npr--2020-05-15--'It's Partly On Me': GOP Official Says Fraud Warnings Hamper Vote-By-Mail Push

'It 's Partly On Me ' : GOP Official Says Fraud Warnings Hamper Vote-By-Mail Push Republican state officials who want to expand absentee and mail-in voting during the pandemic have found themselves in an uncomfortable position due to their party 's rhetoric .
President Trump has claimed repeatedly , without providing evidence , that mail-in voting is ripe for fraud and bad for the GOP .
He and other Republicans have charged that Democrats might use it to `` steal '' the election .
Kentucky Secretary of State Michael Adams told NPR he got his `` head taken off '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to send every registered voter a postcard telling them how they can easily apply for an absentee ballot for the state 's June 23 primary .
`` The biggest challenge I have right now is making the concept of absentee voting less toxic for Republicans , '' he said .
Adams said the presumption that absentee voting is less secure is frustrating because Kentucky has safeguards in place to protect against fraud — including requiring people to apply for ballots instead of automatically sending them to everyone on the voter rolls .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Like many Republicans , he ran for office on a platform of fighting voter fraud .
His campaign slogan was to `` make it easy to vote and hard to cheat . ''
`` It 's partly on me because I talked about it in my campaign , '' Adams acknowledged .
`` But it 's my job now to calm people 's fears . ''
As many experts have said for years , Adams said instances of voter fraud are rare and more likely to be found in small , local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
`` People who think that Donald Trump is going to have the election stolen by mail , it 's just absurd , '' he said .
Adams is not the only Republican secretary of state caught in a similar position while trying to address the concerns of voters and poll workers about the potential health risks of in-person voting .
Health officials in Wisconsin report that nearly 70 cases of COVID-19 have been diagnosed in voters and poll workers who took part in the state 's April 7 election .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to send absentee ballot applications to 7 million voters for his state 's June 9 primary , the state 's Republican House speaker , David Ralston , complained in an interview that it could lead to fraud and be `` extremely devastating '' for the GOP .
In Nevada , conservatives sued Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske over her plan to hold a mostly mail-in primary June 9 .
They argued that it would lead to fraud and dilute the votes of legitimate voters , a claim that a judge dismissed as unfounded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state Legislature forced Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin to scale back his absentee-voting plan .
In Ohio , Secretary of State Frank LaRose faced some pushback from within his party over expanding absentee voting , including for the November election .
Ohio held an all-mail primary on April 28 .
`` Because of the national argument , some people have sort of dug into this 'vote by mail is bad , vote in person is good . '
The fact is it 's not quite that simple , '' he said .
LaRose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail-in voting in Ohio is secure because of protections such as signature matching and the ability of voters to track their ballots online .
He noted that both Democrats and Republicans in the state use absentee voting in almost equal numbers .
In fact , multiple polls have shown that most voters — including Republicans — want to be able to vote by mail , especially during the pandemic .
Despite Trump 's comments , GOP officials have been encouraging Republicans to vote absentee in races around the country , in part because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use voting by mail to their advantage .
Even Trump tweeted during a recent special congressional election in California that supporters of the Republican candidate should `` Mail in ballots , & check that they are counted ! ''
David Becker , executive director of the nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research , who works closely with state and local election officials , said most election officials want to steer clear of the political crossfire as much as possible .
`` They 're just kind of quietly trying to do their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I think that 's the best strategy for them , '' Becker said , adding that the officials already have a tough job trying to balance the public 's reluctance to vote in person with the complicated logistics of expanded mail-in balloting .
He said officials also have to assure the public that the election is secure .
Even though voter fraud is extremely rare , Becker said he fears that all the talk about it could undermine confidence in the results and `` be used by the loser in an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cover their bases , some Republican secretaries of state — including in Georgia and West Virginia — have announced they are setting up special task forces this year to monitor mail-in voting for signs of fraud .
Kentucky 's Adams said he plans to announce such a task force soon .

'It's Partly On Me': GOP Official Says Fraud Warnings Hamper Vote-By-Mail Push
Enlarge this image toggle caption Megan Jelinger/AFP via Getty Images Megan Jelinger/AFP via Getty Images
Republican state officials who want to expand absentee and mail-in voting during the pandemic have found themselves in an uncomfortable position due to their party's rhetoric.
President Trump has claimed repeatedly, without providing evidence, that mail-in voting is ripe for fraud and bad for the GOP. He and other Republicans have charged that Democrats might use it to "steal" the election.
Kentucky Secretary of State Michael Adams told NPR he got his "head taken off" by some fellow Republicans for his plan to send every registered voter a postcard telling them how they can easily apply for an absentee ballot for the state's June 23 primary.
"The biggest challenge I have right now is making the concept of absentee voting less toxic for Republicans," he said.
Adams said the presumption that absentee voting is less secure is frustrating because Kentucky has safeguards in place to protect against fraud — including requiring people to apply for ballots instead of automatically sending them to everyone on the voter rolls.
But Adams admitted he is partly to blame. Like many Republicans, he ran for office on a platform of fighting voter fraud. His campaign slogan was to "make it easy to vote and hard to cheat."
"It's partly on me because I talked about it in my campaign," Adams acknowledged. "But it's my job now to calm people's fears."
As many experts have said for years, Adams said instances of voter fraud are rare and more likely to be found in small, local races than in a statewide or national election.
"People who think that Donald Trump is going to have the election stolen by mail, it's just absurd," he said.
Adams is not the only Republican secretary of state caught in a similar position while trying to address the concerns of voters and poll workers about the potential health risks of in-person voting. Health officials in Wisconsin report that nearly 70 cases of COVID-19 have been diagnosed in voters and poll workers who took part in the state's April 7 election.
After Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger decided to send absentee ballot applications to 7 million voters for his state's June 9 primary, the state's Republican House speaker, David Ralston, complained in an interview that it could lead to fraud and be "extremely devastating" for the GOP.
In Nevada, conservatives sued Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske over her plan to hold a mostly mail-in primary June 9. They argued that it would lead to fraud and dilute the votes of legitimate voters, a claim that a judge dismissed as unfounded.
Opposition from Louisiana Republicans in the state Legislature forced Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin to scale back his absentee-voting plan.
In Ohio, Secretary of State Frank LaRose faced some pushback from within his party over expanding absentee voting, including for the November election. Ohio held an all-mail primary on April 28.
"Because of the national argument, some people have sort of dug into this 'vote by mail is bad, vote in person is good.' The fact is it's not quite that simple," he said.
LaRose said he's had to explain that mail-in voting in Ohio is secure because of protections such as signature matching and the ability of voters to track their ballots online. He noted that both Democrats and Republicans in the state use absentee voting in almost equal numbers.
In fact, multiple polls have shown that most voters — including Republicans — want to be able to vote by mail, especially during the pandemic.
Despite Trump's comments, GOP officials have been encouraging Republicans to vote absentee in races around the country, in part because they worry that Democrats will be able to use voting by mail to their advantage.
Even Trump tweeted during a recent special congressional election in California that supporters of the Republican candidate should "Mail in ballots, & check that they are counted!"
David Becker, executive director of the nonprofit Center for Election Innovation & Research, who works closely with state and local election officials, said most election officials want to steer clear of the political crossfire as much as possible.
"They're just kind of quietly trying to do their job and stay above the political fray. I think that's the best strategy for them," Becker said, adding that the officials already have a tough job trying to balance the public's reluctance to vote in person with the complicated logistics of expanded mail-in balloting.
He said officials also have to assure the public that the election is secure. Even though voter fraud is extremely rare, Becker said he fears that all the talk about it could undermine confidence in the results and "be used by the loser in an election to delegitimize the outcome."
Perhaps to cover their bases, some Republican secretaries of state — including in Georgia and West Virginia — have announced they are setting up special task forces this year to monitor mail-in voting for signs of fraud. Kentucky's Adams said he plans to announce such a task force soon.


npr--2020-05-15--While The Tourists Are Away, Alaskans Will Play

While The Tourists Are Away , Alaskans Will Play After a spring of grim coronavirus headlines , Alaska faces a near-apocalyptic outlook for its summer tourist season , with few out-of-state visitors likely to follow through on plans to travel to the state this year .
But for a moment at Denali National Park and Preserve earlier this month , a handful of tailgaters contemplated a few possible upsides : Resident discounts .
Busy fishing holes transformed into blissful calm .
RV-clogged roads emptied of traffic .
Cruise destinations with no ships in sight .
`` Think of how much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are n't hordes of people in the middle of the street ! ''
said Rebecca Pottebaum , referring to the touristy town just south of Denali .
`` That 's why we 're going to go to Juneau ! ''
said her friend Julie Sweetin .
`` Juneau 's epic without cruise ships . ''
The COVID-19 pandemic has all but vaporized Alaska 's tourism industry this year , with social distancing measures and quarantines effectively eliminating the normal summer deluge of out-of-state visitors .
And questions linger about how comfortable people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aboard a chartered fishing boat or a park shuttle bus .
But some residents , businesses and land managers still see a possible silver lining in the devastation : A spring and summer in a world-class tourist destination — without the tourists .
On May 9 , Pottebaum , Sweetin and a few of their friends got a preview of options that could be open to them over the rest of the summer , when they parked at a gate 30 miles along the Denali Park Road , and rode their bicycles deeper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here in Alaska is we have these wide open spaces where you can be with your family or a single household , and then also social distance when you need to , '' said Sarah Leonard , chief executive of the Alaska Travel Industry Association , the state 's leading tourism advocacy group .
`` This is a great time — if you can do it safely and you 're right here in Alaska — to visit a place that you might not have visited before . ''
ATIA last month sent Gov @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 million in federal COVID-19 relief , which it would put toward a national campaign to market Alaska `` as a safe destination , when travel restrictions loosen . ''
But before that happens , the group also wants an extra $ 1 million for an in-state campaign .
The idea is to remind Alaskans that they can take staycations this summer , as most out-of-state visitors remain at home .
There 's pent-up demand from Alaskans for the kinds of experiences that tourism businesses want to sell this summer , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former U.S. Sen. Mark Begich , who now co-chairs the governor 's economic recovery team .
`` We 've been kind of cooped up for a little long here , right ? ''
he said .
`` There 's going to be Alaskans who will want to take that road trip that they have n't been able to do in years because they never could get a reservation , or they could n't get access , or the tour was sold out . ''
Some tourism businesses are already trying to pivot to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Alaskan Fishing Adventures is offering 50 % off `` locals ' specials '' trips , starting later this month .
The company , which runs boats out of Seward and Homer , usually offers similar discounts this time of year , said owner Mark Burner .
But because of social distancing mandates , he 'll put fewer people on this spring 's charter trips and run the boats farther out from the harbor , likely making for better fishing .
`` We 're not going to fish close .
We 're actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treat it as if it were a fully-paid charter , '' Burner said .
`` It 's a hell of a deal . ''
Charter operators have also formally asked federal fisheries managers to loosen restrictions on the size and number of halibut that customers can catch , saying the move would grant Alaskans and other fishermen already in the state `` an opportunity to bring halibut home in these challenging times . ''
In Denali , meanwhile , the National Park Service is still developing its plans for socially distant summer recreation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traffic from cruise ship passengers , and as many as 90 buses can drive the restricted 92-mile road into the park each summer day .
But nearly all of Alaska 's cruise season has been canceled .
The park service still hopes to run a limited bus service into Denali , with fewer people and safeguards like plexiglass shields and masks , said Denice Swanke , the park 's acting superintendent .
It 's getting ready to unveil a separate , new program for businesses to offer smaller-scale tours , like with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ park road in separate cars .
And with fewer tour buses on the road , the park service is also planning to allow more access for private vehicles .
During the summer , cars are normally blocked from continuing past Savage River , 15 miles along the route ; this year , the park service is likely to grant access to private vehicles , through a reservation system , every other weekend , Swanke said .
`` It 's going to be a good summer , '' she said in a phone interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a different summer . ''
While business from Alaskans could soften the pandemic 's punch , it wo n't be a panacea : The state 's entire population of 730,000 represents just half of the 1.4 million cruise ship passengers expected this summer before the coronavirus outbreak .
Plus , with tens of thousands of Alaskans out of work , tourism businesses are n't expecting residents to have abundant disposable income .
`` If they do n't open the restrictions , the locals are n't going to have any money anyways , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Burner said one reason he 's able to offer his discounted early-season trips is because his business received Paycheck Protection Program aid from the federal government .
Unless that continues , `` the price is going to have to go up , '' and he 'll likely have to pull all but maybe one of his six boats out of the water .
Burner said he 'll have ample hand sanitizer and require customers to wear masks , and people will likely have to have their temperature taken as they enter his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of steps still may not be enough to convince Alaskans to leave the isolation of their family units .
Back at Denali , Pottebaum , one of the tailgaters , considered the risks that would come with a chartered fishing trip .
`` I trust my friends — we could go as a household .
But the captains are potentially exposed to different groups all the time , '' she said .
`` And if they 're not taking two weeks between every trip , is it worth the risk ? ''

While The Tourists Are Away, Alaskans Will Play
Enlarge this image toggle caption Nathaniel Herz/Alaska Public Media Nathaniel Herz/Alaska Public Media
After a spring of grim coronavirus headlines, Alaska faces a near-apocalyptic outlook for its summer tourist season, with few out-of-state visitors likely to follow through on plans to travel to the state this year.
But for a moment at Denali National Park and Preserve earlier this month, a handful of tailgaters contemplated a few possible upsides: Resident discounts. Busy fishing holes transformed into blissful calm. RV-clogged roads emptied of traffic. Cruise destinations with no ships in sight.
"Think of how much fun Talkeetna is going to be when there aren't hordes of people in the middle of the street!" said Rebecca Pottebaum, referring to the touristy town just south of Denali.
Coronavirus Live Updates Alaska Restaurant Owner: Reopening Far From Profitable, But Still Worth It Alaska Restaurant Owner: Reopening Far From Profitable, But Still Worth It Listen · 4:41 4:41
"That's why we're going to go to Juneau!" said her friend Julie Sweetin. "Juneau's epic without cruise ships."
The COVID-19 pandemic has all but vaporized Alaska's tourism industry this year, with social distancing measures and quarantines effectively eliminating the normal summer deluge of out-of-state visitors. And questions linger about how comfortable people already in Alaska will feel about stepping aboard a chartered fishing boat or a park shuttle bus.
But some residents, businesses and land managers still see a possible silver lining in the devastation: A spring and summer in a world-class tourist destination — without the tourists.
On May 9, Pottebaum, Sweetin and a few of their friends got a preview of options that could be open to them over the rest of the summer, when they parked at a gate 30 miles along the Denali Park Road, and rode their bicycles deeper inside.
"One thing great about here in Alaska is we have these wide open spaces where you can be with your family or a single household, and then also social distance when you need to," said Sarah Leonard, chief executive of the Alaska Travel Industry Association, the state's leading tourism advocacy group. "This is a great time — if you can do it safely and you're right here in Alaska — to visit a place that you might not have visited before."
ATIA last month sent Gov. Mike Dunleavy a request for $25 million in federal COVID-19 relief, which it would put toward a national campaign to market Alaska "as a safe destination, when travel restrictions loosen."
But before that happens, the group also wants an extra $1 million for an in-state campaign. The idea is to remind Alaskans that they can take staycations this summer, as most out-of-state visitors remain at home.
Coronavirus Live Updates 14 Hours And A Costco Card: How A Grocer In Alaska Feeds His Town In A Pandemic 14 Hours And A Costco Card: How A Grocer In Alaska Feeds His Town In A Pandemic Listen · 2:04 2:04
There's pent-up demand from Alaskans for the kinds of experiences that tourism businesses want to sell this summer, and the industry could use the boost, says former U.S. Sen. Mark Begich, who now co-chairs the governor's economic recovery team.
"We've been kind of cooped up for a little long here, right?" he said. "There's going to be Alaskans who will want to take that road trip that they haven't been able to do in years because they never could get a reservation, or they couldn't get access, or the tour was sold out."
Some tourism businesses are already trying to pivot to Alaska residents. On the Kenai Peninsula, Alaskan Fishing Adventures is offering 50% off "locals' specials" trips, starting later this month.
The company, which runs boats out of Seward and Homer, usually offers similar discounts this time of year, said owner Mark Burner. But because of social distancing mandates, he'll put fewer people on this spring's charter trips and run the boats farther out from the harbor, likely making for better fishing.
"We're not going to fish close. We're actually going to take them out fishing and treat it as if it were a fully-paid charter," Burner said. "It's a hell of a deal."
Charter operators have also formally asked federal fisheries managers to loosen restrictions on the size and number of halibut that customers can catch, saying the move would grant Alaskans and other fishermen already in the state "an opportunity to bring halibut home in these challenging times."
In Denali, meanwhile, the National Park Service is still developing its plans for socially distant summer recreation opportunities.
The area typically sees heavy traffic from cruise ship passengers, and as many as 90 buses can drive the restricted 92-mile road into the park each summer day. But nearly all of Alaska's cruise season has been canceled.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Nathaniel Herz/Alaska Public Media Nathaniel Herz/Alaska Public Media
The park service still hopes to run a limited bus service into Denali, with fewer people and safeguards like plexiglass shields and masks, said Denice Swanke, the park's acting superintendent. It's getting ready to unveil a separate, new program for businesses to offer smaller-scale tours, like with a guide and a single family driving the park road in separate cars.
And with fewer tour buses on the road, the park service is also planning to allow more access for private vehicles. During the summer, cars are normally blocked from continuing past Savage River, 15 miles along the route; this year, the park service is likely to grant access to private vehicles, through a reservation system, every other weekend, Swanke said.
"It's going to be a good summer," she said in a phone interview. "It's just going to be a different summer."
While business from Alaskans could soften the pandemic's punch, it won't be a panacea: The state's entire population of 730,000 represents just half of the 1.4 million cruise ship passengers expected this summer before the coronavirus outbreak.
Plus, with tens of thousands of Alaskans out of work, tourism businesses aren't expecting residents to have abundant disposable income.
"If they don't open the restrictions, the locals aren't going to have any money anyways," said Burner, the charter operator.
Burner said one reason he's able to offer his discounted early-season trips is because his business received Paycheck Protection Program aid from the federal government. Unless that continues, "the price is going to have to go up," and he'll likely have to pull all but maybe one of his six boats out of the water.
Burner said he'll have ample hand sanitizer and require customers to wear masks, and people will likely have to have their temperature taken as they enter his business' lodges.
But those types of steps still may not be enough to convince Alaskans to leave the isolation of their family units. Back at Denali, Pottebaum, one of the tailgaters, considered the risks that would come with a chartered fishing trip.
"I trust my friends — we could go as a household. But the captains are potentially exposed to different groups all the time," she said. "And if they're not taking two weeks between every trip, is it worth the risk?"


npr--2020-05-15--Democrats Weigh Options For Summer Convention

Four years ago , Joe Biden took the stage at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia to the Rocky theme , looking out over a crowd of delegates waving red and white signs that bore his name .
He encouraged fellow Democrats to unite and rally around Hillary Clinton .
Now , as Democrats plan to hold the convention that will nominate Biden , the chances that he 'll bask in the same kind of scene this year seem ever more distant , as the Democratic Party faces the possibility of a limited in-person presence or virtual gathering .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to politics , as events across the U.S. have been scrapped or dramatically curtailed because of the coronavirus pandemic .
Joe Solmonese , the chief executive of the Democratic National Convention , said in an interview on Thursday that organizers of the event , scheduled to take place in Milwaukee this August , were being guided by both public health `` and the idea of what it is that this convention is intended to do . ''
`` How many people we do that in front of , how many hotel rooms we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how many buses and what sort of security infrastructure we end up having in terms of the uncertainty of the public health environment remains to be seen . ''
This week , the Democratic Party 's rules and bylaws committee adopted changes to allow delegates to participate in the party 's convention even if they are unable to attend in person .
This comes after Democrats delayed the convention , which had originally been planned for July but was moved back about a month out of concern for public health and in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Democrats have made no final decisions about what their convention could look like , and Solmonese said it 's too soon to say .
But Democrats have been openly discussing alternative formats , should public health mandates make a traditional gathering unrealistic .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif. , suggested last week in an interview with C-SPAN that Democratic National Committee Chair Tom Perez should `` get a gigantic stadium and put people 6 feet apart '' and reduce the convention from a multiday affair to a single day .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Smith , who advised Pete Buttigieg 's presidential campaign , alluded to the virtual event that Travis Scott held via the widely popular online game Fortnite as a source of inspiration .
Even Biden himself has suggested that the convention to nominate him may happen digitally .
Solmonese said that even before the pandemic forced more contingency planning , his team of organizers had been thinking of ways to innovate so that the convention could keep pace with how the rules of politics are changing .
`` Conventions have historically been a convening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a party in a very traditional way to put forward their nominee and then filming that and broadcasting that to the American people , '' he said .
This year , he added , Democrats have an opportunity to `` be much more intentional about the platforms that we deliver that message onto and the states and the people that are most important to get that information . ''
Ultimately , party conventions are n't just about nominating a candidate .
They 're also a platform to promote the party 's message and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ahead of the November election .
Leah Daughtry served as the CEO of the Democratic National Convention in 2008 and again in 2016 .
She says the success of the event does n't hinge on having a live audience in an arena .
`` What it does mean is we must make a compelling visual narrative that people can see in , be engaged in , sucked into with the right entertainers , that will make me come to the television night after night , '' she said .
Emmy Ruiz , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' presidential campaign , said that changes to the convention 's format could also mean new opportunities for Democrats when it comes to organizing .
`` Being able to do it from my home and having a real , active role of participation that is meeting people where they 're at literally — I think is a strength , '' she said .
The changes to party conventions are not just happening on a national level .
State parties are also being forced to innovate .
In Texas , Democrats scrapped their in-person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Our in-person convention previously varied between 10,000 and 15,000 people showing up , and we 're hoping to see all of those numbers grow as we 're able to stream all of this content online , especially those more intimate , constituency-based programming that we had n't been able to put online before , '' said Brittany Switzer , the Texas Democratic Party 's brand director .
Texas Democrats are planning a two-pronged virtual convention in June .
One channel will focus on official party business , such as voting on delegates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , performances and panels , the first of which were announced this week .
`` We 're not sacrificing anything in terms of support and training and community building .
All of those elements are going to still very much be present , '' Hannah Roe Beck , the Texas Democrats ' convention director , said .
This is n't just an issue impacting Democrats .
For their part , Republicans have publicly said they are pushing ahead with plans for an in-person convention in Charlotte , N.C. , this summer .
Lara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a top campaign surrogate , said this week that Republicans had no plans to cancel their convention .
`` It is in August in Charlotte , N.C. We 're very excited to see that happen and to hopefully be back to some semblance of normalcy then , '' she said .
While Republicans have made no public moves to change their convention , the Republican National Convention planners recently added a senior adviser focused on health and safety planning .

Democrats Weigh Options For Summer Convention
Enlarge this image toggle caption John Locher/AP John Locher/AP
Four years ago, Joe Biden took the stage at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia to the Rocky theme, looking out over a crowd of delegates waving red and white signs that bore his name. He encouraged fellow Democrats to unite and rally around Hillary Clinton.
Now, as Democrats plan to hold the convention that will nominate Biden, the chances that he'll bask in the same kind of scene this year seem ever more distant, as the Democratic Party faces the possibility of a limited in-person presence or virtual gathering.
The challenge is not unique to Democrats or to politics, as events across the U.S. have been scrapped or dramatically curtailed because of the coronavirus pandemic.
Joe Solmonese, the chief executive of the Democratic National Convention, said in an interview on Thursday that organizers of the event, scheduled to take place in Milwaukee this August, were being guided by both public health "and the idea of what it is that this convention is intended to do."
"How many people we do that in front of, how many hotel rooms we occupy in the city of Milwaukee, how many buses and what sort of security infrastructure we end up having in terms of the uncertainty of the public health environment remains to be seen."
This week, the Democratic Party's rules and bylaws committee adopted changes to allow delegates to participate in the party's convention even if they are unable to attend in person. This comes after Democrats delayed the convention, which had originally been planned for July but was moved back about a month out of concern for public health and in the hopes that restrictions would ease by then.
Democrats have made no final decisions about what their convention could look like, and Solmonese said it's too soon to say. But Democrats have been openly discussing alternative formats, should public health mandates make a traditional gathering unrealistic.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., suggested last week in an interview with C-SPAN that Democratic National Committee Chair Tom Perez should "get a gigantic stadium and put people 6 feet apart" and reduce the convention from a multiday affair to a single day.
In a Politico interview, Democratic strategist Lis Smith, who advised Pete Buttigieg's presidential campaign, alluded to the virtual event that Travis Scott held via the widely popular online game Fortnite as a source of inspiration. Even Biden himself has suggested that the convention to nominate him may happen digitally.
Solmonese said that even before the pandemic forced more contingency planning, his team of organizers had been thinking of ways to innovate so that the convention could keep pace with how the rules of politics are changing.
"Conventions have historically been a convening of party activists doing the work of a party in a very traditional way to put forward their nominee and then filming that and broadcasting that to the American people," he said.
This year, he added, Democrats have an opportunity to "be much more intentional about the platforms that we deliver that message onto and the states and the people that are most important to get that information."
Ultimately, party conventions aren't just about nominating a candidate. They're also a platform to promote the party's message and values, as well as to organize ahead of the November election.
Leah Daughtry served as the CEO of the Democratic National Convention in 2008 and again in 2016. She says the success of the event doesn't hinge on having a live audience in an arena.
"What it does mean is we must make a compelling visual narrative that people can see in, be engaged in, sucked into with the right entertainers, that will make me come to the television night after night," she said.
Emmy Ruiz, a Democratic strategist who worked on Kamala Harris' presidential campaign, said that changes to the convention's format could also mean new opportunities for Democrats when it comes to organizing.
"Being able to do it from my home and having a real, active role of participation that is meeting people where they're at literally — I think is a strength," she said.
The changes to party conventions are not just happening on a national level. State parties are also being forced to innovate. In Texas, Democrats scrapped their in-person gathering and are moving online instead.
"Our in-person convention previously varied between 10,000 and 15,000 people showing up, and we're hoping to see all of those numbers grow as we're able to stream all of this content online, especially those more intimate, constituency-based programming that we hadn't been able to put online before," said Brittany Switzer, the Texas Democratic Party's brand director.
Texas Democrats are planning a two-pronged virtual convention in June. One channel will focus on official party business, such as voting on delegates. A second track will include speakers, performances and panels, the first of which were announced this week.
"We're not sacrificing anything in terms of support and training and community building. All of those elements are going to still very much be present," Hannah Roe Beck, the Texas Democrats' convention director, said.
This isn't just an issue impacting Democrats. For their part, Republicans have publicly said they are pushing ahead with plans for an in-person convention in Charlotte, N.C., this summer.
Lara Trump, President Trump's daughter-in-law and a top campaign surrogate, said this week that Republicans had no plans to cancel their convention.
"It is in August in Charlotte, N.C. We're very excited to see that happen and to hopefully be back to some semblance of normalcy then," she said.
While Republicans have made no public moves to change their convention, the Republican National Convention planners recently added a senior adviser focused on health and safety planning.


npr--2020-05-15--Countries Slammed Their Borders Shut To Stop Coronavirus. But Is It Doing Any Good?

Countries Slammed Their Borders Shut To Stop Coronavirus .
But Is It Doing Any Good ?
If you want to visit the Great Pyramids or the Great Wall or the Taj Mahal , forget it .
Egypt , China and India are just a few of the dozens of countries that have imposed strict travel restrictions to keep visitors , and the coronavirus , out .
An analysis by NPR based on data from the International Air Transport Association found that more than three quarters of the world 's nations and territories have suspended travel from at least one other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicians as a sign of strength in efforts to halt the spread of the new coronavirus .
But experts say the border closures have done little to stop it .
And going forward , they say , travel restrictions will play only a small role in containing the virus .
`` I think they 're mostly useless , to tell you the truth , '' says Ira Longini , a professor of biostatistics at the University of Florida who has modeled restrictions .
Far more important , Longini says , are domestic systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You have to have the internal control strategy — that 's effective , '' he says .
Travel restrictions have been with humanity for a long time .
As early as the 14th century , European kingdoms would quarantine ships to try and prevent the spread of plague , according to Benjamin Mason Meier , a professor of global health policy at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill .
The quarantines did n't always work , he says .
`` At the same time , it was limiting the flow of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ livelihoods of people around the world . ''
In the 1800s , nations started trying to develop standardized rules around travel and disease .
A series of international sanitary conventions followed that in the 20th century became the basis of the International Health Regulations , a set of rules laid down by the World Health Organization and agreed to by nations .
`` The purpose is to prevent disease but to do so in a way that provides the least restriction on international traffic and commerce , '' Meier says .
The latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2005 , a few years after the first SARS outbreak .
The rules state that `` measures shall not be more restrictive of international traffic and not more invasive or intrusive to persons than reasonably available alternatives that would achieve the appropriate level of health protection . ''
Nations are suppose to provide WHO with a rationale for any ban .
But all that seems to have gone out the window with this pandemic .
`` I think it is kind of an intuitive human reaction to sort of pull up the drawbridge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the investment firm In-Q-Tel and a former top scientific official at the Department of Homeland Security .
O'Toole says most research on the current pandemic shows that at best travel restrictions brought just a few days of extra time to prepare .
That 's because sick travelers always travel faster than governments can impose bans .
`` Particularly in modern times , when we travel from one end of the globe to the other in 24 hours , the horse is already out of the barn , '' she says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ initially the restrictions probably made sense , given the scale of the coronavirus crisis .
Nations needed every advantage they could get .
Although WHO initially advised against travel and trade restrictions , it has since softened its stance , at least somewhat .
`` WHO will update recommendations on appropriate travel measures and analyze their effects on international transmission of COVID-19 , '' a statement supplied to NPR read in part .
Even though the coronavirus has spread basically everywhere , it may make sense for some nations to keep their restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an epidemiologist at Harvard University .
That 's because right now , the only way to suppress the coronavirus is through finding the sick and tracking down their contacts before they can sicken others .
`` The last thing you want is a bunch of cases coming in that you ca n't anticipate because they 're not linked to any local contacts , '' Lipsitch says .
He thinks travel restrictions may be helpful , particularly for countries that are small and can easily control their borders , such as islands .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the tourism industry than to go back into a long period of generalized economic disruption from social distancing , '' he says .
But the U.S. , which is currently restricting travel from Europe , China and Iran , is a different case .
At the moment , the U.S. is a major hot spot for coronavirus infections and has little to lose by letting others in .
But even in the long-term , restrictions do n't make much sense , says Nathan Grubaugh , an epidemiologist at Yale University .
`` For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eliminate all virus in the country and then shut down all the borders so that no virus comes in would be completely off base , '' he says .
Domestic travelers from local hot spots will require other regions to keep watch for new infections for a long time to come .
`` There 's so many pockets where virus can be found . ''
However , Grubaugh says there is another problem with reopening air travel : `` The airports and flights themselves are a big risk factor , '' he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of passengers crammed together , are ideal places for the virus to spread , he warns .
How long travel restrictions will remain in place remains far from clear .
Grubaugh says he thinks economic pressures will soon cause them to be lifted .
But Meier worries that in the current era of nationalism and xenophobia , the restrictions could stick around .
`` They divide the world at the moment that global solidarity is most crucial to facing this common threat , '' he says .
O'Toole says she believes in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reopens the world to travel .
`` Hopefully we will get to the point where we can test people before they get on planes , '' she says .
`` So that you have a good amount of assurance that none of your fellow passengers are transmitting virus . ''

Countries Slammed Their Borders Shut To Stop Coronavirus. But Is It Doing Any Good?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kirsty O'Connor/PA Images via Getty Images Kirsty O'Connor/PA Images via Getty Images
If you want to visit the Great Pyramids or the Great Wall or the Taj Mahal, forget it.
Egypt, China and India are just a few of the dozens of countries that have imposed strict travel restrictions to keep visitors, and the coronavirus, out. An analysis by NPR based on data from the International Air Transport Association found that more than three-quarters of the world's nations and territories have suspended travel from at least one other place.
Loading...
Restrictions are often promoted by politicians as a sign of strength in efforts to halt the spread of the new coronavirus. But experts say the border closures have done little to stop it. And going forward, they say, travel restrictions will play only a small role in containing the virus.
"I think they're mostly useless, to tell you the truth," says Ira Longini, a professor of biostatistics at the University of Florida who has studied the effects of restrictions. Far more important, Longini says, are domestic systems for testing and contact tracing. "You have to have the internal control strategy — that's effective," he says.
Travel restrictions have been with humanity for a long time. As early as the 14th century, European kingdoms would quarantine ships to try and prevent the spread of plague, according to Benjamin Mason Meier, a professor of global health policy at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The quarantines didn't always work, he says. "At the same time, it was limiting the flow of traffic that was so crucial to the livelihoods of people around the world."
In the 1800s, nations started trying to develop standardized rules around travel and disease. A series of international sanitary conventions followed in the 20th century that became the basis of the International Health Regulations, a set of rules laid down by the World Health Organization and agreed to by nations.
"The purpose is to prevent disease but to do so in a way that provides the least restriction on international traffic and commerce," Meier says.
The latest revision of the regulations was published in 2005, a few years after the first SARS outbreak. The rules state that "measures shall not be more restrictive of international traffic and not more invasive or intrusive to persons than reasonably available alternatives that would achieve the appropriate level of health protection." Nations are supposed to provide WHO with a rationale for any ban.
But all that seems to have gone out the window with this pandemic.
"I think it is kind of an intuitive human reaction to sort of pull up the drawbridge," says Tara O'Toole, an executive at the investment firm In-Q-Tel and a former top scientific official at the Department of Homeland Security. O'Toole says most research on the current pandemic shows that at best travel restrictions brought just a few days of extra time to prepare. That's because sick travelers always travel faster than governments can impose bans.
"Particularly in modern times, when we travel from one end of the globe to the other in 24 hours, the horse is already out of the barn," O'Toole says. Nevertheless, she says, she thinks initially the restrictions probably made sense, given the scale of the coronavirus crisis. Nations needed every advantage they could get.
WHO initially advised against travel and trade restrictions, but it has since softened its stance, at least somewhat. "WHO will update recommendations on appropriate travel measures and analyze their effects on international transmission of COVID-19," a statement supplied to NPR reads in part.
Even though the coronavirus has spread basically everywhere, it may make sense for some nations to keep their restrictions in place, according to Marc Lipsitch, an epidemiologist at Harvard University. That's because right now, the only way to suppress the coronavirus is through finding the sick and tracking down their contacts before they can sicken others.
"The last thing you want is a bunch of cases coming in that you can't anticipate because they're not linked to any local contacts," Lipsitch says.
He says he thinks travel restrictions may be helpful, particularly for countries that are small and can easily control their borders such as islands.
"It might be better to harm the tourism industry than to go back into a long period of generalized economic disruption from social distancing," he says.
But the United States, which is currently restricting travel from Europe, China and Iran, is a different case. At the moment, the U.S. is a major hot spot for coronavirus infections and has little to lose by letting others in. But even in the long term, restrictions don't make much sense, says Nathan Grubaugh, an epidemiologist at Yale University.
"For the U.S. to say that we can eliminate all virus in the country and then shut down all the borders so that no virus comes in would be completely off base," Grubaugh says. Domestic travelers from local hot spots will require other regions to keep watch for new infections for a long time to come. "There's so many pockets where virus can be found."
However, Grubaugh says there is another problem with reopening air travel: "The airports and flights themselves are a big risk factor," he says. Long international flights, with lots of passengers crammed together, are ideal places for the virus to spread, he warns.
How long travel restrictions will stay in place remains far from clear. Grubaugh says he thinks economic pressures will soon cause them to be lifted. But Meier says he worries that in the current era of nationalism and xenophobia, the restrictions could stick around. "They divide the world at the moment that global solidarity is most crucial to facing this common threat," he says.
O'Toole says she believes in the end, it may be testing that reopens the world to travel. "Hopefully we will get to the point where we can test people before they get on planes," she says. "So that you have a good amount of assurance that none of your fellow passengers are transmitting virus."


npr--2020-05-15--Debate Over Reopening House Of Representatives Tests A Partisan Flashpoint

Texas Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro is not on board with how his Republican governor has let the Lone Star state reopen in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic .
Gov .
Greg Abbott let Texas ' stay-at-home orders expired last month , and businesses resumed their operations with limited capacity .
With their case load on the rise , Castro said it 's all happening too soon .
`` There is more testing in Texas now than there was in the beginning , but not nearly enough , or to scale that you would need to able to say , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our curve is where we would need it to be , ' '' Castro says .
So Castro is pivoting .
He 's warning of constituents of the risks , and his office has ramped up services to connect those in need with unemployment payments and food assistance .
And when it 's possible , they 're connecting them with testing as well .
Castro is n't the only one pivoting .
Many Republicans are taking up a controversial mantle to reopen without sufficient testing in place , and blaming Democrats for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The people want to go back , the numbers are getting to a point where they can and there just seems to be no effort on certain blue states to get back into gear , '' President Trump recently told reporters in the Rose Garden .
It 's a reminder of the country 's partisan divide that 's on full display in the debate over when and how to return to normal business .
`` I think what we are seeing now is lawmakers and governors and all sorts of stakeholders having to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' said Caitlin Rivers , an epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security .
`` It 's a difficult thing to anticipate .
We see a lot of stress from people who are anxious to get back to work , understandably , and also people who are anxious at the idea of spending more time in the community while there is a still an epidemic under way . ''
Lawmakers are weighing the coronavirus risks first hand .
This month , the Republican-led Senate returned to Capitol Hill after several weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away as a result of guidance from the attending physician to Congress .
The House returning Friday solely to vote on two measures : a new wave of coronavirus relief and a rules change to allow remote voting and hearings during the pandemic .
Republicans are opposed to both moves , and have criticized Democrats for their delays reconvening .
The partisan divide resonates in the reopening debate for the country and Congress , says Dr. David Relman , a professor of microbiology and immunology at Stanford University .
And it could come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` I think the two parties have dug themselves in a little bit .
Perhaps the Democrats are a little bit stronger on supporting the public health mission , '' Relman said .
`` The Republicans are focusing upon the economic impact of the pandemic and ... perhaps coming from parts of the country where population density is less , disease activity maybe a little less obvious . ''
Days after the Senate returned for the first time since late March , a staff member for Sen. Lamar Alexander tested positive for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was forced to quarantine in time for a high-profile hearing for the Senate health committee featuring several administration witnesses also in quarantine .
It highlighted risks facing Congress without a widespread testing program in place .
`` Folks like these need ongoing virus testing , and by testing everyone at least twice a week , you can catch a new infection before too many days of contagiousness pass undetected , '' said said Relman , who is also chief of infectious diseases at the Veterans Affairs Palo Alto Health Care System in California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell passed on an offer from the administration to accept 1,000 rapid tests for Congress .
The move was met with mixed reviews by members of both sides of the aisle .
`` To feel like there was some special testing going on , I do n't think that sat right with me , and I do n't think that sat right with leadership , '' said Rep. Mikie Sherrill , D-N.J. , who is currently working on a regional task force focused on reopening efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ task force , New York Republican Rep. Pete King , agrees .
But he also wonders if at least Capitol Hill workers should get regular testing .
`` Thousands of workers have to come to the Capitol and then also you have Washington D.C. right now has a very high infection rate , '' King said .
`` The government has to function , but we run the risk of spreading the risk all over the country , so it becomes counterproductive.
`` So far , eight members of Congress have tested positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two dozen more have quarantined .
And reports for the Capitol complex do n't stop there , with more than 50 cases reported among its workforce by late last week .
U.S. Capitol Police have seen 15 of their officers test positive for COVID-19 , according to a congressional aide .
And among a construction crew working on renovations of the Cannon House Office Building , 22 workers have tested or are presumed to have caught the illness , the aide said .
And the Architect of the Capitol , the umbrella group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other support roles , has seen 10 individuals impacted .
And at least four members of Congress , including Sen. Alexander , have reported staff members who have tested positive .
Relman says ideally everyone working in the Capitol building should be tested daily , but twice weekly testing is a compromise as a result of shortages .
And that needs to include everyone , from members to support workers .
`` They too deserve exactly the same plan , '' he said .
As a result , the 1,000 test offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bucket , and only gives the superficial appearance of doing the right thing . ''
Last month , Sherrill reached out to King to form the bipartisan task force to develop legislation to guide the safe reopening of the Northeast region .
Over the last several weeks , the task force has consulted with doctors and other experts to track down gaps in current efforts to reopen their economies .
`` Despite different political backgrounds and even despite different economic areas that we all serve in , so many of the issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk together and come up with solutions , '' Sherrill said of their work .
The nine-member group includes Reps. Jim Himes , D-Conn. , Lisa Blunt Rochester , D-Del.
, Brian Fitzpatrick , R-Pa. , and New York Reps. Sean Patrick Maloney and Elise Stefanik .
The members have found a common theme to address : testing shortages .
And a critical need to boost federal leadership when it comes to that testing .
King notes there has n't been this level of coordination in the past , and that needs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to , there has to be national testing standards , ... it has to be a federal coordination of this , '' King said .
Sherrill notes that while national testing levels have increased capacity since March , the tests remain individualized to the company that manufactures it and that is a hindrance .
For example , each company 's tests may have unique components , such as reagent formulas and swabs , that could be standardized and substituted with generics .
And that could help boost capacity dramatically .
King and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for testing components could be a key to reopening the economy .
And now the group is weighing plans to roll out such a proposal .
`` You really need ... some government promulgating , some standards , some regulations to say , 'let 's make this more generic , ' '' Sherill said .
`` That could get us to the testing capacity we need .
So we 're already looking at that and some fixes to make sure we have all the resources our region needs to safely get everyone back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''

Debate Over Reopening Puts Partisan Divide On Full Display
Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP
Texas Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro is not on board with how his Republican governor has let the Lone Star State reopen in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic.
Gov. Greg Abbott let Texas' stay-at-home orders expire last month, and businesses resumed their operations with limited capacity.
With the state's caseload on the rise, Castro said it's all happening too soon.
"There is more testing in Texas now than there was in the beginning, but not nearly enough, or to scale that you would need to able to say, 'OK we're testing enough people and our curve is where we would need it to be,' " Castro says.
So Castro is moving on to warning constituents of the risks, and his office has ramped up services to connect those in need with unemployment payments and food assistance. And when it's possible, his staff is connecting them with testing.
Many Republicans are taking a controversial stance by reopening without sufficient testing in place and are blaming Democrats for the country's current economic woes.
"The people want to go back, the numbers are getting to a point where they can, and there just seems to be no effort on certain blue states to get back into gear," President Trump recently told reporters in the Rose Garden.
It's a reminder of the country's partisan divide that's on full display in the debate over when and how to return to normal business.
"I think what we are seeing now is lawmakers and governors and all sorts of stakeholders having to balance economic pressures with public health pressures," said Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. "It's a difficult thing to anticipate. We see a lot of stress from people who are anxious to get back to work, understandably, and also people who are anxious at the idea of spending more time in the community while there is a still an epidemic under way."
Lawmakers are weighing the coronavirus risks firsthand.
This month, the Republican-led Senate and Democratic-led House returned to Capitol Hill after several weeks away.
The House returned Friday solely to vote on two measures: a new wave of coronavirus relief and a rules change to allow remote voting and hearings during the pandemic. Republicans are opposed to both moves and have criticized Democrats for their delays in reconvening.
The partisan divide resonates in the reopening debate for the country and for Congress, says Dr. David Relman, a professor of microbiology and immunology at Stanford University. And it could come down to an urban versus rural debate.
"I think the two parties have dug themselves in a little bit. Perhaps the Democrats are a little bit stronger on supporting the public health mission," Relman said. "The Republicans are focusing upon the economic impact of the pandemic and ... perhaps coming from parts of the country where population density is less, disease activity maybe a little less obvious."
Coronavirus risks on Capitol Hill
Days after the Senate returned for the first time since late March, a staff member for Sen. Lamar Alexander tested positive for COVID-19. And Alexander, R-Tenn., was forced to quarantine just ahead of a high-profile hearing for the Senate health committee featuring several administration witnesses also in quarantine.
It highlighted risks facing Congress without a widespread testing program in place.
"Folks like these need ongoing virus testing, and by testing everyone at least twice a week, you can catch a new infection before too many days of contagiousness pass undetected," said Relman, who is also chief of infectious diseases at the Veterans Affairs Palo Alto Health Care System in California.
Earlier this month, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a Democrat, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Republican, passed on an offer from the administration to accept 1,000 rapid tests for Congress. The move was met with mixed reviews by members of both sides of the aisle.
"To feel like there was some special testing going on, I don't think that sat right with me, and I don't think that sat right with leadership," said Rep. Mikie Sherrill, D-N.J., who is currently working on a regional task force focused on reopening efforts.
Sherrill's colleague on the bipartisan task force, New York Republican Rep. Pete King, agrees. But he also wonders whether at least Capitol Hill workers should get regular testing.
"Thousands of workers have to come to the Capitol and then also you have, Washington, D.C., right now has a very high infection rate," King said. "The government has to function, but we run the risk of spreading the risk all over the country, so it becomes counterproductive. "
So far, eight members of Congress have tested positive for the illness, and more than two dozen others have quarantined. And reports for the Capitol complex don't stop there, with more than 50 cases reported among its workforce by late last week.
Fifteen Capitol Police officers have tested positive for COVID-19, according to a congressional aide. And among a construction crew working on renovations of the Cannon House Office Building, 22 workers have tested or are presumed to have caught the illness, the aide said. Ten people with the Architect of the Capitol, the umbrella group for workers in maintenance, food service and other support role, have been affected.
And at least four members of Congress, including Alexander, have reported that staff members have tested positive.
Relman says that ideally, everyone working in the Capitol building should be tested daily, but twice weekly testing is a compromise as a result of shortages. And that needs to include everyone, from members to support workers.
"They, too. deserve exactly the same plan," he said. As a result, he says, the 1,000 test offer from the administration is a drop in the bucket, and only gives the superficial appearance of doing the right thing.
A rare bipartisan effort
Last month, Sherrill reached out to King to form the bipartisan task force to develop legislation to guide the safe reopening of the Northeast region.
In the past several weeks, the task force has consulted with doctors and other experts to track down gaps in current efforts to reopen their economies.
"Despite different political backgrounds and even despite different economic areas that we all serve in, so many of the issues can be handled if we start to talk together and come up with solutions," Sherrill said of their work.
The members have found a common theme to address: testing shortages. And a critical need to boost federal leadership when it comes to that testing.
King notes there hasn't been this level of coordination in the past, and that needs to change.
"We realize now we have to, there has to be national testing standards, ... it has to be a federal coordination of this," King said.
Sherrill notes that while national testing levels have increased capacity since March, the tests remain individualized to the company that manufactures them and that is a hindrance. For example, each company's tests may have unique components, such as reagent formulas and swabs, that could be standardized and substituted with generics, which could help boost capacity dramatically.
King and Sherrill argue legislation installing new standards for testing components could be a key to reopening the economy. And now the group is weighing plans to roll out such a proposal.
"You really need ... some government promulgating, some standards, some regulations to say, 'let's make this more generic,'" Sherill said. "That could get us to the testing capacity we need. So we're already looking at that and some fixes to make sure we have all the resources our region needs to safely get everyone back to work and not face another outbreak."


npr--2020-05-15--What The 1918 Flu Can Teach Us About Handling Today's Pandemic

What The 1918 Flu Can Teach Us About Handling Today 's Pandemic Just over a century ago , a virulent flu outbreak was wreaking havoc on the world .
We know it now as the 1918 influenza pandemic , and its tremors were felt far-and-wide .
By the end of its spread , tens of millions were dead .
The field of public health has taken a giant leap from the days of 1918 , when virology was still in its infancy .
Today , information is instantaneous and vaccines are in widespread use .
And yet , we find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when experts are recommending many of the same , old-fashioned measures enacted to stem the 1918 epidemic .
NPR 's Short Wave sat down with medical historian Dr. Howard Markel , director of the Center for the History of Medicine at the University of Michigan , to hear what the world of 1918 can teach us in 2020 .
This interview has been edited for length and clarity .
What has the world been like for you these days ?
What has it been like to live through this pandemic ?
It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a historian of quarantine and epidemics and a worldwide pandemic occurs , it 's sort of like ... being an accountant during tax season .
And it 's been especially busy because our center did a great deal of work with the CDC on these issues of social distancing and flattening the curve by looking at examples in the past where social distancing measures helped to save lives ...
But I was much more comfortable thinking about them in my head than seeing them enacted around the country [ and ] around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally living what you 've been researching for years .
Even when you 're thinking about worst-case scenarios — like the most terrible pandemic ever — you 're thinking about it [ and ] you 're planning for it , but you 're not living it .
Seeing all of my work come to fruition is really gratifying , because ...
I know it is helping to reduce the death rate , but it 's also horrifying , because it means that there is a worst-case scenario pandemic going on .
One of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to you about today is the 1918 influenza outbreak as the biggest pandemic in history .
What was that period like ?
It is helpful to look back at [ 1918 ] because , as you say , it was the worst pandemic in [ recent ] human history ...
Even though it was the 20th century , there was very little that doctors could do for their patients in terms of interventions .
There were no medicines that really helped influenza patients ; there were no IV fluids ; there were no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On the one hand , we 've come such a long way in terms of modern medicine , but on the other hand , we did n't have a vaccine then and we do n't have a vaccine now .
In a way , we 're kind of pulled back to the 1918 era , because not only do we not have any vaccines , we [ also ] do n't have any effective antivirals that could treat people who get sick .
On the other hand , we have intensive care units @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that could measure oxygen content in blood , and all sorts of other things that allow for the care of the very , very acutely ill ... .But there are similarities in that we just do n't know what to do right now .
What we are doing are really old fashioned public health measures .
We 're actually hiding from the virus by doing these social distancing measures , hoping to buy time to a point where a vaccine may be ready .
How does it feel to see these kinds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What 's terrific about it , at least where I live , is how well people are adapting .
And , you know , when we were proposing these measures about fifteen years ago , there were a great many critics .
People said , you know , life will end as we know it .
[ These measures ] will destroy the universe ... .
Of course , it 's not destroying the country .
And even though the economy has been very heavily disrupted , I do n't deny that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to life after this dies down .
Societies have dealt with terrible pandemics almost since there 's been human beings , so history is on the side of resilience and coming back .
One thing that your research has really focused on when it 's come to 1918 is that the cities that really embraced social distancing came out stronger .
Is there a lesson to be learned from that at the moment we 're in right now ?
One : early , layered and long , works .
It 's not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico in 2009 ( during the swine flu outbreak ) , and we 've seen it elsewhere in experimental or modeling studies .
We are certainly seeing it today in many countries and locally in many states .
The second lesson is that in 23 of the 43 ( U.S. ) cities we studied , [ people in 1918 ] got restless after a while .
They wanted the social distancing measures released ; they wanted to go back to their normal lives .
If you looked at the epidemic curve , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were falling .
But , if they were n't falling enough — if they were n't low enough — and then you open things up , the virus was still circulating and you got a second hump to [ the epidemic ] curve and another upward tick in cases and deaths , sometimes worse than the initial hump of their epidemic curve .
So what you 're saying is that the shape of the curve can really follow the behavior of individuals .
Epidemics are living social laboratories .
They involve many , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the microbe in question .
Different microbes do affect people in different ways .
They like different types of weather conditions .
Different people behave differently before an epidemic , than during an epidemic , [ and ] in the middle of it , when they 're tired of it .
And this is why I 'm a little bit skeptical of many mathematical models of epidemics , although they are helpful as one piece of data , but not the entire story .
And in that way , we 're almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even using 1918 as a benchmark .
1918 is so vastly different .
We 're using it as a benchmark because ... it 's what the worst-case scenario [ is ] and we have a lot of data on it .
But the country is [ now ] different .
Our transportation is vastly different .
We have connectivity in a way that people could n't even dream about in the form not only of telephones and smartphones , but the internet .
We have social media so people could tell their stories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back in 1918 .
But we also have a leadership situation that has never been seen before .
So , yeah , historians are going to be busy on this one for a long time to come !
Follow Emily on Twitter .
Email the show at shortwave @ npr.org .
This episode was produced by Brit Hanson and Berly McCoy fact-checked .
Viet Le was the editor .

What The 1918 Flu Can Teach Us About Handling Today's Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Underwood Archives/Getty Images Underwood Archives/Getty Images
Just over a century ago, a virulent flu outbreak was wreaking havoc on the world.
Explore Short Wave New discoveries, everyday mysteries, and the science behind the headlines — all in about 10 minutes, every weekday. Short Wave is science for everyone, using a lot of creativity and a little humor. Subscribe to the podcast, and follow @NPRScience on Twitter. Enlarge this image toggle caption NPR NPR
We know it now as the 1918 influenza pandemic, and its tremors were felt far and wide. By the end of its spread, tens of millions were dead.
The field of public health has taken a giant leap from the days of 1918, when virology was still in its infancy. Today, information is instantaneous and vaccines are in widespread use.
And yet we find ourselves in an oddly similar moment in which experts are recommending many of the same, old-fashioned measures enacted to stem the 1918 epidemic.
NPR's Short Wave podcast sat down with medical historian Dr. Howard Markel, director of the Center for the History of Medicine at the University of Michigan, to hear what the world of 1918 can teach us in 2020.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
What has the world been like for you these days? What has it been like to live through this pandemic?
It's been amazingly busy. When you're a historian of quarantine and epidemics and a worldwide pandemic occurs, it's sort of like ... being an accountant during tax season. And it's been especially busy because our center did a great deal of work with the CDC on these issues of social distancing and flattening the curve by looking at examples in the past where social distancing measures helped to save lives. ... But I was much more comfortable thinking about them in my head than seeing them enacted around the country [and] around the world!
It's like you're finally living what you've been researching for years.
Even when you're thinking about worst-case scenarios — like the most terrible pandemic ever — you're thinking about it [and] you're planning for it, but you're not living it. Seeing all of my work come to fruition is really gratifying, because ... I know it is helping to reduce the death rate, but it's also horrifying, because it means that there is a worst-case scenario pandemic going on.
One of the things that we want to talk to you about today is the 1918 influenza outbreak as the biggest pandemic in history. What was that period like?
It is helpful to look back at [1918] because, as you say, it was the worst pandemic in [recent] human history. ... Even though it was the 20th century, there was very little that doctors could do for their patients in terms of interventions. There were no medicines that really helped influenza patients. There were no IV fluids. There were no respirators. There were no vaccines.
On the one hand, we've come such a long way in terms of modern medicine, but on the other hand, we didn't have a vaccine then and we don't have a vaccine now.
In a way, we're kind of pulled back to the 1918 era, because not only do we not have any vaccines, we [also] don't have any effective antivirals that could treat people who get sick. On the other hand, we have intensive care units with ventilators and all sorts of machines that could measure oxygen content in blood, and all sorts of other things that allow for the care of the very, very acutely ill. ... But there are similarities in that we just don't know what to do right now.
What we are doing are really old-fashioned public health measures. We're actually hiding from the virus by doing these social distancing measures, hoping to buy time to a point where a vaccine may be ready.
How does it feel to see these kinds of old-fashioned measures being practiced today?
What's terrific about it, at least where I live, is how well people are adapting. And, you know, when we were proposing these measures about 15 years ago, there were a great many critics. People said, you know, life will end as we know it. [These measures] will destroy the universe ....
Of course, it's not destroying the country. And even though the economy has been very heavily disrupted, I don't deny that, I'm positive that we'll get back to life after this dies down. Societies have dealt with terrible pandemics almost since there's been human beings, so history is on the side of resilience and coming back.
One thing that your research has really focused on when it's come to 1918 is that the cities that really embraced social distancing came out stronger. Is there a lesson to be learned from that at the moment we're in right now?
There's two lessons.
One, "early, layered and long" works. It's not just 1918. We saw it in Mexico in 2009 [during the swine flu outbreak], and we've seen it elsewhere in experimental or modeling studies. We are certainly seeing it today in many countries and locally in many states.
The second lesson is that in 23 of the 43 [U.S.] cities we studied, [people in 1918] got restless after a while. They wanted the social distancing measures released; they wanted to go back to their normal lives. If you looked at the epidemic curve, it looked as if the cases and deaths were falling.
But if they weren't falling enough — if they weren't low enough — and then you open things up, the virus was still circulating and you got a second hump to [the epidemic] curve and another upward tick in cases and deaths, sometimes worse than the initial hump of their epidemic curve.
So what you're saying is that the shape of the curve can really follow the behavior of individuals.
Epidemics are living social laboratories. They involve many, many actors, not least of which is the microbe in question. Different microbes do affect people in different ways. They like different types of weather conditions. Different people behave differently before an epidemic, than during an epidemic, [and] in the middle of it, when they're tired of it. And this is why I'm a little bit skeptical of many mathematical models of epidemics, although they are helpful as one piece of data, but not the entire story.
And in that way, we're almost in uncharted waters, unexplored territory, even using 1918 as a benchmark.
1918 is so vastly different.
We're using it as a benchmark because ... it's what the worst-case scenario [is] and we have a lot of data on it. But the country is different [now]. Our transportation is vastly different. We have connectivity in a way that people couldn't even dream about in the form not only of telephones and smartphones, but the Internet. We have social media so people could tell their stories in ways that they could never communicate back in 1918. But we also have a leadership situation that has never been seen before.
So, yeah, historians are going to be busy on this one for a long time to come.
Follow Emily on Twitter. Email the show at shortwave@npr.org.
This episode was produced by Brit Hanson and Berly McCoy fact-checked. Viet Le was the editor.


npr--2020-05-14--Former Cleveland Clinic Researcher Allegedly Failed To Disclose Ties To China

Former Cleveland Clinic Researcher Allegedly Failed To Disclose Ties To China A former Cleveland Clinic Foundation doctor was arrested Wednesday and appeared in court on Thursday on charges of wire fraud and making false claims to obtain millions in federal grant funding .
It is the latest move in a federal crackdown on alleged participants in China 's Thousand Talents Plan .
The government believes the program may recruit U.S.-based scientists and researchers to steal intellectual property and scientific advances paid for with American funding .
The FBI claims Qing Wang , a U.S. citizen born in China , lied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in grants from the National Institutes of Health while also collecting money for the same research from the Chinese government .
`` This is not a case of simple omission , '' FBI Cleveland Special Agent in Charge Eric Smith said in a statement .
Wang knowingly withheld information that he was employed and served as Dean of the College of Life Sciences and Technology at the Huazhong University of Science and Technology , according to Smith .
`` Dr. Wang deliberately failed to disclose his Chinese grants and foreign positions and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to avoid criminal culpability , '' Smith said .
Had he revealed the connection , the FBI and Department of Justice say the doctor and his research group at the clinic would have been denied the NIH grants .
Officials at the Cleveland Clinic said Wang was fired after his ties to China were uncovered .
`` Cleveland Clinic has cooperated fully with the NIH and with federal law enforcement as they conducted their own investigations into these same subjects and will continue to do so , '' it said in a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ molecular medicine and the genetics of cardiovascular and neurological diseases .
As a result of his alleged participation in the Thousand Talents Plan , the Justice Department asserts Wang received $ 3 million in research support to improve operations at Huazhong University .
In addition to a salary , he allegedly benefited from `` free travel and lodging for his trips to China , to include a three-bedroom apartment on campus for his personal use . ''
The question of whether or not Wang and other academics are serving as spies for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the heart of President Trump 's trade war with China .
The doctor 's arrest comes just days after Dr. Xiao-Jiang Li , a former Emory University professor , pleaded guilty and was sentenced for failing to report foreign income from Chinese universities on his tax returns .
Li is also accused of participating in the TTP .
The same day , a professor from the University of Arkansas , Dr. Simon Saw-Teong Ang , was arrested on charges of wire fraud for allegedly failing to disclose his ties to the Chinese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a recipient of grant money from NASA .
Robert Wells , acting assistant director of the FBI 's Counterintelligence Division , said the cases demonstrate `` Chinese government-supported talent plans continue to encourage people , regardless of nationality , to commit crimes , such as fraud to obtain U.S. taxpayer-funded research . ''
`` The FBI and our partners will continue to rigorously investigate these illegal activities to protect our government , educational , and research institutions , '' Wells added .

Former Cleveland Clinic Researcher Allegedly Failed To Disclose Ties To China
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jose Luis Magana/AP Jose Luis Magana/AP
A former Cleveland Clinic Foundation doctor was arrested Wednesday and appeared in court on Thursday on charges of wire fraud and making false claims to obtain millions in federal grant funding.
It is the latest move in a federal crackdown on alleged participants in China's Thousand Talents Plan. The government believes the program may recruit U.S.-based scientists and researchers to steal intellectual property and scientific advances paid for with American funding.
The FBI claims Qing Wang, a U.S. citizen born in China, lied to receive more than $3.6 million in grants from the National Institutes of Health while also collecting money for the same research from the Chinese government.
"This is not a case of simple omission," FBI Cleveland Special Agent in Charge Eric Smith said in a statement.
Wang knowingly withheld information that he was employed and served as Dean of the College of Life Sciences and Technology at the Huazhong University of Science and Technology, according to Smith.
"Dr. Wang deliberately failed to disclose his Chinese grants and foreign positions and even engaged in a pervasive pattern of fraud to avoid criminal culpability," Smith said.
Had he revealed the connection, the FBI and Department of Justice say the doctor and his research group at the clinic would have been denied the NIH grants.
Officials at the Cleveland Clinic said Wang was fired after his ties to China were uncovered.
"Cleveland Clinic has cooperated fully with the NIH and with federal law enforcement as they conducted their own investigations into these same subjects and will continue to do so," it said in a statement.
Wang's work is dedicated to molecular medicine and the genetics of cardiovascular and neurological diseases.
As a result of his alleged participation in the Thousand Talents Plan, the Justice Department asserts Wang received $3 million in research support to improve operations at Huazhong University. In addition to a salary, he allegedly benefited from "free travel and lodging for his trips to China, to include a three-bedroom apartment on campus for his personal use."
The question of whether or not Wang and other academics are serving as spies for the Chinese government is one of the issues at the heart of President Trump's trade war with China.
The doctor's arrest comes just days after Dr. Xiao-Jiang Li, a former Emory University professor, pleaded guilty and was sentenced for failing to report foreign income from Chinese universities on his tax returns. Li is also accused of participating in the TTP.
The same day, a professor from the University of Arkansas, Dr. Simon Saw-Teong Ang, was arrested on charges of wire fraud for allegedly failing to disclose his ties to the Chinese government despite being required to do so as a recipient of grant money from NASA.
Robert Wells, acting assistant director of the FBI's Counterintelligence Division, said the cases demonstrate "Chinese government-supported talent plans continue to encourage people, regardless of nationality, to commit crimes, such as fraud to obtain U.S. taxpayer-funded research."
"The FBI and our partners will continue to rigorously investigate these illegal activities to protect our government, educational, and research institutions," Wells added.


npr--2020-05-14--Cities Crack Down On Food Delivery App Fees As Restaurants Struggle To Survive

Cities Crack Down On Food Delivery App Fees As Restaurants Struggle To Survive For an idea of why independent restaurants have long complained about food delivery apps , just ask Anil Bathwal , who owns The Kati Roll Company , a group of New York City restaurants serving Indian street food .
Bathwal relied on a handful of food apps to supplement his dining-in purchases , despite hefty commissions the apps tack on to every sale ; he used Grubhub-owned Seamless , Uber Eats , Postmates and other food-ferrying services .
If someone ordered two kati rolls for about $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chunk of that sale : roughly a 17 % commission on top of a fee for delivering the food to someone 's door .
In the end , Bathwal said , that kati roll purchased on the delivery app would net his restaurant about $ 7 .
App commissions were more manageable when it represented a smaller segment of overall revenue .
But the pandemic changed that .
`` That 's the only game right now .
There 's no other way for people to get business because of the lockdown , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ becoming 30 , 40 , 50 percent of your business , it is not incremental business — it is your business . ''
With already-thin profit margins further diluted by the app fees , Bathwal could not justify keeping his six locations open .
He temporarily shuttered all of his restaurants with hopes of reopening , when he can , on a pared-down menu emphasizing items that are the most affordable to make .
He expects food delivery apps to represent a sizable portion of his sales when he can restart his business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether he will be able to make the numbers work out .
In a bid to help struggling restaurants , cities from Seattle to Washington , D.C. , are passing caps restricting how much food apps can charge to deliver meals .
The food delivery apps have different ways of devising fees , but they tend to be in the range of 20 % to 40 % of how much a restaurant makes in app-generated revenue .
On Wednesday , New York became the latest city to pass commission limits : third-party delivery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 15 % per order , and the tech companies can not add more than 5 % for other fees , like credit card processing and for better placement on the apps .
Councilman Mark Gjonaj , who sponsored the bill , said the food delivery apps have placed some restaurants on life support , but it is not sustainable .
`` Without them , it 's an instant death .
With them , it 's a slow death , '' Gjonaj said in an interview .
Grubhub , which controls two-thirds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ market , claims the commission ceiling could have an unintended consequence for restaurants .
New York 's fee cap was passed as an emergency measure and applies for as long as restaurants remain closed and for 90 days after eateries are able to reopen .
`` Any arbitrary cap — regardless of the duration — will lower order volume to locally-owned restaurants , increase costs for small business owners , and raise costs on customers , '' Grubhub spokesman John Collins said in a statement .
`` Delivery workers would have fewer work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe that any cap on fees represents an overstep by local officials and will not withstand a legal challenge . ''
A spokesperson for Postmates said in a statement that limiting commissions makes it harder to operate and `` kills the whole industry 's ability to provide the services restaurants need to stay open during this national emergency . ''
Lawyer Gregory Frank is skeptical about this reasoning .
Frank filed a federal lawsuit in Manhattan last month seeking class-action status accusing Grubhub , DoorDash , Postmates and Uber Eats of ripping off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a clause in the contracts restaurants and the food delivery apps agree to that prohibits owners from charging delivery customers more than people who dine in , even though delivery cost more .
`` By not forcing those purchasing on apps to bear the whole amount of the fees , instead forcing all menu prices to rise together , in-restaurant diners are effectively subsidizing Grubhub 's high rates , '' said Frank , who argues such an arrangement is anti-competitive and illegal .
Grubhub and the other food delivery apps have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite the commissions , PitchBook analyst Asad Hussain notes that none of the major food delivery apps are turning a profit .
`` Capping these fees will present a headwind for these companies .
It 's going to have an impact on growth and ultimately some of these costs are going to be passed on to consumers and that 's going to reduce demand for these services , '' said Hussain , who expects the coronavirus to hasten consolidation among the delivery apps .
With or without the food delivery apps , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out will never come back after the pandemic .
A survey from the National Restaurant Association found that the pandemic has caused four in 10 eateries to close , and some will never be able to open again .
Bathwal with The Kati Roll Company said one of his top tasks ahead of any reopening is trying to negotiate with his landlords .
`` Landlords have been understanding .
Some of them are deferring .
Some are giving us a little bit of a rent abatement , '' he says .
`` So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't know what 's going to happen . ''

Restaurants Are Desperate — But You May Not Be Helping When You Use Delivery Apps
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mark Lennihan/AP Mark Lennihan/AP
For an idea of why independent restaurants have long complained about food delivery apps, just ask Anil Bathwal, who owns The Kati Roll Company, a group of New York City restaurants serving Indian street food.
Bathwal relied on a handful of food apps to supplement his dining-in purchases, despite hefty commissions the apps tack on to every sale; he used Grubhub-owned Seamless, Uber Eats, Postmates and other food-ferrying services.
If someone ordered two kati rolls for about $12, the apps took a hefty chunk of that sale: roughly a 17% commission on top of a fee for delivering the food to someone's door. In the end, Bathwal said, that kati roll purchased on the delivery app would net his restaurant about $7.
App commissions were more manageable when it represented a smaller segment of overall revenue. But the pandemic changed that.
"That's the only game right now. There's no other way for people to get business because of the lockdown," Bathwal says. "If it starts becoming 30%, 40%, 50% of your business, it is not incremental business — it is your business."
With already thin profit margins further diluted by the app fees, Bathwal could not justify keeping his six locations open. He temporarily shuttered all of his restaurants with hopes of reopening, when he can, on a pared-down menu emphasizing items that are the most affordable to make.
He expects food delivery apps to represent a sizable portion of his sales when he can restart his business, but he is not yet sure whether he will be able to make the numbers work out.
In a bid to help struggling restaurants, cities from Seattle to Washington, D.C., are passing caps restricting how much food apps can charge to deliver meals. The food delivery apps have different ways of devising fees, but they tend to be in the range of 20% to 40% of how much a restaurant makes in app-generated revenue.
On Wednesday, New York became the latest city to pass commission limits: third-party delivery services will not be able to charge more than 15% per order, and the tech companies cannot add more than 5% for other fees, like credit card processing and for better placement on the apps.
Councilman Mark Gjonaj, who sponsored the bill, said the food delivery apps have placed some restaurants on life support, but it is not sustainable.
"Without them, it's an instant death. With them, it's a slow death," Gjonaj said in an interview.
Grubhub, which controls two-thirds of New York City's food delivery market, claims the commission ceiling could have an unintended consequence for restaurants.
New York's fee cap was passed as an emergency measure and applies for as long as restaurants remain closed and for 90 days after eateries are able to reopen.
"Any arbitrary cap — regardless of the duration — will lower order volume to locally-owned restaurants, increase costs for small business owners, and raise costs on customers," Grubhub spokesman John Collins said in a statement. "Delivery workers would have fewer work opportunities and lower earnings. We also believe that any cap on fees represents an overstep by local officials and will not withstand a legal challenge."
A spokesperson for Postmates said in a statement that limiting commissions makes it harder to operate and "kills the whole industry's ability to provide the services restaurants need to stay open during this national emergency."
Lawyer Gregory Frank is skeptical about this reasoning. Frank filed a federal lawsuit in Manhattan last month seeking class-action status accusing Grubhub, Doordash, Postmates and Uber Eats of ripping off both customers and restaurants.
Frank points to a clause in the contracts restaurants and the food delivery apps agree to that prohibits owners from charging delivery customers more than people who dine in, even though delivery costs more.
"By not forcing those purchasing on apps to bear the whole amount of the fees, instead forcing all menu prices to rise together, in-restaurant diners are effectively subsidizing Grubhub's high rates," said Frank, who argues such an arrangement is anti-competitive and illegal.
Grubhub and the other food delivery apps have not yet filed legal responses to the complaint.
Despite the commissions, PitchBook analyst Asad Hussain notes that none of the major food delivery apps are turning a profit.
"Capping these fees will present a headwind for these companies. It's going to have an impact on growth, and ultimately some of these costs are going to be passed on to consumers, and that's going to reduce demand for these services," said Hussain, who expects the coronavirus to hasten consolidation among the delivery apps.
With or without the food delivery apps, some restaurants that have had revenue wiped out will never come back after the pandemic.
A survey from the National Restaurant Association found that the pandemic has caused 4 in 10 eateries to close, and some will never be able to open again.
Bathwal with The Kati Roll Company said one of his top tasks ahead of any reopening is trying to negotiate with his landlords.
"Landlords have been understanding. Some of them are deferring. Some are giving us a little bit of a rent abatement," he says. "So we're hopeful, but we really don't know what's going to happen."