Honduran Teenager Due To Pandemic

The American Civil Liberties Union says a federal judge has temporarily blocked the deportation of a 16-year-old Honduran boy in a case that challenges the Trump administration 's recently enacted policy , based on federal health statutes , of expelling unaccompanied minors without due process .
The ACLU says the boy entered the United States alone last week and was scheduled to be deported Wednesday .
According to the ACLU , Judge Emmet Sullivan of the D.C .
Circuit blocked the deportation late Tuesday .
The ACLU has filed a lawsuit on behalf of the boy challenging a Centers for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ based on Title 42 of the U.S. Code , which authorizes a bar on entry of individuals from countries if there is a `` serious danger of the introduction of ... disease into the United States . ''
The current policy was put in place as the COVID-19 pandemic spread throughout the country .
White House officials say it is intended to protect American citizens , but immigrant rights advocates accuse the Trump administration of exploiting the global health crisis to advance its crackdown on asylum-seekers and circumvent due-process laws .
`` We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a pretext for doing what the administration has always wanted to do – close the border to children and asylum seekers , '' ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt told NPR after Sullivan 's order .
The ACLU lawsuit claims the Department of Homeland Security is violating legal protections to which unaccompanied children are entitled .
`` When COVID hit , the administration essentially said we no longer have to abide by any of the protections of children at the Southern border , '' Gelernt said .
`` We do n't think [ Title 42 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Testing yes , and in some cases , detention and quarantine .
But not deportation . ''
The ACLU 's filing argues that underage asylum-seekers who arrive on their own may not be automatically deported even if they actually have a communicable disease .
Additionally , the ACLU says unaccompanied minors from countries that do not border the United States , such as Honduras , must be transferred within 72 hours of their apprehension to the care of the Office of Refugee Resettlement , placed in a children 's facility and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims .
They must also be released to a close relative or sponsor as soon as possible .
According to the ACLU , the Honduran boy does not show symptoms of COVID-19 .
He is in a hotel under the custody of Customs and Border Protection despite the fact that his father , who is also seeking asylum , currently resides in the U.S .
Both the father and son are seeking asylum based on a fear of persecution and torture in Honduras .
Sullivan 's order is effective for 24 hours , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek an extension Wednesday so that the boy can remain in the United States while the lawsuit moves forward .

Judge Blocks Deportation Of Honduran Teenager Due To Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eric Gay/AP Eric Gay/AP
The American Civil Liberties Union says a federal judge has temporarily blocked the deportation of a 16-year-old Honduran boy in a case that challenges the Trump administration's recently enacted policy, based on federal health statutes, of expelling unaccompanied minors without due process.
The ACLU says the boy entered the United States alone last week and was scheduled to be deported Wednesday. According to the ACLU, Judge Emmet Sullivan of the D.C. Circuit blocked the deportation late Tuesday.
The ACLU has filed a lawsuit on behalf of the boy challenging a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention order restricting immigration based on Title 42 of the U.S. Code, which authorizes a bar on entry of individuals from countries if there is a "serious danger of the introduction of ... disease into the United States."
The current policy was put in place as the COVID-19 pandemic spread throughout the country. White House officials say it is intended to protect American citizens, but immigrant rights advocates accuse the Trump administration of exploiting the global health crisis to advance its crackdown on asylum-seekers and circumvent due-process laws.
"We believe [Title 42] is ultimately a pretext for doing what the administration has always wanted to do – close the border to children and asylum seekers," ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt told NPR after Sullivan's order.
The ACLU lawsuit claims the Department of Homeland Security is violating legal protections to which unaccompanied children are entitled.
"When COVID hit, the administration essentially said we no longer have to abide by any of the protections of children at the Southern border," Gelernt said.
"We don't think [Title 42] authorizes deportation," he said. "Testing yes, and in some cases, detention and quarantine. But not deportation."
The ACLU's filing argues that underage asylum-seekers who arrive on their own may not be automatically deported even if they actually have a communicable disease.
Additionally, the ACLU says unaccompanied minors from countries that do not border the United States, such as Honduras, must be transferred within 72 hours of their apprehension to the care of the Office of Refugee Resettlement, placed in a children's facility and provided a full hearing on their asylum claims. They must also be released to a close relative or sponsor as soon as possible.
According to the ACLU, the Honduran boy does not show symptoms of COVID-19. He is in a hotel under the custody of Customs and Border Protection despite the fact that his father, who is also seeking asylum, currently resides in the U.S. Both the father and son are seeking asylum based on a fear of persecution and torture in Honduras.
Sullivan's order is effective for 24 hours, according to the ACLU, which will seek an extension Wednesday so that the boy can remain in the United States while the lawsuit moves forward.


npr--2020-06-09--NASCAR's Bubba Wallace Wants Confederate Flags Banned From Race Tracks

Darrell `` Bubba '' Wallace , the first full-time African-American driver on NASCAR 's top circuit in more than 45 years , was n't always offended by the Confederate flag .
But now he wants them banned from all races .
The 26-year-old from Alabama said he 's been making an effort to educate himself on what the flag signifies for many people .
Presumably , that for some it 's become an emblem for white supremacy , and is a reminder of America 's slave history , bigotry and oppression of African Americans .
`` What I 'm chasing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of my narrative , '' Wallace said in a Monday interview with CNN .
`` But diving more into it and educating myself , people feel uncomfortable with that , people talk about that — that 's the first thing they bring up . ''
He added , `` My next step would be to get rid of all Confederate flags .
No one should feel uncomfortable when they come to a NASCAR race .
So it starts with Confederate flags .
Get them out of here .
They have no place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with blue bars and white stars , which the Sons of Confederate Veterans adopted as a symbol of Southern heritage , has been linked to NASCAR almost since its inception .
For decades , the Darlington Raceway in South Carolina hosted the Rebel 400 in the spring , and featured the flag prominently on programs and other advertisements , all while `` Dixie '' played as the soundtrack at pre-race ceremonies .
However , over the years it 's become a bit of an albatross for the stock car racing association .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nine African Americans inside a Charleston , S.C. , church , then-NASCAR CEO and Chairman Brian France referred to the flag as an `` offensive and divisive symbol . ''
Despite a pledge to disassociate NASCAR from the rebel battle flag , the association did not go as far as to ban it from the stands .
Instead , it `` requested '' people stop bringing them to races and set up a flag exchange program where attendees could trade in their Confederate flag for an American one .
And as protests have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands demonstrating against police brutality — especially brutality against black people at the hands of white officers — NASCAR has launched a campaign supporting racial equality and diversity .
Regardless , Wallace said further action on the flags is overdue , though he acknowledged the move would likely draw backlash from fans .
`` There 's going to be a lot of angry people that carry those flags proudly , but it 's time for change , '' he said .
`` We have to change that , and I encourage NASCAR to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Those who disagree can `` get back on the road where you came from , '' Wallace said .
`` We should not be able to have an argument over that , '' he said .
`` It is a thick line we can not cross anymore . ''

NASCAR's Bubba Wallace Wants Confederate Flags Banned From Race Tracks
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brynn Anderson/AP Brynn Anderson/AP
Darrell "Bubba" Wallace, the first full-time African-American driver on NASCAR's top circuit in more than 45 years, wasn't always offended by the Confederate flag.
But now he wants them banned from all races.
The 26-year-old from Alabama said he's been making an effort to educate himself on what the flag signifies for many people. Presumably, that for some it's become an emblem for white supremacy, and is a reminder of America's slave history, bigotry and oppression of African Americans.
"What I'm chasing is checkered flags, and that was kind of my narrative," Wallace said in a Monday interview with CNN. "But diving more into it and educating myself, people feel uncomfortable with that, people talk about that — that's the first thing they bring up."
He added, "My next step would be to get rid of all Confederate flags. No one should feel uncomfortable when they come to a NASCAR race. So it starts with Confederate flags. Get them out of here. They have no place for them."
The red flag with blue bars and white stars, which the Sons of Confederate Veterans adopted as a symbol of Southern heritage, has been linked to NASCAR almost since its inception. For decades, the Darlington Raceway in South Carolina hosted the Rebel 400 in the spring, and featured the flag prominently on programs and other advertisements, all while "Dixie" played as the soundtrack at pre-race ceremonies.
However, over the years it's become a bit of an albatross for the stock car racing association. In 2015, after a white supremacist killed nine African Americans inside a Charleston, S.C., church, then-NASCAR CEO and Chairman Brian France referred to the flag as an "offensive and divisive symbol."
Despite a pledge to disassociate NASCAR from the rebel battle flag, the association did not go as far as to ban it from the stands. Instead, it "requested" people stop bringing them to races and set up a flag exchange program where attendees could trade in their Confederate flag for an American one.
And as protests have raged on in recent weeks, with thousands demonstrating against police brutality — especially brutality against black people at the hands of white officers — NASCAR has launched a campaign supporting racial equality and diversity.
Regardless, Wallace said further action on the flags is overdue, though he acknowledged the move would likely draw backlash from fans.
"There's going to be a lot of angry people that carry those flags proudly, but it's time for change," he said. "We have to change that, and I encourage NASCAR to have those conversations to remove those flags."
Those who disagree can "get back on the road where you came from," Wallace said.
"We should not be able to have an argument over that," he said. "It is a thick line we cannot cross anymore."


npr--2020-06-09--'There Is No Neutral': 'Nice White People' Can Still Be Complicit In A Racist Society

'There Is No Neutral ' : 'Nice White People ' Can Still Be Complicit In A Racist Society For white people who have just recently recognized their own complicity in America 's racist systems and are looking to `` fix '' that — it 's not going to happen overnight .
`` It 's a little bit like saying ' I want to be in shape tomorrow ' ... '' says author Robin DiAngelo .
`` This is going to be a process . ''
DiAngelo is the author of White Fragility : Why It 's So Hard for White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book came out in 2018 , and is back on the best-seller lists as streets fill with protesters calling for an end to police violence against black people .
The status quo in the United States is racism , DiAngelo says , and `` it is comfortable for me , as a white person , to live in a racist society . ''
DiAngelo says to sustain the momentum of these protests , it must become uncomfortable for white people to continue to benefit from racist systems .
`` We 've got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what supports we 're going to put in place to help us continue to be uncomfortable , '' she says .
`` Because the forces of comfort are quite seductive . ''
On encouraging white people to reflect on how race has shaped their lives This [ work ] will be lifelong : really thinking deeply about what it means to be white , how your race shapes your life .
We live in a society that turns race over to people of color .
They have a race .
We 're just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as outside of race .
And that 's problematic for many reasons .
But there 's so much potentially rich insight that we can gain from deeply reflecting on our own racial experiences .
On how white people can be complicit in racist systems without recognizing their own racism Racism is what happens when you back one group 's racial bias with legal authority and institutional control .
...
When you back one group 's collective bias with that kind of power , it is transformed into a far-reaching system .
It becomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It 's not dependent on your agreement or belief or approval .
It 's circulating 24/7 , 365 .
Racism is the foundation of the society we are in .
And to simply carry on with absolutely no active interruption of that system is to be complicit with it .
And in that way , we can say that nice , white people who really are n't doing anything other than being nice people are racist .
We are complicit with that system .
There is no neutral place .
We 've been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone who consciously and intentionally seeks to hurt people based on race .
And if that 's what you think it means to be racist , then of course , it 's offensive that I would say you were racist .
That 's not what I mean by that .
... All of the racism I 've perpetrated in my life was neither conscious nor intentional , but harmful to other people nonetheless .
On suggesting that white people ask how — rather than if — they have been shaped by race and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what it means to be racist , you will no longer be defensive .
... Who among your listeners right now , would ever say they 're consciously , intentionally mean across race ?
I think that definition [ of racism as individual , conscious , malintent across race ] is the root of most of the defensiveness .
When you change your definition , it 's actually liberating .
...
It 's transformative .
You know , you can stop defending , deflecting , denying , explaining away , giving all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could n't possibly have been impacted by the society you live in .
And you can start getting to work actually trying to identify : All right .
It was inevitable that I was socialized into this system .
It 's inevitable that I will have blind spots .
... And so I 'm going to focus my energy on how I 've been shaped by the system , but not if .
We have to change our question .
If our question is if I 've been shaped , the answer will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what further action is required of us ?
Nothing .
When the answer is how , well , that sets you on a lifelong process .
On specific steps white people can take I would start with some very deep reflection on what it means to be white : How your own race shapes your life .
... Our voices , our part in this has been missing for all too long .
But again , we 're never going to understand this if we do n't listen to black , indigenous and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reading what they 're writing , listening to their videos , attending their talks and educating yourself .
There are two really excellent resources ... One is Dr. Eddie Moore 's 21-Day Racial Equity [ Habit ] Building Challenge — it 'll walk you through a daily practice .
And Layla Saad 's Me and White Supremacy Workbook .
That 's a book you do rather than read .
That will start us on what is a process — not a moment or an instant .
On asking white people to have humility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who did n't have an opinion on racism .
... That does n't make it informed .
It 's so complicated and nuanced and layered .
...
So be willing to consider that maybe your opinions are not as informed as you think they are .
...
Most white people live segregated lives .
Most of us do n't really even know black people .
Most of us go cradle to grave with few , if any , authentic , sustained cross-racial relationships and no real sense of loss about that .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we feel are equal to people who have , you know , studied and struggled and worked on these issues for decades .
And so it 's a little bit like saying , well , I 've been to the Epcot Center , therefore I 'm qualified to wade in on a debate with Neil deGrasse Tyson on whether Pluto is a planet .
On the two questions she hears most frequently There are two top questions I get when I give a talk ...
The first one is : What do I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question , I offer one back : ... How have you managed not to know ?
How have you managed to be a full-functioning , likely educated adult in 2020 and not know the answer to that question ?
And that 's meant to challenge that person that : That 's on you .
The information 's everywhere .
Why have n't you sought it out up until this moment ?
What did it take to get you to ask that question ?
So that 's meant to be a challenge , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Take out a piece of paper and jot down your answer to why you do n't know what to do , or how to get started .
And there will be your map .
Everything you write on that piece of paper can be addressed .
None of it will be quick or easy .
But begin with that list .
The second top question that I get is : How do I tell or talk to other white people about racism ?
... You notice that that question assumes that it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go .
We 're down now .
Let 's go out and change the world .
It is us .
We can never take ourselves out of that equation .
And I think actually , the more we work on our own conditioning , the more effective we will be at helping others see theirs .
We 've seen these moments before .
We thought we were post-racial after the civil rights movement .
We thought we were post-racial after Obama 's presidency .
We are so not post-racial and we have never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being sustained and different kinds of demands coming out of them .
That is hopeful .
But the key is : What will happen when those cameras go away and when it 's no longer — for lack of a better word , for white people , anyway – `` exciting '' or `` righteous '' to go down and protest ?
In some ways , that 's the easier kinds of actions .
What are we going to do to sustain it when we no longer have that kind of pressure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comfort zone ?
Mallory Yu and Sarah Handel produced and edited this interview for broadcast .
Beth Novey adapted it for the Web .

'There Is No Neutral': 'Nice White People' Can Still Be Complicit In A Racist Society
Enlarge this image toggle caption Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images
For white people who have just recently recognized their own complicity in America's racist systems and are looking to "fix" that — it's not going to happen overnight.
"It's a little bit like saying 'I want to be in shape tomorrow' ..." says author Robin DiAngelo. "This is going to be a process."
DiAngelo is the author of White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism. The book came out in 2018 and is back on the bestseller lists as streets fill with protesters calling for an end to police violence against black people.
The status quo in the United States is racism, DiAngelo says, and "it is comfortable for me, as a white person, to live in a racist society."
To sustain the momentum of these protests, DiAngelo says, it must become uncomfortable for white people to continue to benefit from racist systems.
"We've got to start making it uncomfortable and figuring out what supports we're going to put in place to help us continue to be uncomfortable," she says. "Because the forces of comfort are quite seductive."
Interview Highlights
On encouraging white people to reflect on how race has shaped their lives
This [work] will be lifelong: really thinking deeply about what it means to be white, how your race shapes your life. We live in a society that turns race over to people of color. They have a race. We're just people. And so we see ourselves as outside of race. And that's problematic for many reasons. But there's so much potentially rich insight that we can gain from deeply reflecting on our own racial experiences.
On how white people can be complicit in racist systems without recognizing their own racism
Nice, white people who really aren't doing anything other than being nice people are racist. We are complicit with that system. There is no neutral place.
Racism is what happens when you back one group's racial bias with legal authority and institutional control. ... When you back one group's collective bias with that kind of power, it is transformed into a far-reaching system. It becomes the default. It's automatic. It's not dependent on your agreement or belief or approval. It's circulating 24/7, 365.
Racism is the foundation of the society we are in. And to simply carry on with absolutely no active interruption of that system is to be complicit with it. And in that way, we can say that nice, white people who really aren't doing anything other than being nice people are racist. We are complicit with that system. There is no neutral place.
On challenging definitions
We've been taught to think about a racist as someone who consciously and intentionally seeks to hurt people based on race. And if that's what you think it means to be racist, then of course it's offensive that I would say you were racist. That's not what I mean by that. ... All of the racism I've perpetrated in my life was neither conscious nor intentional, but harmful to other people nonetheless.
White Fragility Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin Diangelo Paperback, 169 pages | purchase close overlay Buy Featured Book Your purchase helps support NPR programming. How?
On suggesting that white people ask how — rather than if — they have been shaped by race and racism
When you change your understanding of what it means to be racist, you will no longer be defensive. ... Who among your listeners right now would ever say they're consciously, intentionally mean across race? I think that definition [of racism as individual, conscious, malintent across race] is the root of most of the defensiveness.
When you change your definition, it's actually liberating. ... It's transformative. You know, you can stop defending, deflecting, denying, explaining away, giving all the evidence for why you are different and couldn't possibly have been impacted by the society you live in.
And you can start getting to work actually trying to identify: All right. It was inevitable that I was socialized into this system. It's inevitable that I will have blind spots. ... And so I'm going to focus my energy on how I've been shaped by the system, but not if.
We have to change our question. If our question is if I've been shaped, the answer will be an easy no. And then what further action is required of us? Nothing.
When the answer is how, well, that sets you on a lifelong process.
On specific steps white people can take
I would start with some very deep reflection on what it means to be white: How your own race shapes your life. ... Our voices, our part in this has been missing for all too long.
But again, we're never going to understand this if we don't listen to black, Indigenous and other peoples of color. So start reading what they're writing, listening to their videos, attending their talks and educating yourself.
There are two really excellent resources. ... One is Dr. Eddie Moore's 21-Day Racial Equity [Habit] Building Challenge — it'll walk you through a daily practice. And Layla Saad's Me and White Supremacy Workbook. That's a book you do rather than read. That will start us on what is a process — not a moment or an instant.
On asking white people to have humility
I've never met a white person who didn't have an opinion on racism. ... That doesn't make it informed. It's so complicated and nuanced and layered. ... So be willing to consider that maybe your opinions are not as informed as you think they are. ...
Most white people live segregated lives. Most of us don't really even know black people. Most of us go cradle to grave with few, if any, authentic, sustained cross-racial relationships and no real sense of loss about that. And yet, we have these opinions that we feel are equal to people who have, you know, studied and struggled and worked on these issues for decades. And so it's a little bit like saying, well, I've been to the Epcot Center, therefore I'm qualified to wade in on a debate with Neil deGrasse Tyson on whether Pluto is a planet.
On the two questions she hears most frequently
There are two top questions I get when I give a talk ... The first one is: What do I do? And when I get that question, I offer one back: ... How have you managed not to know? How have you managed to be a full-functioning, likely educated adult in 2020 and not know the answer to that question? And that's meant to challenge that person that, that's on you. The information's everywhere. Why haven't you sought it out up until this moment? What did it take to get you to ask that question?
So that's meant to be a challenge, but it's also a sincere question. Take out a piece of paper and jot down your answer to why you don't know what to do, or how to get started. And there will be your map. Everything you write on that piece of paper can be addressed. None of it will be quick or easy. But begin with that list.
The second top question that I get is: How do I tell or talk to other white people about racism? ... You notice that that question assumes that it's not us. We're good to go. We're down now. Let's go out and change the world.
It is us. We can never take ourselves out of that equation. And I think actually, the more we work on our own conditioning, the more effective we will be at helping others see theirs.
On maintaining momentum
We've seen these moments before. We thought we were post-racial after the civil rights movement. We thought we were post-racial after Obama's presidency. We are so not post-racial and we have never been. I do see these protests being sustained and different kinds of demands coming out of them. That is hopeful.
But the key is: What will happen when those cameras go away and when it's no longer — for lack of a better word, for white people, anyway – "exciting" or "righteous" to go down and protest? In some ways, that's the easier kinds of actions. What are we going to do to sustain it when we no longer have that kind of pressure, when we're back into our racial comfort zone?
Mallory Yu and Sarah Handel produced and edited this interview for broadcast. Beth Novey adapted it for the web.


npr--2020-06-10--Report: 'Live PD' Says It Destroyed Video Of Black Man Dying In Police Custody

Report : 'Live PD ' Says It Destroyed Video Of Black Man Dying In Police Custody Video captured by a reality television production crew showing the death of black man while he was in the custody of law enforcement officers in Texas , has reportedly been destroyed , according to an Austin newspaper .
That means the footage `` can no longer be turned over to Austin investigators , '' reports the Austin American-Statesmen , which was in touch with representatives for the unscripted series Live PD on Tuesday .
Requests for comment to A & E , the cable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not returned before NPR published this story .
The revelation about the destruction of the video comes after the Statesmen and Austin-based ABC affiliate KVUE reported this week on the details of the March 2019 death of Javier Ambler .
They also obtained body camera footage from an Austin police officer showing Ambler 's final moments .
These events come to light as the United States is confronting decades of issues surrounding systemic racism and chronic mistreatment of minority communities by police .
The death of George Floyd , a black man , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for more than eight minutes has sparked protests in the U.S. and internationally .
Aside from their deaths being captured on video , there are other similarities in the way both men died .
The body camera footage shows that , like Floyd , Ambler pleaded for mercy and told Williamson County Sheriff 's deputies he could n't breathe .
Ambler was shot repeatedly with a stun gun as law enforcement worked to restrain him .
Ambler also told them he suffered from congestive heart failure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ' before deputies deployed a final shock , '' the Statesmen reported .
The paper notes Ambler , who was 40 at the time of his death , was pulled over by Williamson County Sheriff 's deputies , who noticed he failed to dim his SUV 's headlights to oncoming traffic .
Deputies chased Ambler for 20 minutes after he did not stop , the Statesman reports , which adds Ambler eventually crashed his vehicle .
KVUE reports the sheriff 's office attempted to `` shield information from release since receiving its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also notes Ambler 's death was ruled a homicide .
Elected officials in Williamson County , including some members of the County Commissioner 's court and Texas State Rep. James Talarico are now calling on Sheriff Robert Chody to resign , member station KUT in Austin reports .
`` Your department killed # JavierAmbler , filmed it for a reality TV show , then covered it up for 15 months , '' Talarico tweeted Wednesday .
`` I 'm not calling for your resignation because I 'm a progressive .
I 'm calling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human being . ''
Questions also remain about the future of Live PD given its connection to the Ambler incident , and a similar show , COPS , being canceled after 32 seasons .
As NPR 's Eric Deggans reports , a spokesperson for A & E said it is evaluating when Live PD may return .
It was pulled earlier this month `` out of respect for the families of George Floyd and others who have lost their lives , in consultation with the departments we follow , '' the network said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entertainment publication Variety .
Dan Abrams , the host of Live PD took to Twitter to tamp down any concern his program would be nixed .
`` To all of you asking whether # LivePD coming back .
.
.The answer is yes , '' he said .

A&E's Popular Show 'Live PD' Is Canceled Amid Protests Over Police Brutality
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Gries/A&E Scott Gries/A&E
Updated at 12:05 a.m. ET Thursday
Cable network A&E announced Wednesday that it has canceled production of its popular unscripted series Live PD amid ongoing nationwide protests following the death of a black man, George Floyd, while in police custody last month in Minneapolis, Minn.
Related NPR Stories 'Cops' Show Canceled Amid Worldwide Protests Against Police Violence
The cancellation also comes after an Austin, Texas, newspaper and television station reported fresh details of the case of Javier Ambler, a black man who died while being arrested by law enforcement in 2019. A camera crew with Live PD was there and recorded footage of the incident.
"This is a critical time in our nation's history and we have made the decision to cease production on Live PD," A&E, which produced the program, said in a statement.
"Going forward, we will determine if there is a clear pathway to tell the stories of both the community and the police officers whose role it is to serve them. And with that, we will be meeting with community and civil rights leaders as well as police departments."
Dan Abrams, the host of the now-canceled show, had vowed the show would return. However by Wednesday evening he appeared to acknowledge it would not, and tweeted he was "beyond disappointed."
On Tuesday, the Austin American-Statesman reported the video of Ambler recorded by the Live PD camera crew had been destroyed. The newspaper was in touch with representatives of the show and reported the footage "can no longer be turned over to Austin investigators."
The revelation about the destruction of the video came after the Statesman and Austin ABC affiliate KVUE on Monday reported a fuller picture of the events that led to the March 2019 death of Ambler.
The news organizations also obtained body camera footage from an Austin Police Department officer showing Ambler's final moments.
These events come to light as the United States is confronting decades of systemic racism and chronic mistreatment of minority communities by police. The death of Floyd, who was killed last month by a white Minneapolis police officer who knelt on his neck for nearly 9 minutes, has sparked protests in the U.S. and internationally.
Aside from their deaths being captured on video, there are other similarities in the way both men died.
Austin American-Statesman YouTube
The bodycam footage shows that, like Floyd, Ambler pleaded for mercy and told Williamson County Sheriff's deputies he couldn't breathe. Ambler was shot repeatedly with a stun gun as law enforcement worked to restrain him. Ambler also told them he suffered from congestive heart failure.
"He cried, 'Save me,' before deputies deployed a final shock," the Statesmen reported.
The newspaper reported that Ambler, who was 40 at the time of his death, was pulled over by Williamson County Sheriff's deputies after he failed to dim his SUV's headlights to oncoming traffic.
Deputies chased Ambler for 20 minutes, the newspaper reported, and Ambler eventually crashed his vehicle in North Austin.
KVUE reported the Sheriff's Office attempted to "shield information from release since receiving its first request in February." It also said Ambler's death was ruled a homicide.
Elected officials in Williamson County, including three of four members of the County Commissioners Court and State Rep. James Talarico, D-Round Rock, are now calling on Sheriff Robert Chody to resign, NPR member station KUT in Austin reported.
"Your department killed #JavierAmbler, filmed it for a reality TV show, then covered it up for 15 months," Talarico tweeted Wednesday. "I'm not calling for your resignation because I'm a progressive. I'm calling for your resignation because I'm a human being."
NPR's Eric Deggans contributed to this report.