npr--2020-06-03--Armed Neighborhood Groups Form In The Absence Of Police Protection

Armed Neighborhood Groups Form In The Absence Of Police Protection Cesia Baires knocks on the three apartment doors above her restaurant and a neighboring taqueria just before curfew .
A woman opens the door .
Her two young children are inside .
`` Remember , '' she says to them in Spanish .
`` Same thing as yesterday .
I 'm going to come check on you .
If there 's anything you guys need , give us a call right away . ''
Meanwhile , a few men climb through the window and on to the roof to set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Minneapolis .
It 's something Baires never thought she would have to do as a small-business owner , but then she found out these apartments were occupied .
`` Material things we can replace , that 's true , '' she says .
`` But there are families up here .
These are n't empty buildings . ''
As break-ins and fires raged in the first days of mass protests over the killing of yet another black man in an encounter with police , the city seemed to descend into a security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from this neighborhood .
That 's when she and others started forming patrols to include people with licensed weapons .
`` I 'm the one that 's checking everyone , '' she says .
`` If you 're up here with a gun and you 're not supposed to be here and you do n't have a license to carry , then I do n't allow you to even go to the rooftop .
Only people with guns are on the rooftop . ''
But is this a path to vigilante justice ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ would want , but we 've seen how , for at least the first couple days , we were left alone , '' she says .
`` There were no cops that would come around .
So what are we to do ?
Just stand there and do nothing ? ''
Her group — Security Latinos De La Lake — is one of many neighborhood watch groups sprouting up across the Twin Cities and in other parts of the country as dozens of mostly peaceful protests continue every day , sometimes in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tear gas , rubber bullets and pepper spray .
The Twin Cities have largely calmed , but Baires says she was n't even able to get through to 911 until Monday .
When asked about the lack of police presence , a spokesman for the Minneapolis Police Department said in an email that the department is facing an `` unprecedented situation . ''
He added that citizens who need help should call 911 .
The department is also aware of these neighborhood groups .
In fact , the police chief and officers have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not concerned as long as they 're following the law .
Baires ' restaurant is right next to Hector Hernandez 's taqueria .
The boarded-up windows outside are spray-painted with George Floyd 's final words as he begged for his life from police .
`` Mama . ''
`` I Ca n't Breathe . ''
This community stands in solidarity with the demonstrations .
It is spray-painted on the walls .
Tagged on the plank wood boards that cover the broken glass of the storefronts .
But many here say they do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't believe demonstrators protesting police brutality and systemic racism are behind much of the damage on this block .
These are businesses and landmarks largely built by black and brown communities .
Just before curfew , the local supermarket manager Mauro Madrigal briefs a group of residents and business owners in the parking lot behind the store .
He focuses on safety practices : Move dumpsters that could be set on fire away from buildings , have sand and dirt ready to smother flames , and only share threats you see , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out a flyer in Spanish and English to the multiracial group .
`` Our neighborhood is under threat from white supremacists coming into Minneapolis , '' it says .
He and others say they came to that conclusion because they 've seen trucks and cars without plates or with out-of-state license plates : Iowa , Wisconsin .
They 've seen men with backpacks coming into the neighborhood .
And then there are the online videos circulating : one of a white man in a gas mask , in black , with an umbrella @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AutoZone .
An African American man walks up to stop him , others ask who he is , and he walks away .
All of this has fueled speculation and rumor among protesters on the streets all the way up to state and local officials .
Right now , in the chaos of an uprising , the who and why are just not clear .
It could be impassioned protesters moved to burn buildings , desperate to finally be heard , it could be anarchists or white supremacists , or opportunists , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martinez is convinced that whoever is doing it wants to destroy the businesses Latinos built in the Minneapolis neighborhood of Powderhorn Park .
`` It 's important to tell people we 're not going to shoot anybody , '' he says .
`` We do n't have that idea .
But we want to prevent people who are going to hurt Latino families . ''
Martinez says of all the businesses in this community , only two Latino shops have survived where people can buy food .
Now , any unfamiliar vehicle or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , coordinates with an Indigenous motorcycle group across the street surrounding the Red Lake Nation Embassy .
He wears a neon yellow T-shirt with black lettering `` Security Latinos De La Lake . ''
In part , he says , it 's to make sure any law enforcement that might be suspicious of black or brown people know who they are .
`` You know , we are brown .
We know exactly what 's going on , '' he starts to laugh .
As they finalize plans for the night and pass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group of people roll up in a truck , and a white man named Jordan — he would n't give his last name but described himself as working with anarchists — walks over in a bulletproof vest with a yellow walkie-talkie attached .
He approaches Madrigal and Hernandez .
He explains he and others will be in the empty building next door to the market to provide security for a nearby theater .
`` So we should have close to 40 people , '' Jordan says .
`` Does anybody have weapons ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ licensed .
They coordinate channels on the walkie-talkies and share where their people will be .
When Jordan walks away , Madrigal says he has never seen him before .
`` All these people , I do n't know them .
I do n't know where they 're from .
But they 're here helping us , so that 's all .
I 'm glad that they 're here to help , '' he says .
As curfew begins , the group splits off into their homes and businesses .
Inside Hernandez 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owner of Abi 's Cafe next door in the same building , work with others to barricade the front door .
`` All right .
You ready , guys ? ''
Those licensed to carry move to the roof .
The rest stay inside with BB guns to scare people off .
`` I do n't want to be here , '' Hernandez says .
`` We do n't want to hurt anybody .
But if we 're in danger , we 're probably going to use [ our weapons ] that 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be self-defense .
We 're not going to shoot anybody .
But if they start shooting , then it 's different . ''
On the road out of this neighborhood , other groups have blocked off their streets , put warning signs up that people are watching and that trespassing would have consequences .

Armed Neighborhood Groups Form In The Absence Of Police Protection
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Cesia Baires knocks on the three apartment doors above her restaurant and a neighboring taqueria just before curfew.
A woman opens the door. Her two young children are inside.
"Remember," she says to them in Spanish. "Same thing as yesterday. I'm going to come check on you. If there's anything you guys need, give us a call right away."
Meanwhile, a few men climb through the window and on to the roof to set up semi-automatic weapons as the curfew begins in Minneapolis. It's something Baires never thought she would have to do as a small-business owner, but then she found out these apartments were occupied.
"Material things we can replace, that's true," she says. "But there are families up here. These aren't empty buildings."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
As break-ins and fires raged in the first days of mass protests over the killing of yet another black man in an encounter with police, the city seemed to descend into a security vacuum. She says the police disappeared from this neighborhood. That's when she and others started forming patrols to include people with licensed weapons.
"I'm the one that's checking everyone," she says. "If you're up here with a gun and you're not supposed to be here and you don't have a license to carry, then I don't allow you to even go to the rooftop. Only people with guns are on the rooftop."
But is this a path to vigilante justice?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"It's not something that I would want, but we've seen how, for at least the first couple days, we were left alone," she says. "There were no cops that would come around. So what are we to do? Just stand there and do nothing?"
Her group — Security Latinos De La Lake — is one of many neighborhood watch groups sprouting up across the Twin Cities and in other parts of the country as dozens of mostly peaceful protests continue every day, sometimes in the face of violence from law enforcement: tear gas, rubber bullets and pepper spray. The Twin Cities have largely calmed, but Baires says she wasn't even able to get through to 911 until Monday.
When asked about the lack of police presence, a spokesman for the Minneapolis Police Department said in an email that the department is facing an "unprecedented situation." He added that citizens who need help should call 911. The department is also aware of these neighborhood groups. In fact, the police chief and officers have met with some, and the department is not concerned as long as they're following the law.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Baires' restaurant is right next to Hector Hernandez's taqueria. The boarded-up windows outside are spray-painted with George Floyd's final words as he begged for his life from police. "Mama." "I Can't Breathe."
This community stands in solidarity with the demonstrations. It is spray-painted on the walls. Tagged on the plank wood boards that cover the broken glass of the storefronts. But many here say they don't understand the destruction, and they don't believe demonstrators protesting police brutality and systemic racism are behind much of the damage on this block. These are businesses and landmarks largely built by black and brown communities.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Just before curfew, the local supermarket manager Mauro Madrigal briefs a group of residents and business owners in the parking lot behind the store. He focuses on safety practices: Move dumpsters that could be set on fire away from buildings, have sand and dirt ready to smother flames, and only share threats you see, not rumors you hear. He passes out a flyer in Spanish and English to the multiracial group.
"Our neighborhood is under threat from white supremacists coming into Minneapolis," it says.
He and others say they came to that conclusion because they've seen trucks and cars without plates or with out-of-state license plates: Iowa, Wisconsin. They've seen men with backpacks coming into the neighborhood. And then there are the online videos circulating: one of a white man in a gas mask, in black, with an umbrella methodically smashing out the windows of an AutoZone. An African American man walks up to stop him, others ask who he is, and he walks away.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
All of this has fueled speculation and rumor among protesters on the streets all the way up to state and local officials. Right now, in the chaos of an uprising, the who and why are just not clear. It could be impassioned protesters moved to burn buildings, desperate to finally be heard, it could be anarchists or white supremacists, or opportunists, or all of the above.
But William Martinez is convinced that whoever is doing it wants to destroy the businesses Latinos built in the Minneapolis neighborhood of Powderhorn Park.
"It's important to tell people we're not going to shoot anybody," he says. "We don't have that idea. But we want to prevent people who are going to hurt Latino families."
Martinez says of all the businesses in this community, only two Latino shops have survived where people can buy food.
Now, any unfamiliar vehicle or person sparks suspicion. Martinez's group, coordinates with an Indigenous motorcycle group across the street surrounding the Red Lake Nation Embassy.
He wears a neon yellow T-shirt with black lettering "Security Latinos De La Lake." In part, he says, it's to make sure any law enforcement that might be suspicious of black or brown people know who they are.
"You know, we are brown. We know exactly what's going on," he starts to laugh.
As they finalize plans for the night and pass out fire extinguishers to neighbors, a group of people roll up in a truck, and a white man named Jordan — he wouldn't give his last name but described himself as working with anarchists — walks over in a bulletproof vest with a yellow walkie-talkie attached. He approaches Madrigal and Hernandez. He explains he and others will be in the empty building next door to the market to provide security for a nearby theater.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"So we should have close to 40 people," Jordan says.
"Does anybody have weapons?" Hernandez asks.
"Yeah,"
Everyone armed is licensed. They coordinate channels on the walkie-talkies and share where their people will be.
When Jordan walks away, Madrigal says he has never seen him before.
"All these people, I don't know them. I don't know where they're from. But they're here helping us, so that's all. I'm glad that they're here to help," he says.
As curfew begins, the group splits off into their homes and businesses. Inside Hernandez's taqueria, he and Baires, the owner of Abi's Cafe next door in the same building, work with others to barricade the front door.
"All right. You ready, guys?"
"Ready," the group responds.
Those licensed to carry move to the roof. The rest stay inside with BB guns to scare people off.
"I don't want to be here," Hernandez says. "We don't want to hurt anybody. But if we're in danger, we're probably going to use [our weapons] that's for sure. It's going to be self-defense. We're not going to shoot anybody. But if they start shooting, then it's different."
On the road out of this neighborhood, other groups have blocked off their streets, put warning signs up that people are watching and that trespassing would have consequences.


npr--2020-06-03--Frank Rizzo Statue Is Removed In Philadelphia: 'It Is Finally Gone,' Mayor Says

Frank Rizzo Statue Is Removed In Philadelphia : 'It Is Finally Gone , ' Mayor Says Workers removed a statue of Philadelphia 's controversial former Mayor Frank Rizzo from its place of honor across from City Hall early Wednesday morning , finishing a job that protesters attempted to accomplish during recent demonstrations against police brutality .
In the 1970s , Rizzo famously told Philadelphia voters to `` vote white . ''
But on Wednesday , the City of Brotherly Love took down a memorial to a man who exploited its divisions .
For many Philadelphians , the larger-than-life statue of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was an overt symbol of white police officers ' brutal treatment of black people and other minorities .
`` The Frank Rizzo statue represented bigotry , hatred , and oppression for too many people , for too long .
It is finally gone , '' Mayor Jim Kenney said Wednesday as he posted a photo of the empty spot where the large statue once stood .
Because of Rizzo 's legacy of brash intolerance , the statue has been a focal point in Philadelphia 's protests over the deaths of black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Minneapolis ; Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Ky. ; and Ahmaud Arbery near Brunswick , Ga .
Protesters attacked the statue over the weekend , defacing it with paint , setting it on fire and using ropes to try to bring it down .
The latest demonstrations prompted the city to accelerate its plans to remove the statue , which were discussed as early as 2017 .
`` As National Guard troops deployed in the wake of recent protests watched , a crane lifted the 10-foot-tall bronze statue and workers shook it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Building , across from City Hall .
It was loaded onto the back of a truck . ''
Rizzo died in 1991 .
But he has loomed large in Philadelphia because of his use of violence during and after the civil rights era .
He set the tone immediately after becoming police commissioner in 1967 as officers set upon thousands of high school students who were demonstrating at the Board of Education .
Some witnesses quoted Rizzo saying , `` Get their black asses ! ''
As NPR 's Gene Demby , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Rizzo 's tenure as commissioner propelled him to the mayor 's office – where he promised to be tougher than Attila the Hun .
During Rizzo 's time as Philadelphia 's mayor from 1972 to 1980 , the U.S. Justice Department filed a lawsuit against the city 's police department , saying officers ' use of excessive force `` shocks the conscience . ''

Frank Rizzo Statue Is Removed In Philadelphia: 'It Is Finally Gone,' Mayor Says
Enlarge this image toggle caption Matt Rourke/AP Matt Rourke/AP
Workers removed a statue of Philadelphia's controversial former Mayor Frank Rizzo from its place of honor across from City Hall early Wednesday morning, finishing a job that protesters attempted to accomplish during recent demonstrations against police brutality.
In the 1970s, Rizzo famously told Philadelphia voters to "vote white." But on Wednesday, the City of Brotherly Love took down a memorial to a man who exploited its divisions.
For many Philadelphians, the larger-than-life statue of Rizzo, who also was police commissioner, was an overt symbol of white police officers' brutal treatment of black people and other minorities.
"The Frank Rizzo statue represented bigotry, hatred, and oppression for too many people, for too long. It is finally gone," Mayor Jim Kenney said Wednesday as he posted a photo of the empty spot where the large statue once stood.
Because of Rizzo's legacy of brash intolerance, the statue has been a focal point in Philadelphia's protests over the deaths of black people — most recently, of George Floyd in Minneapolis; Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky.; and Ahmaud Arbery near Brunswick, Ga. Protesters attacked the statue over the weekend, defacing it with paint, setting it on fire and using ropes to try to bring it down.
The latest demonstrations prompted the city to accelerate its plans to remove the statue, which were discussed as early as 2017.
NPR member station WHYY described the scene Wednesday morning:
"As National Guard troops deployed in the wake of recent protests watched, a crane lifted the 10-foot-tall bronze statue and workers shook it from its stand outside the Municipal Services Building, across from City Hall. It was loaded onto the back of a truck."
Rizzo died in 1991. But he has loomed large in Philadelphia because of his use of violence during and after the civil rights era. He set the tone immediately after becoming police commissioner in 1967 as officers set upon thousands of high school students who were demonstrating at the Board of Education. Some witnesses quoted Rizzo saying, "Get their black asses!"
As NPR's Gene Demby, a Philadelphia native, has written of Rizzo:
"For a lot of black Philadelphians of a certain vintage like my mother, the swaggering, profanity-spewing Rizzo, the city's former police commissioner, was the face and soul of Philadelphia's brutal, aggressive police force. My mom recounted to me the time he arrested a group of Black Panthers, strip-searched them in public, and invited the press to cover the whole ordeal; photos of the naked, humiliated men were splashed across the pages of the local papers the next day."
Rizzo's tenure as commissioner propelled him to the mayor's office – where he promised to be tougher than Attila the Hun.
During Rizzo's time as Philadelphia's mayor from 1972 to 1980, the U.S. Justice Department filed a lawsuit against the city's police department, saying officers' use of excessive force "shocks the conscience."


npr--2020-06-03--Sweden's Coronavirus Response Chief Acknowledges 'Potential For Improvement'

Nearly every country in the world has confirmed cases of the coronavirus within its borders — but few have received the kind of global scrutiny that Sweden has .
That 's because its uniquely relaxed response to the virus , with no strict lockdown , proved such a departure from not only its Nordic neighbors but also much of the rest of the world .
Now the man credited as the architect behind that policy , Anders Tegnell , is acknowledging that he sees `` potential for improvement in what we have done in Sweden . ''
`` If we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , knowing exactly what we know about it today , I think we would end up doing something in between what Sweden did and what the rest of the world has done , '' he told Swedish radio Wednesday in remarks translated by Reuters .
Unlike many others , including countries from the United Kingdom to South Korea , Sweden did not effectively shutter its economy .
Instead of quarantine and shelter-in-place orders , the country issued comparatively light suggestions — banning gatherings over 50 people and otherwise asking them to maintain social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials have said their approach could lead to `` herd immunity '' more quickly than other countries .
Herd immunity means that enough people in a population have become immune to the virus — either through vaccine or previous infection — that the risk of new infections lowers across the board .
In other words , the idea was , if Sweden kept its bars and restaurants open , more people among the less vulnerable would develop immunity and ultimately slow the spread .
So far , though , Sweden has not yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's hoping .
The country vastly outpaces its nearest neighbors in the confirmed cases and death toll linked to COVID-19 .
And it has not reached herd immunity — a threshold often pegged to around 60 % of the population immune — as officials had hoped it would last month .
Already in the spotlight for its distinct approach , the country has attracted significant second-guessing as well , particularly in light of the less than ideal outcome so far .
When asked if too many people had died in Sweden of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yes , absolutely . ''
Still , in comments later to a different Swedish outlet , the news daily Dagens Nyheter , he clarified that he thought Sweden 's overall approach was sound , especially with what officials knew at the time .
`` There are things we could have done better , '' he said , `` but in essence I think Sweden has chosen the right path . ''

Sweden's Coronavirus Response Chief Acknowledges 'Potential For Improvement'
Enlarge this image toggle caption Anders Wiklund/TT News Agency/AFP via Getty Images Anders Wiklund/TT News Agency/AFP via Getty Images
Nearly every country in the world has confirmed cases of the coronavirus within its borders — but few have received the kind of global scrutiny that Sweden has.
That's because its uniquely relaxed response to the virus, with no strict lockdown, proved such a departure from not only its Nordic neighbors but also much of the rest of the world.
Now the man credited as the architect behind that policy, Anders Tegnell, is acknowledging that he sees "potential for improvement in what we have done in Sweden."
"If we were to run into the same disease, knowing exactly what we know about it today, I think we would end up doing something in between what Sweden did and what the rest of the world has done," he told Swedish radio Wednesday in remarks translated by Reuters.
Unlike many others, including countries from the United Kingdom to South Korea, Sweden did not effectively shutter its economy. Instead of quarantine and shelter-in-place orders, the country issued comparatively light suggestions — banning gatherings over 50 people and otherwise asking them to maintain social distancing as best they can.
Swedish officials have said their approach could lead to "herd immunity" more quickly than other countries. Herd immunity means that enough people in a population have become immune to the virus — either through vaccine or previous infection — that the risk of new infections lowers across the board.
In other words, the idea was, if Sweden kept its bars and restaurants open, more people among the less vulnerable would develop immunity and ultimately slow the spread.
So far, though, Sweden has not yet seen the health results for which it's hoping.
The country vastly outpaces its nearest neighbors in the confirmed cases and death toll linked to COVID-19. And it has not reached herd immunity — a threshold often pegged to around 60% of the population immune — as officials had hoped it would last month.
Already in the spotlight for its distinct approach, the country has attracted significant second-guessing as well, particularly in light of the less than ideal outcome so far. When asked if too many people had died in Sweden of the disease, Tegnell answered simply: "Yes, absolutely."
Still, in comments later to a different Swedish outlet, the news daily Dagens Nyheter, he clarified that he thought Sweden's overall approach was sound, especially with what officials knew at the time.
"There are things we could have done better," he said, "but in essence I think Sweden has chosen the right path."


npr--2020-06-04--Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

Coronavirus World Map : Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak Since the new coronavirus was first reported in Wuhan , China , in December , the infectious respiratory disease COVID-19 has spread rapidly within China and to neighboring countries and beyond .
The first confirmed coronavirus cases outside China occurred on Jan. 20 , in Japan , Thailand and South Korea .
On Jan. 21 , the first case in the U.S. was identified in Washington state .
On Jan. 24 , the first two European cases were confirmed in France .
By Feb. 1 , eight European nations had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month later that count had risen to 24 countries with at least 2,200 cases , most of them in Italy .
On March 11 , Italy eclipsed 10,000 cases and the World Health Organization declared the outbreak a pandemic — the first since H1N1 in 2009 .
That 's also when China , the original epicenter , began seeing drops in daily counts of new cases .
March also saw exponential spread of the virus throughout the U.S. , with all 50 states reporting cases by March 17 .
This particular virus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the third strain of coronavirus known to frequently cause severe symptoms in humans .
The other two strains cause Middle East respiratory syndrome and severe acute respiratory syndrome .
Click here to see the state-by-state breakdown of cases in the United States .
This story was originally published on March 30 , 2020 .

Coronavirus world map: We've now passed the 600 million mark for infections
Editor's note: This page is no longer being updated. The last update was Sept. 5, 2022. For current data about COVID-19 cases and deaths around the world, Johns Hopkins University and Our World in Data are useful resources.
In late January 2020 only a few dozen COVID-19 infections had been identified outside of China. A year later, the world tallied its first 100 million cases. It took the globe just 7 more months to pass the 200 million mark— then another 5 months to hit 300 million, according to researchers at Johns Hopkins University. Now the virus has spread to every corner of the globe and has been blamed for more than 6 million deaths.
The United States, India and Brazil in that order have had the most COVID cases and the three nations collectively account for almost half of all recorded infections so far in the pandemic.
Explore the chart below to find a country-by-country breakdown of new and total cases since January 2020.
Loading...
Loading...
Explore how the number of coronavirus cases have shifted in different parts of the world over time. The first chart compares each continent to each other, while the next charts highlight the number of cases in select countries by region.
Loading...
Loading...
This story was originally published on March 30, 2020.


npr--2020-06-04--Tracking The Pandemic: How Quickly Is The Coronavirus Spreading State By State?

Tracking The Pandemic : How Quickly Is The Coronavirus Spreading State By State ?
Since the first coronavirus case was confirmed in the United States on Jan. 21 , more than 1 million people in the U.S. have confirmed cases of COVID-19 .
On April 12 , the U.S. became the nation with the most deaths globally , but there are early signs that the U.S. case and death counts may be leveling off , as the growth of new cases and deaths plateaus .
The pattern is n't consistent across the country , as new hot spots emerge and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your state 's case count is growing , click here .
Click here to see a global map of confirmed cases and deaths .
In response to mounting cases , state and federal authorities have emphasized a social distancing strategy , widely seen as the best available means to slow the spread of the virus .
Most states have put in place measures such as closing schools and nonessential businesses and ordering citizens to stay home as much as possible .
It 's not clear how long such measures need to be in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Wuhan , the city in China where the virus originated , a strictly enforced lockdown and widespread testing have slowed the outbreak dramatically , enough to bring an end to the 76-day lockdown .
A large portion of U.S. cases are centered on New York City .
Since March 20 , New York state , Connecticut and New Jersey have accounted for about 50 % of all U.S. cases .
As of April 9 , nearly 60 % of all deaths from COVID-19 have been in these three states .
While New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plateau , as seen below , it notched between 8,000 and 10,000 new cases each day between March 31 and April 12 .
To understand how one state 's outbreak compares with another 's , it 's helpful to look at not just the daily counts but the rate of change day over day .
In the following chart , we display cases on a logarithmic scale , meaning that every axis line is 10 times greater than the previous one .
This type of scale emphasizes the rate of change .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state 's curve trends sharply upward , as New York 's does over the first 15 days past 100 cases .
Generally , this is evidence of unbridled community transmission of the disease .
As new cases slow , the curve bends toward horizontal , showing that the state 's outbreak may be leveling off .
This does n't mean the number of cases has stopped growing , but the rate of growth has slowed , which could signify that social distancing measures are having an effect .
In some areas , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the earliest outbreaks — such as California and Washington — seem to be having success at suppressing the disease .
The outlook in Washington has improved to the point that the state has returned unused Army hospital beds it had received in preparation for a peak in cases .
Elsewhere , limited access to testing may make the number of cases look smaller than it really is .
As testing becomes more readily available , we are likely to see the number of confirmed cases continue to grow , even if not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data used here are compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources , including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ; the World Health Organization ; national , state and local government health departments ; 1point3acres ; and local media reports .
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies .
State-by-state testing and hospitalization data are still being assessed for reliability .
State-by-state recovery data are unavailable at this time .
There may be discrepancies between what you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your local health department 's website .
Stephanie Adeline , Alyson Hurt , Connie Hanzhang Jin , Ruth Talbot and Thomas Wilburn contributed to this story .

Tracking the coronavirus around the U.S.: See how your state is doing
Loading...
Note: This page was last updated on Feb. 1, 2023. It will no longer be updated. For current data on COVID cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Feb. 1, there have been more than 101 million confirmed coronavirus infections in the U.S. and more than 1 million people have died of COVID-19. In the graphics below, explore the trends in your state.
Loading...
The above charts show average new cases per 100,000 people for each state over the last 12 months.
Note: Actual cases may be substantially higher, since many who test positive with at-home tests don't report their cases.
For additional data about COVID-19 in the U.S, including cases and deaths, demographics, and hospitalizations, consult the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website.
To show trends, the table below shows the change in average new cases per day in each state, week over week for the last 28 days. States marked in shades of red have growing outbreaks; those in shades of green, are declining.
Loading...
Methodology
The graphics on this page pull from data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University from several sources, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; the World Health Organization; national, state and local government health departments; 1point3acres; and local media reports.
The JHU team automates its data uploads and regularly checks them for anomalies. This may result in occasional data discrepancies on this page as the JHU team resolves anomalies and updates its feeds. There may be discrepancies between what you see here and what you see on your local health department's website. Figures shown do not include cases on cruise ships.
Fluctuations in the numbers may happen as health authorities review old cases, process testing backlogs or update their methodologies. The JHU team maintains a list of such changes.
This story was originally published on March 16, 2020. Elena Renken was a co-author on that version. Sean McMinn and Audrey Carlsen contributed to this story. Carmel Wroth edited this story.


npr--2020-06-04--For One Immigrant Community, George Floyd's Death Isn't Just About Black And White

For One Immigrant Community , George Floyd 's Death Is n't Just About Black And White There 's something about the video of the George Floyd killing that makes it very specific to the Twin Cities .
The video shows a white police killings seen nationwide — but there 's a third identifiable person : an Asian American officer seen running interference with the crowd and standing watch .
He 's now-former Minneapolis police officer Tou Thao , a Hmong American — which is how you know this is n't `` any '' city .
It 's Minneapolis .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tensions between the Asian American and black neighborhoods in the Twin Cities area but has also divided his own tightknit immigrant community — which also happens to be the largest urban Hmong enclave in the world .
`` If I think about it too much , I might start crying , '' says Gaosong Heu .
She and her husband , Marc , run Marc Heu Patisserie Paris in Frogtown , the St. Paul neighborhood that is the heart of the area 's Hmong population — and where she grew up .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hmong until I saw his name , '' she says .
`` Tou Thao is a very Hmong name . ''
In America , there are only 18 clans of Hmong , an ethnic group from Laos , Vietnam and parts of China that sided with the United States during the Vietnam War .
In the early 1960s , the CIA recruited Hmong to help keep the communist North Vietnamese out of neighboring Laos .
In return , the U.S. promised to take care of them and their families .
When Laos fell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out in 1975 , thousands of Hmong fled as refugees to neighboring Thailand and then resettled in the United States .
Many , like Gaosong Heu 's parents , came to the Twin Cities to start a new life .
According to the 2010 census data , some 64,000 Hmong live in Minneapolis-St. Paul .
Thao , who was fired by the Minneapolis Police Department last month , is from that same community .
Multiple news outlets report that Thao completed his police academy training in 2009 and had previously been sued by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the Star Tribune .
Derek Chauvin , the Minneapolis police officer who pressed his knee into George Floyd 's neck for more than eight minutes , has been arrested and charged with second-degree murder .
The Minnesota attorney general 's office announced Wednesday that it was charging Thao with aiding and abetting and was taking him into custody .
`` I am ashamed , embarrassed about Tou Thao 's complicit behavior in this murder , '' Heu says .
`` But more than that , the reaction of my community and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case . ''
The debate over Thao 's real or perceived complicity as another man of color is killed has arrived in a community that has always had underlying tensions with its black neighbors .
This goes back to the 1970s , when the Hmong arrived as refugees and were `` plopped into the most affordable parts of town , '' says Bo Thao-Urabe , a Hmong refugee and head of the Coalition of Asian American Leaders in St. Paul .
She has no known relation to former officer Thao .
`` So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brown people , '' she says .
But even though Asian Americans were able to help grow neighborhoods like Frogtown into vibrant communities of color , there has always been tension .
Hmong Americans rank lowest among Southeast Asian American ethnic groups `` across multiple measures of income , '' with 60 % of them low income and more than 1 of 4 living in poverty , according to a recent study from the group Asian Americans Advancing Justice .
`` The little resources that come to the community is what you 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` And so when you have communities who have all kinds of needs , there 's tension between communities who feel like they 're not getting enough — and it 's true , they are not getting what they need . ''
Since Floyd 's death , Thao-Urabe says , people in the Hmong community have been afraid they 'll become targets — either online or in real life .
Shops all along University Avenue , Frogtown 's main thoroughfare , are boarded up .
This fear has coupled with the already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which has produced an upsurge in violence against Asian Americans .
Thao-Urabe explains that those Hmong who defend ex-officer Thao argue that he should n't be viewed like a `` white cop '' — that is , assumed to be racist and privileged .
She says these people say they face racism that goes unseen , despite the model minority myth perpetuated about Asian American immigrants .
`` I think that in America , when we lump Asian Americans together , there is an assumed universal success , '' she says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you are Asian American , you must be educated .
You must make a lot of money — and that is not the experience of this community . ''
In other words , some believe that when it comes to Thao , reserve judgment .
Both Thao-Urabe and Heu say the divide is bringing up the issue of anti-blackness in the Hmong community .
`` And that 's something we have to deal with , '' says Thao-Urabe , noting that there have been reports of Hmong leaders and activists `` viciously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the black community and the Black Lives Matter movement .
Some in the Hmong community argue `` you ca n't be both pro-Hmong and pro-black , '' she says .
For the Twin Cities ' Hmong community , the debate over anti-blackness is mostly being talked about behind closed doors .
But much of the rest of Asian America seems to be experiencing a more public reckoning , with discussions erupting online over not just anti-blackness sentiment but also communities of color and solidarity .
While many Asian American activist groups , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd 's death , come out in support of the Black Lives Matter movement and even take to the streets — including the mother of Fong Lee , a young Hmong man shot and killed by Minneapolis police in 2006 — many Asian Americans do n't agree .
`` I think when Asian Americans are faced with the stark — no pun intended — the black-and-white moral starkness of the video , it 's very hard , '' poet and activist Ed Bok Lee tells NPR .
Lee , who has lived in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says the conversation happening right now among Asian Americans harks back to the discussions that took place during the Rodney King riots in the early 1990s .
The unrest sparked tensions between the black and Asian American communities when Korean American businesses sustained half of the damage .
`` If you are Asian American and you are anti-black , it 's probably because you see black people through a white hegemonic lens of racism , colonial-style racism , '' he says .
For Asian Americans to grapple with this moment , Lee says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of personal and historical trauma of racism and colonialism .
It 's `` a moment of reflection '' for Asian Americans , he says .

For One Immigrant Community, George Floyd's Death Isn't Just About Black And White
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
There's something about the video of the George Floyd killing that makes it very specific to the Twin Cities.
The video shows a white police officer and a black male victim — a familiar dynamic in similar videos and killings seen nationwide — but there's a third identifiable person: an Asian American officer seen running interference with the crowd and standing watch. He's now-former Minneapolis police officer Tou Thao, a Hmong American — which is how you know this isn't "any" city. It's Minneapolis.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
And his presence not only has heightened slow-burning tensions between the Asian American and black neighborhoods in the Twin Cities area but has also divided his own tightknit immigrant community — which also happens to be the largest urban Hmong enclave in the world.
"If I think about it too much, I might start crying," says Gaosong Heu. She and her husband, Marc, run Marc Heu Patisserie Paris in Frogtown, the St. Paul neighborhood that is the heart of the area's Hmong population — and where she grew up.
"I didn't know that he was Hmong until I saw his name," she says. "Tou Thao is a very Hmong name."
In America, there are only 18 clans of Hmong, an ethnic group from Laos, Vietnam and parts of China that sided with the United States during the Vietnam War. In the early 1960s, the CIA recruited Hmong to help keep the communist North Vietnamese out of neighboring Laos. In return, the U.S. promised to take care of them and their families. When Laos fell to the communists and U.S. troops pulled out in 1975, thousands of Hmong fled as refugees to neighboring Thailand and then resettled in the United States.
Many, like Gaosong Heu's parents, came to the Twin Cities to start a new life. According to 2010 census data, some 64,000 Hmong live in Minneapolis-St. Paul.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Thao, who was fired by the Minneapolis Police Department last month, is from that same community. Multiple news outlets report that Thao completed his police academy training in 2009 and had previously been sued by a black man for excessive force, according to the Star Tribune.
Derek Chauvin, the Minneapolis police officer who pressed his knee into George Floyd's neck for more than eight minutes, has been arrested and charged with second-degree murder. The Minnesota attorney general's office announced Wednesday that it was charging Thao with aiding and abetting and was taking him into custody.
"I am ashamed, embarrassed about Tou Thao's complicit behavior in this murder," Heu says. "But more than that, the reaction of my community and almost a defense of him in this case."
The debate over Thao's real or perceived complicity as another man of color is killed has arrived in a community that has always had underlying tensions with its black neighbors. This goes back to the 1970s, when the Hmong arrived as refugees and were "plopped into the most affordable parts of town," says Bo Thao-Urabe, a Hmong refugee and head of the Coalition of Asian American Leaders in St. Paul. She has no known relation to former officer Thao.
"So we live in proximity to black and brown people," she says. But even though Asian Americans were able to help grow neighborhoods like Frogtown into vibrant communities of color, there has always been tension. Hmong Americans rank lowest among Southeast Asian American ethnic groups "across multiple measures of income," with 60% of them low income and more than 1 of 4 living in poverty, according to a recent study from the group Asian Americans Advancing Justice.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"The little resources that come to the community is what you're told is available," Thao-Urabe says. "And so when you have communities who have all kinds of needs, there's tension between communities who feel like they're not getting enough — and it's true, they are not getting what they need."
Since Floyd's death, Thao-Urabe says, people in the Hmong community have been afraid they'll become targets — either online or in real life. Shops all along University Avenue, Frogtown's main thoroughfare, are boarded up. This fear has coupled with the already lingering anxiety caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has produced an upsurge in violence against Asian Americans.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Thao-Urabe explains that those Hmong who defend ex-officer Thao argue that he shouldn't be viewed like a "white cop" — that is, assumed to be racist and privileged. She says these people say they face racism that goes unseen, despite the model minority myth perpetuated about Asian American immigrants.
"I think that in America, when we lump Asian Americans together, there is an assumed universal success," she says. "People have this preconceived notion that if you are Asian American, you must be educated. You must make a lot of money — and that is not the experience of this community."
In other words, some believe that when it comes to Thao, reserve judgment.
Both Thao-Urabe and Heu say the divide is bringing up the issue of anti-blackness in the Hmong community.
"And that's something we have to deal with," says Thao-Urabe, noting that there have been reports of Hmong leaders and activists "viciously" attacked online for their support for the black community and the Black Lives Matter movement. Some in the Hmong community argue "you can't be both pro-Hmong and pro-black," she says.
For the Twin Cities' Hmong community, the debate over anti-blackness is mostly being talked about behind closed doors. But much of the rest of Asian America seems to be experiencing a more public reckoning, with discussions erupting online over not just anti-blackness sentiment but also communities of color and solidarity.
While many Asian American activist groups, including Thao-Urabe's, were quick to condemn Floyd's death, come out in support of the Black Lives Matter movement and even take to the streets — including the mother of Fong Lee, a young Hmong man shot and killed by Minneapolis police in 2006 — many Asian Americans don't agree.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"I think when Asian Americans are faced with the stark — no pun intended — the black-and-white moral starkness of the video, it's very hard," poet and activist Ed Bok Lee tells NPR.
Lee, who has lived in the Twin Cities area for decades, says the conversation happening right now among Asian Americans harks back to the discussions that took place during the Rodney King riots in the early 1990s. The unrest sparked tensions between the black and Asian American communities when Korean American businesses sustained half of the damage.
"If you are Asian American and you are anti-black, it's probably because you see black people through a white hegemonic lens of racism, colonial-style racism," he says. For Asian Americans to grapple with this moment, Lee says, it will involve opening up a lot of personal and historical trauma of racism and colonialism.
It's "a moment of reflection" for Asian Americans, he says.


npr--2020-06-04--'I Didn't Deserve It': Pandemic Shut Down His Barbershop, Then A Fire Destroyed It

' I Did n't Deserve It ' : Pandemic Shut Down His Barbershop , Then A Fire Destroyed It Trevon Ellis spent years building up his north Minneapolis barbershop , the Fade Factory , luring customers with smart haircuts , snacks and friendly conversation .
It took just one terrible night to destroy it all .
`` Inside is totally burned down , '' Ellis says .
`` Everything was burned to a crisp . ''
The recent wave of protests against police brutality has left a trail of chaos and destruction in many city neighborhoods , with countless businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some African American businesses , which were already hard hit by the coronavirus lockdowns and are decidedly more vulnerable to the economic downturn .
The number of black-owned businesses has grown sharply over the years , according to the U.S. Census Bureau , but most are tiny operations financed not through bank credit but personal funds and loans from friends and family .
They `` are not mom and pops .
They 're mom or pops , '' says Ron Busby , president and CEO of U.S. Black Chambers Inc. Ellis , 42 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than a decade ago and began renting space in a barber shop in a rough part of Minneapolis .
He printed out business cards with his name on them and passed them out everywhere he went .
`` If you 're motivated and self-driven , which is what it takes to be a barber , the financial part of it is limitless , '' Ellis says .
A self-described `` people person , '' Ellis loves chatting with customers , hearing their confidences and , in the process , leaving them looking better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If they can look at theirself in the mirror or get compliments from people that see them with a nice haircut , it actually makes people more positive , more lighthearted , '' Ellis says .
When the lockdowns began in March , Ellis was forced to shut his shop down .
While some of his regular customers begged him to cut their hair on the sly , he says he worried about contagion .
The weeks since then have been rough financially and boring as well .
`` I slept a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much .
You only can surf the Internet so much .
There 's only so much social media you want to feed in your brain because you ca n't believe everything you see or hear on there , '' Ellis says .
He had been hoping the restrictions would be lifted soon and he could reopen the Fade Factory .
Then , sometime late Saturday , someone broke into the shop , poured some kind of dark liquid on the floor and lit the place on fire .
Firefighters in Minneapolis were so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them hours to show up , and by then the Fade Factory was no more .
After Ellis ' plight made the local news , a stranger set up a GoFundMe page , which had raised more than $ 53,000 as of Wednesday afternoon .
Ellis says he will use the money to rebuild his shop in the same neighborhood .
He says he knows why people protested and does n't blame anyone in particular .
What he does n't understand is why his shop was targeted .
`` Whoever torched that barbershop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community did n't deserve it and definitely that building owner did n't deserve it , '' Ellis says .

'I Didn't Deserve It': Pandemic Shut Down His Barbershop, Then A Fire Destroyed It
Enlarge this image toggle caption Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR
Trevon Ellis spent years building up his north Minneapolis barbershop, the Fade Factory, luring customers with smart haircuts, snacks and friendly conversation.
It took just one terrible night to destroy it all.
"Inside is totally burned down," Ellis says. "Everything was burned to a crisp."
The recent wave of protests against police brutality has left a trail of chaos and destruction in many city neighborhoods, with countless businesses looted and damaged.
Among them are some African American businesses, which were already hard hit by the coronavirus lockdowns and are decidedly more vulnerable to the economic downturn.
The number of black-owned businesses has grown sharply over the years, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, but most are tiny operations financed not through bank credit but personal funds and loans from friends and family.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR
They "are not mom and pops. They're mom or pops," says Ron Busby, president and CEO of U.S. Black Chambers Inc.
Ellis, 42, was trained as a barber more than a decade ago and began renting space in a barber shop in a rough part of Minneapolis. He printed out business cards with his name on them and passed them out everywhere he went.
"If you're motivated and self-driven, which is what it takes to be a barber, the financial part of it is limitless," Ellis says.
A self-described "people person," Ellis loves chatting with customers, hearing their confidences and, in the process, leaving them looking better than when they came in.
"If they can look at theirself in the mirror or get compliments from people that see them with a nice haircut, it actually makes people more positive, more lighthearted," Ellis says.
When the lockdowns began in March, Ellis was forced to shut his shop down. While some of his regular customers begged him to cut their hair on the sly, he says he worried about contagion.
The weeks since then have been rough financially and boring as well.
"I slept a lot, but you only can sleep so much. You only can surf the Internet so much. There's only so much social media you want to feed in your brain because you can't believe everything you see or hear on there," Ellis says.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR Laylah Amatullah Barrayn for NPR
He had been hoping the restrictions would be lifted soon and he could reopen the Fade Factory. Then, sometime late Saturday, someone broke into the shop, poured some kind of dark liquid on the floor and lit the place on fire.
Firefighters in Minneapolis were so overwhelmed by emergency calls that it took them hours to show up, and by then the Fade Factory was no more.
After Ellis' plight made the local news, a stranger set up a GoFundMe page, which had raised more than $53,000 as of Wednesday afternoon. Ellis says he will use the money to rebuild his shop in the same neighborhood.
He says he knows why people protested and doesn't blame anyone in particular. What he doesn't understand is why his shop was targeted.
"Whoever torched that barbershop, I didn't deserve it, the community didn't deserve it and definitely that building owner didn't deserve it," Ellis says.


npr--2020-06-04--Lessons From 2015 Uprising Inform Non-Violent Protests In Baltimore

Thousands of people in Baltimore have joined multiple marches over the past week , mourning the violent death of George Floyd in Minneapolis and calling for less funding for the Baltimore Police Department and more money for education , health and local groups in predominantly African American neighborhoods in the city .
The Baltimore Police Department is one of a handful of major city police departments that is currently operating under a federal consent decree after the Department of Justice found that the department has used violent and discriminatory tactics in poor and predominantly black neighborhoods for years .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' says Tre Murphy , the director of strategy and programs at the Baltimore-based group OrganizingBlack , which supports local activists .
Baltimore 's protests have unfolded peacefully this week , unlike demonstrations that rocked the city in 2015 after 25-year-old Freddie Gray died in police custody of a spinal cord injury .
That year , some protesters destroyed property , and Baltimore police reacted with tear gas , rubber bullets and widespread arrests .
Now , local activists who took part in the protests five years ago are supporting the young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrations , and helping them avoid unplanned violence .
`` You have thousands of people that came out and protested peacefully in a city like Baltimore , where we have so many grievances against the federal government , against the local government , against our policy makers and , most importantly , our police department , '' says Aaron Maybin , a Baltimore artist and educator who is supporting the young activists leading this year 's demonstrations .
`` It 's a testament to the strength of our community that decided that we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 2015 . ''
Kwame Rose , one of the many activists who were arrested in the wake of the 2015 protests , says he is trying to help this year 's protest leaders be strategic about how they express their rage .
`` My role at these protests that have been happening in Baltimore is to say , 'Yo , express your rage , ' `` he explains , but at the same time he says he is trying to prevent people from acting violently at protests that are meant to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ myself as a community leader , and I know people follow me , I 'm going to make sure that they do n't do anything to put themselves or the people at the protest in jeopardy or in harm 's way , '' Rose says .
That means putting his body on the front lines again .
On Monday night , armed with a face mask and a megaphone , Rose , Maybin and a handful of other local leaders and activists joined a large , peaceful demonstration organized by local black teenagers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major highway in the city and proceeded to Baltimore City Hall , where it ended around 6:30 p.m .
But as the evening continued , a group of demonstrators lingered .
At least one person set off fireworks near police .
`` We were kicking people out , '' who were acting violently , Rose says .
At one point , a group of demonstrators walked someone who they thought had set off a firework over to a line of police , effectively turning him in to the authorities .
In the wee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warned protesters to disperse , and Rose got on the megaphone and asked demonstrators to leave .
`` Go home , '' he yelled .
`` We proved our points .
We did what we came here to do tonight .
Do not turn this into something it does not have to be . ''
`` I 've been where you 're at , five years ago , '' he says , referring to the 2015 protests .
`` I 'm telling you , tomorrow we come back .
We show again .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ with protesting police brutality offers strategic lessons for those in other cities .
People acting as peacekeepers , such as Rose , can help protect those who organize protests from being blamed for violence or property damage that occurs after the protest is officially over .
Murphy also says Baltimore 's experience offers lessons for the news media and for those watching protests unfold from afar .
`` The narrative can not be and should not be about 'How do we keep it peaceful ? '
Versus , you know , violence or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` The narrative in this moment has to be , 'How do we fix these issues so that people are n't angry ? '
``

How Have Baltimore Protests Stayed Peaceful? Activists Take Lessons From 2015
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brian Krista/Baltimore Sun/Tribune News Service via Getty Images Brian Krista/Baltimore Sun/Tribune News Service via Getty Images
Thousands of people in Baltimore have joined multiple marches over the past week, mourning the violent death of George Floyd in Minneapolis and calling for less funding for the Baltimore Police Department and more money for education, health and local groups in predominantly African American neighborhoods in the city.
The Baltimore Police Department is one of a handful of major city police departments that is currently operating under a federal consent decree after the Department of Justice found that the department has used violent and discriminatory tactics in poor and predominantly black neighborhoods for years.
"Police don't keep black communities safe," says Tre Murphy, the director of strategy and programs at the Baltimore-based group OrganizingBlack, which supports local activists.
Baltimore's protests have unfolded peacefully this week, unlike demonstrations that rocked the city in 2015 after 25-year-old Freddie Gray died in police custody of a spinal cord injury. That year, some protesters destroyed property, and Baltimore police reacted with tear gas, rubber bullets and widespread arrests.
Now, local activists who took part in the protests five years ago are supporting the young people who are organizing this year's demonstrations, and helping them avoid unplanned violence.
"You have thousands of people that came out and protested peacefully in a city like Baltimore, where we have so many grievances against the federal government, against the local government, against our policy makers and, most importantly, our police department," says Aaron Maybin, a Baltimore artist and educator who is supporting the young activists leading this year's demonstrations. "It's a testament to the strength of our community that decided that we weren't going to have a repeat of 2015."
Kwame Rose, one of the many activists who were arrested in the wake of the 2015 protests, says he is trying to help this year's protest leaders be strategic about how they express their rage.
"My role at these protests that have been happening in Baltimore is to say, 'Yo, express your rage,' " he explains, but at the same time he says he is trying to prevent people from acting violently at protests that are meant to be non-violent.
"As somebody who sees myself as a community leader, and I know people follow me, I'm going to make sure that they don't do anything to put themselves or the people at the protest in jeopardy or in harm's way," Rose says.
That means putting his body on the front lines again. On Monday night, armed with a face mask and a megaphone, Rose, Maybin and a handful of other local leaders and activists joined a large, peaceful demonstration organized by local black teenagers.
The march closed part of a major highway in the city and proceeded to Baltimore City Hall, where it ended around 6:30 p.m. But as the evening continued, a group of demonstrators lingered. At least one person set off fireworks near police.
"We were kicking people out," who were acting violently, Rose says. At one point, a group of demonstrators walked someone who they thought had set off a firework over to a line of police, effectively turning him in to the authorities.
In the wee hours of the morning, the police warned protesters to disperse, and Rose got on the megaphone and asked demonstrators to leave. "Go home," he yelled. "We proved our points. We did what we came here to do tonight. Do not turn this into something it does not have to be."
"I've been where you're at, five years ago," he says, referring to the 2015 protests. "I'm telling you, tomorrow we come back. We show again."
Murphy says Baltimore's past experience with protesting police brutality offers strategic lessons for those in other cities. People acting as peacekeepers, such as Rose, can help protect those who organize protests from being blamed for violence or property damage that occurs after the protest is officially over.
Murphy also says Baltimore's experience offers lessons for the news media and for those watching protests unfold from afar.
"The narrative cannot be and should not be about 'How do we keep it peaceful?' Versus, you know, violence or property damage," he says. "The narrative in this moment has to be, 'How do we fix these issues so that people aren't angry?' "


npr--2020-06-04--NIH Director Hopes For At Least 1 Safe And Effective Vaccine By Year's End

NIH Director Hopes For At Least 1 Safe And Effective Vaccine By Year 's End As the number of confirmed coronavirus cases globally approaches 6.5 million , scientists are racing to develop a vaccine .
Currently , there are 10 vaccine candidates in development around the world that are in the beginnings of human trials .
Some will be ready for large-scale testing as soon as the beginning of July , says Dr. Francis Collins , director of the National Institutes of Health and a member of the White House coronavirus task force .
These phase 3 trials involve roughly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with half the volunteers receiving a placebo , he says .
`` That is a phenomenal thing to be able to say , considering these things usually take several years , '' and considering how recently the virus was identified , Collins tells All Things Considered .
He hopes that at least one vaccine that 's been proved safe and effective against the coronavirus will be ready in 2021 .
Here are excerpts from the interview .
Who ultimately decides which vaccines move forward ?
Is that up to your agency ?
Or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Warp Speed vaccine task force ?
These vaccines are put forward by various companies .
They are in different phases of being ready .
They have to first go through a phase 1 trial to see whether they , in fact , in a small number of volunteers , do produce a decent level of antibodies — which would tend to predict that they 're going to work against this coronavirus .
And they have to also show in a small number of volunteers that they 're safe .
And not all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that point .
The ones that do — we want to have a whole menu of vaccine opportunities because these do n't always work .
...
So it is a very good thing that we 're going to end up with several different vaccines that are going through this large-scale testing in the course of the coming months .
And my hope is they 'll all work .
...
But if some of them drop out along the way , we just want to be sure that by the end of this calendar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or maybe two or maybe three that have shown that they 're both safe and they 're effective .
And let me emphasize that word 'safe . '
This brand that we 're using , Operation Warp Speed , is supposed to convey the speed with which we 're trying to move because of this intense public health need .
But it is not a means of compromising safety .
We will not do that .
We 're just skipping over some of the steps that tend to go slowly for regulatory reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make those go faster .
We are not compromising on safety .
Has the president 's term [ warp speed ] made it difficult for you as a public health official to message exactly how this works ?
Not really .
I kind of like the idea of conveying that we 're in a hurry here — I just need to quickly explain after I say that what that means .
One of the things we 're doing is to make sure that when a vaccine looks like it 's got some promise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these large-scale trials — let 's assume it might work .
And let 's go ahead and start manufacturing lots and lots of doses [ at that point ] , with U.S. government support , so that if it does work , you do n't then have to wait for many months to have the vaccine ready to distribute .
...
This so-called `` at-risk manufacturing '' — you would n't normally do that because some of this is going to go to waste .
But when you consider what 's happening here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it seems like the right thing to do .
That 's part of the warp speed idea .
How will you make sure that once the vaccine is ready , it is equitably distributed and that anyone who needs one can get one ?
The first doses ... will need to go to the people who are at highest risk .
... particularly health care providers , people in long-term care facilities .
...
But the goal would be certainly to start scaling this up as soon as you have a vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that by 2021 , maybe even in the first or second quarter , we would have 100 million doses or so , so it would n't have to be rationed so severely .
But first , there wo n't be enough for everybody .

NIH Director Hopes For At Least 1 Safe And Effective Vaccine By Year's End
Enlarge this image toggle caption University of Maryland School of Medicine via AP University of Maryland School of Medicine via AP
As the number of confirmed coronavirus cases globally approaches 6.5 million, scientists are racing to develop a vaccine. Currently, there are 10 vaccine candidates in development around the world that are in the beginnings of human trials.
Some will be ready for large-scale testing as soon as the beginning of July, says Dr. Francis Collins, director of the National Institutes of Health and a member of the White House coronavirus task force.
These phase 3 trials involve roughly 30,000 volunteers for each candidate vaccine, with half the volunteers receiving a placebo, he says.
"That is a phenomenal thing to be able to say, considering these things usually take several years," and considering how recently the virus was identified, Collins tells All Things Considered.
He hopes that at least one vaccine that's been proved safe and effective against the coronavirus will be ready in 2021.
Here are excerpts from the interview.
Who ultimately decides which vaccines move forward? Is that up to your agency? Or what the president has called his Operation Warp Speed vaccine task force?
These vaccines are put forward by various companies. They are in different phases of being ready. They have to first go through a phase 1 trial to see whether they, in fact, in a small number of volunteers, do produce a decent level of antibodies — which would tend to predict that they're going to work against this coronavirus. And they have to also show in a small number of volunteers that they're safe. And not all of them have even quite yet gotten to that point.
The ones that do — we want to have a whole menu of vaccine opportunities because these don't always work. ... So it is a very good thing that we're going to end up with several different vaccines that are going through this large-scale testing in the course of the coming months. And my hope is they'll all work. ... But if some of them drop out along the way, we just want to be sure that by the end of this calendar year, we have at least one or maybe two or maybe three that have shown that they're both safe and they're effective.
And let me emphasize that word 'safe.' This brand that we're using, Operation Warp Speed, is supposed to convey the speed with which we're trying to move because of this intense public health need. But it is not a means of compromising safety. We will not do that. We're just skipping over some of the steps that tend to go slowly for regulatory reasons and for business reasons and trying to make those go faster. We are not compromising on safety.
Has the president's term [warp speed] made it difficult for you as a public health official to message exactly how this works?
Not really. I kind of like the idea of conveying that we're in a hurry here — I just need to quickly explain after I say that what that means. One of the things we're doing is to make sure that when a vaccine looks like it's got some promise, it's going into one of these large-scale trials — let's assume it might work. And let's go ahead and start manufacturing lots and lots of doses [at that point], with U.S. government support, so that if it does work, you don't then have to wait for many months to have the vaccine ready to distribute. ... This so-called "at-risk manufacturing" — you wouldn't normally do that because some of this is going to go to waste. But when you consider what's happening here and the people's lives at risk, it seems like the right thing to do. That's part of the warp speed idea.
How will you make sure that once the vaccine is ready, it is equitably distributed and that anyone who needs one can get one?
The first doses ... will need to go to the people who are at highest risk. ... particularly health care providers, people in long-term care facilities. ... But the goal would be certainly to start scaling this up as soon as you have a vaccine that's safe and effective, so that by 2021, maybe even in the first or second quarter, we would have 100 million doses or so, so it wouldn't have to be rationed so severely. But at first, there won't be enough for everybody.


npr--2020-06-04--Why Is Voting By Mail (Suddenly) Controversial? Here's What You Need To Know

Why Is Voting By Mail ( Suddenly ) Controversial ?
Here 's What You Need To Know Casting a ballot by mail is n't a new way to vote , but it is getting fresh attention as the coronavirus pandemic upends daily life .
The voting method is quickly becoming the norm and quickly becoming politically charged , as some Republicans — and specifically President Trump — fight against the mail voting expansion that is happening nationwide .
Here are answers to key questions about mail ballots and the controversy around them .
• What do Americans think ?
• @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • What are the facts on fraud ?
The phrases `` mail voting '' and `` voting by mail '' actually encompass a wide range of policies , all meant to offer more flexibility to voters who either want or need to cast a ballot in a location other than a polling place .
The practice dates back to the Civil War , according to MIT 's Election Data Lab , when soldiers were given the opportunity to vote from the battlefield .
States began expanding absentee voting laws in the late 1800s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home or sick on Election Day .
Currently , all states allow at least a portion of their voting population to vote by mail .
Some states allow all registered voters to receive a mail ballot ( also known as an absentee ballot ) , and some states require an excuse or reason .
Policies vary widely state-by-state as well on what is required to have a mail ballot counted ; some states only require a voter 's signature , whereas others require witness signatures or that the ballot return envelope be notarized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Click here .
How many states are offering access to mail voting during the pandemic ?
Almost all of them .
Forty-six states now offer access to some form of mail voting to all voters , according to a recent report from the nonprofit Open Source Election Technology Institute .
Overall , that expansion has been bipartisan ; 24 of the states have Democratic governors and 22 have Republican governors .
But the limited push-back to the mail voting expansion has come almost exclusively from Republicans .
All four of the states that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led by Republican governors , according to the OSET Institute report .
Texas , for instance , is one of the four states that has n't expanded access to mail ballots in response to the pandemic , and Republicans there are engaged in a number of high-profile court battles to keep it that way .
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has said in statements that `` fear of contracting COVID-19 does not amount to a sickness or physical condition as required by state law . ''
He also said that his office would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use a mail-in ballot in a matter he said is improper .
Most other state-level Republicans have embraced mail voting expansions however , including in a number of states like Georgia and Iowa , which mailed all registered voters absentee ballot request forms ahead of their June primaries .
Overall , experts estimate as many as 70 % of all ballots cast in November 's general election could be cast by mail .
How do Americans feel about mail voting ?
Overall , even before the pandemic sent election officials scrambling to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting has been on the rise in the U.S. About a quarter of all voters voted by mail in the 2018 midterms , more than double the rate of mail-voting from 20 years ago .
Much of that increase comes from the handful of states that have transitioned to all-mail elections in recent years .
Nationwide , the attitude toward mail ballots is also decisively positive .
A recent Pew Research Center poll found that more than 70 % of Americans think any voter who wants to vote by mail should be able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans .
Republicans ' support jumps to almost 70 % in states where a sizable amount of the population already votes by mail .
This seems to indicate that as voters become familiar with how mail voting works , they become more likely to support it .
The opposition to mail voting is anchored by Republicans in states that do n't offer wide access to mail voting already .
What have President Trump , and Republicans in Congress said about mail voting ?
The president has made it clear that despite voting by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not support wide expansion of the practice .
He has tweeted a number of false claims about what states are doing , including saying it was illegal for the secretary of state of Michigan to mail all registered voters in that state ballot request forms , and misrepresenting California 's decision to mail all registered voters ballots .
Notably , Twitter decided to weigh in by adding a `` fact check '' label to his tweet about California 's decision .
Trump says voters should be required to have a reason for voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become `` substantially fraudulent . ''
He and his staff point to a number of isolated incidents of fraud , but have never provided the data needed to prove the point .
Election experts say the claim is false .
Trump has also indicated he thinks expanding mail balloting would be bad politically for the Republican Party , although research disputes this notion as well .
A recent study from Stanford University found no partisan effect of implementing universal mail voting .
Many Republicans in Congress , meanwhile , are focused on how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't want people to be able to return ballots for others .
Generally , Democrats see the practice as helpful for vulnerable populations ; one person turning in all the ballots for their nursing home or housing complex for instance .
But what Democrats call `` community ballot collection , '' Republicans deride as `` ballot harvesting , '' and say it opens up those same vulnerable populations to manipulation and vote coercion .
`` These harvesters picking up ballots do n't have to show an ID , they do n't have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't have to be eligible to vote , '' wrote House Administration Ranking Member Rep. Rodney Davis , R-Ill. , in a recent op-ed .
`` You expect Americans to believe that having someone who ca n't vote picking up ballots wo n't invite fraud in our elections ? ''
Democrats , however , are suing to allow to allow third-party collection in a number of states , including battlegrounds like Pennsylvania and North Carolina .
What does the data say about fraud when it comes mail ballots ?
While election experts say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ common than in in-person voting , it 's still such a minuscule amount that it 's not statistically meaningful .
Amber McReynolds , a former Colorado election official and now the CEO of the National Vote At Home Institute ; and Charles Stewart , the director of the MIT Election Data and Science Lab , recently put the numbers in context in an op-ed in The Hill titled , `` Let 's put the vote-by-mail 'fraud ' myth to rest . ''
Over the past 20 years , they write , more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail nationwide , while there have been just 143 criminal convictions for election fraud related to mail ballots .
That averages out to about one case per state every six or seven years , or a fraud rate of 0.00006 % .
`` Expanding voting by mail will be a challenge in most states in 2020 , '' they write .
`` But we reiterate : There is no evidence that mail-balloting results in rampant voter fraud , nor that election officials lack the knowledge about how to protect against abuses . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sort of mail voting interference that Attorney General William Barr mentioned in a recent New York Times Magazine interview .
Barr alluded to foreign countries being able to `` easily make counterfeit ballots , put names on them , send them in , '' although election officials and experts immediately debunked that claim .
Jennifer Morrell , an elections consultant and former local elections official in Utah and Colorado , told NPR that for such a plot to work just for a single ballot , an adversary would need to perfectly mimic everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and even paper weight , to the envelope it 's mailed in — all of which often changes every election cycle , and which is different from county to county .
`` Ballots are built unique for each election .
Each jurisdiction will normally have dozens to hundreds of unique ballot styles .
Proofs for each ballot style are reviewed and tested to ensure the ballot scanners will read those ballots , and only those ballots , '' Morrell said .
`` Even ballots created on that system from a previous election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all , Morrell listed dozens of unique aspects that the adversary would have to copy perfectly , in addition to lining it up with an actual voter in a registration system , and faking a signature that aligns with the signature on file for the voter .
`` You would need to replicate all of these elements exactly and do it for the 10,000 plus jurisdictions , and hundreds of thousands of unique ballot styles within the US , '' she said .
Or as Colorado elections director Judd Choate put it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preposterous to the point of humor . ''
Is it feasible for the entire country to vote by mail in November ?
This idea is popular with some Democrats in Congress , including Sens .
Ron Wyden and Amy Klobuchar , who introduced the The Natural Disaster and Emergency Ballot Act earlier this year .
The bill would drastically expand mail voting access to all U.S. voters , and reimburse local election officials for the multibillion-dollar cost of providing that access .
But it 's unlikely to pass , as Republicans in Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections from the federal level ; they insist that states and localities should govern their own Democratic processes .
Election experts are also skeptical that states , especially ones who are used to only mailing and receiving a small number of mail ballots , could effectively scale up their operations in time for November .
Such changes usually take states years , if not decades .
The private companies tasked with printing the ballots could also be overwhelmed at the rapid increase in demand .
`` Decision-making needs to be right now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Runbeck Election Services , one of the nation 's largest ballot printing companies , at a recent U.S. Election Assistance Commission hearing .
`` We can not gear up , we can not build equipment fast enough if you wait until July to place your orders . ''

Why Is Voting By Mail (Suddenly) Controversial? Here's What You Need To Know
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jason Redmond/AFP via Getty Images Jason Redmond/AFP via Getty Images
Casting a ballot by mail isn't a new way to vote, but it is getting fresh attention as the coronavirus pandemic upends daily life.
The voting method is quickly becoming the norm and quickly becoming politically charged as some Republicans — specifically President Trump — fight against the mail-voting expansion happening nationwide.
Here are answers to key questions about mail ballots and the controversy around them.
What is mail voting?
The phrases "mail voting" and "voting by mail" encompass a wide range of policies, all meant to offer more flexibility to voters who either want or need to cast a ballot in a location other than a polling place.
The practice dates back to the Civil War, according to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Election Data Lab, when soldiers were given the opportunity to vote from the battlefield. States began expanding absentee voting laws in the late 1800s to accommodate voters who were away from home or sick on Election Day.
Currently, all states allow at least a portion of their voting population to vote by mail.
Some states allow all registered voters to receive a mail ballot (also known as an absentee ballot), and some states require an excuse or reason. Policies vary widely state by state as well as on what is required to have a mail ballot counted; some states only require a voter's signature, whereas others require witness signatures or the notarization of a ballot return envelope.
NPR via YouTube
Don't see the video? Click here.
How many states are offering access to mail voting during the pandemic?
Almost all of them. Forty-six states now offer access to some form of mail voting to all voters, according to a recent report from the nonprofit Open Source Election Technology Institute.
Overall, that expansion has been bipartisan; 24 of the states have Democratic governors, and 22 have Republican governors.
But the limited pushback to the mail-voting expansion has come almost exclusively from Republicans.
All four states that have not expanded mail-voting access are led by Republican governors, according to the Open Source Election Technology Institute report.
Texas, for instance, is one of the four states that hasn't expanded access to mail ballots in response to the pandemic, and Republicans there are engaged in high-profile court battles to keep it that way.
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has said in statements that "fear of contracting COVID-19 does not amount to a sickness or physical condition as required by state law." He also said that his office would prosecute people for voter fraud if they use a mail-in ballot in a matter he said is improper.
Most other state-level Republicans have embraced mail-voting expansions however, including in a number of states such as Georgia and Iowa, which mailed all registered voters absentee ballot request forms ahead of their June primaries.
Overall, experts estimate as many as 70% of all ballots cast in November's general election could be cast by mail.
How do Americans feel about mail voting?
Overall, even before the pandemic sent election officials scrambling to make sure people could vote safely, mail voting has been on the rise in the United States.
About a quarter of all voters voted by mail in the 2018 midterms, more than double the rate of mail voting from 20 years ago. Much of that increase comes from the handful of states transitioning to all-mail elections in recent years.
Loading...
Nationwide, the attitude toward mail ballots is also decisively positive. A recent Pew Research Center poll found that more than 70% of Americans think any voter who wants to vote by mail should be able to do so.
That includes 49% of Republicans. GOP support jumps to almost 70% in states where a sizable amount of the population already votes by mail. This seems to indicate that as voters become familiar with how mail voting works, they become more likely to support it.
The opposition to mail voting is anchored by Republicans in states that don't offer wide access to mail voting already.
What have President Trump and Republicans in Congress said about mail voting?
The president has made it clear that despite voting by mail himself multiple times, he does not support wide expansion of the practice.
He has tweeted a number of false claims about what states are doing, including saying it was illegal for the secretary of state of Michigan to mail all registered voters in that state ballot request forms, and misrepresenting California's decision to mail all registered voters ballots.
Notably, Twitter decided to weigh in by adding a "fact check" label to his tweet about California's decision.
Trump says voters should be required to have a reason for voting absentee, otherwise the election process will become "substantially fraudulent." He and his staff point to a number of isolated incidents of fraud but have never provided the data needed to prove the point. Election experts say the claim is false.
Trump has also indicated he thinks expanding mail balloting would be bad politically for the Republican Party, although research disputes this notion as well. A recent study from Stanford University found no partisan effect of implementing universal mail voting.
Many Republicans in Congress, meanwhile, are focused on how mail ballots are returned. They don't want people to be able to return ballots for others.
Generally, Democrats see the practice as helpful for vulnerable populations; one person turning in all the ballots for a nursing home or housing complex for instance. But what Democrats call "community ballot collection," Republicans deride as "ballot harvesting," and say it opens up those same vulnerable populations to manipulation and vote coercion.
"These harvesters picking up ballots don't have to show an ID, they don't have to be a citizen, and they don't have to be eligible to vote," U.S. Rep. Rodney Davis, R-Ill., ranking member of the Committee on House Administration, wrote in a recent op-ed. "You expect Americans to believe that having someone who can't vote picking up ballots won't invite fraud in our elections?"
Democrats, however, are suing to allow to allow third-party collection in a number of states, including battlegrounds such as Pennsylvania and North Carolina.
What does the data say about fraud when it comes to mail ballots?
While election experts say fraud in mail balloting is slightly more common than in in-person voting, it's still such a minuscule amount it's not statistically meaningful.
Amber McReynolds, a former Colorado election official and now the CEO of the National Vote at Home Institute, and Charles Stewart, director of the MIT Election Data and Science Lab, recently put the numbers in context in an op-ed in The Hill titled "Let's put the vote-by-mail 'fraud' myth to rest."
Over the past 20 years, they write, more than 250 million ballots have been cast by mail nationwide, while there have been just 143 criminal convictions for election fraud related to mail ballots. That averages out to about one case per state every six or seven years, or a fraud rate of 0.00006%.
"Expanding voting by mail will be a challenge in most states in 2020," they write. "But we reiterate: There is no evidence that mail-balloting results in rampant voter fraud, nor that election officials lack the knowledge about how to protect against abuses."
There's also no evidence of the sort of mail-voting interference that U.S. Attorney General William Barr mentioned in a recent New York Times Magazine interview.
Barr alluded to foreign countries being able to "easily make counterfeit ballots, put names on them, send them in," although election officials and experts immediately debunked that assertion.
Jennifer Morrell, an elections consultant and former local elections official in Utah and Colorado, told NPR that for such a plot to work just for a single ballot, an adversary would need to mimic everything perfectly from the ballot's size, style and even paper weight to the envelope it's mailed in — all of which often changes every election cycle and which is different from county to county.
"Ballots are built unique for each election. Each jurisdiction will normally have dozens to hundreds of unique ballot styles. Proofs for each ballot style are reviewed and tested to ensure the ballot scanners will read those ballots and only those ballots," Morrell said. "Even ballots created on that system from a previous election cannot be read."
In all, Morrell listed dozens of unique aspects that the adversary would have to copy perfectly in addition to lining it up with an actual voter in a registration system and faking a signature that aligns with the signature on file for the voter.
"You would need to replicate all of these elements exactly and do it for the 10,000-plus jurisdictions, and hundreds of thousands of unique ballot styles within the U.S.," she said.
Or as Colorado elections director Judd Choate put it to The Washington Post: "It's preposterous to the point of humor."
Is it feasible for the entire country to vote by mail in November?
This idea is popular with some Democrats in Congress, including Sens. Ron Wyden and Amy Klobuchar, who introduced the Natural Disaster and Emergency Ballot Act earlier this year. The bill would drastically expand mail-voting access to all U.S. voters and reimburse local election officials for the multibillion-dollar cost of providing that access.
But it's unlikely to pass as Republicans in Congress are resistant to any measures that regulate elections from the federal level; they insist that states and localities should govern their own democratic processes.
Election experts are also skeptical that states, especially ones used to only mailing and receiving a small number of mail ballots, could effectively scale up their operations in time for November. Such changes usually take states years, if not decades.
The private companies tasked with printing the ballots could also be overwhelmed at the rapid increase in demand.
"Decision-making needs to be right now," said Kevin Runbeck, CEO of Runbeck Election Services, one of the nation's largest ballot printing companies, at a recent U.S. Election Assistance Commission hearing. "We cannot gear up, we cannot build equipment fast enough if you wait until July to place your orders."