npr--2020-10-22--'Fundraging' Fuels Democratic Money Advantage Over GOP In Most Races

'Fundraging ' Fuels Democratic Money Advantage Over GOP In Most Races If 2008 was about hope and change for Democrats , 2020 is about anger and fear .
`` I 'm terrified , and if I were not as old as I am I 'd be out on the streets , '' said Barbara Ravage , 75 , a retiree who lives on Cape Cod .
The pandemic has kept Ravage at home and away from volunteering in local politics this year , so instead she has given more money to local politicians and activist causes she supports .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rolling up my sleeves into reaching in to my wallet , '' she said .
Ravage is part of a anxious national army of small dollar donors feeding Democratic campaigns up and down the ballot in 2020 that has led to a pronounced fundraising advantage in some of the country 's most competitive races .
The trend has added a new term to the political lexicon : fundraging .
Brooklyn-based lawyer Sarah Levitt , 36 , can relate .
`` After something bad will happen , I 'll kind of seriously put in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , as she did after Bob Woodward 's recent book Rage reported that President Trump downplayed the threat of the coronavirus to the public .
Levitt said she gave money to Sen. Elizabeth Warren , D-Mass.
, in the Democratic presidential primary because she supported her , but since then she mainly gives to Democrats more because they are running against Republicans she does n't like — a defining characteristic of fundraging .
Few candidates have benefitted more from this stark rise in small dollar donations than Senate Democratic candidates seeking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the chamber .
Democratic candidates in South Carolina , North Carolina , and Iowa have set records for their fundraising hauls , and seven of the Senate races this year have already cracked the top ten list for the most expensive Senate races ever .
Democrats have also outraised Republicans in nearly all of the top two dozen most competitive House seats , and in many districts where President Trump won handily in 2016 .
For example , five-term Rep. Dave Schweikert , R-Ariz. , represents a seat Trump won by 10 points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been outraised by his Democratic opponent , Hiral Tipirneni , by a more than two-to-one margin : $ 1.9 million to $ 4.9 million .
Much of this money is funneled to campaigns through ActBlue , a tech platform started in 2004 that connects small dollar donors with Democratic campaigns and causes .
ActBlue has processed over $ 7 billion in donations since it launched , with more than half of that , $ 3.8 billion , coming in since January of 2019 alone .
`` The majority of money that 's going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to this kind of out-pouring of support , leading to all of these races to be better funded than their Republican rivals , is coming from grassroots donors , '' said ActBlue Executive Director Erin Hill .
According to Hill , over 13 million people have donated during the 2020 election cycle , with an average donation of $ 35 .
As Election Day has drawn closer — and with high stakes political events like the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg — ActBlue raised $ 1.5 billion from July to September alone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the entire 2018 election cycle .
Hill rejects the idea of `` fundraging '' because she thinks it diminishes the big picture of what she sees a `` continual empowerment '' of small dollar donors in the Democratic Party .
`` It 's not just dollars , the dollars are important .
This is also civic participation , '' she said , `` These people who are making $ 5 and $ 10 donations are also voting .
They 're leading to the unprecedented early voting numbers that we 're seeing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbers that we 're seeing . ''
Republicans do n't argue with the impact ActBlue has had on campaigns , especially this year .
Gerrit Lansing runs WinRed , the conservative counterpart to ActBlue which launched just last year .
`` They 've got a 15 year head start though and what comes with that is major scale , network effects , and cultural differences about how you run campaigns that we 're going to have to try to speed up to match the numbers and eventually exceed them . ''
Lansing says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fast , noting WinRed raised $ 1 billion in its first 15 months with an average donation of $ 45 .
He credits Democrats with making small dollar donors a focus , as they Democratic National Committee did in the 2020 primary by requiring candidates to meet small donor thresholds to make it on the debate stage .
He said Republicans would be wise to mimic those kinds of strategies in 2024 .
Meghan Walls , 37 , is a psychologist in Wilmington , Del.
, who has given to half a dozen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a week to the Biden-Harris presidential campaign , and donated to the `` Get Mitch Or Die Trying '' fundraising effort to flip the Senate away from Majority Leader Mitch McConell that is promoted by Pod Save America , a liberal podcast hosted by former President Obama aides .
She believes Democrats have done a better job of using their social media networks and personal connections to expand the small donor universe in 2020 .
`` When your friend posts something on social media that says , 'Hey I gave to these Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ' you 're like , 'Ok , I 'll click that link , ' '' she said .
Money does n't translate in to victory in elections .
Some of the best funded campaigns in history have lost by wide margins , but the fundraising advantages Democrats are enjoying means every campaign has the resources it needs to compete in the home stretch .

'Fundraging' Fuels Democratic Money Advantage Over GOP In Most Races
Enlarge this image toggle caption Meg Kinnard/AP Meg Kinnard/AP
If 2008 was about hope and change for Democrats, 2020 is about anger and fear.
"I'm terrified, and if I were not as old as I am I'd be out on the streets," said Barbara Ravage, 75, a retiree who lives on Cape Cod. The pandemic has kept Ravage at home and away from volunteering in local politics this year, so instead she has given more money to local politicians and activist causes she supports. "There is no question I have traded rolling up my sleeves into reaching in to my wallet," she said.
Ravage is part of a anxious national army of small dollar donors feeding Democratic campaigns up and down the ballot in 2020 that has led to a pronounced fundraising advantage in some of the country's most competitive races. The trend has added a new term to the political lexicon: fundraging.
Brooklyn-based lawyer Sarah Levitt, 36, can relate. "After something bad will happen, I'll kind of seriously put in a bunch of donations," she said, as she did after Bob Woodward's recent book Rage reported that President Trump downplayed the threat of the coronavirus to the public.
Levitt said she gave money to Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., in the Democratic presidential primary because she supported her, but since then she mainly gives to Democrats more because they are running against Republicans she doesn't like — a defining characteristic of fundraging.
Few candidates have benefitted more from this stark rise in small dollar donations than Senate Democratic candidates seeking to oust GOP incumbents and flip control of the chamber. Democratic candidates in South Carolina, North Carolina and Iowa have set records for their fundraising hauls, and seven of the Senate races this year have already cracked the top 10 list for the most expensive Senate races ever.
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Democrats have also outraised Republicans in nearly all of the top two dozen most competitive House seats, and in many districts where President Trump won handily in 2016. For example, five-term Rep. Dave Schweikert, R-Ariz., represents a seat Trump won by 10 points four years ago, but he's been outraised by his Democratic opponent, Hiral Tipirneni, by a more than two-to-one margin: $1.9 million to $4.9 million.
Much of this money is funneled to campaigns through ActBlue, a tech platform started in 2004 that connects small dollar donors with Democratic campaigns and causes.
ActBlue has processed over $7 billion in donations since it launched, with more than half of that, $3.8 billion, coming in since January of 2019 alone. "The majority of money that's going to all Democratic races that is leading to this kind of outpouring of support, leading to all of these races to be better funded than their Republican rivals, is coming from grassroots donors," said ActBlue Executive Director Erin Hill.
According to Hill, over 13 million people have donated during the 2020 election cycle, with an average donation of $35. As Election Day has drawn closer — and with high stakes political events like the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg — ActBlue raised $1.5 billion from July to September alone — almost as much as they raised during the entire 2018 election cycle.
Hill rejects the idea of "fundraging" because she thinks it diminishes the big picture of what she sees a "continual empowerment" of small dollar donors in the Democratic Party. "It's not just dollars, the dollars are important. This is also civic participation," she said. "These people who are making $5 and $10 donations are also voting. They're leading to the unprecedented early voting numbers that we're seeing, they're leading to the unprecedented volunteering numbers that we're seeing."
Republicans don't argue with the impact ActBlue has had on campaigns, especially this year.
Gerrit Lansing runs WinRed, the conservative counterpart to ActBlue which launched just last year. "They've got a 15-year head start though and what comes with that is major scale, network effects and cultural differences about how you run campaigns that we're going to have to try to speed up to match the numbers and eventually exceed them."
Lansing says he believes Republicans can play catch-up fast, noting WinRed raised $1 billion in its first 15 months with an average donation of $45.
He credits Democrats with making small dollar donors a focus, as the Democratic National Committee did in the 2020 primary by requiring candidates to meet small donor thresholds to make it on the debate stage. He said Republicans would be wise to mimic those kinds of strategies in 2024.
Meghan Walls, 37, is a psychologist in Wilmington, Del., who has given to half a dozen local state races, contributes $15 a week to the Biden-Harris presidential campaign, and donated to the "Get Mitch Or Die Trying" fundraising effort to flip the Senate away from Majority Leader Mitch McConell that is promoted by Pod Save America, a liberal podcast hosted by former President Obama aides.
She believes Democrats have done a better job of using their social media networks and personal connections to expand the small donor universe in 2020. "When your friend posts something on social media that says, 'Hey, I gave to these Senate races because these six are really important,' you're like, 'Ok, I'll click that link,' " she said.
Money doesn't translate in to victory in elections. Some of the best funded campaigns in history have lost by wide margins, but the fundraising advantages Democrats are enjoying means every campaign has the resources it needs to compete in the home stretch.


npr--2020-10-22--5 Questions Ahead Of The Last Trump-Biden Presidential Debate

5 Questions Ahead Of The Last Trump-Biden Presidential Debate It 's the last debate of the 2020 election .
Many might be saying , `` Thank goodness , '' given what a mess that first debate turned into .
After that debate — and the way President Trump in particular conducted himself — Trump took a hit in the polls .
This final debate represents the last , best chance for the president , who has been consistently behind in this race , to gain some momentum .
It 's also the last , best chance for both candidates to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the American public for why they should be president .
After Thursday night , there wo n't be any opportunities like this left .
That brings us to our questions about what we are watching for in this debate , which begins at 9 p.m .
ET on Thursday and is set to last 90 minutes ( follow live coverage here ) : 1 .
Will Trump engage in an actual debate ?
Trump 's antics in the first meeting meant there was little to no debate on substance despite more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an economy that remains shuttered in many places and racial unrest in the country .
Will Trump have a repeat performance , or will he adhere — at least a little more — to rules and decorum , especially now with coronavirus cases spiking again ?
If history is a guide , do n't bet on it .
Remember when Trump promised he could be so presidential we 'd all be bored ?
Well , we have n't been bored .
2 .
How low does it go ?
Joe Biden was understandably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first time these two squared off .
`` Will you shut up , man ? ''
Biden said , unable to get a word in edgewise .
Biden tried to focus on people watching at home by talking straight to the camera .
So how will he respond to those interruptions this time ?
Biden has maintained a low profile this past week , with few public events , likely for debate prep .
Biden 's only response so far to a questionable report about his son , Hunter , and his involvement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a campaign reporter who brought up the story .
`` I know you 'd ask it , '' Biden said to a CBS News campaign reporter .
`` I have no response .
It 's another smear campaign , right up your alley .
Those are the questions you always ask . ''
Trump has never shied away from conspiracies or attacking family , so expect he 'll bring it up .
He has already prepped his attacks on the campaign trail , unabashedly calling Biden a `` for-profit cash machine , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corrupt '' amid 2016-like rejoinders of `` lock him up '' at a rally on Saturday .
Nothing is off-limits for Trump , and when his back is against the wall , he 's not afraid to pull out any stops .
Biden will likely need a more temperate response than his one to the CBS reporter , something more akin to what he did when Trump went after Hunter Biden in the first debate .
`` My son , like a lot of people , like lot of people you know at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Biden said at the first debate .
`` He 's fixed it .
He 's worked on it .
And I 'm proud of him .
I 'm proud of my son . ''
This line of attack has a chance to spiral down a rabbit hole of attacks on children , going both ways , but Biden 's campaign team does n't want him sucked into the mud .
They believe their winning place to be is focusing on issues affecting voters .
3 .
Can Biden keep up the momentum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first debate , there is n't much of anywhere to go but down .
Biden now has a 10-point lead in an average of the national polls and leads in every competitive state , except Ohio and Texas , albeit much more narrowly than his national lead in many cases .
So Biden 's job Thursday night will be to maintain and solidify those leads .
The bar for Biden in the first debate was practically on the floor .
All he had to do was seem normal and competent and not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and he would be OK , given Trump 's repeated attacks on Biden 's fitness .
He exceeded that , and since that debate , Biden had one of his best performances of the campaign with his town hall on ABC , which replaced the second debate after Trump chose to skip it because the debate commission wanted the candidates to be remote , given Trump 's recent coronavirus diagnosis .
With this being the last debate , Trump will try anything to regain some momentum to get a repeat performance of running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gap in the final two weeks .
The onus is on Biden to have a solid performance , handle everything Trump throws at him and close the deal .
That 's not the easiest task .
4 .
Will the moderator be able to ... moderate ?
The debate moderator is Kristen Welker of NBC News .
As a White House correspondent , she has , at times , had a contentious relationship with the president .
On Saturday , Trump was already predictably working the ref , calling Welker `` terrible and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ position to be in to attempt to moderate a debate that involves someone like Trump who does n't play by the rules .
The debate commission says the following topics are to be covered : fighting COVID-19 , American families , race in America , climate change , national security and leadership .
The commission is also instituting a rule that two-minute opening statements will be uninterrupted — and that the other candidate 's microphone will be muted during that time .
In a statement , the Trump campaign complained of the deck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last minute rule changes from the biased commission in their latest attempt to provide advantage to their favored candidate . ''
The campaign also said it believed this was supposed to be a foreign policy debate — despite no evidence of that being publicly stated .
That all sets things up for another potentially contentious debate with Trump lashing out , not just at Biden but at the moderator .
One test of how the 90-minute debate is moderated is if Welker can get through all the topics .
And that 's to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through them in a substantive way .
5 .
Will Trump commit to a peaceful transition of power ?
Trump has resisted unequivocally committing to a peaceful transfer of power if he loses the election .
That 's something that has separated the U.S. from other countries around the world and has maintained the country as a peaceful democracy , even when candidates and Americans sharply disagree about the direction the country should take .
Whether he means it or is just doing it to troll liberals and the media is unclear .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ declined to say he would discourage violence by his followers and not declare victory prematurely if results are n't known for an extended period .
`` I 'm urging my supporters to go in to the polls and watch very carefully , because that 's what has to happen .
I am urging them to do it , '' Trump said , adding , `` I am 100 % on board , but if I see tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated , I ca n't go along with that . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the night of what was supposed to be the second debate , Trump walked a similar line .
`` They talk about 'Will you accept a peaceful transfer ? '
`` Trump said .
`` And the answer is , yes , I will , but I want it to be an honest election and so does everybody else . ''
Trump obviously does not want to give any indication at all that he 's even thinking about losing .
But does he clean up what has been a confusing and noncommittal line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ until Election Day ?
Let 's see if he 's any more definitive in this debate .

5 Questions Ahead Of The Last Trump-Biden Presidential Debate
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eric Baradat/AFP via Getty Images Eric Baradat/AFP via Getty Images
It's the last debate of the 2020 election.
Many might be saying, "Thank goodness," given what a mess that first debate turned into.
After that debate — and the way President Trump in particular conducted himself — Trump took a hit in the polls. This final debate represents the last, best chance for the president, who has been consistently behind in this race, to gain some momentum.
It's also the last, best chance for both candidates to make their arguments to a broad audience of the American public for why they should be president. After Thursday night, there won't be any opportunities like this left.
That brings us to our questions about what we are watching for in this debate, which begins at 9 p.m. ET on Thursday and is set to last 90 minutes (follow live coverage here):
1. Will Trump engage in an actual debate?
Trump's antics in the first meeting meant there was little to no debate on substance despite more than 200,000 Americans having died from COVID-19, an economy that remains shuttered in many places and racial unrest in the country.
Will Trump have a repeat performance, or will he adhere — at least a little more — to rules and decorum, especially now with coronavirus cases spiking again?
If history is a guide, don't bet on it. Remember when Trump promised he could be so presidential we'd all be bored? Well, we haven't been bored.
2. How low does it go?
Joe Biden was understandably surprised by how Trump conducted himself the first time these two squared off.
"Will you shut up, man?" Biden said, unable to get a word in edgewise.
Biden tried to focus on people watching at home by talking straight to the camera. So how will he respond to those interruptions this time? Biden has maintained a low profile this past week, with few public events, likely for debate prep.
Biden's only response so far to a questionable report about his son, Hunter, and his involvement in Ukraine was to get prickly with a campaign reporter who brought up the story.
"I know you'd ask it," Biden said to a CBS News campaign reporter. "I have no response. It's another smear campaign, right up your alley. Those are the questions you always ask."
Trump has never shied away from conspiracies or attacking family, so expect he'll bring it up. He has already prepped his attacks on the campaign trail, unabashedly calling Biden a "for-profit cash machine," a "vacuum cleaner" and "corrupt" amid 2016-like rejoinders of "lock him up" at a rally on Saturday.
Nothing is off-limits for Trump, and when his back is against the wall, he's not afraid to pull out any stops.
Biden will likely need a more temperate response than his one to the CBS reporter, something more akin to what he did when Trump went after Hunter Biden in the first debate.
"My son, like a lot of people, like lot of people you know at home, had a drug problem," Biden said at the first debate. "He's fixed it. He's worked on it. And I'm proud of him. I'm proud of my son."
This line of attack has a chance to spiral down a rabbit hole of attacks on children, going both ways, but Biden's campaign team doesn't want him sucked into the mud. They believe their winning place to be is focusing on issues affecting voters.
3. Can Biden keep up the momentum?
With Biden's expanded lead after the first debate, there isn't much of anywhere to go but down.
Biden now has a 10-point lead in an average of the national polls and leads in every competitive state, except Ohio and Texas, albeit much more narrowly than his national lead in many cases.
So Biden's job Thursday night will be to maintain and solidify those leads.
The bar for Biden in the first debate was practically on the floor. All he had to do was seem normal and competent and not mangle too many of his words, and he would be OK, given Trump's repeated attacks on Biden's fitness.
He exceeded that, and since that debate, Biden had one of his best performances of the campaign with his town hall on ABC, which replaced the second debate after Trump chose to skip it because the debate commission wanted the candidates to be remote, given Trump's recent coronavirus diagnosis.
With this being the last debate, Trump will try anything to regain some momentum to get a repeat performance of running the table in 2016 and shrinking the gap in the final two weeks.
The onus is on Biden to have a solid performance, handle everything Trump throws at him and close the deal. That's not the easiest task.
4. Will the moderator be able to ... moderate?
The debate moderator is Kristen Welker of NBC News. As a White House correspondent, she has, at times, had a contentious relationship with the president.
On Saturday, Trump was already predictably working the ref, calling Welker "terrible and unfair."
It's an unenviable position to be in to attempt to moderate a debate that involves someone like Trump who doesn't play by the rules. The debate commission says the following topics are to be covered: fighting COVID-19, American families, race in America, climate change, national security and leadership.
The commission is also instituting a rule that two-minute opening statements will be uninterrupted — and that the other candidate's microphone will be muted during that time.
In a statement, the Trump campaign complained of the deck being stacked against it, lambasting "last minute rule changes from the biased commission in their latest attempt to provide advantage to their favored candidate."
The campaign also said it believed this was supposed to be a foreign policy debate — despite no evidence of that being publicly stated.
That all sets things up for another potentially contentious debate with Trump lashing out, not just at Biden but at the moderator. One test of how the 90-minute debate is moderated is if Welker can get through all the topics.
And that's to say nothing of being able to get through them in a substantive way.
5. Will Trump commit to a peaceful transition of power?
Trump has resisted unequivocally committing to a peaceful transfer of power if he loses the election.
That's something that has separated the U.S. from other countries around the world and has maintained the country as a peaceful democracy, even when candidates and Americans sharply disagree about the direction the country should take.
Whether he means it or is just doing it to troll liberals and the media is unclear.
But in the first debate, Trump declined to say he would discourage violence by his followers and not declare victory prematurely if results aren't known for an extended period.
"I'm urging my supporters to go in to the polls and watch very carefully, because that's what has to happen. I am urging them to do it," Trump said, adding, "I am 100% on board, but if I see tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated, I can't go along with that."
During a town hall with NBC on the night of what was supposed to be the second debate, Trump walked a similar line.
"They talk about 'Will you accept a peaceful transfer?' " Trump said. "And the answer is, yes, I will, but I want it to be an honest election and so does everybody else."
Trump obviously does not want to give any indication at all that he's even thinking about losing. But does he clean up what has been a confusing and noncommittal line with less than two weeks to go until Election Day?
Let's see if he's any more definitive in this debate.


npr--2020-10-22--There's A Lot At Stake For The Climate In The 2020 Election

There 's A Lot At Stake For The Climate In The 2020 Election Despite the cascade of other crises this year , climate change has emerged as a key election issue .
Two-thirds of Americans want the government to do more about it , and the same share of Biden supporters say it 's very important to their vote .
While not many Trump supporters overall agree , there 's more concern among younger Republicans .
The stakes are high as more Americans experience record heat , wildfires , hurricanes and flooding , and the two candidates could not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change an existential threat to our health , economy , and national security .
President Trump continues to question climate science .
Here are six takeaways from Trump 's first term on climate and energy , and the challenges he or Biden would face if elected .
1 .
President Trump 's push to boost fossil fuels is out of step with a fast-changing market President Trump does n't mention coal much these days , a sharp contrast to 2016 when he boasted to crowds that miners should `` get ready because you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off . ''
In fact , coal has continued its collapse .
`` We just reached a big milestone , '' says Mary Anne Hitt of the Sierra Club .
`` 60 percent of the coal-fired power plants are now retired , or announced to retire . ''
At times , President Trump and his administration even tried and failed to save individual coal power plants , and the list of bankruptcies has grown .
A major reason goes back to the Obama presidency , when incentives for wind and solar prompted a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are built the fuel is free and coal plants just ca n't compete .
Renewable energy has grown to 17 percent of the country 's electricity generation according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration , surpassing coal for the first time in over a century .
As for oil and gas , Trump reversed plans to block construction of the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines , and expanded federal areas open to drilling .
Production has indeed increased on his watch , though it 's a trend that started under Obama with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the lifting of export restrictions .
Still , oil and gas companies are feeling the pressure as more cities , states , businesses and utilities announce aggressive moves to decarbonize .
Even some oil majors have pledged to become carbon-neutral .
2 .
U.S. greenhouse gas emissions are not falling fast enough Coal 's decline has reduced energy emissions , but those from transportation have proved stubborn .
And the Trump administration relaxed many climate regulations , including on tailpipe emissions .
Overall , though , U.S. greenhouse emissions are going down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scientists say greenhouse gas emissions must be reduced far more dramatically , and soon , to limit global warming to 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial temperatures .
A landmark 2018 report warned that even going past 1.5 degrees will have catastrophic consequences .
The next few years will be crucial as a number of fossil fuel projects face uncertain futures , including the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines , coal export terminals , and natural gas export facilities .
If approved , they will lock the country into decades of additional emissions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make the U.S. carbon neutral by 2050 is ambitious , but maybe not impossible First , Biden 's $ 2 trillion climate plan is sweeping .
Among his long list of pledges : rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement , conserve large areas of land and water for biodiversity , stop offshore drilling in the Arctic , and massively invest in green energy and infrastructure like wind , solar , high speed trains and electric car chargers .
Biden says this last part would provide `` good paying union jobs that put Americans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate-resilient nation . ''
His goals for all this are to zero-out carbon pollution from the electricity sector by 2035 , and make the entire U.S. economy carbon neutral by 2050 .
`` In the event of a major technological breakthrough , 2035 is possible , '' says energy law expert Scott Segal , a partner with Bracewell , whose clients include fossil fuel companies .
Biden 's plan relies on technologies that have n't been developed yet , or are not economical , so it includes a lot of money for research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaves room for some fossil fuels with carbon offsets and carbon capture , although that 's a sore point with progressives .
And he says it 's smart to include both regulations and incentives to reduce emissions .
`` It 's a sign of a sort of maturity in approaching these issues , '' he says .
Of course , the plan also calls for Congress to pass a law enforcing those carbon-neutral goals , which raises the next point .
4 .
A president can only do so much without action from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or weakened dozens of environmental regulations , including those on coal plants , toxic chemicals , tailpipe and methane emissions , protections for waterways , and rules around a bedrock law that requires federal agencies to consider the environmental effects of proposed projects .
Now , the big question is how many of these will stick .
Many have already been struck down in legal challenges and are being appealed .
Some will no doubt end up in the Supreme Court , which is why the confirmation of a sixth conservative justice could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenge is that the country 's environmental laws are decades old .
Climate change was not a pressing public issue when the Clean Air Act was passed , but the Obama administration pushed a legal interpretation that it applies to carbon emissions .
An effective and enduring climate policy will require congressional action , which means Biden would likely need a Democratic-controlled Senate .
5 .
President Trump 's second term would likely be more of the same When asked about climate change at the first presidential debate last month , Trump said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and air .
I want beautiful clean air . ''
But he condemns climate regulations as bad for jobs and the economy , and continues to dismiss the role of climate change in fueling extreme weather .
`` I do n't think science knows , actually , '' he erroneously told California officials at a recent briefing on record setting wildfires .
Fossil fuel industries have wish lists for a Trump second term .
Tom Pyle of the American Energy Alliance wants to overhaul federal offshore oil drilling .
He does n't like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently expanded in a move aimed at Republican led swing states .
`` There 's too much politics involved in that process , '' he says .
`` We should be leasing areas where it makes economic sense to do so , and we should n't have these blanket bans . ''
Pyle also would like to end special tax benefits for solar and wind .
And he wants to re-litigate the so-called endangerment finding , a key 2007 Supreme Court decision that allows the EPA to regulate carbon dioxide under the Clean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has brought a new focus on climate justice COVID-19 has exposed racial inequities in health , and environmental justice advocates say air pollution is part of that .
Preliminary research suggests people exposed to more fine particulate matter — which disproportionately affects low-income communities and people of color — may suffer worse outcomes from the coronavirus .
That 's drawn more scrutiny of the Trump administration 's moves to ease air pollution limits , reduce environmental enforcement , and to maintain standards for soot that scientists say is harmful to human health .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from air pollution every year and you 're trying to increase that number , '' says Mustafa Santiago Ali , who left the Environmental Protection Agency after Trump 's election and is now with the National Wildlife Federation .
Biden 's plan notes that climate change disproportionately hurts low-income communities of color .
Among many other things , it calls for supporting climate lawsuits against polluters and targeting 40 % of clean energy investments to disadvantaged areas .
Michele Roberts of the Environmental Justice Health Alliance is from Biden 's home state of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always an ally .
`` He was a filibuster for the political economy that was running the great state of Delaware , '' she says .
But she thinks Biden 's views have evolved .
If he 's elected , she says it will be important to hold him accountable for the promises he 's making now .

There's A Lot At Stake For The Climate In The 2020 Election
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson and Loren Elliott/AFP/Getty Images Scott Olson and Loren Elliott/AFP/Getty Images
Despite the cascade of other crises this year, climate change has emerged as a key election issue.
Two-thirds of Americans want the government to do more about it, and the same share of Biden supporters say it's very important to their vote. While not many Trump supporters overall agree, there's more concern among younger Republicans.
The stakes are high as more Americans experience record heat, wildfires, hurricanes and flooding, and the two candidates could not be further apart. Joe Biden calls climate change an existential threat to our health, economy and national security. President Trump continues to question climate science.
Here are six takeaways from Trump's first term on climate and energy, and the challenges he or Biden would face if elected.
1. President Trump's push to boost fossil fuels is out of step with a fast-changing market
Trump doesn't mention coal much these days, a sharp contrast to 2016 when he boasted to crowds that miners should "get ready because you're going to be working your asses off." In fact, coal has continued its collapse.
"We just reached a big milestone," says Mary Anne Hitt of the Sierra Club. "Sixty percent of the coal-fired power plants are now retired, or announced to retire."
At times, Trump and his administration even tried and failed to save individual coal power plants, and the list of bankruptcies has grown.
A major reason goes back to the Obama presidency, when incentives for wind and solar prompted a lot of construction. Once those facilities are built the fuel is free and coal plants just can't compete. Renewable energy has grown to 17% of the country's electricity generation, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, surpassing coal for the first time in over a century.
As for oil and gas, Trump reversed plans to block construction of the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines, and expanded federal areas open to drilling. Production has indeed increased on his watch, though it's a trend that started under President Barack Obama with the rise of fracking for natural gas and the lifting of export restrictions.
Still, oil and gas companies are feeling the pressure as more cities, states, businesses and utilities announce aggressive moves to decarbonize. Even some oil majors have pledged to become carbon-neutral.
2. U.S. greenhouse gas emissions are not falling fast enough
Coal's decline has reduced energy emissions, but those from transportation have proved stubborn. And the Trump administration relaxed many climate regulations, including on tailpipe emissions. Overall, though, U.S. greenhouse emissions are going down and that will likely continue.
But scientists say greenhouse gas emissions must be reduced far more dramatically, and soon, to limit global warming to 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial temperatures. A landmark 2018 report warned that even going past 1.5 degrees will have catastrophic consequences.
The next few years will be crucial as a number of fossil fuel projects face uncertain futures, including the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines, coal export terminals, and natural gas export facilities. If approved, they will lock the country into decades of additional emissions.
3. Biden's proposal to make the U.S. carbon neutral by 2050 is ambitious, but maybe not impossible
First, Biden's $2 trillion climate plan is sweeping. Among his long list of pledges: rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement, conserve large areas of land and water for biodiversity, stop offshore drilling in the Arctic, and massively invest in green energy and infrastructure like wind, solar, high speed trains and electric car chargers.
Biden says this last part would provide "good paying union jobs that put Americans to work, building a stronger, more climate-resilient nation."
His goals for all this are to zero-out carbon pollution from the electricity sector by 2035, and make the entire U.S. economy carbon neutral by 2050.
"In the event of a major technological breakthrough, 2035 is possible," says energy law expert Scott Segal, a partner with Bracewell, whose clients include fossil fuel companies.
Biden's plan relies on technologies that haven't been developed yet, or are not economical, so it includes a lot of money for research and development.
Segal likes that it leaves room for some fossil fuels with carbon offsets and carbon capture, although that's a sore point with progressives. And he says it's smart to include both regulations and incentives to reduce emissions. "It's a sign of a sort of maturity in approaching these issues," he says.
Of course, the plan also calls for Congress to pass a law enforcing those carbon-neutral goals, which raises the next point.
4. A president can only do so much without action from Congress
The Trump administration has rolled back or weakened dozens of environmental regulations, including those on coal plants, toxic chemicals, tailpipe and methane emissions, protections for waterways, and rules around a bedrock law that requires federal agencies to consider the environmental effects of proposed projects.
Now, the big question is how many of these will stick. Many have already been struck down in legal challenges and are being appealed. Some will no doubt end up in the Supreme Court, which is why the confirmation of a sixth conservative justice could affect U.S. climate policy.
A major challenge is that the country's environmental laws are decades old. Climate change was not a pressing public issue when the Clean Air Act was passed, but the Obama administration pushed a legal interpretation that it applies to carbon emissions.
An effective and enduring climate policy will require congressional action, which means Biden would likely need a Democratic-controlled Senate.
5. President Trump's second term would likely be more of the same
When asked about climate change at the first presidential debate last month, Trump said, "I want crystal clean water and air. I want beautiful clean air."
But he condemns climate regulations as bad for jobs and the economy, and continues to dismiss the role of climate change in fueling extreme weather. "I don't think science knows, actually," he erroneously told California officials at a recent briefing on record setting wildfires.
Fossil fuel industries have wish lists for a Trump second term. Tom Pyle of the American Energy Alliance wants to overhaul federal offshore oil drilling. He doesn't like drilling bans, like the one Trump recently expanded in a move aimed at Republican led swing states.
"There's too much politics involved in that process," he says. "We should be leasing areas where it makes economic sense to do so, and we shouldn't have these blanket bans."
Pyle also would like to end special tax benefits for solar and wind. And he wants to re-litigate the so-called endangerment finding, a key 2007 Supreme Court decision that allows the EPA to regulate carbon dioxide under the Clean Air Act.
6. The pandemic has brought a new focus on climate justice
COVID-19 has exposed racial inequities in health, and environmental justice advocates say air pollution is part of that. Preliminary research suggests people exposed to more fine particulate matter — which disproportionately affects low-income communities and people of color — may suffer worse outcomes from the coronavirus.
That's drawn more scrutiny of the Trump administration's moves to ease air pollution limits, reduce environmental enforcement, and to maintain standards for soot that scientists say is harmful to human health.
"We have 100,000 people dying prematurely from air pollution every year and you're trying to increase that number," says Mustafa Santiago Ali, who left the Environmental Protection Agency after Trump's election and is now with the National Wildlife Federation.
Biden's plan notes that climate change disproportionately hurts low-income communities of color. Among many other things, it calls for supporting climate lawsuits against polluters and targeting 40% of clean energy investments to disadvantaged areas.
Michele Roberts of the Environmental Justice Health Alliance is from Biden's home state of Delaware, and says he was not always an ally. "He was a filibuster for the political economy that was running the great state of Delaware," she says.
But she thinks Biden's views have evolved. If he's elected, she says it will be important to hold him accountable for the promises he's making now.


npr--2020-10-22--Here's Where The Threat Of Militia Activity Around The Elections Is The Highest

Here 's Where The Threat Of Militia Activity Around The Elections Is The Highest Five states — Georgia , Michigan , Pennsylvania , Wisconsin and Oregon — have the highest risk of seeing increased militia activity around the elections : everything from demonstrations to violence .
That 's the conclusion of a new report by ACLED , a crisis-mapping project , and the research group MilitiaWatch .
They worked together to map out potential hot spots for militia-style activities around the elections .
Their report looks at states where militias have had recruitment drives and training , where they have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there has been substantial engagement in anti-coronavirus-lockdown protests .
Those factors are local indicators of whether militia activity might occur .
For example , cultivating relationships with police suggests that law enforcement might view the militia groups as helpful , rather than a threat .
And anti-coronavirus-lockdown protests are linked to militia activity because many of those groups believe that the state does n't have the authority to impose such restrictions .
The report comes out as the risk of political violence around Election Day by vigilantes or militia-style groups is increasing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been busy this year : Their numbers are growing , their online chatter is increasing and their threats are becoming more specific .
`` In the conversations that I observe , the heat is higher .
The vitriol is greater , '' said Megan Squire , a computer science professor at Elon University who studies right-wing extremism and online spaces .
The range of real-world militia activities that could occur include everything from armed demonstrations to voter intimidation to violence .
The rhetoric is heated , in part , because a mosaic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different goals agree on one thing : that President Trump can lose the election only if it 's rigged .
`` There 's circulation of rumors of left-wing intervention at the polls or in the election , which has led to individuals and militia groups discussing primarily showing up armed at the polls , like to see if there 's anything suspicious or what they deem suspicious , '' said Hampton Stall , the founder of MilitiaWatch , which tracks the right-wing militia movement .
The commentary and planning are getting harder to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cracked down on militia-style groups , but such groups have moved the conversation to other places .
Those places include social media networks that are more permissive with the groups ' content and discussion boards where militia members can meet and organize .
`` It becomes a lot harder for people like me and my colleagues to track them , because we watch them kind of splinter into other places , '' said Cassie Miller , a senior research analyst at the Southern Poverty Law Center .
The threats by militia-style groups have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specificity — culminating in things like the alleged plot by six men in Michigan to kidnap that state 's governor , Gretchen Whitmer .
`` There 's a lot more worst-case-scenario thinking that is leading to fantasizing about violence and very real militarized action that has n't really been as widespread in the militia movement as it is now , '' said Stall .
A patchwork of federal and state laws against voter intimidation exists to protect the process .
And voting rights activists say they worry that the attention generated by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say that even if there is an increased risk of militia activity , it is important to keep it in perspective .
The risk , says Gerry Hebert of the Campaign Legal Center , is that people may be afraid to go to the polls if there is too much hype around militia rhetoric .
`` It is designed to maybe keep people from showing up because they fear that there might be some activity , when , in fact , it 's just a chilling commentary , '' he told NPR .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an already deeply contested and divisive election season .

Here's Where The Threat Of Militia Activity Around The Elections Is The Highest
Enlarge this image toggle caption Seth Herald/Getty Images Seth Herald/Getty Images
Five states — Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Oregon — have the highest risk of seeing increased militia activity around the elections: everything from demonstrations to violence.
That's the conclusion of a new report by ACLED, a crisis-mapping project, and the research group MilitiaWatch. They worked together to map out potential hot spots for militia-style activities around the elections.
Their report looks at states where militias have had recruitment drives and training, where they have cultivated relationships with law enforcement and where there has been substantial engagement in anti-coronavirus-lockdown protests.
Those factors are local indicators of whether militia activity might occur. For example, cultivating relationships with police suggests that law enforcement might view the militia groups as helpful, rather than a threat. And anti-coronavirus-lockdown protests are linked to militia activity because many of those groups believe that the state doesn't have the authority to impose such restrictions.
The report comes out as the risk of political violence around Election Day by vigilantes or militia-style groups is increasing, researchers say. Far-right, militia-style groups have been busy this year: Their numbers are growing, their online chatter is increasing and their threats are becoming more specific.
"In the conversations that I observe, the heat is higher. The vitriol is greater," said Megan Squire, a computer science professor at Elon University who studies right-wing extremism and online spaces.
The range of real-world militia activities that could occur include everything from armed demonstrations to voter intimidation to violence. The rhetoric is heated, in part, because a mosaic of groups on the far right with different goals agree on one thing: that President Trump can lose the election only if it's rigged.
"There's circulation of rumors of left-wing intervention at the polls or in the election, which has led to individuals and militia groups discussing primarily showing up armed at the polls, like to see if there's anything suspicious or what they deem suspicious," said Hampton Stall, the founder of MilitiaWatch, which tracks the right-wing militia movement.
The commentary and planning are getting harder to track online. Facebook and Twitter have cracked down on militia-style groups, but such groups have moved the conversation to other places. Those places include social media networks that are more permissive with the groups' content and discussion boards where militia members can meet and organize.
"It becomes a lot harder for people like me and my colleagues to track them, because we watch them kind of splinter into other places," said Cassie Miller, a senior research analyst at the Southern Poverty Law Center.
The threats by militia-style groups have been growing in number, vitriol and specificity — culminating in things like the alleged plot by six men in Michigan to kidnap that state's governor, Gretchen Whitmer.
"There's a lot more worst-case-scenario thinking that is leading to fantasizing about violence and very real militarized action that hasn't really been as widespread in the militia movement as it is now," said Stall.
A patchwork of federal and state laws against voter intimidation exists to protect the process.
And voting rights activists say they worry that the attention generated by the militias could depress voter turnout. They say that even if there is an increased risk of militia activity, it is important to keep it in perspective.
The risk, says Gerry Hebert of the Campaign Legal Center, is that people may be afraid to go to the polls if there is too much hype around militia rhetoric.
"It is designed to maybe keep people from showing up because they fear that there might be some activity, when, in fact, it's just a chilling commentary," he told NPR.
All of this adds to the tensions in an already deeply contested and divisive election season.


npr--2020-10-22--Most Tenants Get No Information About Flooding. It Can Cost Them Dearly

Most Tenants Get No Information About Flooding .
It Can Cost Them Dearly When Amanda Daniels found an affordable first-floor apartment in Wicker Park , a hip Chicago neighborhood , she was excited .
`` It had a washer and dryer , which is like gold .
And it had a huge shared patio space , '' she remembers .
`` I was like , 'This place is awesome . '
`` Daniels was living paycheck to paycheck at the time .
The year after she moved in , a summer rainstorm flooded her living room with brown water .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ but she salvaged what she could and moved .
If that had been Daniels ' only experience with flooding in Chicago , she might have never given it a second thought .
But another apartment she lived in flooded in 2016 , and a third one this summer .
In five years , floods have destroyed more than $ 10,000 of Daniels ' belongings .
None of her landlords told her about flood risk .
If she had known , she says , she might not have rented some of the apartments that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purchased insurance that covers flood damage .
Climate change is fueling flooding in much of the U.S. , from coastal areas that are seeing the effects of sea level rise and wetter hurricanes to inland cities and towns struggling with extreme rain .
In more than half of the states , people who purchase homes receive information about flood risk .
What 's more , many homeowners in the most flood-prone areas are required to purchase flood insurance , which means mortgage lenders inform them of their flood risk .
That 's in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority of renters such as Daniels are not entitled to any information about flood dangers .
An NPR review of the laws in 29 states that require disclosure of flood risk during real estate transactions found that only one mentions tenants .
That law , in Georgia , does n't apply to everyone who rents : Landlords must only make a disclosure if an apartment or rental home has flooded at least three times in the previous five years .
The lack of information leaves tenants unprotected against floods , says Miyuki Hino @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill .
Because tenants are less likely than homeowners to understand their flood risk , they are also less likely to have adequate insurance .
Typical renters insurance does not cover flood damage .
As a result , those who rent houses or apartments in flood-prone areas are putting their safety , belongings and financial security at risk without knowing it .
`` You go into these apartments , and they look beautiful , '' Daniels says .
`` You do n't think ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' But you should know what you 're getting involved in . ''
Coastal cities face more flooding as sea levels rise and climate change drives more frequent major hurricanes .
But the lack of flood risk disclosure is particularly notable in cities not located on the coasts , and where the sources of flooding might be less obvious to residents .
The largest such city is Chicago .
As climate change makes extreme rain more common , Chicago has suffered repeated floods .
About 77,000 properties in Chicago are at significant risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to a recent analysis by the First Street Foundation , a nonprofit environmental data group .
`` With tenants , people could just be moving around the city and be sitting on sort of a flooding time bomb , and they have no idea of it , '' says Marcella Bondie Keenan , program director of climate planning and programs for the Center for Neighborhood Technology , a think tank in Chicago that released a recent report on urban flooding .
More than half of Chicago residents are renters , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is true in other major cities , including Atlanta , New York , Los Angeles and Houston .
Nationwide , about a third of Americans rent their homes .
People of color are more likely to rent because discriminatory housing , employment and banking policies over the decades have kept many from owning homes .
As a result , more than 70 % of white Americans own homes , while fewer than 50 % of Black and Latinx Americans do .
Bondie Keenan says the total number of tenants being harmed by urban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people do n't want to speak publicly about flood damage to rental properties .
Some fear retaliation by landlords , and others are overwhelmed by the damage and feel they have no recourse to fix it .
`` There is definitely a sense of shame and embarrassment , to the point where it kind of kept people from organizing around the issue because no one wanted to admit that they had that problem , '' Bondie Keenan says .
But the scale of the flooding problem among tenants is clear to Philip DeVon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Metropolitan Tenants Organization , a tenant advocacy group in Chicago .
Flooding often comes up on the group 's hotline , which gets about 10,000 calls annually , and most callers say they were not told that flooding was a possibility , DeVon says .
`` I 've never had someone call who expected the flooding or was even told it might happen , '' he says .
The Illinois Rental Property Owners Association confirmed that information about past flooding or future flood risk `` is not routinely shared with tenants .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ are those whose living space is underground .
Many people rent such apartments because they cost less .
In Chicago , for example , some affordable housing includes basement units , Bondie Keenan says .
Underground apartments are also among the most affordable options in other cities on the front lines of climate-driven flooding , including Philadelphia , Boston and Washington , D.C .
Renters who lost their belongings in a flood are ineligible for some types of federal assistance available to homeowners .
Federal disaster aid programs `` end up funneling aid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the University of North Carolina 's Hino says .
So there is less of a safety net available when renters lose their belongings , or when flooding renders their apartments uninhabitable .
As a result , the lack of flood risk disclosure to tenants likely contributes to unequal outcomes after flood disasters .
Research after recent floods has found that renters who experience major disasters and do not have savings to fall back on are more likely to go bankrupt and to see their credit scores drop in the years after a disaster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are even less likely than their white counterparts to receive federal aid after a flood , according to recent research about disaster assistance .
Congress has both the incentive and the power to improve disclosure of flood risk to tenants and homebuyers .
The vast majority of residential flood insurance is provided by the federal government and backed up by taxpayer dollars , including flood insurance policies covering the belongings of tenants .
The National Flood Insurance Program is about $ 20 billion in debt due to increasingly widespread flood disasters .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the program and provide more information about the location and frequency of flood risk .
One reason is that elected officials of both parties fear that more flood disclosure could drive down their constituents ' property values .
Kevin Donnelly , vice president for government affairs for the National Multifamily Housing Council , says his group has worked on multiple plans that would give tenants information about past or future flooding .
But he says that the `` provisions have never been enacted as a result of the congressional stalemate over reauthorizing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] . ''
A handful of flood-prone states , including New York and Virginia , have considered new flood disclosure requirements in recent years .
But the proposals have n't made it through the state legislatures and would only apply to potential homebuyers , not renters .
A new flood disclosure law in Texas , adopted after Hurricane Harvey hit the state in 2017 , requires that people selling homes disclose to buyers if the building was damaged by flooding , or if it is in a flood plain or has flood insurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not required to disclose the same information to renters .
The impact of flooding on tenants is so prevalent in Houston that multiple candidates running for City Council last year advocated for new rules requiring that flood risk be disclosed to tenants .
So far , the city has not enacted such a requirement .

Most Tenants Get No Information About Flooding. It Can Cost Them Dearly
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson/Getty Images
When Amanda Daniels found an affordable first-floor apartment in Wicker Park, a hip Chicago neighborhood, she was excited.
"It had a washer and dryer, which is like gold. And it had a huge shared patio space," she remembers. "I was like, 'This place is awesome.' "
Daniels was living paycheck to paycheck at the time. The year after she moved in, a summer rainstorm flooded her living room with brown water. It destroyed her rug and table, but she salvaged what she could and moved.
If that had been Daniels' only experience with flooding in Chicago, she might have never given it a second thought. But another apartment she lived in flooded in 2016, and a third one this summer.
In five years, floods have destroyed more than $10,000 of Daniels' belongings. None of her landlords told her about flood risk. If she had known, she says, she might not have rented some of the apartments that eventually flooded, or she might have purchased insurance that covers flood damage.
Climate change is fueling flooding in much of the U.S., from coastal areas that are seeing the effects of sea level rise and wetter hurricanes to inland cities and towns struggling with extreme rain.
In more than half of the states, people who purchase homes receive information about flood risk. What's more, many homeowners in the most flood-prone areas are required to purchase flood insurance, which means mortgage lenders inform them of their flood risk. That's in stark contrast with tenants: The vast majority of renters such as Daniels are not entitled to any information about flood dangers.
An NPR review of the laws in 29 states that require disclosure of flood risk during real estate transactions found that only one mentions tenants. That law, in Georgia, doesn't apply to everyone who rents: Landlords must only make a disclosure if an apartment or rental home has flooded at least three times in the previous five years.
The lack of information leaves tenants unprotected against floods, says Miyuki Hino, a professor of city and regional planning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Because tenants are less likely than homeowners to understand their flood risk, they are also less likely to have adequate insurance. Typical renters insurance does not cover flood damage.
As a result, those who rent houses or apartments in flood-prone areas are putting their safety, belongings and financial security at risk without knowing it.
"You go into these apartments, and they look beautiful," Daniels says. "You don't think 'I'm at risk for flooding.' But you should know what you're getting involved in."
Beyond coastal cities
Coastal cities face more flooding as sea levels rise and climate change drives more frequent major hurricanes. But the lack of flood risk disclosure is particularly notable in cities not located on the coasts, and where the sources of flooding might be less obvious to residents.
The largest such city is Chicago. As climate change makes extreme rain more common, Chicago has suffered repeated floods. About 77,000 properties in Chicago are at significant risk for flooding over the next 30 years, according to a recent analysis by the First Street Foundation, a nonprofit environmental data group.
Loading...
"With tenants, people could just be moving around the city and be sitting on sort of a flooding time bomb, and they have no idea of it," says Marcella Bondie Keenan, program director of climate planning and programs for the Center for Neighborhood Technology, a think tank in Chicago that released a recent report on urban flooding.
More than half of Chicago residents are renters, according to 2019 census data. The same is true in other major cities, including Atlanta, New York, Los Angeles and Houston. Nationwide, about a third of Americans rent their homes. People of color are more likely to rent because discriminatory housing, employment and banking policies over the decades have kept many from owning homes. As a result, more than 70% of white Americans own homes, while fewer than 50% of Black and Latinx Americans do.
Bondie Keenan says the total number of tenants being harmed by urban flooding is difficult to ascertain because many people don't want to speak publicly about flood damage to rental properties. Some fear retaliation by landlords, and others are overwhelmed by the damage and feel they have no recourse to fix it.
"There is definitely a sense of shame and embarrassment, to the point where it kind of kept people from organizing around the issue because no one wanted to admit that they had that problem," Bondie Keenan says.
But the scale of the flooding problem among tenants is clear to Philip DeVon, a Chicago attorney who works with the Metropolitan Tenants Organization, a tenant advocacy group in Chicago. Flooding often comes up on the group's hotline, which gets about 10,000 calls annually, and most callers say they were not told that flooding was a possibility, DeVon says.
"I've never had someone call who expected the flooding or was even told it might happen," he says. The Illinois Rental Property Owners Association confirmed that information about past flooding or future flood risk "is not routinely shared with tenants."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Michael Dwyer/AP Michael Dwyer/AP
Exacerbating inequities
The tenants at the highest risk are those whose living space is underground. Many people rent such apartments because they cost less.
In Chicago, for example, some affordable housing includes basement units, Bondie Keenan says. Underground apartments are also among the most affordable options in other cities on the front lines of climate-driven flooding, including Philadelphia, Boston and Washington, D.C.
Renters who lost their belongings in a flood are ineligible for some types of federal assistance available to homeowners. Federal disaster aid programs "end up funneling aid to homeowners rather than renters," the University of North Carolina's Hino says. So there is less of a safety net available when renters lose their belongings, or when flooding renders their apartments uninhabitable.
As a result, the lack of flood risk disclosure to tenants likely contributes to unequal outcomes after flood disasters. Research after recent floods has found that renters who experience major disasters and do not have savings to fall back on are more likely to go bankrupt and to see their credit scores drop in the years after a disaster. And renters who are not white are even less likely than their white counterparts to receive federal aid after a flood, according to recent research about disaster assistance.
Stalled protections
Congress has both the incentive and the power to improve disclosure of flood risk to tenants and homebuyers. The vast majority of residential flood insurance is provided by the federal government and backed up by taxpayer dollars, including flood insurance policies covering the belongings of tenants. The National Flood Insurance Program is about $20 billion in debt due to increasingly widespread flood disasters.
But repeated congressional efforts have failed to overhaul the program and provide more information about the location and frequency of flood risk. One reason is that elected officials of both parties fear that more flood disclosure could drive down their constituents' property values.
Kevin Donnelly, vice president for government affairs for the National Multifamily Housing Council, says his group has worked on multiple plans that would give tenants information about past or future flooding. But he says that the "provisions have never been enacted as a result of the congressional stalemate over reauthorizing and reforming the [National Flood Insurance Program]."
A handful of flood-prone states, including New York and Virginia, have considered new flood disclosure requirements in recent years. But the proposals haven't made it through the state legislatures and would only apply to potential homebuyers, not renters.
A new flood disclosure law in Texas, adopted after Hurricane Harvey hit the state in 2017, requires that people selling homes disclose to buyers if the building was damaged by flooding, or if it is in a flood plain or has flood insurance. But landlords or property managers are not required to disclose the same information to renters.
The impact of flooding on tenants is so prevalent in Houston that multiple candidates running for City Council last year advocated for new rules requiring that flood risk be disclosed to tenants. So far, the city has not enacted such a requirement.


npr--2020-10-21--Supreme Court Blocks Curbside Voting In Alabama, An Option During Pandemic

Supreme Court Blocks Curbside Voting In Alabama , An Option During Pandemic The Supreme Court has sided with Alabama state officials who banned curbside voting intended to accommodate individuals with disabilities and those at risk from the COVID-19 virus .
The high court issued its order Wednesday night , without explanation , over the dissent of the court 's three liberal justices .
At issue was the decision by the Alabama secretary of state to ban counties from allowing curbside voting , even for those voters with disabilities and those for whom COVID-19 is disproportionately likely to be fatal .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the beginning of May .
After a three-day trial , a federal district court ruled that the ban on curbside voting violated the Americans with Disabilities Act , and that a policy allowing but not requiring counties to implement curbside voting was a reasonable accommodation under the law .
A federal appeals court upheld the ruling , and the state appealed to the Supreme Court to block the lower court decision from going into effect .
Now the high court has granted the state 's request for a stay of the lower court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to permit curbside voting — allowing voters to vote from their cars at the curbside of the polling place and to hand their ballots to a poll worker .
Jefferson and Montgomery counties sought to allow curbside voting so that vulnerable voters who wished to vote in person would not have to wait inside in a crowd of fellow voters whom Alabama does not require to wear masks .
But the secretary of state 's ban prevented this accommodation , and the Supreme Court 's five-justice conservative majority has , for now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dissenting from the high court 's action were Justices Sonia Sotomayor , Stephen Breyer and Elena Kagan .
Writing for the three , Sotomayor noted that John Merrill , the Alabama secretary of state , `` does not meaningfully dispute that the plaintiffs have disabilities , that COVID-19 is disproportionately likely to be fatal to these plaintiffs , and that traditional-in-person voting will meaningfully increase their risk of exposure . ''
Moreover , said Sotomayor , in-person voting is considerably easier than voting by mail in Alabama .
At the polls , voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; they need no witnesses , notaries , or copies of their photo IDs , as Alabama law requires for absentee ballots , and they know their ballots will not arrive too late to be counted .
In addition , she noted , curbside voting has been recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention during the pandemic , and the Justice Department has approved it as well as a way to prevent violations of the ADA .
Sotomayor concluded the dissenting opinion by pointing to one of the plaintiffs in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black man in his 70s who suffers from Parkinson 's disease and asthma .
In challenging the ban on curbside voting , Porter told the district court : So `` many of my [ ancestors ] even died to vote .
And while I do n't mind dying to vote , I think we 're past that time . ''
Merrill , in a statement , called the court 's decision a `` ruling in favor of election integrity and security [ and ] ... a win for the people of Alabama .
@

Supreme Court Blocks Curbside Voting In Alabama, An Option During Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP J. Scott Applewhite/AP
The Supreme Court has sided with Alabama state officials who banned curbside voting intended to accommodate individuals with disabilities and those at risk from the COVID-19 virus.
The high court issued its order Wednesday night, without explanation, over the dissent of the court's three liberal justices.
At issue was the decision by the Alabama secretary of state to ban counties from allowing curbside voting, even for those voters with disabilities and those for whom COVID-19 is disproportionately likely to be fatal.
Several at-risk voters challenged the ban at the beginning of May. After a three-day trial, a federal district court ruled that the ban on curbside voting violated the Americans with Disabilities Act, and that a policy allowing but not requiring counties to implement curbside voting was a reasonable accommodation under the law.
A federal appeals court upheld the ruling, and the state appealed to the Supreme Court to block the lower court decision from going into effect. Now the high court has granted the state's request for a stay of the lower court orders.
Some counties in Alabama wanted to permit curbside voting — allowing voters to vote from their cars at the curbside of the polling place and to hand their ballots to a poll worker. Jefferson and Montgomery counties sought to allow curbside voting so that vulnerable voters who wished to vote in person would not have to wait inside in a crowd of fellow voters whom Alabama does not require to wear masks. But the secretary of state's ban prevented this accommodation, and the Supreme Court's five-justice conservative majority has, for now, sided with the secretary of state.
Dissenting from the high court's action were Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Stephen Breyer and Elena Kagan.
Writing for the three, Sotomayor noted that John Merrill, the Alabama secretary of state, "does not meaningfully dispute that the plaintiffs have disabilities, that COVID-19 is disproportionately likely to be fatal to these plaintiffs, and that traditional-in-person voting will meaningfully increase their risk of exposure."
Moreover, said Sotomayor, in-person voting is considerably easier than voting by mail in Alabama. At the polls, voters with disabilities receive assistance from poll workers; they need no witnesses, notaries, or copies of their photo IDs, as Alabama law requires for absentee ballots, and they know their ballots will not arrive too late to be counted.
In addition, she noted, curbside voting has been recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention during the pandemic, and the Justice Department has approved it as well as a way to prevent violations of the ADA.
Sotomayor concluded the dissenting opinion by pointing to one of the plaintiffs in the case, Howard Porter Jr, a black man in his 70s who suffers from Parkinson's disease and asthma. In challenging the ban on curbside voting, Porter told the district court: So "many of my [ancestors] even died to vote. And while I don't mind dying to vote, I think we're past that time."
Merrill, in a statement, called the court's decision a "ruling in favor of election integrity and security [and] ... a win for the people of Alabama."


npr--2020-10-22--Watch Live: Final Trump-Biden Presidential Debate

President Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden are facing off for the last time Thursday night in Nashville .
This is the final time the candidates will make their pitch to voters while sharing the debate stage before voting concludes on Nov. 3 .
Watch the debate live on this page from 9 to 10:30 p.m .
ET .
Follow updates and fact checks on NPR.org , too .
Kristen Welker of NBC News is moderating in front of an in-person audience at Belmont University .
All audience members will be required to wear masks .
The debate is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set by the moderator : COVID-19 , American families , race in America , climate change , national security and leadership .
Under new rules announced Monday by the Commission on Presidential Debates , each candidate will have two minutes of uninterrupted time at the top of every segment to answer Welker 's questions .
The other candidate 's mic will be muted during this time , a change the commission made after a widely criticized first presidential debate that was marked by constant interruption .
With Biden holding a 10-point lead over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Thursday 's debate is one of the president 's last chances to shift the momentum of the race .
A recent NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll found that just 5 % of voters are still persuadable .
And according to the United States Elections Project at the University of Florida , more than 47 million people have already voted .

Watch: Final Trump-Biden Presidential Debate
PBS NewsHour via YouTube
Updated Friday at 12:35 a.m. ET
President Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden faced off for the last time Thursday night in Nashville. It was the final time the candidates could make their pitch to voters while sharing the debate stage before voting concludes on Nov. 3.
Kristen Welker of NBC News moderated in front of an in-person audience at Belmont University. All audience members were be required to wear masks.
The debate was divided into six 15-minute segments on topics set by the moderator: COVID-19, American families, race in America, climate change, national security and leadership.
Under new rules announced Monday by the Commission on Presidential Debates, each candidate had two minutes of uninterrupted time at the top of every segment to answer Welker's questions. The other candidate's mic was muted during this time, a change the commission made after a widely criticized first presidential debate that was marked by constant interruption.
With Biden holding a 10-point lead over Trump in an average of national polls, Thursday's debate is one of the president's last chances to shift the momentum of the race.
A recent NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll found that just 5% of voters are still persuadable. And according to the United States Elections Project at the University of Florida, more than 47 million people have already voted.


npr--2020-10-22--Colorado Fire Grows By Over 100,000 Acres In 1 Day, Hits Rocky Mountain National Park

Colorado Fire Grows By Over 100,000 Acres In 1 Day , Hits Rocky Mountain National Park Already battling the largest fire in state history , Colorado is now dealing with another blaze that grew by more than 100,000 acres in a day .
The flames traveled east , fueled by beetle-eaten pine trees and dry winds .
Hundreds evacuated .
The fire jumped the Continental Divide .
Conditions forced the closing of Rocky Mountain National Park .
The fire , called East Troublesome after a nearby creek , has spread to more than 125,000 acres .
Smoke plumes stretched 40,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town of Grand Lake was forced to evacuate .
East Troublesome is now the fourth-largest wildfire in Colorado records .
It started on Oct. 14 , but overnight Wednesday it quadrupled in size .
`` The growth that you see on this fire is unheard of , '' Grand County Sheriff Brett Schroetlin said during a Thursday press conference .
`` We plan for the worst .
This is the worst of the worst of the worst .
And no matter how we look at it , we ca n't control Mother Nature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Three of the five largest fires in Colorado history are from 2020 .
The state has battled its largest fire in history for more than two months just west of Fort Collins .
The fire , named Cameron Peak , continues to burn and has spread to about 207,000 acres .
It is 55 % contained .
`` By the end of September , nearly 100 % of the state was experiencing some level of drought , up from 51 % since the beginning of the calendar year , '' according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center .
There have been no reported injuries or deaths , but some residents disregarded mandatory evacuation orders Wednesday , Schroetlin said .
Numerous structures were destroyed Wednesday , he said .
He had `` no idea '' of the extent of damages , Schroetlin said .
As of Thursday afternoon , the East Troublesome Fire was 5 % contained .
High wind and low humidity conditions will make it easy for the fire to spread further , said Noel Livingston , incident commander for Pacific Northwest Team Three .
`` We anticipate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he said .
It 's possible the East Troublesome Fire could connect with the Cameron Peak Fire , Livingston said .
Cameron Peak has also burned into Rocky Mountain National Park .
A media conference scheduled for Thursday afternoon was canceled after the location where it was to take place was put under a pre-evacuation order .
Ernie Bjorkman , a Grand Lake town councilman , evacuated his home in a hurry Wednesday evening , Colorado Public Radio reported .
He said the town will have a lot of work to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basically out of a movie .
It was a firestorm in downtown Grand Lake .
Smoke and embers flying around .
It was just a chaotic scene , '' Bjorkman told CPR .
`` We locked the door and said , 'Hopefully , house , we 'll see you when we get back . '
``

Colorado Fire Grows By Over 100,000 Acres In 1 Day, Hits Rocky Mountain National Park
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jessy Ellenberger/Via AP Jessy Ellenberger/Via AP
Already battling the largest fire in state history, Colorado is now dealing with another blaze that grew by more than 100,000 acres in a day.
The flames traveled east, fueled by beetle-eaten pine trees and dry winds. Hundreds evacuated. The fire jumped the Continental Divide. Conditions forced the closing of Rocky Mountain National Park.
The fire, called East Troublesome after a nearby creek, has spread to more than 125,000 acres. Smoke plumes stretched 40,000 feet in the air. The nearby town of Grand Lake was forced to evacuate.
East Troublesome is now the fourth-largest wildfire in Colorado records. It started on Oct. 14, but overnight Wednesday it quadrupled in size.
"The growth that you see on this fire is unheard of," Grand County Sheriff Brett Schroetlin said during a Thursday press conference. "We plan for the worst. This is the worst of the worst of the worst. And no matter how we look at it, we can't control Mother Nature."
The cause is under investigation.
Three of the five largest fires in Colorado history are from 2020. The state has battled its largest fire in history for more than two months just west of Fort Collins. The fire, named Cameron Peak, continues to burn and has spread to about 207,000 acres. It is 55% contained.
"By the end of September, nearly 100% of the state was experiencing some level of drought, up from 51% since the beginning of the calendar year," according to a monthly report from the Colorado Climate Center.
There have been no reported injuries or deaths, but some residents disregarded mandatory evacuation orders Wednesday, Schroetlin said. Numerous structures were destroyed Wednesday, he said.
He had "no idea" of the extent of damages, Schroetlin said. As of Thursday afternoon, the East Troublesome Fire was 5% contained.
High wind and low humidity conditions will make it easy for the fire to spread further, said Noel Livingston, incident commander for Pacific Northwest Team Three.
"We anticipate another day of large fire growth," he said.
It's possible the East Troublesome Fire could connect with the Cameron Peak Fire, Livingston said. Cameron Peak has also burned into Rocky Mountain National Park.
A media conference scheduled for Thursday afternoon was canceled after the location where it was to take place was put under a pre-evacuation order.
Ernie Bjorkman, a Grand Lake town councilman, evacuated his home in a hurry Wednesday evening, Colorado Public Radio reported. He said the town will have a lot of work to do when residents return.
"It was basically out of a movie. It was a firestorm in downtown Grand Lake. Smoke and embers flying around. It was just a chaotic scene," Bjorkman told CPR. "We locked the door and said, 'Hopefully, house, we'll see you when we get back.' "
Reese Oxner is an NPR intern.


npr--2020-10-22--Researchers Find Doubts About COVID-19 Vaccine Among People Of Color

Researchers Find Doubts About COVID-19 Vaccine Among People Of Color The Food and Drug Administration is preparing for the eventual rollout of one or more COVID-19 vaccines — by identifying the concerns that some people have about taking such a vaccine .
At a meeting Thursday of experts advising the FDA on COVID-19 vaccines , the concerns of front-line workers and people of color were read aloud verbatim , highlighting the crucial project of communicating the safety and effectiveness of a vaccine in an environment of deep political distrust .
Those concerns were gathered at a series of listening sessions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonprofit that aims to advance the work of the FDA .
Susan Winckler , the foundation 's CEO , noted that its study was rather narrow , with a focus on the role of the FDA in vaccine review and approval .
Nonetheless , participants in the sessions voiced a range of concerns : • `` I would not be first in line and I would want to see some data . ''
• `` When I hear the FDA say they have a particular process , but then I hear the White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half or negate it – it brings more distrust . ''
• `` We are not going to be guinea pigs again . ''
• `` I am looking for an organization I can trust that does not have a tainted history and has not been bought out by some big pharma . ''
The listening sessions focused on two groups .
One was front-line workers in service , retail and health care settings .
The second focused on people who are often underrepresented and are at increased risk for COVID-19 : Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eight such sessions have been conducted so far , and a few more are slated for the coming weeks .
The foundation said its goal is to understand the perceptions that may lead Americans to feel hesitant about receiving a COVID-19 vaccine – and to use that information to craft messaging that addresses those concerns .
Winckler noted that the participants ' concerns often shared certain themes : concerns about the speed of the process , distrust of government and government agencies , distrust of the health care system , and concern that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ science .
People of color also voiced worries that the vaccine wo n't work for minority populations .
Among their statements : • `` Need to know other minorities have taken it .
Are other minorities ok ?
We 're all built different .
How do we know ? ''
• `` I need to know that all the minorities who took it are okay .
I need to know it works for everybody .
I am not trying to be harmed . ''
Participants also expressed fears based on past experiences .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ this is another Tuskegee experiment . ''
Vaccine hesitancy was a frequent topic at Thursday 's FDA meeting — recognition that the introduction of COVID-19 vaccines will be a nationwide communications effort as much as a scientific one .
The FDA meeting was one effort to demonstrate that the vaccine development process in the U.S. is safe and is being handled with great care and transparency .
Marion Gruber , director of the FDA 's Office of Vaccines Research and Review , said that development of a vaccine is happening as quickly as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Vaccine development can be expedited , '' she said .
`` However , I want to stress that it can not and must not be rushed . ''

Researchers Find Doubts About COVID-19 Vaccine Among People Of Color
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eva Marie Uzcategui/Bloomberg via Getty Images Eva Marie Uzcategui/Bloomberg via Getty Images
The Food and Drug Administration is preparing for the eventual rollout of one or more COVID-19 vaccines — by identifying the concerns that some people have about taking such a vaccine.
At a meeting Thursday of experts advising the FDA on COVID-19 vaccines, the concerns of front-line workers and people of color were read aloud verbatim, highlighting the crucial project of communicating the safety and effectiveness of a vaccine in an environment of deep political distrust.
Those concerns were gathered at a series of listening sessions organized by the Reagan-Udall Foundation, a nonprofit that aims to advance the work of the FDA.
Susan Winckler, the foundation's CEO, noted that its study was rather narrow, with a focus on the role of the FDA in vaccine review and approval.
Nonetheless, participants in the sessions voiced a range of concerns:
"I would not be first in line and I would want to see some data."
"When I hear the FDA say they have a particular process, but then I hear the White House say they can cut it in half or negate it – it brings more distrust."
"We are not going to be guinea pigs again."
"African Americans are treated differently by doctors."
"I am looking for an organization I can trust that does not have a tainted history and has not been bought out by some big pharma."
The listening sessions focused on two groups. One was front-line workers in service, retail and health care settings. The second focused on people who are often underrepresented and are at increased risk for COVID-19: Black, Hispanic and Indigenous/Native American communities.
Eight such sessions have been conducted so far, and a few more are slated for the coming weeks. The foundation said its goal is to understand the perceptions that may lead Americans to feel hesitant about receiving a COVID-19 vaccine – and to use that information to craft messaging that addresses those concerns.
Winckler noted that the participants' concerns often shared certain themes: concerns about the speed of the process, distrust of government and government agencies, distrust of the health care system, and concern that politics and economics will be prioritized over science.
People of color also voiced worries that the vaccine won't work for minority populations. Among their statements:
"Need to know other minorities have taken it. Are other minorities ok? We're all built different. How do we know?"
"I need to know that all the minorities who took it are okay. I need to know it works for everybody. I am not trying to be harmed."
Participants also expressed fears based on past experiences. One person expressed a worry that "this is another Tuskegee experiment."
Vaccine hesitancy was a frequent topic at Thursday's FDA meeting — recognition that the introduction of COVID-19 vaccines will be a nationwide communications effort as much as a scientific one.
The FDA meeting was one effort to demonstrate that the vaccine development process in the U.S. is safe and is being handled with great care and transparency.
Marion Gruber, director of the FDA's Office of Vaccines Research and Review, said that development of a vaccine is happening as quickly as it can – but no faster.
"Vaccine development can be expedited," she said. "However, I want to stress that it cannot and must not be rushed."


npr--2020-10-22--'Amazing' Escape Artist, Magician, And Skeptic James Randi Dead At 92

James Randi hated tricking people .
Sure , as The Amazing Randi , he pulled off amazing escape acts and sleight of hand maneuvers faster than you could see — but it was all in service of proving that he was n't magical in any sense of the word .
He hated tricking people so much he made a career out of debunking so-called psychics , faith healers , and fortune tellers of all sorts .
Randi died on Tuesday , at the age of 92 , due to `` age-related causes , '' according to the James Randi Educational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day skeptic magicians as Penn & Teller , Randi was inspired to do his work by walking into a church one day as a teenager .
The preacher at the front was performing a trick where he pretended to read the minds of people in the audience .
Randi saw through the scam , but told WHYY 's Fresh Air in 1987 that seeing people believe it made him angry .
`` I saw people there weeping real tears and getting very emotionally disturbed and believing that this man had supernatural powers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up on stage , interrupted the performance , and showed the audience the workings of the trick .
The preacher 's wife called the police , and Randi spent the next four hours in a cell , stewing .
`` I made up my mind during the four hours that there would come a day that I would have the prestige , the knowledge , the platform on which to stand to denounce these people , if they were fake , '' said Randi .
That `` if '' was an important aspect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live in absolutes , never saying that magic , or faith healing , or fortune telling was n't real .
But rather that its peddlers were n't actually doing any of those things .
He famously went after the so-called psychic Uri Geller , who 'd made a name for himself in the 1970s performing `` psychokinetic '' tricks on TV such as bending metal forks and such .
There 's an episode of The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson ( where Randi was a frequent guest ) , where Geller comes on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What Geller did n't know was that Randi had hopped on the phone with the show 's props person , and told him how to prepare the props to fumble Geller 's tricks .
Randi told the story in a 2014 documentary about his life titled , An Honest Liar .
What followed was a painfully awkward segment ( obviously , stoked a bit by Carson ) , that ended with Geller giving up , saying he simply did n't `` feel strong '' that night .
In remembering Randi on Twitter , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mentor , and friend .
`` I ca n't do real magic , '' said Randi in the 1987 Fresh Air interview .
`` I think there 's more magic in the opening of a morning glory than anything I or any charlatans in history has ever done , is doing , or will ever do . ''

'Amazing' Escape Artist, Magician, And Skeptic James Randi Dead At 92
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kevin Winter/Getty Images Kevin Winter/Getty Images
James Randi hated tricking people. Sure, as The Amazing Randi, he pulled off amazing escape acts and sleight of hand maneuvers faster than you could see — but it was all in service of proving that he wasn't magical in any sense of the word. He hated tricking people so much he made a career out of debunking so-called psychics, faith healers, and fortune tellers of all sorts.
Randi died on Tuesday, at the age of 92, due to "age-related causes," according to the James Randi Educational Foundation.
A prototype for such modern day skeptic magicians as Penn & Teller, Randi was inspired to do his work by walking into a church one day as a teenager. The preacher at the front was performing a trick where he pretended to read the minds of people in the audience. Randi saw through the scam, but told WHYY's Fresh Air in 1987 that seeing people believe it made him angry.
"I saw people there weeping real tears and getting very emotionally disturbed and believing that this man had supernatural powers," he said.
So he walked up on stage, interrupted the performance, and showed the audience the workings of the trick. The preacher's wife called the police, and Randi spent the next four hours in a cell, stewing.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ron Burton/Getty Images Ron Burton/Getty Images
"I made up my mind during the four hours that there would come a day that I would have the prestige, the knowledge, the platform on which to stand to denounce these people, if they were fake," said Randi.
That "if" was an important aspect of his career. Randi didn't live in absolutes, never saying that magic, or faith healing, or fortune telling wasn't real. But rather that its peddlers weren't actually doing any of those things.
He famously went after the so-called psychic Uri Geller, who'd made a name for himself in the 1970s performing "psychokinetic" tricks on TV such as bending metal forks and such. There's an episode of The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson (where Randi was a frequent guest), where Geller comes on to show his "powers." What Geller didn't know was that Randi had hopped on the phone with the show's props person, and told him how to prepare the props to fumble Geller's tricks. Randi told the story in a 2014 documentary about his life titled, An Honest Liar. What followed was a painfully awkward segment (obviously, stoked a bit by Carson), that ended with Geller giving up, saying he simply didn't "feel strong" that night.
In remembering Randi on Twitter, magician Penn Jillette called him a hero, mentor, and friend.
"I can't do real magic," said Randi in the 1987 Fresh Air interview. "I think there's more magic in the opening of a morning glory than anything I or any charlatans in history has ever done, is doing, or will ever do."