npr--2020-06-08--Lockdown Limits Access To Legal Abortion in Colombia. Telemedicine Is Now An Option

Lockdown Limits Access To Legal Abortion in Colombia .
Telemedicine Is Now An Option In April , Johanna Cruz terminated her pregnancy with drugs obtained through a telemedicine consultation .
Abortion is legal in Colombia .
And Cruz , a street performer from Chile who was backpacking through the Colombian state of Antioquia , did not feel she was in a position to raise a child .
She did n't have a steady income or stable housing .
And with stay-at-home orders in place to control the spread of coronavirus , she found herself facing homelessness in the town of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medellin , the nearest city with an abortion clinic .
But one program offered an alternative .
In Colombia , patients can now consult with a doctor on a video call to request the medications that induce abortion .
They 're shipped directly to a patient .
Around the world , the pandemic has made it harder for women — especially young women and women in lower-income or rural settings — to access contraception and abortion services .
The International Planned Parenthood Federation reports that over 5,000 reproductive health clinics globally have closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to COVID-19 lockdowns and social distancing measures .
In some cases , they have closed because of a lack of personal protective equipment to keep doctors and patients safe from contracting the virus .
The pandemic also creates new stressors on women trying to seek this type of care .
In many countries , there 's already stigma associated with sexual and reproductive health services , says Abebe Shibur , country director for Marie Stopes International in Zimbabwe — and for this reason , women often seek out these services in secret .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Zimbabwe to discreetly access sexual and reproductive care , he adds , because now family members may want to know where they 're going order .
Women may also face harassment from police officers enforcing stay-at-home orders .
The United States is also trying to de-prioritize sexual and reproductive health services amid the global coronavirus response .
In May , the U.S. sent a letter to the U.N. , requesting that the agency remove references to `` sexual and reproductive health '' — including abortion services — in its COVID-19 plan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying these services are an essential part of health care in an emergency like the pandemic .
The U.S. gives more money to the global COVID-19 response than any other country , according to the Kaiser Family Foundation .
Despite the obstacles for health groups as well as their clientele , family planning organizations are finding ways to provide reproductive health services to women .
In countries with stay-at-home orders , such as Zimbabwe and Nepal , for example , Marie Stopes International is currently operating call centers that connect women to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Development Foundation , an organization that promotes access to safe abortion in India , are advocating for local governments to make medical abortion legally accessible from home , either through a trained provider coming to women directly or through a telemedicine consultation .
The virtual option is already happening in Colombia , where Cruz got her abortion .
She reached out to Fundacion Oriéntame , a health group that provides reproductive health care and education .
It started using telemedicine to offer abortion services in late March , when the country 's stay-at-home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colombia to close or operate under limited hours .
Colombia began to relax its stay-at-home measures on June 1 , but Oriéntame 's clinics will keep their modified schedules until at least July .
Diana Ibeth Díaz Rojas , one of two doctors prescribing medical abortions via telemedicine for Oriéntame , says the lockdown pushed the organization to rapidly launch a virtual software program it had been developing for several months prior to the COVID-19 crisis .
The software facilitates a private and secure video call between the doctors and patients to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caller can tap in via phone or computer .
During the call , the doctor determines if assesses that the patient qualifies for abortion under Colombia 's laws and meets an extra set of requirements for the telemedicine services , including : she must be no more than 9 weeks weeks pregnant and must not have any preexisting conditions that would put her at risk of complications from taking the medications , such as hemorrhaging or ectopic pregnancy .
The doctors then prescribes mifeprostone and misoprostol and thoroughly explains how to administer the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regular concerns and personal risk factors , a lot of women we 've spoken with have also said they feel that the pandemic is an abysmal time to continue a pregnancy , '' says Díaz Rojas .
`` There 's so much uncertainty surrounding their health , the health of their loved ones , the loss of employment — there are all these added vulnerabilities during this time . ''
Patients are required to notify Díaz Rojas or her colleague as soon as they take the pills : first the mifeprostone and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They are provided with as much virtual support as they need , through video call follow-ups or WhatsApp text messaging , while monitoring the symptoms and reactions — bleeding , pain level , cramps — and be on call in case there are any abnormal reactions resulting in the need to go to an in-person facility .
Still , some health experts are unsure whether abortion via telemedicine is safe .
When MSI Nepal proposed it as an alternative method of care during lockdown , the Ministry of Health told the group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patient would manage complications that could result from taking the medications — like abnormal bleeding or severe cramping — if she is alone at home without a health care provider nearby .
Patrina Mosley , who focuses on women 's issues at the pro-life organization Family Research Council , sees the transfer of abortion services to telemedicine as highly risky .
`` Abortions require a high level of physical interaction between the mother and a physician who can examine , diagnosis , evaluate and treat her .
Skyping with a doctor and filling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same risks as ordering pills online from a doctor you have never met and who can not physically assess you .
Pretending for ideological reasons that chemical abortion can be done remotely or even as a do-it-yourself , is extremely dangerous and negligent . ''
A study conducted from 2008 to 2015 in the United States and published in the peer-reviewed journal Obstetrics & Gynecology found that the telemedicine model of abortion `` is noninferior to in-person provision with regard to clinically significant adverse events . ''
Although several Colombian insurance providers cover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rojas says the coverage has not yet extended to telemedicine .
The entire procedure — including the first consult , the pills and subsequent conversations — currently costs a little under $ 100 , and the organization has a `` justice fund '' to lower expenses for women who face economic barriers .
And the conversations with Oriéntame staff are not just about termination of a pregnancy .
Some of Díaz Rojas ' abortion patients have noted that the lockdown is making it difficult for them to access birth control because they ca @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pharmacy .
So , during the consultation , Oriéntame discusses contraceptive options .
They can either choose a method that can be shipped directly to their homes — like birth control pills — or opt for an IUD prescription that a health-care provider can implant when lockdown guidelines are lifted .
`` We were n't sending [ contraceptives ] at the beginning , but we identified a recurring need for emergency birth control as we spoke to more and more patients , '' says Díaz Rojas .
Because they 're spending more time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may be engaging in sex more often , she explains — and `` without their usual method of protection , the risk of pregnancy increases . ''
Some see Colombia 's telemedicine services as a model for the rest of the world during the pandemic crisis .
Paula Avila-Guillen , who leads the Latin American initiatives program at the Women 's Equality Center — which supports global women 's groups — says she can see the telemedicine program being deployed across Latin America and eventually becoming commonplace around the world , especially in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's already being offered in 13 states in the U.S. as a research study with the Food and Drug Administration and in the U.K. , where the government approved abortion by telemedicine in March on a temporary status — for two years , or until the coronavirus emergency ends .
`` [ The doctors at Oriéntame ] are really breaking some of the biggest barriers in terms of access .
In a country like Colombia where there are so many rural areas , it is very hard for women to actually go to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Women have to travel to a certain place to get the procedure — sometimes multiple times [ for various consultations and medical appointments ] — and they are trying to eliminate the need for travel through telemedicine . ''
Because the telemedicine services allow Oriéntame to provide abortion services to women who live far away from clinics — women who , Díaz Rojas says , often lack the most education about the procedure and are at higher risk of unsafe abortions that could result in medical and legal repercussions — the clinic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic subsides .
Since beginning to offer the service on March 24 , has provided 93 women from dozens of municipalities throughout Colombia with abortion services over telemedicine .
But that number is a concern to Díaz Rojas .
She says she 'd usually see that same number of patients over the course of a couple of weeks at Oriéntame 's biggest clinic in Bogota .
The disparity in numbers could be attributed to women not knowing about the availability of the services , she says .
Or — given the stigma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notes — perhaps women are unable to hide the symptoms the at-home procedure causes , such as bleeding and cramping , from the people they live with during a time of lockdown .
She and other experts wonder how many women are n't able to get access to the service .
Avila-Guillen also notes that because the service is provided through a smartphone and internet , that could be an issue , especially in rural areas and areas that do n't get internet access .
As of December 2019 , Colombia 's Ministry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly half the country lacks mobile internet access .
Cruz thankfully did not suffer from any complications during her abortion .
Over WhatsApp , she wrote that she never felt alone during the process — even while undergoing a stressful living situation .
`` [ Oriéntame ] followed my situation very closely [ as I moved from place to place ] and called me to check in until I was finally able to do the procedure in a safe environment , '' she says .
`` They were very attentive throughout the entire @ @ @

The Pandemic And Legal Abortion: What Happens When Access Is Limited?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Photo Illustration by Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images Photo Illustration by Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images
In April, Johanna Cruz terminated her pregnancy with drugs obtained through a telemedicine consultation.
Abortion is legal in Colombia. And Cruz, a street performer from Chile who was backpacking through the Colombian state of Antioquia, did not feel she was in a position to raise a child. She didn't have a steady income or stable housing. And with stay-at-home orders in place to control the spread of coronavirus, she found herself facing homelessness in the town of San Rafael and unable to travel to Medellin, the nearest city with an abortion clinic.
But one program offered an alternative. In Colombia, patients can now consult with a doctor on a video call to request the medications that induce abortion. They're shipped directly to a patient.
Around the world, the pandemic has made it harder for women — especially young women and women in lower-income or rural settings — to access contraception and abortion services. The International Planned Parenthood Federation reports that over 5,000 reproductive health clinics globally have closed since the start of the pandemic due to COVID-19 lockdowns and social distancing measures. In some cases, they have closed because of a lack of personal protective equipment to keep doctors and patients safe from contracting the virus.
The pandemic also creates new stressors on women trying to seek this type of care. In many countries, there's already stigma associated with sexual and reproductive health services, says Abebe Shibru, country director for Marie Stopes International in Zimbabwe — and for this reason, women often seek out these services in secret. Lockdowns have made it harder for women in Zimbabwe to discreetly access sexual and reproductive care, he adds, because now family members may want to know where they're going order. Women may also face harassment from police officers enforcing stay-at-home orders.
The United States is also trying to de-prioritize sexual and reproductive health services amid the global coronavirus response. In May, the U.S. sent a letter to the U.N., requesting that the agency remove references to "sexual and reproductive health" — including abortion services — in its COVID-19 plan. Women's health groups expressed concern, saying these services are an essential part of health care in an emergency like the pandemic. The U.S. gives more money to the global COVID-19 response than any other country, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation.
Despite the obstacles for health groups as well as their clientele, family planning organizations are finding ways to provide reproductive health services to women. In countries with stay-at-home orders, such as Zimbabwe and Nepal, for example, Marie Stopes International is currently operating call centers that connect women to the nearest clinics. MSI Nepal and Ipas Development Foundation, an organization that promotes access to safe abortion in India, are advocating for local governments to make medical abortion legally accessible from home, either through a trained provider coming to women directly or through a telemedicine consultation.
The virtual option is already happening in Colombia, where Cruz got her abortion.
She reached out to Fundacion Oriéntame, a health group that provides reproductive health care and education. It started using telemedicine to offer abortion services in late March, when the country's stay-at-home order forced several of its locations across Colombia to close or operate under limited hours. Colombia began to relax its stay-at-home measures on June 1, but Oriéntame's clinics will keep their modified schedules until at least July.
Diana Ibeth Díaz Rojas, one of two doctors prescribing medical abortions via telemedicine for Oriéntame, says the lockdown pushed the organization to rapidly launch a virtual software program it had been developing for several months prior to the COVID-19 crisis.
The software facilitates a private and secure video call between the doctors and patients to protect the patient's personal information. The caller can tap in via phone or computer.
During the call, the doctor determines if assesses that the patient qualifies for abortion under Colombia's laws and meets an extra set of requirements for the telemedicine services, including: she must be no more than 9 weeks weeks pregnant and must not have any preexisting conditions that would put her at risk of complications from taking the medications, such as hemorrhaging or ectopic pregnancy. The doctors then prescribes mifeprostone and misoprostol and thoroughly explains how to administer the doses.
"On top of their regular concerns and personal risk factors, a lot of women we've spoken with have also said they feel that the pandemic is an abysmal time to continue a pregnancy," says Díaz Rojas. "There's so much uncertainty surrounding their health, the health of their loved ones, the loss of employment — there are all these added vulnerabilities during this time."
Patients are required to notify Díaz Rojas or her colleague as soon as they take the pills: first the mifeprostone and then the misoprostol 24 to 48 hours later. They are provided with as much virtual support as they need, through video call follow-ups or WhatsApp text messaging, while monitoring the symptoms and reactions — bleeding, pain level, cramps — and be on call in case there are any abnormal reactions resulting in the need to go to an in-person facility.
Still, some health experts are unsure whether abortion via telemedicine is safe. When MSI Nepal proposed it as an alternative method of care during lockdown, the Ministry of Health told the group that they were concerned about how a patient would manage complications that could result from taking the medications — like abnormal bleeding or severe cramping — if she is alone at home without a health care provider nearby.
Patrina Mosley, who focuses on women's issues at the pro-life organization Family Research Council, sees the transfer of abortion services to telemedicine as highly risky.
"Abortions require a high level of physical interaction between the mother and a physician who can examine, diagnosis, evaluate and treat her. Skyping with a doctor and filling out a questionnaire carries many of the same risks as ordering pills online from a doctor you have never met and who cannot physically assess you. Pretending for ideological reasons that chemical abortion can be done remotely or even as a do-it-yourself, is extremely dangerous and negligent."
A study conducted from 2008 to 2015 in the United States and published in the peer-reviewed journal Obstetrics & Gynecology found that the telemedicine model of abortion "is noninferior to in-person provision with regard to clinically significant adverse events."
Although several Colombian insurance providers cover in-person abortion services at Oriéntame, Díaz Rojas says the coverage has not yet extended to telemedicine. The entire procedure — including the first consult, the pills and subsequent conversations — currently costs a little under $100, and the organization has a "justice fund" to lower expenses for women who face economic barriers.
Cruz received her procedure free of charge.
And the conversations with Oriéntame staff are not just about termination of a pregnancy. Some of Díaz Rojas' abortion patients have noted that the lockdown is making it difficult for them to access birth control because they can't renew prescriptions or travel to a pharmacy. So, during the consultation, Oriéntame discusses contraceptive options. They can either choose a method that can be shipped directly to their homes — like birth control pills — or opt for an IUD prescription that a health-care provider can implant when lockdown guidelines are lifted.
"We weren't sending [contraceptives] at the beginning, but we identified a recurring need for emergency birth control as we spoke to more and more patients," says Díaz Rojas. Because they're spending more time at home with their partners, they may be engaging in sex more often, she explains — and "without their usual method of protection, the risk of pregnancy increases."
Some see Colombia's telemedicine services as a model for the rest of the world during the pandemic crisis. Paula Avila-Guillen, who leads the Latin American initiatives program at the Women's Equality Center — which supports global women's groups — says she can see the telemedicine program being deployed across Latin America and eventually becoming commonplace around the world, especially in countries with widespread internet access. It's already being offered in 13 states in the U.S. as a research study with the Food and Drug Administration and in the U.K., where the government approved abortion by telemedicine in March on a temporary status — for two years, or until the coronavirus emergency ends.
"[The doctors at Oriéntame] are really breaking some of the biggest barriers in terms of access. In a country like Colombia where there are so many rural areas, it is very hard for women to actually go to the clinic," she says. "Women have to travel to a certain place to get the procedure — sometimes multiple times [for various consultations and medical appointments] — and they are trying to eliminate the need for travel through telemedicine."
Because the telemedicine services allow Oriéntame to provide abortion services to women who live far away from clinics — women who, Díaz Rojas says, often lack the most education about the procedure and are at higher risk of unsafe abortions that could result in medical and legal repercussions — the clinic will keep its telemedicine option even after the pandemic subsides.
Since beginning to offer the service on March 24, has provided 93 women from dozens of municipalities throughout Colombia with abortion services over telemedicine.
But that number is a concern to Díaz Rojas. She says she'd usually see that same number of patients over the course of a couple of weeks at Oriéntame's biggest clinic in Bogota. The disparity in numbers could be attributed to women not knowing about the availability of the services, she says. Or — given the stigma associated with abortions in Colombia, she notes — perhaps women are unable to hide the symptoms the at-home procedure causes, such as bleeding and cramping, from the people they live with during a time of lockdown. She and other experts wonder how many women aren't able to get access to the service.
Avila-Guillen also notes that because the service is provided through a smartphone and internet, that could be an issue, especially in rural areas and areas that don't get internet access. As of December 2019, Colombia's Ministry of Information Technologies and Communications reported that nearly half the country lacks mobile internet access.
Cruz thankfully did not suffer from any complications during her abortion. Over WhatsApp, she wrote that she never felt alone during the process — even while undergoing a stressful living situation.
"[Oriéntame] followed my situation very closely [as I moved from place to place] and called me to check in until I was finally able to do the procedure in a safe environment," she says. "They were very attentive throughout the entire process."


npr--2020-06-09--What A 1968 Report Tells Us About The Persistence Of Racial Inequality

What A 1968 Report Tells Us About The Persistence Of Racial Inequality Editor 's note : This is an excerpt of Planet Money 's newsletter .
You can sign up here .
In summer of 1967 , African Americans protested , marched , and rioted in cities across the country .
The unrest convinced President Lyndon Johnson to set up the Kerner Commission , which spent about six months doing research , visiting slums , and holding hearings .
In 1968 , they published a provocative report that civil rights leader Jesse Jackson recently called `` the last attempt to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that plague African Americans . ''
`` Segregation and poverty have created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment totally unknown to most white Americans , '' the Kerner report said .
`` What white Americans have never fully understood — but what the Negro can never forget — is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto .
White institutions created it , white institutions maintain it , and white society condones it . ''
Fifty years later , Americans are taking to the streets again , protesting systemic inequities that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has really changed ?
In many ways , America has made progress toward racial equality since the late sixties .
Black Americans have , for instance , seen huge gains in education , in political and media representation , and in infant mortality rates .
But , in many ways , Black Americans have n't made much economic progress , especially in relative terms .
Even before the pandemic and economic collapse — which are disproportionately hurting the black community — the national black poverty rate of 22 % was more than double @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While there is a larger black middle class than 50 years ago , the median black household has only a tenth of the wealth of the median white household .
And every year , black workers earn , on average , 25 % less than white workers .
`` Across a number of indicators , racial economic progress has actually slowed or reversed over the last century , '' says Ellora Derenoncourt , an economist at Princeton University .
Her research finds that the earnings gap between black and white workers has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mid-to-late 1970s .
`` Over the past 70 years , this gap closed significantly only once , '' she says , citing her recent study with Claire Montialoux .
That , they find , is ironically due to actions taken before the Kerner Commission , when the federal government took steps to raise the minimum wage for millions of black workers .
As part of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1966 , the federal minimum wage expanded to cover industries where blacks were over-represented , including agriculture , food and hospitality , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been some gains in income since the Kerner Commission , `` in terms of the wealth gap , there 's been almost no progress , '' says UC Berkeley economist Gabriel Zucman , who studies wealth inequality .
`` The average wealth of African Americans was 15 % of the average wealth of whites in 1963 — and it 's still around 15 % today . ''
A core reason for this stagnation , he says , is continued disparities in homeownership .
Much of that is a legacy of racist housing policies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistance .
Today , the white homeownership rate is almost 74 % , which is much higher than the black homeownership rate of 44 % — a rate that is about the same as it was back in 1968 .
According to the research of the Harvard economist Raj Chetty , a leading researcher on social mobility , the racial inequality we see today is inseparable from a problem identified by the Kerner commission fifty years ago : segregation .
`` Segregation plays a critical role in driving differences in opportunity by race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if anything , it 's more important today than it was 50 years ago .
American cities are more segregated along certain lines — by income lines , in particular .
We still live in an environment — 50 years later — where African Americans are still living in fundamentally different neighborhoods and have access to fundamentally different schools , jobs , and opportunities . ''
The problem of segregation is especially troublesome when you consider the mountain of evidence Chetty has compiled in study after study , which finds the same thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ central driver of what determines kids ' life outcomes — is the environment in which they 're growing up , '' Chetty says .
`` Childhood exposure , '' he says , to healthy environments with low poverty and crime rates , successful role models , good schools , social trust , and two-parent households is a huge boost to the likelihood kids will succeed as adults .
Chetty and his colleagues find the effects of an environment are profound .
If kids grow up in a place with lots of innovation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are much more likely to become inventors of new kinds of software .
They even find this effect is gender specific .
If girls grow up in an area where lots of women are inventing new kinds of pharmaceuticals , they 're much more likely to invent new kinds of pharmaceuticals .
The problem for African Americans , Chetty finds , is that — 50 years after the Kerner Commission — they are still , for the most part , growing up in worse neighborhoods , and this has huge effects on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ study , Chetty and his colleagues find that just 2.5 % of black kids born in the bottom fifth of the income distribution make it to the top fifth in adulthood , a rate that is four times worse than white kids from a similar class background .
But Chetty sees a glimmer of hope in the data : the racial disparities in mobility are driven almost entirely by black men , not black women .
`` We 're seeing much higher rates of economic mobility for black women — actually somewhat comparable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black women , on average , are still more likely to grow up in poor neighborhoods and be disadvantaged on a number of fronts compared to white women .
It 's just that when Chetty compares them to white women who grow up in similar class backgrounds , their economic outcomes look similar .
The same ca n't be said for black men .
Chetty 's data shows the problem facing black males is widespread : in 99 % of all the neighborhoods in America , black men end up earning less in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grow up in families with similar class backgrounds .
This includes rich black adolescents , who are about twice as likely to fall into poverty than rich white adolescents .
This data raises a crucial question for policymakers : what is it specifically about growing up in America as a black male that handicaps them in achieving and maintaining economic success ?
Chetty says we 're seeing it highlighted in the news now .
Black males are discriminated against in our society , by law enforcement , by judges , by employers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down the street .
It contributes to a cycle where they 're less likely to finish high school , go to college , and much more likely to grow up in environments where male role models are absent .
`` And that 's a big issue — partly because of the system of mass incarceration where lots of black men are not present to help raise their kids , '' Chetty says .
Fifty years ago , the Kerner commission came to the conclusion that America was systematically keeping African Americans down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ institutional racism , the implicit and explicit biases , the stereotypes , and the vicious cycle that continues to rob black males of freedom and opportunity , it seems just as true today .
Did you enjoy this newsletter segment ?
Well , it looks even better in your inbox !
You can sign up here .

What A 1968 Report Tells Us About The Persistence Of Racial Inequality
Enlarge this image AFP via Getty Images AFP via Getty Images
Editor's note: This is an excerpt of Planet Money's newsletter. You can sign up here.
In summer of 1967, African Americans protested, marched, and rioted in cities across the country. The unrest convinced President Lyndon Johnson to set up the Kerner Commission, which spent about six months doing research, visiting slums, and holding hearings. In 1968, they published a provocative report that civil rights leader Jesse Jackson recently called "the last attempt to address honestly and seriously the structural inequalities that plague African Americans."
"Segregation and poverty have created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment totally unknown to most white Americans," the Kerner report said. "What white Americans have never fully understood — but what the Negro can never forget — is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions maintain it, and white society condones it."
Fifty years later, Americans are taking to the streets again, protesting systemic inequities that haven't gone away. How much has really changed?
In many ways, America has made progress toward racial equality since the late sixties. Black Americans have, for instance, seen huge gains in education, in political and media representation, and in infant mortality rates. But, in many ways, Black Americans haven't made much economic progress, especially in relative terms. Even before the pandemic and economic collapse — which are disproportionately hurting the black community — the national black poverty rate of 22% was more than double the white poverty rate of 9%. While there is a larger black middle class than 50 years ago, the median black household has only a tenth of the wealth of the median white household. And every year, black workers earn, on average, 25% less than white workers.
Income
"Across a number of indicators, racial economic progress has actually slowed or reversed over the last half-century," says Ellora Derenoncourt, an economist at Princeton University. Her research finds that the earnings gap between black and white workers has remained pretty much the same since the mid-to-late 1970s. "Over the past 70 years, this gap closed significantly only once," she says, citing her recent study with Claire Montialoux. That, they find, is ironically due to actions taken before the Kerner Commission, when the federal government took steps to raise the minimum wage for millions of black workers. As part of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1966, the federal minimum wage expanded to cover industries where blacks were over-represented, including agriculture, food and hospitality, and nursing homes.
Wealth
While there have been some gains in income since the Kerner Commission, "in terms of the wealth gap, there's been almost no progress," says UC Berkeley economist Gabriel Zucman, who studies wealth inequality. "The average wealth of African Americans was 15% of the average wealth of whites in 1963 — and it's still around 15% today." A core reason for this stagnation, he says, is continued disparities in homeownership. Much of that is a legacy of racist housing policies, like redlining and exclusionary federal housing assistance. Today, the white homeownership rate is almost 74%, which is much higher than the black homeownership rate of 44% — a rate that is about the same as it was back in 1968.
Segregation And Mobility
According to the research of the Harvard economist Raj Chetty, a leading researcher on social mobility, the racial inequality we see today is inseparable from a problem identified by the Kerner commission fifty years ago: segregation.
"Segregation plays a critical role in driving differences in opportunity by race," Chetty says. "And if anything, it's more important today than it was 50 years ago. American cities are more segregated along certain lines — by income lines, in particular. We still live in an environment — 50 years later — where African Americans are still living in fundamentally different neighborhoods and have access to fundamentally different schools, jobs, and opportunities."
The problem of segregation is especially troublesome when you consider the mountain of evidence Chetty has compiled in study after study, which finds the same thing: "The deep — perhaps the central driver of what determines kids' life outcomes — is the environment in which they're growing up," Chetty says. "Childhood exposure," he says, to healthy environments with low poverty and crime rates, successful role models, good schools, social trust, and two-parent households is a huge boost to the likelihood kids will succeed as adults.
Chetty and his colleagues find the effects of an environment are profound. If kids grow up in a place with lots of innovation in a particular area, like software, they are much more likely to become inventors of new kinds of software. They even find this effect is gender specific. If girls grow up in an area where lots of women are inventing new kinds of pharmaceuticals, they're much more likely to invent new kinds of pharmaceuticals.
The problem for African Americans, Chetty finds, is that — 50 years after the Kerner Commission — they are still, for the most part, growing up in worse neighborhoods, and this has huge effects on their upward mobility. In a recent study, Chetty and his colleagues find that just 2.5% of black kids born in the bottom fifth of the income distribution make it to the top fifth in adulthood, a rate that is four times worse than white kids from a similar class background.
But Chetty sees a glimmer of hope in the data: the racial disparities in mobility are driven almost entirely by black men, not black women. "We're seeing much higher rates of economic mobility for black women — actually somewhat comparable to those for white women." Black women, on average, are still more likely to grow up in poor neighborhoods and be disadvantaged on a number of fronts compared to white women. It's just that when Chetty compares them to white women who grow up in similar class backgrounds, their economic outcomes look similar. The same can't be said for black men.
Black Men In America
Chetty's data shows the problem facing black males is widespread: in 99% of all the neighborhoods in America, black men end up earning less in adulthood than white men even if they grow up in families with similar class backgrounds. This includes rich black adolescents, who are about twice as likely to fall into poverty than rich white adolescents.
This data raises a crucial question for policymakers: what is it specifically about growing up in America as a black male that handicaps them in achieving and maintaining economic success?
Chetty says we're seeing it highlighted in the news now. Black males are discriminated against in our society, by law enforcement, by judges, by employers, by customers, and by strangers walking down the street. It contributes to a cycle where they're less likely to finish high school, go to college, and much more likely to grow up in environments where male role models are absent. "And that's a big issue — partly because of the system of mass incarceration where lots of black men are not present to help raise their kids," Chetty says.
Fifty years ago, the Kerner commission came to the conclusion that America was systematically keeping African Americans down. And, if you look at the institutional racism, the implicit and explicit biases, the stereotypes, and the vicious cycle that continues to rob black males of freedom and opportunity, it seems just as true today.
Did you enjoy this newsletter segment? Well, it looks even better in your inbox! You can sign up here.


npr--2020-06-09--Virginia Judge Blocks Plan To Remove Statue Of Robert E. Lee

A judge in Richmond , Va. , has issued a temporary injunction blocking removal of a massive statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee , until a lawsuit seeking to halt the removal can be heard .
Amid nationwide protests calling for an end to police brutality against African Americans following the killing of George Floyd , Virginia Gov .
Ralph Northam last week ordered the statue removed `` as soon as possible '' and placed in storage .
But on Monday , Judge Bradley B. Cavedo of Richmond Circuit Court issued the 10-day injunction , citing a lawsuit filed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Virginia promised to `` faithfully guard '' and `` affectionately protect '' the statue when the land it is located on was annexed by the state in 1890 .
Gregory is described in the complaint as a descendant of two signatories to the deed .
`` [ Gregory 's ] family has taken pride for 130 years in this statue resting upon land belonging to his family and transferred to the Commonwealth in consideration of the Commonwealth contractually guaranteeing to perpetually care for and protect the Lee Monument , '' the lawsuit says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is in the public interest to await resolution of the case on the merits before removing the statue .
A spokeswoman for the governor , Alena Yarmosky , said in a statement that the judge 's decision was being reviewed .
`` Governor Northam remains committed to removing this divisive symbol from Virginia 's capital city , and we 're confident in his authority to do so , '' she said .
The plan by Northam , a Democrat , to remove the statue of Lee comes amid a push in recent years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Confederacy .
In Fredericksburg , Va. , an 800-pound slave auction block dating to the 1840s was removed from the city 's downtown , and a week ago , a statue commemorating Confederate soldiers was removed from Old Town , Alexandria , Va .
In Richmond over the weekend , protesters toppled a statue of Gen. Williams Carter Wickham , a Confederate cavalry officer and politician .
Three years ago , the planned removal of another statue of Lee in Charlottesville , Va. , prompted opposition in the form of a `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white nationalists that resulted in the death of a counter-protester .
On Monday , the University of Alabama took down memorials to Confederate soldiers and plaques honoring students who served in the Confederate Army and student cadet corps .
In Texas , dozens of Confederate statues and landmarks have been removed in recent years .
Speaking last week on All Things Considered , Northam told NPR that the statue of Lee `` is a symbol of oppression and divisiveness . ''
`` I think [ we are at ] a crossroads in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way toward unity and bringing people back together or we can take the other route of more divisiveness , '' he said .

Virginia Judge Blocks Plan To Remove Statue Of Robert E. Lee
Enlarge this image toggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP J. Scott Applewhite/AP
A judge in Richmond, Va., has issued a temporary injunction blocking removal of a massive statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee until a lawsuit seeking to halt the removal can be heard.
Amid nationwide protests calling for an end to police brutality against African Americans following the killing of George Floyd, Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam last week ordered the statue removed "as soon as possible" and placed in storage.
But on Monday, Judge Bradley B. Cavedo of Richmond Circuit Court issued the 10-day injunction, citing a lawsuit filed by William C. Gregory, who claims Virginia promised to "faithfully guard" and "affectionately protect" the statue when the land it is located on was annexed by the state in 1890.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Steve Helber/AP Steve Helber/AP
Gregory is described in the complaint as a descendant of two signatories to the deed.
"[Gregory's] family has taken pride for 130 years in this statue resting upon land belonging to his family and transferred to the Commonwealth in consideration of the Commonwealth contractually guaranteeing to perpetually care for and protect the Lee Monument," the lawsuit says.
The judge's order says it is in the public interest to await resolution of the case on the merits before removing the statue.
Alena Yarmosky, a spokeswoman for the governor, said in a statement that the judge's decision was being reviewed.
"Gov. Northam remains committed to removing this divisive symbol from Virginia's capital city, and we're confident in his authority to do so," she said.
The plan by Northam, a Democrat, to remove the statue of Lee comes amid a push in recent years to remove monuments and other symbols of the Confederacy.
In Fredericksburg, Va., an 800-pound slave auction block dating to the 1840s was removed from the city's downtown, and a week ago, a statue commemorating Confederate soldiers was removed from Old Town in Alexandria, Va.
In Richmond over the weekend, protesters toppled a statue of Gen. Williams Carter Wickham, a Confederate cavalry officer and politician.
Three years ago, the planned removal of a statue of Lee in Charlottesville, Va., prompted opposition in the form of a "Unite the Right" rally attended by white nationalists that resulted in the death of a counterprotester.
On Monday, the University of Alabama took down memorials to Confederate soldiers and plaques honoring students who served in the Confederate Army and student cadet corps.
In Texas, dozens of Confederate statues and landmarks have been removed in recent years.
Speaking last week on All Things Considered, Northam told NPR that the statue of Lee "is a symbol of oppression and divisiveness."
"I think [we are at] a crossroads in this country, where we can go one way toward unity and bringing people back together or we can take the other route of more divisiveness," he said.


npr--2020-06-09--How Federal Dollars Fund Local Police

How Federal Dollars Fund Local Police

Activists protesting police brutality are calling on cities and states to defund their police .
Funding for local law enforcement now increasingly comes from the federal government .
Federal departments ranging from the Department of Justice to the Department of Agriculture have grant programs aimed at hiring more police , equipping them , and constructing new police facilities .
Some experts say that federal involvement undermines community accountability and focuses more on enforcement than minimizing harm .
Probably the most well-known of all such initiatives is the Community Oriented Policing Services program , established as part of the 1994 crime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which oversees the COPS program , says it has provided $ 14 billion since its ' inception to hire and train local police involved in community policing .
Earlier this month , Attorney General William Barr announced the awarding of $ 400 million in fiscal year 2020 under the program , intended to pay for the hiring of 2,732 police officers in 596 law enforcement agencies .
Some of that money will also go to communities to hire `` school resource officers '' — positions which some activists have denounced .
Incidentally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has pledged to spend $ 300 million for the COPS program .
The Department of Justice also administers the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program .
It provides funds to states , territories , tribes and local government for law enforcement and corrections programs .
According to its website , there was nearly $ 264 million available in the 2019 fiscal year .
DOJ has other grants as well , including the Patrick Leahy Bulletproof Vest Partnership , named for the Democratic senator from Vermont @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Assistance , which also provides grants for a multitude of programs , including body cameras and `` innovative policing techniques . ''
After the Sept. 11 attacks , Congress authorized federal funds be allocated to local law enforcement agencies for another purpose ; to guard against and respond to terrorist attacks .
In the current fiscal year , the Department of Homeland Security has nearly $ 1.8 billion available for communities in its preparedness grants program .
Localities that receive the funding must agree to allocate at least 25 % to law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One agency that seemingly has little connection with police , the Agriculture Department also hands out law enforcement grants .
Under its Rural Development Community Facility grant program , towns of under 5,000 population can apply for money to construct new police facilities , or in some instances , buy new police cruisers .
And , the Department of Defense provides surplus military equipment to law enforcement agencies , with its so-called 1033 program , which critics have charged has led to the increased militarization of civilian police .
`` Federal grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed in ways that incentivize harmful policing and undermine local and state political accountability , '' says Rachel Harmon , a professor of law and director of the Center for Criminal Justice at the University of Virginia Law School .
Harmon added , via email , that such programs `` far more often focus on effective policing than ensuring that policing is fair , minimally harmful , or consistent with the law . ''
Barry Friedman , director of the Policing Project at the NYU Law is also critical of the Justice department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not insist on compliance with data reporting , '' he says , and `` DOJ has a strong law enforcement perspective , rather than a community safety perspective . ''

How Federal Dollars Fund Local Police
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chandan Khanna/AFP via Getty Images Chandan Khanna/AFP via Getty Images
Activists protesting police brutality are calling on cities and states to defund their police. Funding for local law enforcement now increasingly comes from the federal government.
Federal departments ranging from the Department of Justice to the Department of Agriculture have grant programs aimed at hiring more police, equipping them and constructing new police facilities.
Some experts say that federal involvement undermines community accountability and focuses more on enforcement than minimizing harm.
Probably the most well-known of all such initiatives is the Community Oriented Policing Services program, established as part of the 1994 crime bill. The Department of Justice, which oversees the COPS program, says it has provided $14 billion since its inception to hire and train local police involved in community policing.
Earlier this month, Attorney General William Barr announced the awarding of nearly $400 million for fiscal year 2020 under the program, intended to pay for the hiring of 2,732 police officers in 596 law enforcement agencies. Some of that money will also go to communities to hire school resource officers — positions that some activists have denounced.
Incidentally, as part of his criminal justice initiative, presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has pledged to spend $300 million for the COPS program.
The Department of Justice also administers the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program. It provides funds to states, territories, tribes and local government for law enforcement and corrections programs. According to its website, there was nearly $264 million available in the 2019 fiscal year.
DOJ has other grants as well, including the Patrick Leahy Bulletproof Vest Partnership, named for the Democratic senator from Vermont, and part of the Bureau of Justice Assistance, which also provides grants for a multitude of programs, including body cameras and "innovative policing techniques."
After the Sept. 11 attacks, Congress authorized that federal funds be allocated to local law enforcement agencies for another purpose: to guard against and respond to terrorist attacks. In the current fiscal year, the Department of Homeland Security has nearly $1.8 billion available for communities in its preparedness grants program. Localities that receive the funding must agree to allocate at least 25% to law enforcement under most of the grants.
One agency that seemingly has little connection with police, the Agriculture Department, also hands out law enforcement grants. Under its Rural Development Community Facility grant program, towns of under 5,000 population can apply for money to construct new police facilities or, in some instances, buy new police cruisers.
And the Department of Defense provides surplus military equipment to law enforcement agencies with its so-called 1033 program, which critics have charged has led to the increased militarization of civilian police.
Do these programs work?
"Federal grant and equipment programs for policing are often designed in ways that incentivize harmful policing and undermine local and state political accountability," says Rachel Harmon, a professor of law and director of the Center for Criminal Justice at the University of Virginia Law School. Harmon added, via email, that such programs "far more often focus on effective policing than ensuring that policing is fair, minimally harmful, or consistent with the law."
Barry Friedman, director of the Policing Project at NYU Law, is also critical of the Justice Department's law enforcement grants. "They do not insist on compliance with data reporting," he says, and "DOJ has a strong law enforcement perspective, rather than a community safety perspective."


npr--2020-06-09--Chicago Tackles COVID-19 Disparities In Hard Hit Black And Latino Neighborhoods

When COVID-19 first hit the United States , it spread through communities of color at alarmingly disproportionate rates .
This was especially true in Chicago .
More than 70 % of the city 's first coronavirus deaths were African-American .
Those numbers have declined , but black residents continue to die at a rate two- to three-times higher than the city 's white residents .
Researchers believe underlying health conditions that are prevalent in Latinx and black communities , such as hypertension and diabetes , make residents there more vulnerable to the disease .
While blacks suffer the most deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contracted the disease is the highest now in the city 's Latinx communities .
Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot calls it a public health `` red alarm . ''
She 's worked with community groups to create a Racial Equity Rapid Response Team or RERRT .
They are tackling long-standing needs for residents in African-American and Latinx neighborhoods — everything from adequate nutrition to jobs to healthcare .
One of those Chicago neighborhoods is Auburn-Gresham .
It 's a predominantly African-American and working class area on the city 's South side .
It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % unemployment , gang warfare .
Then came the wrath of COVID-19 .
The first to die was Patricia Frieson , 61 , a retired nurse who lived in the neighborhood .
Her older sister , Wanda Bailey , 63 , also died from the coronavirus days later .
Recently , a drive-in test site opened up on 79th street , one of the main commercial strips that 's seen better times .
`` Oh , this is critical .
We 've been screaming for weeks to get testing in Auburn Gresham , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Greater Auburn-Gresham Development Corporation .
He says it 's been dire with more than 1,000 confirmed coronavirus cases and `` we are dying , because we do n't have the same resources or access to information . ''
Mayor Lightfoot says the racial gap is unacceptable and is the result of a racist system that for generations left black neighborhoods with little access to health care , jobs , education and healthy food .
Conditions she adds that are n't unique to Chicago .
`` We 're seeing this manifest in large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Lightfoot .
`` All over the United States — Cleveland , Detroit , Milwaukee and other places are experiencing the same thing , but we are going to step up and do something about it . ''
Distributing free masks , hundreds of door hangers and thousands of postcards about COVID-19 are part of the effort by the rapid response team .
Recently , hundreds of people on foot and in cars lined the blocks for a pop-up food pantry run by Carlos Nelson 's group and the Greater Chicago Food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boxes of canned goods , meat and produce into a cart .
Bowers works part time caring for seniors and says COVID-19 has caused lots of financial havoc .
`` I 'm not been able to service as many people as I have been because a lot of people are afraid to let people in their home , '' Bowers says .
She 's been working 8 hours a week instead of her typical 30 to 35 hours .
But Bowers considers herself lucky since since she and her adult children live with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in but Bowers says , `` the food pantry is a real help to the family because I am not able to buy food . ''
In Chicago 's Latinx neighborhoods , there 's the same push by RERRT to educate people about the pandemic with bilingual messaging .
There 's also a focus on workplaces where there 's been a cluster of coronavirus cases .
Unions are part of the outreach effort .
Efrain Elias is vice president and residential division director of SEIU Local 1 .
The union represents janitors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are workers who are heading to the front line of this crisis to keep the public clean , safe and healthy every day and our workers are not able to stay at home , '' Elias says .
In a neighborhood near Chicago 's downtown , the sound of a vacuum cleaner dies down as Javier Flores goes over the day 's cleaning schedule with his maintenance crew at a nearly 200-unit residential building .
`` Thank God , we have n't had any cases here or any type of incidents what so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he and his wife are considered essential employees .
She is a cook for the Chicago Public Schools and prepares free breakfast and lunch for students that families pick up .
The couple live with their two young daughters in Chicago 's Belmont-Cragin area .
With nearly 3,000 confirmed cases , it 's one of the Latinx communities with the most coronvirus cases in the state .
It also makes Flores anxious .
`` My youngest daughter started coughing , telling me her throat hurt , '' Flores says , `` and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man , COVID-19 ? ''
His daughter turned out to be fine .
Flores says he hopes the city 's racial equity work will help make that true for so many others in communities of color hard hit by the COVID-19 pandemic .

Chicago Tackles COVID-19 Disparities In Hard-Hit Black And Latino Neighborhoods
Enlarge this image toggle caption Cheryl Corley/NPR Cheryl Corley/NPR
When COVID-19 first hit the United States, it spread through communities of color at alarmingly disproportionate rates.
This was especially true in Chicago. More than 70% of the city's first coronavirus deaths were among African Americans. Those numbers have declined, but black residents continue to die at a rate two to three times higher than the city's white residents. Researchers believe underlying health conditions that are prevalent in Latinx and black communities, such as hypertension and diabetes, make residents there more vulnerable to the disease.
While black residents suffer the most deaths, the number of people who have contracted the disease is the highest now in the city's Latinx communities. Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot calls it a public health "red alarm." She has worked with community groups to create a Racial Equity Rapid Response Team or RERRT. They are tackling long-standing needs for residents in African American and Latinx neighborhoods — everything from adequate nutrition to jobs to health care.
One of those Chicago neighborhoods is Auburn Gresham. It's a predominantly African American and working class area on the city's South Side. It has seen its share of troubles — 30% unemployment, gang warfare. Then came COVID-19.
The first to die was Patricia Frieson, 61, a retired nurse who lived in the neighborhood. Her older sister, Wanda Bailey, 63, also died from the coronavirus days later.
Recently, a drive-in test site opened on 79th Street, one of the main commercial strips that has seen better times.
National Chicago Nurse Mourns Loss Of Patients, Begs People To Stop Denying Severity Of Coronavirus Chicago Nurse Mourns Loss Of Patients, Begs People To Stop Denying Severity Of Coronavirus Listen · 10:51 10:51
"Oh, this is critical. We've been screaming for weeks to get testing in Auburn Gresham," says Carlos Nelson, CEO of the Greater Auburn-Gresham Development Corp. He says it has been dire with more than 1,000 confirmed coronavirus cases and "we are dying, because we don't have the same resources or access to information."
Mayor Lightfoot says the racial gap is unacceptable and is the result of a racist system that for generations left black neighborhoods with little access to health care, jobs, education and healthy food — conditions, she adds, that aren't unique to Chicago.
"We're seeing this manifest in large urban areas with large black populations," says Lightfoot. "All over the United States — Cleveland, Detroit, Milwaukee and other places are experiencing the same thing, but we are going to step up and do something about it."
Distributing free masks, hundreds of door hangers and thousands of postcards about COVID-19 is part of the effort by the rapid response team.
Hundreds of people on foot and in cars lined the blocks recently for a pop-up food pantry run by Carlos Nelson's group and the Greater Chicago Food Depository. Volunteers helped Carolyn Bowers load boxes of canned goods, meat and produce into a cart. Bowers works part time caring for seniors and says COVID-19 has caused financial havoc.
"I've not been able to service as many people as I have been because a lot of people are afraid to let people in their home," Bowers says.
She has been working eight hours a week instead of her typical 30 to 35 hours. But Bowers considers herself lucky since she and her adult children live with her mother. She says everyone chips in, but "the food pantry is a real help to the family because I am not able to buy food."
In Chicago's Latinx neighborhoods, there's the same push by RERRT to educate people about the pandemic with bilingual messaging. There's also a focus on workplaces where there has been a cluster of coronavirus cases. Unions are part of the outreach effort.
Health Illinois Hospital Fighting To Serve COVID-19 Patients Amid Financial Struggles Illinois Hospital Fighting To Serve COVID-19 Patients Amid Financial Struggles Listen · 4:49 4:49
Efrain Elias is vice president and residential division director of SEIU Local 1. The union represents janitors, security officers and others.
"These are workers who are heading to the front line of this crisis to keep the public clean, safe and healthy every day and our workers are not able to stay at home," Elias says.
In a neighborhood near Chicago's downtown, the sound of a vacuum cleaner dies down as Javier Flores goes over the day's cleaning schedule with his maintenance crew at a nearly 200-unit residential building.
"Thank God, we haven't had any cases here or any type of incidents whatsoever," Flores says. Both he and his wife are considered essential employees. She is a cook for the Chicago Public Schools and prepares free breakfast and lunch for students that families pick up.
The couple live with their two young daughters in Chicago's Belmont-Cragin area. With nearly 3,000 confirmed cases, it's one of the Latinx communities with the most coronavirus cases in the state. It also makes Flores anxious.
"My youngest daughter started coughing, telling me her throat hurt," Flores says, "and I can't avoid just thinking about, man, COVID-19?"
His daughter turned out to be fine. Flores says he hopes the city's racial equity work will help make that true for so many others in communities of color hard-hit by the COVID-19 pandemic.


npr--2020-06-09--Feds Spend Billions On COVID-19 Contracts, Often Without Fully Competitive Bidding

Feds Spend Billions On COVID-19 Contracts , Often Without Fully Competitive Bidding When nurses and doctors across the country were struggling to treat coronavirus patients without enough protective gear , and the federal government was scrambling to find those supplies , Quedon Baul saw an opportunity .
His three-person company in McKinney , Texas , distributes medical supplies but did n't have much experience with face shields .
Still , he landed two government contracts worth up to $ 20 million to deliver the personal protective equipment .
He could n't meet the first deadline , so he found subcontractors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get an opportunity , you take it , '' Baul says .
`` It was n't my first rodeo , but it 's certainly my first big rodeo . ''
The U.S. government has granted contracts worth as much as $ 25 billion as it races to address the COVID-19 public health crisis .
NPR reviewed a database of thousands of contracting actions and found more than 250 companies that got contracts worth more than $ 1 million without going through a fully competitive bidding process .
Some of the companies , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no experience with personal protective equipment .
Others had never worked in the medical field at all .
Contractors also included a company that imported vodka and a school security consultant .
Sixteen of the companies had only registered to do business with the government for the first time this year .
And at least three companies formed just days before they obtained the contracts , NPR found .
These companies often acted as `` middlemen , '' obtaining the medical supplies from other manufacturers , some in China , records show .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ agencies , state governments and local health systems trying to buy the same equipment on the global market .
Government procurement experts say federal officials were trying to move quickly to deliver desperately needed personal protective equipment .
But they question the need to turn to contractors who have never worked with the government before and lacked experience making or delivering the protective gear .
`` Giving business to people who do n't have experience is something you do n't want to do in an emergency , '' says Joshua Schwartz , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Government Procurement Law Program at George Washington University 's School of Law .
After years of planning for pandemics , the federal government should have been better prepared – and acted earlier , experts say .
Instead , in the scramble to find supplies , the government streamlined the competitive bidding process and may not have done proper vetting , says Juliette Kayyem , a former assistant secretary at the Department of Homeland Security .
She says the Federal Emergency Management Agency and other agencies signing these contracts should not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arena '' during a crisis .
`` We wake up in March and realize we have massive community spread and no capability to protect our first responders , '' says Kayyem , now an expert on disaster preparedness at the Harvard Kennedy School .
`` That , in the end , did not have to be .
... FEMA was always behind the eight ball from the beginning . ''
For many entrepreneurs , this was a chance to get Americans the protective gear they needed and , while they were at it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed masks , face shields and other equipment , and it needed them fast .
When Baul , the Texas entrepreneur who runs a company called Reliable Sales & Services LLC , learned that the government was issuing contracts for firms to deliver personal protective equipment , he wanted to make sure he got one .
`` When this pandemic hit , we did n't want to leave it to chance that they would sift through hundreds of applications and somehow find ours , '' Baul says .
`` I sent an email @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 'Can you make sure they do n't forget about RSS ? '
and they said yes . ''
Baul would n't say whom he emailed in the federal government .
In early May , his company got the contracts , which were `` not competed , '' from FEMA to provide face shields .
He says his suburban Dallas operation distributes `` a little bit of everything , '' including IV fluid catheters .
But he also acknowledges that 90 % to 95 % of his business was not related to personal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The agency wanted the equipment in 10 days , and Baul knew he could n't deliver on time .
He says he got an extension , subcontracted the work to other companies around the country , and was able to deliver 300,000 face shields .
`` We did n't have a choice , '' he says , referring to the subcontractors .
`` They wanted them assembled .
That 's not our business model . ''
A spokesperson for FEMA says the agency has a `` rigorous vetting '' system .
`` FEMA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has reason to believe they will be successfully executed , '' agency spokesperson Lizzie Litzow says .
`` However , a company not being able to deliver is always a risk . ''
Another company that did n't deliver on time is Medea Inc. , a California-based firm whose ventures have included importing vodka .
The company has no experience in personal protective equipment , but got a $ 48.8 million contract that was `` not competed '' from FEMA in May to supply KN95 respirator masks .
The deadline for Medea to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 , but the company missed that date , according to Litzow .
The agency extended the delivery date until June 19 .
FEMA did not comment on whether Medea has delivered any protective gear so far .
Brandon Laidlaw , CEO of Medea , did not return four phone messages seeking comment on the delay .
Laidlaw 's company has been sued by a New Jersey finance company , alleging that Medea knowingly `` misrepresented the existence of bona fide purchase orders , '' which cost the finance company more than $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The case is pending in U.S. District Court in Massachusetts .
Medea denies the allegations in court filings .
NPR found a repeated pattern of companies with no experience in personal protective equipment having to subcontract out to partners .
Both companies then get a cut .
`` We supply , we do n't manufacture , '' says Andrew Camacho , general manager of C6 Tactical Corp. `` We 're just the middlemen . ''
C6 Tactical distributes uniforms .
The Florida company landed a $ 2.2 million personal protective equipment contract @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bureau of Alcohol , Tobacco , Firearms and Explosives .
Camacho says , `` This is the first of this scale for this company doing PPE . ''
Camacho says he works with subcontractors in Europe , Canada and Israel , though not China .
Asked why the government does n't go directly to overseas manufacturers , Camacho says it 's about perception .
`` They want to keep the business in the U.S. , '' he says .
`` The government does n't want to show that they bought from China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Camacho says he signed a nondisclosure statement with his company saying that he would not discuss the specifics of the contract , including whether it delivered the personal protective equipment .
A spokesman for the ATF did not return a call Monday seeking comment .
Other contractors are finding the supplies in the United States .
`` I saw this as an opportunity for me to continue to provide something to first responders , '' said Art Gordon , a retired federal law enforcement agent .
Several years ago , Gordon started @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that offers security consulting and other services .
The company had never delivered personal protective equipment before , but FEMA awarded it a contract worth nearly $ 2.8 million that was `` not competed . ''
Gordon did have experience with federal contracting and a friend in the medical supply business .
Gordon says he found a manufacturer in Minneapolis that was able to repurpose its factory to make face shields .
`` We did our homework , '' he says .
`` We picked a reputable medical supply company to work with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the delivery chain and everything we could possibly think of . ''
Gordon says he was able to deliver 1 million face shields at a `` reasonable '' price to the government , though he declined to say how much his company made from the deal .
NPR also found 16 companies that first registered to do work for the government this year and three that were created recently .
Fillakit LLC started as a company on May 1 , according to state and federal records .
Seven days later , the company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FEMA to provide COVID-19 test kit supplies , including swabs .
In an interview with NPR last month , Paul Wexler said he headed the company .
`` It 's a feel-good FEMA story , '' he said .
In 2013 , Wexler was fined $ 2.7 million after the Federal Trade Commission sued him and a debt relief company he owned in Florida , court records show .
The judge found that he used questionable Internet and telemarketing tactics to get cash-strapped consumers to pay his company to get them credit card @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When contacted again by NPR about the Fillakit contract , Wexler said he has `` nothing to do with the company . ''
`` I have no comment ; there is no story , '' he said , before hanging up on a reporter .
Kira Doyle , a Florida lawyer listed in state and federal records as a manager at the company , did not return a phone call seeking comment .
FEMA contracted with Fillakit after reviewing its quote and `` contractor assurance statement '' that it could deliver .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsible offeror , '' Litzow said .
`` Nothing was found that would render this company ineligible for award . ''
Litzow says that the company is under contract to provide 4 million `` units . ''
It has provided 1.19 million units as of May 28 , she says .
Another brand-new business that landed a contract was launched by a former White House aide to President Trump , Zachary Fuentes .
His company , Zach Fuentes LLC , received a $ 3.5 million contract to provide masks he sourced from China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than two weeks after it was formed .
That contract drew the attention of Rep. Gerry Connolly , D-Va. , at a House Oversight Committee briefing in May .
Connolly called the contract `` suspicious '' and followed up with a letter this month to the inspector general 's office at the Department of Health and Human Services , asking for an investigation into media reports questioning whether the masks Fuentes ended up supplying were the correct products .
`` If these reports are true , this is yet another case of rampant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this Administration , '' Connolly wrote .
In a statement to NPR , the Indian Health Service says it awarded the contract under `` urgent and compelling authority '' after getting quotes from six vendors .
The agency says the masks Fuentes supplied are registered medical devices but are n't Food and Drug Administration-approved for use in health care settings by health care workers .
`` The IHS is considering its options regarding the masks .
None of the masks have been distributed or used , '' the agency says .
Fuentes tells @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He says there had been a misunderstanding about the products he supplied .
`` I have nothing to hide , '' Fuentes says , `` We did n't do anything wrong .
We acted ethically and with integrity . ''
Fuentes says he did not benefit from his time in the White House in getting the contract , but that he did benefit from having some experience with federal contracting in the military .
He also says he is working with someone who has experience in the medical field .
When asked why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a Chinese supplier rather than having a U.S. company buy masks from China and resell them to the government , he says , `` I think part of it has to do with a lack of overall access .
... We had access . ''
Also , he says , `` The government obviously tries to work as much as possible with small businesses and disadvantaged businesses . ''
Some contractors pointed out that their contracts were structured so that they only get paid if they deliver .
`` I 'm obviously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there 's an opportunity , '' says Bobby Bedi , a California entrepreneur .
`` But we only get paid if I deliver on those contracts .
If I do n't deliver , I do n't get paid . ''
Bedi has been a businessman for 25 years in the real estate , information technology and restaurant sectors .
He saw an opportunity to make face masks as the pandemic hit .
He had never done business with the federal government .
But he started a new company , VPL Medical Inc. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of weeks had contracts that were `` not competed '' and worth up to $ 21 million .
`` I have some friends of mine here locally who do tons of business with China , and they said , 'Hey , we can find product for you out there , ' `` Bedi says .
`` And that 's how it just started . ''
Bedi says he has delivered products made in China to the Department of Veterans Affairs and plans to manufacture personal protective equipment in the United States .
Other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective equipment also say they were able to make the right connections .
`` We were more about the mission than making a quick buck , '' says Geoff Perkins , co-founder and president of the Concourse Federal Group , a company based in Alexandria , Va. , that received more than $ 2 million in coronavirus-related contracts .
The company has been working as a federal contractor for a decade .
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But Perkins says a longtime business contact at the VA called him and asked if the company might be able to help find scarce supplies , including surgical masks and hand sanitizer .
`` They 're in crisis mode , '' Perkins says .
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Perkins says connections in China enabled the company to deliver nearly 2 million masks in a matter of weeks , at a markup to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to Perkins , there are good reasons why federal procurement officers might turn to middlemen such as his company , rather than doing business directly with suppliers overseas .
`` We put our own money at risk , '' Perkins says .
`` We need to pay for these surgical masks before the government pays us . ''
VA press secretary Christina Noel said in an email that if a vendor does n't deliver , the agency does not pay any money .
And Noel defended the VA 's use of contractors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before .
`` During this time of unprecedented global demand for PPE , VA must cast a wide net in order to ensure that we 're meeting our supply needs , '' she said .
But procurement experts caution that Concourse Federal Group may be the exception rather than the rule .
`` In some ways , that 's a promising story because the guy ultimately delivered , '' says Kayyem of the Harvard Kennedy School .
`` But for every guy like that , there were probably a dozen that could n't @ @

Feds Spend Billions On COVID-19 Contracts, Often Without Fully Competitive Bidding
Enlarge this image toggle caption diane555/Getty Images diane555/Getty Images
When nurses and doctors across the country were struggling to treat coronavirus patients without enough protective gear, and the federal government was scrambling to find those supplies, Quedon Baul saw an opportunity.
His three-person company in McKinney, Texas, distributes medical supplies but didn't have much experience with face shields. Still, he landed two government contracts worth up to $20 million to deliver the personal protective equipment. He couldn't meet the first deadline, so he found subcontractors to do the job.
"You get an opportunity, you take it," Baul says. "It wasn't my first rodeo, but it's certainly my first big rodeo."
The U.S. government has granted contracts worth as much as $25 billion as it races to address the COVID-19 public health crisis. NPR reviewed a database of thousands of contracting actions and found more than 250 companies that got contracts worth more than $1 million without going through a fully competitive bidding process.
Some of the companies, such as Baul's, had little or no experience with personal protective equipment. Others had never worked in the medical field at all. Contractors also included a company that imported vodka and a school security consultant.
Sixteen of the companies had only registered to do business with the government for the first time this year. And at least three companies formed just days before they obtained the contracts, NPR found.
These companies often acted as "middlemen," obtaining the medical supplies from other manufacturers, some in China, records show. That meant they were competing with federal agencies, state governments and local health systems trying to buy the same equipment on the global market.
Government procurement experts say federal officials were trying to move quickly to deliver desperately needed personal protective equipment. But they question the need to turn to contractors who have never worked with the government before and lacked experience making or delivering the protective gear.
"Giving business to people who don't have experience is something you don't want to do in an emergency," says Joshua Schwartz, a professor of government contracts law and co-director of the Government Procurement Law Program at George Washington University's School of Law.
After years of planning for pandemics, the federal government should have been better prepared – and acted earlier, experts say.
Instead, in the scramble to find supplies, the government streamlined the competitive bidding process and may not have done proper vetting, says Juliette Kayyem, a former assistant secretary at the Department of Homeland Security. She says the Federal Emergency Management Agency and other agencies signing these contracts should not be relying on "new players in the arena" during a crisis.
"We wake up in March and realize we have massive community spread and no capability to protect our first responders," says Kayyem, now an expert on disaster preparedness at the Harvard Kennedy School. "That, in the end, did not have to be. ... FEMA was always behind the eight ball from the beginning."
For many entrepreneurs, this was a chance to get Americans the protective gear they needed and, while they were at it, make a buck. The government needed masks, face shields and other equipment, and it needed them fast.
When Baul, the Texas entrepreneur who runs a company called Reliable Sales & Services LLC, learned that the government was issuing contracts for firms to deliver personal protective equipment, he wanted to make sure he got one.
"When this pandemic hit, we didn't want to leave it to chance that they would sift through hundreds of applications and somehow find ours," Baul says. "I sent an email to someone I knew and asked them, 'Can you make sure they don't forget about RSS?' and they said yes."
Baul wouldn't say whom he emailed in the federal government. In early May, his company got the contracts, which were "not competed," from FEMA to provide face shields.
He says his suburban Dallas operation distributes "a little bit of everything," including IV fluid catheters. But he also acknowledges that 90% to 95% of his business was not related to personal protective equipment before the COVID-19 outbreak.
The agency wanted the equipment in 10 days, and Baul knew he couldn't deliver on time. He says he got an extension, subcontracted the work to other companies around the country, and was able to deliver 300,000 face shields.
"We didn't have a choice," he says, referring to the subcontractors. "They wanted them assembled. That's not our business model."
A spokesperson for FEMA says the agency has a "rigorous vetting" system.
"FEMA does not enter into contracts unless it has reason to believe they will be successfully executed," agency spokesperson Lizzie Litzow says. "However, a company not being able to deliver is always a risk."
Another company that didn't deliver on time is Medea Inc., a California-based firm whose ventures have included importing vodka. The company has no experience in personal protective equipment, but got a $48.8 million contract that was "not competed" from FEMA in May to supply KN95 respirator masks.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Bennett Raglin/WireImage/Getty Images Bennett Raglin/WireImage/Getty Images
The deadline for Medea to deliver the personal protective equipment was June 1, but the company missed that date, according to Litzow. The agency extended the delivery date until June 19. FEMA did not comment on whether Medea has delivered any protective gear so far.
Brandon Laidlaw, CEO of Medea, did not return four phone messages seeking comment on the delay.
Laidlaw's company has been sued by a New Jersey finance company, alleging that Medea knowingly "misrepresented the existence of bona fide purchase orders," which cost the finance company more than $1 million, according to court records. The case is pending in U.S. District Court in Massachusetts. Medea denies the allegations in court filings.
NPR found a repeated pattern of companies with no experience in personal protective equipment having to subcontract out to partners. Both companies then get a cut.
"We supply, we don't manufacture," says Andrew Camacho, general manager of C6 Tactical Corp. "We're just the middlemen."
C6 Tactical distributes uniforms. The Florida company landed a $2.2 million personal protective equipment contract that was "not competed" with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives. Camacho says, "This is the first of this scale for this company doing PPE."
Camacho says he works with subcontractors in Europe, Canada and Israel, though not China. Asked why the government doesn't go directly to overseas manufacturers, Camacho says it's about perception.
"They want to keep the business in the U.S.," he says. "The government doesn't want to show that they bought from China, especially during the trade wars."
Camacho says he signed a nondisclosure statement with his company saying that he would not discuss the specifics of the contract, including whether it delivered the personal protective equipment. A spokesman for the ATF did not return a call Monday seeking comment.
Other contractors are finding the supplies in the United States.
"I saw this as an opportunity for me to continue to provide something to first responders," said Art Gordon, a retired federal law enforcement agent.
Several years ago, Gordon started Secure Our Schools, a Maryland company that offers security consulting and other services. The company had never delivered personal protective equipment before, but FEMA awarded it a contract worth nearly $2.8 million that was "not competed."
Gordon did have experience with federal contracting and a friend in the medical supply business. Gordon says he found a manufacturer in Minneapolis that was able to repurpose its factory to make face shields.
"We did our homework," he says. "We picked a reputable medical supply company to work with, and we made sure we had the delivery chain and everything we could possibly think of."
Gordon says he was able to deliver 1 million face shields at a "reasonable" price to the government, though he declined to say how much his company made from the deal.
NPR also found 16 companies that first registered to do work for the government this year and three that were created recently.
Fillakit LLC started as a company on May 1, according to state and federal records. Seven days later, the company landed a $10.2 million contract with FEMA to provide COVID-19 test kit supplies, including swabs. In an interview with NPR last month, Paul Wexler said he headed the company.
"It's a feel-good FEMA story," he said.
In 2013, Wexler was fined $2.7 million after the Federal Trade Commission sued him and a debt relief company he owned in Florida, court records show. The judge found that he used questionable Internet and telemarketing tactics to get cash-strapped consumers to pay his company to get them credit card interest rates as low as zero percent.
When contacted again by NPR about the Fillakit contract, Wexler said he has "nothing to do with the company."
"I have no comment; there is no story," he said, before hanging up on a reporter.
Kira Doyle, a Florida lawyer listed in state and federal records as a manager at the company, did not return a phone call seeking comment.
FEMA contracted with Fillakit after reviewing its quote and "contractor assurance statement" that it could deliver.
"Fillakit was determined to be a responsible offeror," Litzow said. "Nothing was found that would render this company ineligible for award."
Litzow says that the company is under contract to provide 4 million "units." It has provided 1.19 million units as of May 28, she says.
Another brand-new business that landed a contract was launched by a former White House aide to President Trump, Zachary Fuentes.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP Carolyn Kaster/AP
His company, Zach Fuentes LLC, received a $3.5 million contract to provide masks he sourced from China to the Indian Health Service, less than two weeks after it was formed.
That contract drew the attention of Rep. Gerry Connolly, D-Va., at a House Oversight Committee briefing in May. Connolly called the contract "suspicious" and followed up with a letter this month to the inspector general's office at the Department of Health and Human Services, asking for an investigation into media reports questioning whether the masks Fuentes ended up supplying were the correct products.
"If these reports are true, this is yet another case of rampant and reckless self-dealing perpetrated by officials in this Administration," Connolly wrote.
In a statement to NPR, the Indian Health Service says it awarded the contract under "urgent and compelling authority" after getting quotes from six vendors. The agency says the masks Fuentes supplied are registered medical devices but aren't Food and Drug Administration-approved for use in health care settings by health care workers.
"The IHS is considering its options regarding the masks. None of the masks have been distributed or used," the agency says.
Fuentes tells NPR he'd welcome an investigation. He says there had been a misunderstanding about the products he supplied.
"I have nothing to hide," Fuentes says, "We didn't do anything wrong. We acted ethically and with integrity."
Fuentes says he did not benefit from his time in the White House in getting the contract, but that he did benefit from having some experience with federal contracting in the military. He also says he is working with someone who has experience in the medical field.
When asked why a federal agency wouldn't go directly to a Chinese supplier rather than having a U.S. company buy masks from China and resell them to the government, he says, "I think part of it has to do with a lack of overall access. ... We had access."
Also, he says, "The government obviously tries to work as much as possible with small businesses and disadvantaged businesses."
Some contractors pointed out that their contracts were structured so that they only get paid if they deliver.
"I'm obviously approaching it as an entrepreneur, because there's an opportunity," says Bobby Bedi, a California entrepreneur. "But we only get paid if I deliver on those contracts. If I don't deliver, I don't get paid."
Bedi has been a businessman for 25 years in the real estate, information technology and restaurant sectors. He saw an opportunity to make face masks as the pandemic hit.
He had never done business with the federal government. But he started a new company, VPL Medical Inc., in April, and within a couple of weeks had contracts that were "not competed" and worth up to $21 million.
"I have some friends of mine here locally who do tons of business with China, and they said, 'Hey, we can find product for you out there,' " Bedi says. "And that's how it just started."
Bedi says he has delivered products made in China to the Department of Veterans Affairs and plans to manufacture personal protective equipment in the United States.
Other contractors with no prior experience with personal protective equipment also say they were able to make the right connections.
"We were more about the mission than making a quick buck," says Geoff Perkins, co-founder and president of the Concourse Federal Group, a company based in Alexandria, Va., that received more than $2 million in coronavirus-related contracts.
The company has been working as a federal contractor for a decade. Perkins, an Air Force veteran, says it has several different lines of business, including supplying medical equipment to hospitals and clinics.
Concourse had never delivered personal protective equipment before. But Perkins says a longtime business contact at the VA called him and asked if the company might be able to help find scarce supplies, including surgical masks and hand sanitizer.
"They're in crisis mode," Perkins says. "So we quickly moved into crisis mode to try to help them the best we could."
Perkins says connections in China enabled the company to deliver nearly 2 million masks in a matter of weeks, at a markup to the government of just 5%.
According to Perkins, there are good reasons why federal procurement officers might turn to middlemen such as his company, rather than doing business directly with suppliers overseas.
"We put our own money at risk," Perkins says. "We need to pay for these surgical masks before the government pays us."
VA press secretary Christina Noel said in an email that if a vendor doesn't deliver, the agency does not pay any money. And Noel defended the VA's use of contractors who had never delivered personal protective equipment before.
"During this time of unprecedented global demand for PPE, VA must cast a wide net in order to ensure that we're meeting our supply needs," she said.
But procurement experts caution that Concourse Federal Group may be the exception rather than the rule.
"In some ways, that's a promising story because the guy ultimately delivered," says Kayyem of the Harvard Kennedy School. "But for every guy like that, there were probably a dozen that couldn't."