npr--2020-09-01--California OKs Extension Of COVID-19 Moratorium On Evictions

California Gov .
Gavin Newsom has signed a five-month extension to measures aimed at preventing millions of tenants from being thrown out of housing for missing rent due to hardships caused by the coronavirus pandemic .
Newsom signed Assembly Bill 3088 into law late Monday after last-minute wrangling in the California Legislature that tried to balance the demands of both landlord and tenant advocacy groups .
`` COVID-19 has impacted everyone in California – but some bear much more of the burden than others , especially tenants struggling to stitch together the monthly rent , and they deserve protection from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement .
`` This new law protects tenants from eviction for non-payment of rent and helps keep homeowners out of foreclosure as a result of economic hardship caused by this terrible pandemic . ''
In March , Newsom issued an executive order placing a moratorium on evictions through the end of May .
He twice extended the order , which California 's Judicial Council voted last month to end on Sept. 1 .
Under the new legislation , which goes into effect immediately , tenants who pay at least 25 % of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be protected from eviction .
However , those who fail to meet the minimum rent payment could be removed beginning Feb. 1 .
The extension also gives tenants a reprieve on unpaid rent between March and August , but allows landlords to sue for the back rent during that period beginning in March 2021 .
To qualify for the protections , tenants are required to sign a declaration affirming a COVID-19 hardship .
The bill would also extend some foreclosure protections to owners of rental property of four dwellings or fewer that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a tenant occupying the property is unable to pay rent due to a reduction in income resulting from the novel coronavirus . ''
A previous proposal would have given renters until 2024 to begin repaying back rent and reduced the amount owed by renters who meet certain income criteria .
The California Apartment Association , which had opposed the earlier proposal , backs the bill signed by Newsom but said more help is needed .
`` To truly address this crisis , the federal government needs to step up , '' Debra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president of state public affairs , said in a statement .
`` COVID-impacted renters need financial assistance , from the feds , so they can pay their rent .
Otherwise , renters will be hard-pressed to pay the rent that 's accumulated , and housing providers will go out of business . ''
Samuel Tepperman-Gelfant , managing attorney for Public Advocates , a nonprofit law firm and advocacy organization , said he welcomes the moratorium 's extension but still has concerns .
`` This bill is going to offer really important protections for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pandemic , '' he told NPR .
`` But there are procedural hurdles for some tenants in accessing these protections , '' he added .
Renters have 15 days each month to submit a form affirming they have a COVID-related hardship to qualify , he said .
`` People most in crisis , facing unemployment , illness from COVID or child care concerns may have a hard time getting those forms back in time . ''
Shanti Singh , a spokeswoman for Tenants Together , a renter advocacy group , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times as saying that the bill signed on Monday is `` better than the absolute nightmare that we are facing with evictions , but there are going to be a lot of challenges . ''
`` The biggest concern is : Do we think we are going to be out of this crisis by Feb. 1 ?
Absolutely not .
Are people going to magically get all of their jobs back and be able to have money to pay rent on Feb. 1 ?
I do n't think so , '' Singh told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shot up from 5.3 % in March to more than 16 % in April and May as the brunt of the pandemic 's economic damage was felt .
The latest figures suggest it has lowered slightly , to 13.3 % in July .
According to a study by the Aspen Institute , barring any protections , nearly 4 million people in California would face eviction by the end of September .
A separate UCLA study that focused on Los Angeles found that between 58 % and 68 % of tenant households had lost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 16 % of tenants paid rent late from May through July .
Despite the governor 's earlier executive order , a report by Cal Matters last month found that hundreds of people had nonetheless been evicted for missing rent payments before the order going into effect .

California OKs Extension Of COVID-19 Moratorium On Evictions
Enlarge this image toggle caption Damian Dovarganes/AP Damian Dovarganes/AP
Updated at 1:30 p.m. ET
California Gov. Gavin Newsom has signed a five-month extension to measures aimed at preventing millions of tenants from being thrown out of housing for missing rent due to hardships caused by the coronavirus pandemic.
Newsom signed Assembly Bill 3088 into law late Monday after last-minute wrangling in the California Legislature that tried to balance the demands of both landlord and tenant advocacy groups.
"COVID-19 has impacted everyone in California – but some bear much more of the burden than others, especially tenants struggling to stitch together the monthly rent, and they deserve protection from eviction," Newsom said in a statement. "This new law protects tenants from eviction for non-payment of rent and helps keep homeowners out of foreclosure as a result of economic hardship caused by this terrible pandemic."
In March, Newsom issued an executive order placing a moratorium on evictions through the end of May. He twice extended the order, which California's Judicial Council voted last month to end on Sept. 1.
Under the new legislation, which goes into effect immediately, tenants who pay at least 25% of their rent from Sept. 1 through Jan. 31 will be protected from eviction. However, those who fail to meet the minimum rent payment could be removed beginning Feb. 1.
The extension also gives tenants a reprieve on unpaid rent between March and August, but allows landlords to sue for the back rent during that period beginning in March 2021.
To qualify for the protections, tenants are required to sign a declaration affirming a COVID-19 hardship.
The bill would also extend some foreclosure protections to owners of rental property of four dwellings or fewer that also meet "certain criteria, including that a tenant occupying the property is unable to pay rent due to a reduction in income resulting from the novel coronavirus."
A previous proposal would have given renters until 2024 to begin repaying back rent and reduced the amount owed by renters who meet certain income criteria.
The California Apartment Association, which had opposed the earlier proposal, backs the bill signed by Newsom but said more help is needed.
"To truly address this crisis, the federal government needs to step up," Debra Carlton, the association's executive vice president of state public affairs, said in a statement. "COVID-impacted renters need financial assistance, from the feds, so they can pay their rent. Otherwise, renters will be hard-pressed to pay the rent that's accumulated, and housing providers will go out of business."
Samuel Tepperman-Gelfant, managing attorney for Public Advocates, a nonprofit law firm and advocacy organization, said he welcomes the moratorium's extension but still has concerns.
"This bill is going to offer really important protections for millions of Californians suffering the economic fallout of the pandemic," he told NPR.
"But there are procedural hurdles for some tenants in accessing these protections," he added.
Renters have 15 days each month to submit a form affirming they have a COVID-related hardship to qualify, he said. "People most in crisis, facing unemployment, illness from COVID or child care concerns may have a hard time getting those forms back in time."
Shanti Singh, a spokeswoman for Tenants Together, a renter advocacy group, was quoted last week by the Los Angeles Times as saying that the bill signed on Monday is "better than the absolute nightmare that we are facing with evictions, but there are going to be a lot of challenges."
"The biggest concern is: Do we think we are going to be out of this crisis by Feb. 1? Absolutely not. Are people going to magically get all of their jobs back and be able to have money to pay rent on Feb. 1? I don't think so," Singh told the newspaper.
California's unemployment rate shot up from 5.3% in March to more than 16% in April and May as the brunt of the pandemic's economic damage was felt. The latest figures suggest it has lowered slightly, to 13.3% in July.
According to a study by the Aspen Institute, barring any protections, nearly 4 million people in California would face eviction by the end of September.
A separate UCLA study that focused on Los Angeles found that between 58% and 68% of tenant households had lost income since March 13 and that about 16% of tenants paid rent late from May through July.
Despite the governor's earlier executive order, a report by Cal Matters last month found that hundreds of people had nonetheless been evicted for missing rent payments before the order going into effect.


npr--2020-09-01--Trump Praises Law Enforcement In Visit To Kenosha

President Trump visited Kenosha , Wis. , on Tuesday , a city roiled by unrest following the police shooting of Jacob Blake last month in a state seen as crucial to Trump 's reelection prospects in November .
Trump went to an emergency management center , met with police and toured a section of the city damaged by rioting that followed the shooting of the 29-year-old Black man .
At a roundtable discussion with law enforcement and local leaders , Trump said the unrest in Kenosha was not `` acts of peaceful protest , but really domestic terror . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a model for how local , state and federal law enforcement could work together to respond to riots .
Trump denounced unnamed `` reckless far-left politicians '' who continue to press the message that police are `` repressive or racist . ''
He called police `` great , great people , '' although he said there were a few bad apples and repeated his characterization from an interview Monday night that some police officers do `` choke '' and make bad decisions under pressure .
`` They choke sometimes , and it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
A reporter asked Trump whether he believes there is systemic racism in the U.S. , and Trump responded , `` You just keep getting back to the opposite subject .
We should talk about the kind of violence that we 've seen in Portland and here and other places .
It 's tremendous violence . ''
In response to the violence in Kenosha , Trump announced extra funding as part of the effort to help the city `` rebuild '' : $ 1 million to Kenosha for law enforcement ; $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and $ 42 million for law enforcement statewide , including money for prosecutors .
Trump did not meet with Jacob Blake 's family during his trip .
Asked what he would have said to them , Trump said , `` I feel terribly for anybody who goes through that , '' adding the shooting was under investigation .
Trump said , `` I did n't get to speak to the mother , '' but that `` I hear she 's a fine woman . ''
Trump said Monday that he did not plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said such a meeting would include the family 's attorney .
Blake 's mother 's pastor , James Ward , and his wife did participate in the roundtable .
Sharon Ward said during the conversation that `` it 's important to have Black people at the table to help solve the problem . ''
She added , `` I think that this is a really good opportunity to solve the problem in the nation . ''
Two people were killed last week during the protests against racism and police brutality that followed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been charged with six criminal counts , including first-degree intentional homicide .
Rittenhouse , who is white , is a staunch law enforcement supporter .
Trump appeared to defend Rittenhouse on Monday , saying , `` He was trying to get away from them , I guess , it looks like . ''
While an investigation into that shooting is also ongoing , Trump said , `` I guess he was in very big trouble .
He probably would have been killed . ''
Trump did not elaborate on what kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As for the police shooting Blake multiple times at close range , which left Blake paralyzed from the waist down , Trump has avoided directly condemning law enforcement actions .
In an interview with Fox 's Laura Ingraham on Monday , Trump compared the police shooting to a mistake in a golf tournament .
`` Shooting the guy in the back many times , '' he said , `` I mean , could n't you have done something different , could n't you have wrestled him ?
You know , I mean , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been going for a weapon .
You know there 's a whole big thing there , but they choke .
Just like in a golf tournament , they miss a 3-foot putt . ''
Trump , who has been campaigning on a `` law and order '' theme , blamed local officials for the unrest in Kenosha and other cities this summer .
Demonstrators across the country have been protesting police violence and systemic racism .
Wisconsin 's governor and Kenosha 's mayor urged Trump to put off his visit , saying the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an interview with NPR 's All Things Considered on Tuesday , Wisconsin Lt. Gov .
Mandela Barnes explained his own opposition to Trump 's visit .
Barnes said Trump is trying to `` politicize people who are stepping up and demanding racial justice .
Donald Trump does n't want to hear that . ''
`` He is going to use every opportunity that he can to divide the people of this state , as this is a critical state for his reelection , and it 's unfortunate because you know these are real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he said .
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden on Monday accused Trump of fomenting the violence , calling him a `` toxic presence . ''
Wisconsin is a key battleground state this fall .
Trump narrowly won it in 2016 , and Democrats are fighting to return the state to their column .
Asked Monday whether Trump chose to visit Wisconsin because of its political importance , White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said , `` The president is showing up to see hurting Americans . ''

Trump Praises Law Enforcement In Visit To Kenosha
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images
Updated at 4:20 p.m. ET
President Trump visited Kenosha, Wis., on Tuesday, a city roiled by unrest following the police shooting of Jacob Blake last month in a state seen as crucial to Trump's reelection prospects in November.
Trump went to an emergency management center, met with police and toured a section of the city damaged by rioting that followed the shooting of the 29-year-old Black man.
At a roundtable discussion with law enforcement and local leaders, Trump said the unrest in Kenosha was not "acts of peaceful protest, but really domestic terror." The conversation largely focused on Kenosha as a model for how local, state and federal law enforcement could work together to respond to riots.
Trump denounced unnamed "reckless far-left politicians" who continue to press the message that police are "repressive or racist." He called police "great, great people," although he said there were a few bad apples and repeated his characterization from an interview Monday night that some police officers do "choke" and make bad decisions under pressure.
"They choke sometimes, and it's a very tough situation," Trump said.
A reporter asked Trump whether he believes there is systemic racism in the U.S., and Trump responded, "You just keep getting back to the opposite subject. We should talk about the kind of violence that we've seen in Portland and here and other places. It's tremendous violence."
In response to the violence in Kenosha, Trump announced extra funding as part of the effort to help the city "rebuild": $1 million to Kenosha for law enforcement; $4 million to help small businesses; and $42 million for law enforcement statewide, including money for prosecutors.
A seat at the table
Trump did not meet with Jacob Blake's family during his trip. Asked what he would have said to them, Trump said, "I feel terribly for anybody who goes through that," adding the shooting was under investigation. Trump said, "I didn't get to speak to the mother," but that "I hear she's a fine woman."
Trump said Monday that he did not plan to meet with Blake's family because he said such a meeting would include the family's attorney.
Blake's mother's pastor, James Ward, and his wife did participate in the roundtable. Sharon Ward said during the conversation that "it's important to have Black people at the table to help solve the problem." She added, "I think that this is a really good opportunity to solve the problem in the nation."
Trump on the shooters' actions
Two people were killed last week during the protests against racism and police brutality that followed Blake's shooting. Seventeen-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse has been charged with six criminal counts, including first-degree intentional homicide. Rittenhouse, who is white, is a staunch law enforcement supporter.
Trump appeared to defend Rittenhouse on Monday, saying, "He was trying to get away from them, I guess, it looks like."
While an investigation into that shooting is also ongoing, Trump said, "I guess he was in very big trouble. He probably would have been killed." Trump did not elaborate on what kind of trouble Rittenhouse may have been in.
National How Wisconsin Voters Are Responding To Trump's 'Law And Order' Message How Are Voters Responding To Trump's Law-And-Order Message? Listen · 4:42 4:42
As for the police shooting Blake multiple times at close range, which left Blake paralyzed from the waist down, Trump has avoided directly condemning law enforcement actions. In an interview with Fox's Laura Ingraham on Monday, Trump compared the police shooting to a mistake in a golf tournament.
"Shooting the guy in the back many times," he said, "I mean, couldn't you have done something different, couldn't you have wrestled him? You know, I mean, in the meantime, he might've been going for a weapon. You know there's a whole big thing there, but they choke. Just like in a golf tournament, they miss a 3-foot putt."
Local opposition
Trump, who has been campaigning on a "law and order" theme, blamed local officials for the unrest in Kenosha and other cities this summer. Demonstrators across the country have been protesting police violence and systemic racism.
Wisconsin's governor and Kenosha's mayor urged Trump to put off his visit, saying the city needs time to heal.
In an interview with NPR's All Things Considered on Tuesday, Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes explained his own opposition to Trump's visit.
Barnes said Trump is trying to "politicize people who are stepping up and demanding racial justice. Donald Trump doesn't want to hear that."
"He is going to use every opportunity that he can to divide the people of this state, as this is a critical state for his reelection, and it's unfortunate because you know these are real lives that we're talking about," he said.
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden on Monday accused Trump of fomenting the violence, calling him a "toxic presence."
Wisconsin is a key battleground state this fall. Trump narrowly won it in 2016, and Democrats are fighting to return the state to their column.
Asked Monday whether Trump chose to visit Wisconsin because of its political importance, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said, "The president is showing up to see hurting Americans."


npr--2020-09-02--Wildfires Are First Big Test To COVID-19 Firefighter Safety Plans

Wildfires Are First Big Test To COVID-19 Firefighter Safety Plans When firefighter Ahri Cornelius got the call that his Missoula , Mont.
, based crew was deploying to central California , he had some reservations .
They 'd be traveling from a rural state with a relatively low infection rate to California , a coronavirus hot spot .
Cornelius also has a three-year-old toddler back home with a preexisting lung condition .
`` Coming down here and knowing that you 're going to be around this many people in such a busy setting definitely stirred up quite a bit of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cornelius said .
But when they arrived at the SCU Lightning Complex fire east of San Jose , some of those anxieties eased .
His 16-person crew has thus far mostly been able to stay distanced from other teams .
And at the usual sprawling fire camp , social distancing is a priority .
`` People are wearing masks walking around camp right now , '' he said by phone during a break from a 24-hour shift .
To get into his camp to eat and sleep , Cornelius has to walk through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mandatory sanitation stations , and all meals are boxed by masked and gloved workers and handed to them .
For firefighters , it 's stressful enough trying to stay safe while working a megafire like the SCU .
Now , there 's a pandemic to worry about too .
`` That 's kind of 2020 summed up , right , '' Cornelius said .
`` It 's just one more thing on top of everything else that you 're trying to do . ''
Thousands of firefighters , crew bosses , contractors and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major wildfires in California and across the West .
It 's the first real big test to whether federal and state COVID-19 safety protocols for wildland firefighting are working and are stringent enough .
There was no template fire managers could turn to for COVID , though they 've at least had since March to prepare for it .
A main strategy is to treat crews like Cornelius ' as `` family units , '' like pods , traveling and staying together throughout the summer and fall which could make contact tracing easier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pine Gulch Fire has become that state 's largest in history , night operations chief Kyle Cowan sees an upside , even amid so many added threats .
They 're learning to be more efficient .
For one , he said , crews are accustomed to a big morning briefing where hundreds of people gather for an incident planning report .
For the most part this summer , that 's now being done remotely , which is in some ways easier for Cowan because he does n't have to travel miles from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ post in the Grand Junction area .
`` There was a lot of planning , '' Cowan said from the fire .
`` There was a lot of good effort to put us in a good position on how we deploy resources and how we could be successful . ''
There have yet to be any major reported coronavirus outbreaks in the wildland firefighting community .
But there does n't appear to be widespread testing either , only when they 're showing symptoms .
Fire camps , which traditionally can sprout into whole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , are still the biggest pinch point for potential exposure .
In eastern Oregon , about 400 firefighters have been deployed to the Indian Creek Fire , which has burned close to 50,000 acres of mostly rangeland .
Fire managers say they 've only had one suspected coronavirus case since the fire ignited earlier this month , but fortunately it turned out to be negative .
On a recent morning in Vale , Ore. , deputy incident commander Lonnie Click surveyed the fire 's command post and accompanying camp at the town 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what you 'd normally see .
`` If this was a normal year you 'd probably see twice as many of these white big tents , 20 times as many of those little [ camping ] tents , '' he said .
Click , talking through a mask , said most of his firefighters are staying out in so-called spike camps closer to or on the fire line itself .
Things are going okay , but not perfect , he said .
This year 's new COVID safety protocols are widely supported but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further his point , he gestured to a nearby cluster of outhouses .
`` You ca n't sanitize that outhouse over there every time somebody goes in it , it 's unpractical , he said , with a chuckle .
`` You ca n't have somebody standing outside of that with a spray bottle every time somebody goes in it , touches the handle , goes inside , touches the handle , goes out . ''
But Click said COVID-19 has n't hampered his crews ' ability to fight fires .
The fear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has n't really materialized , not yet anyway .
He said the biggest challenge right now is trying to change wildland firefighter culture , a very tight knit and small community .
Crews like seeing everyone each morning in big groups , which is n't happening .
To make up for it , Click has been visiting as many crews as possible each morning out on the fire .
`` I went out there and talked to the folks this morning , and I told 'em , we got ta figure out how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] because we 're going to do this again next year as far as I 'm concerned , '' Click said .
`` It 's not gon na be gone . ''

Wildfires Are 1st Big Test To COVID-19 Firefighter Safety Plans
Enlarge this image toggle caption Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images
When firefighter Ahri Cornelius got the call that his Missoula, Mont., crew was deploying to central California, he had some reservations.
They'd be traveling from a rural state with a relatively low infection rate to California, a coronavirus hot spot. Cornelius also has a 3-year-old toddler back home with a preexisting lung condition.
National In Addition To Fighting Megafires, Crews Consider COVID-19 Risks In Addition To Fighting Megafires, Crews Consider COVID-19 Risks Listen · 3:50 3:50
"Coming down here and knowing that you're going to be around this many people in such a busy setting definitely stirred up quite a bit of anxiety for all of us," Cornelius said.
But when they arrived at the SCU Lightning Complex fire east of San Jose, some of those anxieties eased. His 16-person crew has mostly been able to stay distanced from other teams. And at the usual sprawling fire camp, social distancing is a priority.
"People are wearing masks walking around camp right now," he said by phone during a break from a 24-hour shift.
To get into his camp to eat and sleep, Cornelius has to walk through a temperature screening tent. There are mandatory sanitation stations, and all meals are boxed by masked and gloved workers and handed to them. For firefighters, it's stressful enough trying to stay safe while working a megafire like the SCU. Now there's a pandemic to worry about too.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirk Siegler/NPR Kirk Siegler/NPR
"That's kind of 2020 summed up, right," Cornelius said. "It's just one more thing on top of everything else that you're trying to do."
Thousands of firefighters, crew bosses, contractors and other support personnel are now deployed to major wildfires in California and across the West. It's the first real big test to whether federal and state COVID-19 safety protocols for wildland firefighting are working and are stringent enough.
There was no template fire managers could turn to for COVID-19, though they've at least had since March to prepare for it.
A main strategy is to treat crews like Cornelius' as "family units," like pods, traveling and staying together throughout the summer and fall, which could make contact tracing easier.
Planning ahead
In western Colorado, where the Pine Gulch Fire has become that state's largest in history, night operations chief Kyle Cowan sees an upside, even amid so many added threats. They're learning to be more efficient.
For one, he said, crews are accustomed to a big morning briefing where hundreds of people gather for an incident planning report. For the most part this summer, that's now being done remotely, which is in some ways easier for Cowan because he doesn't have to travel miles from the fire itself back to its incident command post in the Grand Junction area.
"There was a lot of planning," Cowan said from the fire. "There was a lot of good effort to put us in a good position on how we deploy resources and how we could be successful."
There have yet to be any major reported coronavirus outbreaks in the wildland firefighting community. But there doesn't appear to be widespread testing either, only when they're showing symptoms.
Fire camps, which traditionally can sprout into whole tent cities with vast, makeshift infrastructure, are still the biggest pinch point for potential exposure.
Preparing for a new normal
In eastern Oregon, about 400 firefighters have been deployed to the Indian Creek Fire, which has burned close to 50,000 acres of mostly rangeland. Fire managers say they've only had one suspected coronavirus case since the fire ignited in August, but fortunately it turned out to be negative.
On a recent morning in Vale, Ore., deputy incident commander Lonnie Click surveyed the fire's command post and accompanying camp at the town's park. They were a skeleton of what you'd normally see.
"If this was a normal year you'd probably see twice as many of these white big tents, 20 times as many of those little [camping] tents," he said.
Click, talking through a mask, said most of his firefighters are staying out in so-called spike camps closer to or on the fire line itself. Things are going OK, but not perfect, he said. This year's new COVID-19 safety protocols are widely supported but not always feasible in practice.
To further his point, he gestured to a nearby cluster of outhouses.
"You can't sanitize that outhouse over there every time somebody goes in it. It's unpractical," he said with a chuckle. "You can't have somebody standing outside of that with a spray bottle every time somebody goes in it, touches the handle, goes inside, touches the handle, goes out."
But Click said COVID-19 hasn't hampered his crews' ability to fight fires. The fear of firefighters being sidelined due to quarantines hasn't really materialized, not yet anyway.
He said the biggest challenge right now is trying to change wildland firefighter culture, a very tightknit and small community. Crews like seeing everyone each morning in big groups, which isn't happening. To make up for it, Click has been visiting as many crews as possible each morning out on the fire.
"I went out there and talked to the folks this morning, and I told 'em, we gotta figure out how to get used to this [COVID-19] because we're going to do this again next year as far as I'm concerned," Click said. "It's not gonna be gone."


npr--2020-09-02--Former DHS Official: White House Failed To Take Far-Right Extremism Seriously

Former DHS Official : White House Failed To Take Far-Right Extremism Seriously A former top Department of Homeland Security official who resigned in April says the Trump administration is creating the conditions for domestic extremism to flourish in the United States .
Elizabeth Neumann left her position as assistant secretary of counterterrorism and threat prevention after three years at DHS .
In an interview with NPR 's Steve Inskeep , she offers a candid assessment of the counter-terrorism community 's failure to address the threat posed by domestic extremism .
She says the administration is paving the way for even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Trump in 2016 , albeit , she says , `` very reluctantly . ''
She shared some of the concerns that others in national security had expressed publicly about his fitness for office , but decided to join DHS with her nearly 20 years of experience in homeland security issues to help the new administration .
Neumann saw signs of rising domestic extremism soon after she arrived at DHS in February 2017 .
At the time she was serving as the deputy chief of staff for then-Secretary of Homeland Security John Kelly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vandalism of Jewish cemeteries in a couple of places across the country that made national news , enough for us to go , 'This is interesting .
What is this about ? '
`` she says .
`` And then we started hearing from our law enforcement partners that they were seeing a rise in hate crimes , particularly anti-Semitic hate crimes .
And we found that a little puzzling because there was n't any one group claiming credit for it . ''
By July of that year , Kelly had moved to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's own chief of staff .
And by March of 2018 , Neumann found herself stepping into the role of assistant secretary for counter-terrorism and threat prevention .
In that capacity , she was officially in charge of emerging threats — and had identified violence perpetrated by right-wing extremists as a major one .
Neumann saw the diffuse nature of right-wing extremist violence as a particular challenge .
`` It was hard for the counterterrorism community to put their finger on it , in large part because the movement is more of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' she says .
That lack of official group cohesion reminded Neumann of the threat posed by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ( ISIS ) .
She watched domestic extremists use the same tactics as the terrorist group .
`` They borrowed from ISIS 's playbook and they learned how to radicalize people online , '' she says .
In the post-Sept. 11 United States , domestic extremists also adopted an emphasis on smaller attacks that could be carried out quickly with limited planning .
What Neumann saw was `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the fight , use whatever you have : a knife , a gun , a vehicle , vehicle ramming , '' she says .
`` We 've seen a number of vehicle rammings this summer , in fact . ''
But unlike the urgent inter-agency response to ISIS , Neumann says there was no clear effort to combat violent extremists on the right .
`` If you had a very clear voice at the top , from the president , from other senior leaders in the Republican Party , denouncing this and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these groups are trying to recruit you based on things that might sound like a typical conservative belief , but behind it is this insidious , ugly , evil thing , if we had more clear voices talking about it — it would somewhat inoculate people from that recruitment and that radicalization , '' she says .
`` But instead , we have the opposite effect .
We have the president not only pretty much refusing to condemn , but throwing fuel on the fire , creating opportunities for more recruitment through his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how that rhetoric has led to acts of violence .
One example : the El Paso shooting in August of 2019 , in which a 21-year-old gunman shot and killed 23 people and injured 26 others in the parking lot of a Walmart .
`` When you see the El Paso attacker , his manifesto was citing language and rhetoric that comes from the president 's campaign rallies about an invasion from Mexico and how we 've got to protect our country , '' she says .
Neumann believes that unauthorized immigration across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but she sees Trump 's way of speaking about that issue as dangerous because it sows fear .
`` He uses rhetoric to scare people .
This is a known psychological tactic that if you get people to fear , they tend to follow you to the solution of 'How are we going to save ourselves ? '
And his answer is , 'It 's me .
If you vote for me , I will save you , ' `` she says .
`` Well , for some people , the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect themselves , it 's more than just a vote for a president .
It 's 'let me go kill people . '
`` The El Paso shooting was a key moment in Neumann 's efforts to secure funding to address domestic extremism .
Her team was invited to the White House for a series of task force meetings to try to address the problem .
She says they had already been working on a strategy to combat domestic extremism for a year and a half before the El Paso shooting , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And what that strategy needed in 2019 was money .
`` We [ wanted ] to make sure this [ ended ] up in the president 's FY 2021 budget , '' she says .
The White House seemed to support the strategy — but under one condition .
`` They just asked for it to be couched in terms of 'preventing violence ' and not 'domestic terrorism . '
And my sense was they were doing that pragmatically , '' she says .
`` They seem to understand that for whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'domestic terrorism ' or we talk about the white supremacist language , that seems to derail things at the White House . ''
NPR has reached out to the White House for comment and will update this story with any response .
When Trump finally started using the term `` domestic extremism '' himself in the summer of 2020 , it was in reference to the violence and looting that occurred during the protests across the country against police brutality targeting Black Americans , which the President attributed to `` antifa . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ red herring .
She says that the numbers do n't bear out the idea that left-wing violence is as much of a problem as right-wing violence , and arrests during the summer 's protests demonstrate that .
`` If you look at the people that have been arrested for that , by and large , I mean , it 's the boogaloo movement or it 's an association with QAnon .
It 's the right side of the spectrum .
It is not antifa . ''
She 's unequivocal about this `` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ antifa .
It is from these right-wing movements . ''
'His style is chaos itself' Neumann is perhaps even more worried about what 's to come as the election elicits possibly even more inflammatory words out of the White House .
She 's also concerned that people who served as `` guardrails '' around the president have left the administration .
Those `` adults in the room , '' she says , took the heat from the White House in order to allow people like her to keep carrying out their work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak publicly , while many other senior administration officials have declined to do so .
`` I am really concerned that in a second term , he will not have the ability to make wise decisions because there are no officials surrounding him anymore that have the experience and the gravitas to be able to tell him , 'No , you can not do this , this is illegal . '
Or 'If you do this , it is likely that this other nation-state will respond in a drastic way that will lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what 's at stake here , '' she says .
Ultimately , Neumann says she decided last fall to step down when she realized she could not bring herself to vote for Trump again .
She says she plans to vote for Joe Biden instead , her first vote for any Democrat .
Neumann hopes that the work she was able to accomplish at DHS will continue to serve the country well .
`` We have bipartisan support in Congress with the work that the government needs to do to build out prevention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
But she believes that that work will have been in vain if Trump wins a second term .
`` It 's his style .
His style is chaos itself .
And when you have chaos at the top of the federal government , that creates chaos throughout every other level of government .
That means we can not perform our security functions well , '' she says .
`` The first and primary job of a president , the first and primary job of the federal government , is to protect @ @ @

Former DHS Official: Trump Pouring 'Fuel On The Fire' Of Domestic Extremism
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jacquelyn Martin/AP Jacquelyn Martin/AP
Update at 4:30 p.m. ET: White House Communications Director Alyssa Farah responded to NPR's request for comment on Elizabeth Neumann's charges that the White House has not addressed the threat of domestic extremism, particularly what Neumann referred to as "right-wing extremism."
In an email, Farah dismissed Neumann's concerns as those of a "disgruntled employee."
"Our country is constantly facing dynamic threats ranging from domestic, to cyber, to international, to financial crimes. Our brave federal law enforcement, national security, and Intelligence officials work around the clock to monitor every range of threats facing our nation, including domestic terror," Farah said. "This sounds more like a case of this former disgruntled employee being ineffective at their job, than an indictment of the career professionals who swear an oath to work every day to protect our country from threats foreign and domestic."
Our original story:
A former top Department of Homeland Security official who resigned in April says the Trump administration is creating the conditions for domestic extremism to flourish in the United States.
Elizabeth Neumann left her position as assistant secretary of counterterrorism and threat prevention after three years at DHS. In an interview with NPR's Steve Inskeep, she offers a candid assessment of the counterterrorism community's failure to address the threat posed by domestic extremism.
She says the administration is paving the way for even more violence.
The lifelong Republican voted for Trump in 2016, albeit, she says, "very reluctantly." She shared some of the concerns that others in national security had expressed publicly about his fitness for office but decided to join DHS with her nearly 20 years of experience in homeland security issues to help the new administration.
Neumann saw signs of rising domestic extremism soon after she arrived at DHS in February 2017. At the time, she was serving as the deputy chief of staff for Secretary of Homeland Security John Kelly.
"We had a spate of vandalism of Jewish cemeteries in a couple of places across the country that made national news, enough for us to go, 'This is interesting. What is this about?' " she says. "And then we started hearing from our law enforcement partners that they were seeing a rise in hate crimes, particularly anti-Semitic hate crimes. And we found that a little puzzling because there wasn't any one group claiming credit for it."
By July of that year, Kelly had moved to the White House to serve as Trump's own chief of staff. And by March of 2018, Neumann found herself stepping into the role of assistant secretary for counterterrorism and threat prevention. In that capacity, she was officially in charge of emerging threats — and had identified violence perpetrated by right-wing extremists as a major one.
Neumann saw the diffuse nature of right-wing extremist violence as a particular challenge. "It was hard for the counterterrorism community to put their finger on it, in large part because the movement is more of a movement than a group or an organization," she says.
That lack of official group cohesion reminded Neumann of the threat posed by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). She watched domestic extremists use the same tactics as the terrorist group.
"They borrowed from ISIS's playbook and they learned how to radicalize people online," she says. In the post-Sept. 11 United States, domestic extremists also adopted an emphasis on smaller attacks that could be carried out quickly with limited planning. What Neumann saw was "the pivot to bring your own weapon to the fight, use whatever you have: a knife, a gun, a vehicle, vehicle ramming," she says. "We've seen a number of vehicle rammings this summer, in fact."
But unlike the urgent interagency response to ISIS, Neumann says there was no clear effort to combat violent extremists on the right.
"If you had a very clear voice at the top, from the president, from other senior leaders in the Republican Party, denouncing this and warning conservatives — warning Republicans — that these groups are trying to recruit you based on things that might sound like a typical conservative belief, but behind it is this insidious, ugly, evil thing, if we had more clear voices talking about it — it would somewhat inoculate people from that recruitment and that radicalization," she says. "But instead, we have the opposite effect. We have the president not only pretty much refusing to condemn, but throwing fuel on the fire, creating opportunities for more recruitment through his rhetoric."
The El Paso shooting
Neumann says she sees how that rhetoric has led to acts of violence. One example: the El Paso shooting in August of 2019, in which a 21-year-old gunman shot and killed 23 people and injured about two dozen others in the parking lot of a Walmart.
"When you see the El Paso attacker, his manifesto was citing language and rhetoric that comes from the president's campaign rallies about an invasion from Mexico and how we've got to protect our country," she says.
Neumann believes that unauthorized immigration across the Southern border is a security issue, but she sees Trump's way of speaking about that issue as dangerous because it sows fear.
"He uses rhetoric to scare people. This is a known psychological tactic that if you get people to fear, they tend to follow you to the solution of 'How are we going to save ourselves?' And his answer is, 'It's me. If you vote for me, I will save you,' " she says. "Well, for some people, the way that they think that they need to protect themselves, it's more than just a vote for a president. It's 'let me go kill people.' "
The El Paso shooting was a key moment in Neumann's efforts to secure funding to address domestic extremism. Her team was invited to the White House for a series of task force meetings to try to address the problem. She says they had already been working on a strategy to combat domestic extremism for a year and a half before the El Paso shooting, and they presented it at the White House.
They seem to understand that for whatever reason, if we use the term 'domestic terrorism' or we talk about the white supremacist language, that seems to derail things at the White House.
And what that strategy needed in 2019 was money. "We [wanted] to make sure this [ended] up in the president's FY 2021 budget," she says.
'Preventing violence'
The White House seemed to support the strategy — but under one condition.
"They just asked for it to be couched in terms of 'preventing violence' and not 'domestic terrorism.' And my sense was they were doing that pragmatically," she says. "They seem to understand that for whatever reason, if we use the term 'domestic terrorism' or we talk about the white supremacist language, that seems to derail things at the White House."
When Trump finally started using the term "domestic extremism" himself in the summer of 2020, it was in reference to the violence and looting that occurred during the protests across the country against police brutality targeting Black Americans, which the president attributed to "antifa." For Neumann, this was an obvious red herring. She says that the numbers don't bear out the idea that left-wing violence is as much of a problem as right-wing violence, and arrests during the summer's protests demonstrate that.
"If you look at the people that have been arrested for that, by and large, I mean, it's the boogaloo movement or it's an association with QAnon. It's the right side of the spectrum. It is not antifa." She's unequivocal about this: "The threat of domestic terrorism is not from antifa. It is from these right-wing movements."
The threat of domestic terrorism is not from antifa. It is from these right-wing movements.
'His style is chaos itself'
Neumann is perhaps even more worried about what's to come as the election elicits possibly even more inflammatory words out of the White House.
She's also concerned that people who served as "guardrails" around the president have left the administration. Those "adults in the room," she says, took the heat from the White House in order to allow people like her to keep carrying out their work. This fear is what prompted her to speak publicly, while many other senior administration officials have declined to do so.
"I am really concerned that in a second term, he will not have the ability to make wise decisions because there are no officials surrounding him anymore that have the experience and the gravitas to be able to tell him, 'No, you cannot do this, this is illegal.' Or: 'If you do this, it is likely that this other nation-state will respond in a drastic way that will lead us to war.' That's what's at stake here," she says.
Ultimately, Neumann says she decided last fall to step down when she realized she could not bring herself to vote for Trump again. She says she plans to vote for Joe Biden instead, her first vote for any Democrat.
Neumann hopes that the work she was able to accomplish at DHS will continue to serve the country well.
"We have bipartisan support in Congress with the work that the government needs to do to build out prevention capability across the country," she says.
But she believes that that work will have been in vain if Trump wins a second term.
"It's his style. His style is chaos itself. And when you have chaos at the top of the federal government, that creates chaos throughout every other level of government. That means we cannot perform our security functions well," she says. "The first and primary job of a president, the first and primary job of the federal government, is to protect us."


npr--2020-09-02--Generation Z In The GOP: Young Republicans Reflect On The Future Of Their Party

Generation Z In The GOP : Young Republicans Reflect On The Future Of Their Party Lizzie Bond was just shy of being old enough to vote in the 2016 presidential election .
She supported Texas Sen. Ted Cruz during the primary .
But when Donald Trump became the Republican Party 's presidential nominee , Bond made a different choice : She supported Hillary Clinton 's campaign instead .
`` You know , it was actually a harder decision to decide who I wanted to support within the lineup of Republican candidates than it was to decide whether to support Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bond , who is now 21 and a senior at Duke University .
In 2016 , Bond joined a group of Republican women campaigning for Clinton , saying that a `` character question ... just made it impossible for me in good conscience to support President Trump . ''
She still holds that view today .
Bond , who sits on the board of Republican Women for Progress , has no plans to support President Trump 's reelection campaign and said that it 's `` hard not to think that the future of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` The party is failing to speak to people like me who are pretty reasonable .
I 'm a person of faith , and so the character issues are deeply , deeply troubling to me , '' Bond said .
`` Those who are generally more conservative in their policy preferences , the party is really not speaking to us , making decisions a lot more difficult for us .
In terms of having the next generation of voters , candidates and supporters of the party , good decisions are not being made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says the Republican Party is failing to reach voters like her , last week 's Republican National Convention made clear that Trump and his allies are making a concerted appeal to a new generation of voters .
The four-day affair showcased figures like Charlie Kirk , a co-founder of Turning Point USA , and Madison Cawthorn , who recently won a congressional primary in North Carolina .
`` I just turned 25 .
When I 'm elected this November , I 'll be the youngest member of Congress in over 200 years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` And if you do n't think young people can change the world , then you just do n't know American history . ''
Born after 1996 , members of Generation Z tend to lean left like their millennial counterparts .
And even among the universe of young Republicans that does exist , research suggests that Trump 's appeal with these voters may have its limits .
Research from CIRCLE , a research center at Tufts University , found that nearly 1 in 5 young voters who backed Republicans in 2018 plan to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
Mike Brodo , a 20-year-old student at Georgetown University , suggested that young Republicans may be turning away because Republicans are not talking about the right issues .
He pointed to things like the accepted science of climate change , LGBTQ rights and racial injustice .
Brodo was active in politics during high school but said he became disillusioned when he got to campus and found himself uncomfortable with the level of polarization .
He and other young Republicans recently launched gen z gop , a group aimed at reaching disaffected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came to a point this summer where I said I needed to do something about this , '' he said .
`` If we do n't fix this right now within the party , we 're going to have a problem going forward . ''
For his part , Brodo said it would take a `` complete 180 '' for him to support Trump 's reelection .
Right now , he says he 's planning to support Biden .
`` If Biden can stick to a message that unifies the country , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be , I think that I will likely vote for him , '' he said , adding that he hopes Republicans keep control of the U.S. Senate .
Many of the young Republicans we spoke with described the surreal feeling of coming of age in this political climate .
Grace Klein , an 18-year-old freshman at Arizona State University , crystallized that sentiment in one memory from a few years back .
`` I still remember sitting in this restaurant with some friends , being like , 'Oh , would n't it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the race ended up being Trump versus Hillary , ' and we were like , 'Oh my goodness , that would never happen .
That would be so awful , ' `` she recalled .
Klein was 13 and 14 during the 2016 Republican primary and watched the debates alongside members of her family , which she described as very conservative .
Ben Carson , a candidate that year and now a member of Trump 's Cabinet , was one of her role models .
She personally preferred Cruz and Florida Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the primary as `` very against Trump , '' and even during the general election she saw him as the lesser of two evils and said he `` rubbed me the wrong way . ''
But four years later , things have changed .
`` I 'm going to be voting for the first time in November , and I am an adamant supporter .
I will 100 % vote for him , '' Klein said .
Klein said that Trump has exceeded her expectations , though there are still things she does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of Trump 's tweets .
But she also said that his record and values have helped her look past his `` personality flaws . ''
One issue , she said , was more important than any other in explaining her political identity : abortion .
`` I believe that the right to life starts at conception , '' Klein said .
`` If a candidate does n't support that , I will not support them . ''
Like some of the young Republicans who were concerned about the future of the party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level of polarization , particularly on campus .
While she says she has seen left-leaning peers on campus with stickers on water bottles or notebooks that express their political preferences , Klein said that she would be `` very , very selective '' in public displays of her own values .
`` I would be very , very scared for my safety to wear a Trump hat on campus , '' she said .
`` I think we 've just seen so much of people , whether verbally or physically , just attacking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19-year-old student at Coker College in South Carolina , said the most important issue for him as a conservative is standing up for the Constitution .
He described himself as a `` a Romney , McCain , a slightly Reagan , Sen. [ Tim ] Scott conservative . ''
`` A moderate-leaning conservative that instead of doing partisan politics , I would focus on bringing both sides together while keeping the founding principles in my rear view so I can go back to them , '' he explained .
He was initially open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for now , he said that seems unlikely .
`` Every day I teeter the line between Vice President Biden and the Libertarian candidate , Jo Jorgensen , '' Mondesir said .
And back in North Carolina , Bond is facing the same `` difficult decision . ''
`` Being in college at this time as someone who is deeply conservative , who really cares about the future of the party , it 's been very hard , '' she said .
Ultimately , she said it 's unlikely that either Trump or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Generation Z In The GOP: Young Republicans Reflect On The Future Of Their Party
Enlarge this image toggle caption Evan Vucci/AP Evan Vucci/AP
Lizzie Bond was just shy of being old enough to vote in the 2016 presidential election.
She supported Texas Sen. Ted Cruz during the primary. But when Donald Trump became the Republican Party's presidential nominee, Bond made a different choice: She supported Hillary Clinton's campaign instead.
"You know, it was actually a harder decision to decide who I wanted to support within the lineup of Republican candidates than it was to decide whether to support Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton," said Bond, who is now 21 and a senior at Duke University.
In 2016, Bond joined a group of Republican women campaigning for Clinton, saying that a "character question ... just made it impossible for me in good conscience to support President Trump." She still holds that view today.
Bond, who sits on the board of Republican Women for Progress, has no plans to support President Trump's reelection campaign and said that it's "hard not to think that the future of the Republican Party is doomed."
"The party is failing to speak to people like me who are pretty reasonable. I'm a person of faith, and so the character issues are deeply, deeply troubling to me," Bond said. "Those who are generally more conservative in their policy preferences, the party is really not speaking to us, making decisions a lot more difficult for us. In terms of having the next generation of voters, candidates and supporters of the party, good decisions are not being made to ensure longevity."
While Bond says the Republican Party is failing to reach voters like her, last week's Republican National Convention made clear that Trump and his allies are making a concerted appeal to a new generation of voters.
The four-day affair showcased figures like Charlie Kirk, a co-founder of Turning Point USA, and Madison Cawthorn, who recently won a congressional primary in North Carolina.
"I just turned 25. When I'm elected this November, I'll be the youngest member of Congress in over 200 years," Cawthorn said in his speech. "And if you don't think young people can change the world, then you just don't know American history."
Born after 1996, members of Generation Z tend to lean left like their millennial counterparts. And even among the universe of young Republicans that does exist, research suggests that Trump's appeal with these voters may have its limits.
Research from CIRCLE, a research center at Tufts University, found that nearly 1 in 5 young voters who backed Republicans in 2018 plan to support Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden this year.
Mike Brodo, a 20-year-old student at Georgetown University, suggested that young Republicans may be turning away because Republicans are not talking about the right issues. He pointed to things like the accepted science of climate change, LGBTQ rights and racial injustice.
Brodo was active in politics during high school but said he became disillusioned when he got to campus and found himself uncomfortable with the level of polarization. He and other young Republicans recently launched gen z gop, a group aimed at reaching disaffected young Republicans.
"I think it came to a point this summer where I said I needed to do something about this," he said. "If we don't fix this right now within the party, we're going to have a problem going forward."
For his part, Brodo said it would take a "complete 180" for him to support Trump's reelection. Right now, he says he's planning to support Biden.
"If Biden can stick to a message that unifies the country, that focuses on the optimism of what America can be, I think that I will likely vote for him," he said, adding that he hopes Republicans keep control of the U.S. Senate.
Many of the young Republicans we spoke with described the surreal feeling of coming of age in this political climate.
Grace Klein, an 18-year-old freshman at Arizona State University, crystallized that sentiment in one memory from a few years back.
"I still remember sitting in this restaurant with some friends, being like, 'Oh, wouldn't it be, like, the weirdest thing if the race ended up being Trump versus Hillary,' and we were like, 'Oh my goodness, that would never happen. That would be so awful,' " she recalled.
Klein was 13 and 14 during the 2016 Republican primary and watched the debates alongside members of her family, which she described as very conservative. Ben Carson, a candidate that year and now a member of Trump's Cabinet, was one of her role models. She personally preferred Cruz and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio.
She described herself during the primary as "very against Trump," and even during the general election she saw him as the lesser of two evils and said he "rubbed me the wrong way." But four years later, things have changed.
"I'm going to be voting for the first time in November, and I am an adamant supporter. I will 100% vote for him," Klein said.
Klein said that Trump has exceeded her expectations, though there are still things she doesn't agree with. She explicitly mentioned some of Trump's tweets. But she also said that his record and values have helped her look past his "personality flaws."
One issue, she said, was more important than any other in explaining her political identity: abortion.
"I believe that the right to life starts at conception," Klein said. "If a candidate doesn't support that, I will not support them."
Like some of the young Republicans who were concerned about the future of the party, Klein also expressed concern about the level of polarization, particularly on campus.
While she says she has seen left-leaning peers on campus with stickers on water bottles or notebooks that express their political preferences, Klein said that she would be "very, very selective" in public displays of her own values.
"I would be very, very scared for my safety to wear a Trump hat on campus," she said. "I think we've just seen so much of people, whether verbally or physically, just attacking people."
Kerlyn Mondesir, a 19-year-old student at Coker College in South Carolina, said the most important issue for him as a conservative is standing up for the Constitution.
He described himself as a "a Romney, McCain, a slightly Reagan, Sen. [Tim] Scott conservative."
"A moderate-leaning conservative that instead of doing partisan politics, I would focus on bringing both sides together while keeping the founding principles in my rear view so I can go back to them," he explained.
He was initially open to supporting Trump in November. But for now, he said that seems unlikely.
"Every day I teeter the line between Vice President Biden and the Libertarian candidate, Jo Jorgensen," Mondesir said.
And back in North Carolina, Bond is facing the same "difficult decision."
"Being in college at this time as someone who is deeply conservative, who really cares about the future of the party, it's been very hard," she said.
Ultimately, she said it's unlikely that either Trump or Biden will get her vote this fall.


npr--2020-09-02--At Voice of America, Trump Appointee Sought Political Influence Over Coverage

At Voice of America , Trump Appointee Sought Political Influence Over Coverage At the Voice of America , staffers say the Trump appointee leading their parent agency is threatening to wash away legal protections intended to insulate their news reports from political meddling .
`` What we 're seeing now is the step-by-step and whole scale dismantling of the institutions that protect the independence and the integrity of our journalism , '' says Shawn Powers , until recently the chief strategy officer for the U.S. Agency for Global Media , which oversees VOA .
Voice of America 's mission is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embody democratic principles through fair reporting and to replace a free press in countries where there is none .
VOA and its four sister networks together reach more than 350 million people abroad each week .
Since taking office in June , Pack has upended the agency .
In a podcast interview last week with the pro-Trump website The Federalist , Pack said he had to take action because many executives and journalists were disregarding the agency 's ethical standards .
`` My job really is to drain the swamp , to root @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these issues of bias , not to tell journalists what to report , '' Pack told host Chris Bedford .
Pack has declined NPR 's repeated and detailed requests for comment .
But it appears that Pack is , in fact , interested in influencing which stories get told , and how .
The senior news editor who oversaw VOA 's standards and practices was reassigned to a corporate position earlier this summer and has since played no role in guiding coverage or scrutinizing stories flagged as problematic .
And journalists say they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have come to expect .
In two cases , stories were removed from VOA 's websites after questions were raised .
NPR has uncovered an additional instance in which the Voice of America 's legal assurance of journalistic independence - known as a `` firewall '' - appears to have been explicitly violated by Pack and the team he has brought in .
`` It 's unprecedented in the agency 's modern history , '' says Powers .
`` It seems to contradict all the major norms as it relates to the integrity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and journalists aware of the episode say it deeply troubled them because it involved VOA 's Urdu language service 's coverage of Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden - which is to say , Trump 's chief political rival .
According to five current and former staffers with knowledge , a political appointee at the U.S. Agency for Global Media , Samuel E. Dewey , conducted a formal review of a video story about Biden 's outreach to Muslims after Pack publicly denounced the story .
The Urdu language service is primarily intended to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is unlikely that many American voters saw the video .
That said , the reporting was widely conceded to have been flawed : It presented Biden 's appeal without offering greater context or outside analysis of Biden 's claims about Trump .
( For example , Biden referred to Trump 's travel `` ban '' on Muslims but the report did not note the administration 's policy barred people traveling from certain Muslim-majority nations . )
Typically such reviews would be conducted by journalists well versed in the profession 's standards and ethics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subject covered .
Dewey has no such background .
He is a lawyer who has led committee investigations for Republican lawmakers on Capitol Hill , according to his bio on LinkedIn .
He frequently tweets out pro-Trump sentiments and memes .
After Dewey 's review , several contractors were dismissed and an editor was placed on leave .
And yet some journalists were struck by a tweet from the account of VOA Noticias , the network 's Spanish-language service .
It simply conveyed a video from a Trump campaign adviser warning Latinos against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report , it had no added context .
The tweet was later removed but no formal reviews or repercussions ensued .
Dewey has raised concerns about other VOA stories as well .
He has repeatedly pushed to participate in planning for election reporting and overarching news coverage , according to colleagues , which VOA staffers resisted .
Dewey declined to comment to NPR .
An agency spokesman , Jonathan Bronitsky , said USAGM would not reply to questions posed about this incident .
This story is based on interviews with 18 current and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ S. Agency for Global Media and the Voice of America .
Citing the tumult and firings at the agency , most would not speak to NPR on the record , saying they feared for their jobs or professional reputations .
VOA Acting Director Elez Biberaj , an historian and veteran of the news service , also declined to comment .
Pack took office in June and quickly upended the federal broadcasters .
Already , he has fired or suspended most of the executive staff and nearly all the heads of his agency 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Radio Free Asia , among others .
He has withheld approval of visa extensions that foreign employees need to continue working for those networks .
A return home without U.S. protection could leave some employees and their families vulnerable to regimes hostile to the U.S. government .
President Trump first nominated Pack , a filmmaker who has previously collaborated with former Trump strategist Steve Bannon , in 2018 .
The nomination languished in the Senate until earlier this year .
It found new life after Trump and the White House attacked the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its coverage of COVID-19 pandemic .
In an unusual statement , the White House condemned VOA for failing to blame the Chinese insufficiently for the pandemic 's spread , claiming it had fallen for the regime 's propaganda .
In response , VOA 's director at the time , Amanda Bennett , pointed to numerous stories critical of China .
She resigned immediately following Pack 's confirmation by the U.S. Senate .
By sweeping knowledgeable staffers away and even refusing to approve standard budgets , eight current or former staffers for USAGM and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under Pack had in many ways broken down .
Officials say they were unable to fulfill orders for toilet paper for a transmitting facility , or a cleaning contract for a shortwave broadcasting center in Kuwait .
`` Maybe this is their strategy , '' says Grant Turner , the USAGM 's former acting CEO who was suspended as chief financial officer in August .
`` Maybe they think they only have a short amount of time here and the best thing they can do is fire as many people as possible , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starve folks of resources . ''
Publicly , Pack accused executives of severe and systemic security failures , though former officials say the agency 's stringent security standards exceed those of most federal divisions that are not part of national security .
They say he inflated the severity of problems at the agency .
Journalists at Voice of America and some of Pack 's colleagues at the agency headquarters say he started with a desire to root out what he sees as anti-Trump bias .
And they say reporters are now finding themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political choices .
The brief introduction of a piece about Jill Biden , which was broadcast a day after a similar piece on First Lady Melania Trump , has prompted a formal review of French-to-Africa service anchor Salwa Jaffari by USAGM 's human resources division .
On Monday morning , a group of journalists at Voice of America signed a letter of protest , saying Pack was harming U.S. strategic interests and imperiling the lives of their colleagues who are foreign citizens by refusing to extend their work visas .
That afternoon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement in response to his staffers ' protest saying he valued a free press , the safety of his journalists , and the firewall that protects their work .
On Tuesday afternoon , USAGM tweeted out a thread saying the letter of protest was inappropriate and that it would therefore not respond .
Instead , it suggested those who signed could be subject to disciplinary response , calling it an `` administrative issue . ''
Several executives who left or were suspended by Pack tell NPR that the CEO openly broods over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were willing to push back against his instincts .
Turner described Pack 's outlook as `` paranoid . ''
Indeed , some of the people Pack sidelined had joined the agency just months or even days before he did .
His newly appointed top legal official , Michael Williams , left voluntarily , telling colleagues that he could not stomach the risks staffers who were not U.S. citizens could face without visas .
Many of the people who were leading the agency when Pack arrived already held sterling conservative credentials in Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under President George W. Bush .
Powers had previously been an aide to Republican Senator Ted Cruz of Texas .
Jamie Fly , the fired chief executive of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty , had been an adviser to Republican Senator Mario Rubio of Florida .
And two junior Trump White House aides assigned earlier this year to USAGM to help ease Pack 's transition in office were quickly exiled .
They took up shop at cubicles abandoned by Voice of America 's Spanish language services so they could use a neglected foosball table @ @ @ @ @ @ @ None of those political ties seemed to matter .
Disclosure : This story was reported by NPR media correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by NPR media and technology editor Emily Kopp .
Due to NPR CEO John Lansing 's prior role as CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media , no senior news executive or corporate executive at NPR reviewed this story before it was published .

At Voice of America, Trump Appointee Sought Political Influence Over Coverage
Enlarge this image toggle caption U.S. Agency for Global Media U.S. Agency for Global Media
At the Voice of America, staffers say the Trump appointee leading their parent agency is threatening to wash away legal protections intended to insulate their news reports from political meddling.
"What we're seeing now is the step-by-step and wholescale dismantling of the institutions that protect the independence and the integrity of our journalism," says Shawn Powers, until recently the chief strategy officer for the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which oversees VOA.
Voice of America's mission is a form of soft diplomacy: to embody democratic principles through fair reporting and to replace a free press in countries where there is none. VOA and its four sister networks together reach more than 350 million people abroad each week.
Since taking office in June, Pack has upended the agency. In a podcast interview last week with the pro-Trump website The Federalist, Pack said he had to take action because many executives and journalists were disregarding the agency's ethical standards.
"My job really is to drain the swamp, to root out corruption and to deal with these issues of bias, not to tell journalists what to report," Pack told host Chris Bedford. Pack has declined NPR's repeated and detailed requests for comment.
But it appears that Pack is, in fact, interested in influencing which stories get told, and how. The senior news editor who oversaw VOA's standards and practices was reassigned to a corporate position earlier this summer and has since played no role in guiding coverage or scrutinizing stories flagged as problematic.
And journalists say they are being second-guessed more frequently than they had come to expect. In two cases, stories were removed from VOA's websites after questions were raised. NPR has uncovered an additional instance in which the Voice of America's legal assurance of journalistic independence — known as a "firewall" — appears to have been explicitly violated by Pack and the team he has brought in.
'Unprecedented' involvement of political appointee
"It's unprecedented in the agency's modern history," says Powers. "It seems to contradict all the major norms as it relates to the integrity of the editorial process."
Officials and journalists aware of the episode say it deeply troubled them because it involved VOA's Urdu-language service's coverage of Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden — which is to say, Trump's chief political rival.
According to five current and former staffers with knowledge of what happened, a political appointee at the U.S. Agency for Global Media, Samuel E. Dewey, conducted a formal review of a video story about Biden's outreach to Muslims after Pack publicly denounced the story. The Urdu-language service is primarily intended to reach audiences in Pakistan, so it is unlikely that many American voters saw the video.
That said, the reporting was widely conceded to have been flawed: It presented Biden's appeal without offering greater context or outside analysis of Biden's claims about Trump. (For example, Biden referred to Trump's travel "ban" on Muslims but the report did not note the administration's policy barred people traveling from certain Muslim-majority nations.)
Typically, such reviews would be conducted by journalists well versed in the profession's standards and ethics as well as by some experts in the subject covered. Dewey has no such background. He is a lawyer who has led committee investigations for Republican lawmakers on Capitol Hill, according to his bio on LinkedIn. He frequently tweets out pro-Trump sentiments and memes.
After Dewey's review, several contractors were dismissed and an editor was placed on leave.
And yet some journalists were struck by a tweet from the account of VOA Noticias, the network's Spanish-language service. It simply conveyed a video from a Trump campaign adviser warning Latinos against voting for Biden. Like the Biden report, it had no added context. The tweet was later removed, but no formal reviews or repercussions ensued.
An agency spokesman, Jonathan Bronitsky, said USAGM would not reply to questions posed about the Biden video and the aftermath.
Dewey has raised concerns about other VOA stories as well. He has repeatedly pushed to participate in planning for election reporting and overarching news coverage, according to colleagues, which VOA staffers resisted. Dewey declined to comment to NPR.
This story is based on interviews with 18 current and former executives and journalists at the U. S. Agency for Global Media and the Voice of America. Citing the tumult and firings at the agency, most would not speak to NPR on the record, saying they feared for their jobs or professional reputations.
VOA Acting Director Elez Biberaj, an historian and veteran of the news service, declined to comment.
A staff purge and a toilet paper shortage
Pack took office in June and quickly upended the federal broadcasters. Already, he has fired or suspended most of the executive staff and nearly all the heads of his agency's networks, which include Radio Free Europe and Radio Free Asia. He has withheld approval of visa extensions that foreign employees need to continue working for those networks. A return home without U.S. protection could leave some employees and their families vulnerable to regimes hostile to the U.S. government.
President Trump first nominated Pack, a filmmaker who has previously collaborated with former Trump strategist Steve Bannon, in 2018. The nomination languished in the Senate until this year. It found new life after Trump and the White House attacked the Voice of America in the spring for its coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic. In an unusual statement, the White House condemned VOA for failing to blame the Chinese sufficiently for the pandemic's spread, claiming it had fallen for the regime's propaganda.
In response, VOA's director at the time, Amanda Bennett, pointed to numerous stories critical of China. She resigned immediately following Pack's confirmation by the U.S. Senate.
By sweeping knowledgeable staffers away and even refusing to approve standard budgets, eight current or former staffers for USAGM and Voice of America said, the agency under Pack had in many ways broken down. Officials say they were unable to fulfill orders for toilet paper for a transmitting facility, or a cleaning contract for a shortwave broadcasting center in Kuwait.
"Maybe this is their strategy," says Grant Turner, the USAGM former acting CEO who was suspended as chief financial officer in August. "Maybe they think they only have a short amount of time here and the best thing they can do is fire as many people as possible, break as many things as possible, starve folks of resources."
Publicly, Pack accused executives of severe and systemic security failures, though former officials say the agency's stringent security standards exceed those of most federal divisions that are not part of national security. They say he inflated the severity of problems at the agency.
Journalists at Voice of America and some of Pack's colleagues at the agency headquarters say he started with a desire to root out what he sees as anti-Trump bias. And they say reporters are now finding themselves far more frequently second-guessed over coverage with political choices. The brief introduction of a piece about Jill Biden, which was broadcast a day after a similar piece on first lady Melania Trump, has prompted a formal review of French-to-Africa service anchor Salwa Jaffari by USAGM's human resources division.
On Monday morning, a group of journalists at Voice of America signed a letter of protest, saying Pack was harming U.S. strategic interests and imperiling the lives of their colleagues who are foreign citizens by refusing to extend their work visas. That afternoon, the acting director, Biberaj, issued a statement in response to his staffers' protest saying he valued a free press, the safety of his journalists and the firewall that protects their work.
On Tuesday afternoon, USAGM tweeted out a thread saying that the letter of protest was inappropriate and that it would therefore not respond. Instead, it suggested those who signed could be subject to disciplinary response, calling it an "administrative issue."
Several executives who left or were suspended by Pack tell NPR that the CEO openly broods over questions of loyalty and sidelined them because they were willing to push back against his instincts. Turner described Pack's outlook as "paranoid."
Indeed, some of the people Pack sidelined had joined the agency just months or even days before he did. His newly appointed top legal official, Michael Williams, left voluntarily, telling colleagues that he could not stomach the risks staffers who were not U.S. citizens could face without visas.
Many of the people who were leading the agency when Pack arrived already held sterling conservative credentials in Washington: Turner first joined the federal government under President George W. Bush. Powers had previously been an aide to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. Jamie Fly, the fired chief executive of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, had been an adviser to Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida. And two junior Trump White House aides assigned earlier this year to USAGM to help ease Pack's transition in office were quickly exiled. They took up shop at cubicles abandoned by Voice of America's Spanish-language services so they could use a neglected foosball table, according to former USAGM staffers.
None of those political ties seemed to matter.
Disclosure: This story was reported by NPR media correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by NPR media and technology editor Emily Kopp. Because of NPR CEO John Lansing's prior role as CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media, no senior news executive or corporate executive at NPR reviewed this story before it was published.