npr--2020-10-22--Militia Leader Known As The 'Bundy Ranch Sniper' Seeks A New Title: State Senator

Militia Leader Known As The 'Bundy Ranch Sniper ' Seeks A New Title : State Senator The moderator was polite enough not to make it Question 1 .
But , oh , it was coming .
This face-off in Hailey , Idaho , was n't a typical debate night .
Beforehand , incumbent state Sen. Michelle Stennett , a Democrat , had sought assurances for her safety , fearing riled-up supporters of her Republican opponent , Eric Parker .
He , in turn , posted guards outside to avoid a ruckus such as one at a recent GOP picnic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's speech to call him a domestic terrorist .
The precautions all go back to what Parker calls `` the elephant in the room '' in his bid for state office , namely that federal authorities consider him an anti-government extremist who belongs in prison .
Instead , Parker beat felony charges twice , now leads one of the best-known militia groups in the mountain region , and is on the ballot in a rare purple district in bright-red Idaho .
That trajectory – and the alarm it 's raising in some Boise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Question 8 , after property taxes and gun control : `` Mr. Parker , in the past you 've pled guilty to breaking the law at the 2015 showdown between the Bureau of Land Management at the Bundys ' ranch in Nevada . ''
If elected , the moderator continued , would Parker uphold his oath to follow all laws , even if he disagreed with them ?
Parker , in a navy suit with his long hair tied back , listened with a slight smirk , then started his answer with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Six years ago , during the armed standoff in Bunkerville , Nev. , Parker , then a 30-year-old electrician , stood on a bridge along with other right-wing supporters of the local Bundy family 's fight with the government over grazing rights .
Below , in a dry riverbed , heavily armed authorities watched the demonstrators .
As tensions rose , Parker dropped to his belly , stuck his rifle through a gap in a concrete barrier and leveled his weapon at the officers .
That life-or-death moment on the bridge was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described as the most iconic image of the anti-government movement in the past 20 years .
Prosecutors and much of America took one look at Parker prone with a semiautomatic rifle and saw an act of domestic terrorism .
To the far-right `` patriot movement , '' however , Parker was an antihero , a legend .
The bridge photo appeared on T-shirts and in memes with captions such as , `` You give peace a chance .
I 'll cover you . ''
The mythos was cemented when the government 's prosecution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two federal trials culminating in a plea agreement on a single misdemeanor ; a raft of felonies vanished .
The infamous `` Bundy ranch sniper '' walked , emerging from lockup with the swagger of a man who faced 100 years in prison and instead got a second act .
At the debate Sept. 17 , Parker reminded Idaho voters that he is guilty only of a misdemeanor obstruction charge , `` the same as jaywalking . ''
He said he 'd take two more to stand up for the First Amendment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ then added a little wiggle room .
`` An unjust law is an illegal law per the Constitution , '' he told the audience .
For the past year , NPR has followed Parker 's political evolution as he joins a wave of patriot movement figures seeking – and sometimes winning – public office .
These days , the guy in the photo with a rifle is the guest of honor at a fundraiser at the lieutenant governor 's house , accepting a check from the state GOP chairman .
But Parker 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increasingly complicated .
The far-right militia threat has emerged as a feature of this election season , with warnings of voter intimidation , violent clashes at statehouses and protests , and an alleged plot to kidnap the governor of Michigan .
If it was hard for Parker to shed the `` domestic extremist '' label before , it 's now impossible .
As part of its efforts to curb militia-style organizing , Facebook recently wiped out accounts associated with Parker , his campaign and his group , the Real 3 % ers Idaho @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ban to `` communist China . ''
`` We 've had to kind of completely change the way we do things because of the Facebook censorship , '' he said .
Meanwhile , Parker is taking heat from within the militia movement , too .
In July , Idaho County authorities invited the Real 3 % ers Idaho to look at evidence in hopes of preventing unrest over a deputy 's shooting of a far-right activist , Sean Anderson , in a traffic stop .
After Parker 's group reviewed video and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affirming that the shooting appeared justifiable under the circumstances .
Some right-wing activists saw this as a betrayal .
They held a rally where , according to The Lewiston Tribune , Anderson 's wife ripped up the 3 % ers ' statement and said of Parker : `` How dare you elevate yourself to see that information before me . ''
Parker said he wo n't be cowed into groupthink .
He considers himself a true-blue `` constitutionalist , '' a holdout against the overt white nationalism that has crept into other patriot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kicked out several members , some for racism and some for going to `` fight antifa '' in Portland , Ore. `` We do n't do 'Gangs of New York ' in my organization . ''
When asked about rumors that he 's Latino , Parker said he has Hispanic and Irish ancestry but that he loathes `` identity politics '' and writes in `` American '' on forms that list racial categories .
He said his opposition to white nationalists is about his principles , not his background .
Unlike many on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leftist protesters as a whole .
In the black-clad antifa activists , he said , he recalls his days as a mohawk-wearing youth scrapping with neo-Nazis on the streets of Phoenix .
Inked on the same arm as a big 3 % er logo is a vestige of his punk phase : a Black Flag tattoo .
Similarly , he rejects the blanket labeling of Black Lives Matter as a terrorist organization ( `` Welcome to the club ! ''
) .
He said the police killing of George Floyd was indefensible , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But he repeated right-wing chestnuts about `` looters and rioters '' taking over the protests .
Parker said his second-in-command passed out 100 cheeseburgers at a Black Lives Matter event in Boise , along with a request for protesters to remain peaceful .
`` If you 're going to occupy and you 're not going to leave , that 's great .
But if somebody is throwing a brick behind you , take them out , '' Parker said .
`` Clean your own house .
You have to . ''
Is n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guy whose idea of peaceful protest landed him on domestic terrorism lists ?
`` When I was laying on the bridge looking through that crack , I was very much watching my own side , '' Parker said .
`` Because if somebody threw a brick at one of those federal agents and they started shooting people , it would 've been our fault . ''
These days , Parker is watching his side again .
Dialogue , he said , is a hard sell in this combustible moment .
Lines are hardening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` It 's not a popular stance to say that we can affect change in the system .
Most people do n't believe that .
Especially in the crowds we see .
Everybody 's pretty done with talking , if you were to ask them , '' Parker said .
`` I think that means it 's even more important that somebody 's talking . ''
Extremism analysts warn against viewing Parker as some kind of statesman of the anti-government world , saying it risks promoting the myth of a `` neutral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Real 3 % ers Idaho did n't participate as an organization , analysts note , members have been spotted among the armed demonstrators pushing their way into the state Capitol in Boise or joining a vigilante mob up north in Coeur d'Alene .
Parker does n't dispute that his 3 % ers have turned up at those events .
He disapproves , he said , but his bigger concern is the off-camera threat , the unseen mobilizing he 's hearing about in other parts of the state .
Whispers of offensive operations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a defensive , patriotic force .
He would n't divulge names or any details , but Parker said he 's made personal pleas for restraint .
`` Those groups out there I do not make excuses for , '' Parker said .
`` I 've literally tried to proactively take my own time to search out who 's in charge and tell them , 'As the guy in the picture that holds some sort of sway , I guess , to listen , man , it 's going to get crazy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` At the Idaho Statehouse one Tuesday in January 2018 , Republican state Rep. Dorothy Moon glimpsed a familiar face in the visitors ' gallery .
`` Mr. Speaker , I 'd like to introduce Mr. Eric Parker , '' Moon said on the Capitol floor .
Moon praised Parker for `` everything he 's done for the citizens of Idaho and in Nevada . ''
She and several other conservative lawmakers then applauded , according to video from Idaho public media , until the speaker said , `` House will be in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that day , Parker was stunned by the welcome .
He said it was his first inkling that his actions in Nevada – which made him radioactive in polite society – might yield political clout .
He saw a path to legitimacy .
Power .
`` When I came home , I did n't go put on camouflage and start running around the woods practicing for some war , '' Parker said .
`` I realized very quickly that policy and policymakers is where we affect real change . ''
Parker 's release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's Three Percenters , named for the nationwide movement based on the debunked notion that just 3 % of colonists fought in the American Revolution .
Embezzlement accusations against a top leader led to the implosion of Idaho 's biggest Three Percenter faction , which Parker was part of forming right after the 2014 standoff .
By the time Parker emerged from his 18-month detention , he said , the Three Percenters had atomized into more than a dozen smaller groups fanned out across Idaho .
With name recognition from the Bundy ranch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Parker was uniquely positioned to lead a new era .
`` After the acquittals , there was an opportunity for kind of a rebirth , '' Parker said .
Parker bristles at being called a paramilitary or militia leader ; he sees it as overseeing a statewide network promoting `` self-reliance and civil defense . ''
Rebranded as the Real 3 % ers Idaho , the organization vacuumed up at least eight disparate armed groups across the state , amassing a paramilitary force that made extremism researchers take notice .
His entry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concern .
Even if Parker is a long-shot candidate against a popular , longtime incumbent , the experience gives his ideology a bigger platform , potentially drawing recruits through his boots-to-suits transformation .
`` Over the past year , we 've seen Eric Parker work to enter the mainstream in some ways .
He sort of put down his camo , put on a suit and tie , he 's running for office , '' said Lindsay Schubiner of the Western States Center , a Portland-based civil rights nonprofit that tracks militia activity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measured the political speech , she said , there 's always the implicit threat of violence .
`` Parker is still the leader of an armed paramilitary movement that is not accountable to any civil or government authority , '' Schubiner said .
`` That 's incredibly dangerous . ''
Extremism analysts say Parker is representative of the nuances that often get lost in public discourse about `` militias , '' now a catchall term that runs the gamut from organized groups such as the Real 3 % ers to pop-up bands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parker is not extreme enough for militia compatriots who are open to working with Proud Boys , white nationalists or the `` boogaloo bois '' calling for violent revolution .
And among the old guard , there 's wariness about the spotlight he draws to the movement , said Amy Cooter , a Vanderbilt University sociologist who studies right-wing militia groups and has interviewed members for years .
`` A lot of those folks at least respect what he 's trying to do , even if they do n't always agree with how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ messaging , '' Cooter said .
`` Sometimes they see it as a bad thing to have too much attention drawn to yourself that way .
Sometimes they kind of construe it as somebody – again , using their words here – getting bigger than their britches . ''
Behind the scenes , Parker said , the attention was no prize .
His wife , Andrea , mother of their four children , lost her job because of his trials .
When she 'd drop the kids off at school , Parker said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For a while , Andrea pleaded with her husband to leave town and start over somewhere new .
Parker said moments like the applause at the Capitol helped to convince her that they still had supporters .
Not only were people listening , Parker reassured her , `` they were understanding . ''
`` It did n't click right away , but something started to form in my head .
That we had an opportunity that we were either going to use or not use .
And I hate passing opportunities , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it out and we tried , and we saw how far we could get .
We realized we could get pretty far . ''
At dusk one recent Friday , hundreds of Idahoans , not a mask in sight , arrived for a big annual rodeo in rural Gooding County , a red part of the purple district Parker seeks to represent .
`` Pocket Constitution ? ''
Parker asked families on the way in , handing out miniature copies .
`` I 'm running for state Senate .
... '' Months after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Three Percenter , '' here was Parker campaigning as a Republican , at an official Republican booth , to the consternation of some in the party who see him as a libertarian interloper .
`` There 's definitely people who will never be fans of mine , '' Parker said .
`` They do n't believe I 'm really a Republican .
Which is , you know , that 's fair .
I 'm not like any other Republican . ''
Tom Luna , chairman of the Idaho Republican Party , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parker to go talk to him to `` get their own comfort level . ''
Luna said that 's what he did , and he came away convinced that Parker was n't a threat .
He said the party `` would never support a domestic terrorist for office . ''
`` In Idaho , the Republican Party is very diverse .
As party chairman , my No .
1 goal and responsibility is party unity , '' Luna said .
`` When we have a candidate that wins a primary , we support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donated $ 500 to Parker 's campaign ; the state party gave him another $ 500 .
`` I personally gave money to Eric because I think he does have a future , '' Luna said .
`` I think he can win that race , and I am personally comfortable with how he 's explained his previous involvement and actions . ''
Among Idaho Democrats , there was some surprise that Stennett , who 's held the seat for a decade , would validate Parker 's run by agreeing to debate him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was that it was beneath her .
In an interview with NPR , Stennett said that it 's a mistake to describe her district as `` a blue bubble '' or to pretend that Parker does n't have pockets of support .
Stennett said she agreed to the debate because she 's committed to serving all constituents .
`` I do n't feel like adding more fear or anger or vitriol to it de-escalates anything , '' Stennett said .
`` So we walk in with our own truth and our own message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this in a fearful fashion and have been given no evidence that I need to be . ''
As for Parker 's history , Stennett said politely , `` That 's his to own , not mine to own . ''
What critics do n't get , Parker said , is that he 's not ashamed of his conduct during the standoff .
In fact , he 's proud of it .
He shrugs off politicians and reporters who want to `` go back to 2014 . ''
`` I have n't hidden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead with it , '' Parker said .
`` I was indicted by the federal government .
I do believe what I did was right .
That 's why I 'm here . ''
A flash of the firebrand Parker comes out when he 's reminded that , no matter the legal outcome , everybody saw him with a gun on the bridge looking poised to shoot at federal agents .
On what planet does that guy deserve to be elected ?
`` Just because a picture might look a little scary to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , out West , we wo n't do it , '' Parker said.
`` 'Constitutionally protected conduct ' is what one of those jurors said to my lawyer . ''
At the rodeo in Gooding , Parker was no pariah .
He got a glare or two from officers in line at a food truck but otherwise was greeted warmly , often by name .
He stepped away for a few minutes to console a woman privately who approached him , the mother of a 3 % er who had died of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'd seen Parker 's signs in town and wished him luck .
One voter instantly recognized the name but looked confused about his run for state Senate .
`` On which ticket ?
Republican ? ''
the guy asked , visibly shocked .
The most enthusiastic reaction came from a bearded man who appeared to be in his 60s .
He declined to give his name but said Second Amendment issues were driving his vote .
In Parker , he said , maybe there was a chance for conservatives to finally tip the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democrats in Sun Valley .
`` Eric Parker !
You bet ! ''
the man said .
`` I support you . ''
`` I appreciate that , '' Parker replied .
`` I think we 're going to do it this year . ''
`` I hope you do , '' the man said .
`` I hope you do . ''

Militia Leader Known As The 'Bundy Ranch Sniper' Seeks A New Title: State Senator
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
The moderator was polite enough not to make it Question 1. But, oh, it was coming.
This face-off in Hailey, Idaho, wasn't a typical debate night. Beforehand, incumbent state Sen. Michelle Stennett, a Democrat, had sought assurances for her safety, fearing riled-up supporters of her Republican opponent, Eric Parker. He, in turn, posted guards outside to avoid a ruckus like the one at a recent GOP picnic. That time, a heckler interrupted Parker's speech to call him a domestic terrorist.
The precautions all go back to what Parker calls "the elephant in the room" in his bid for state office, namely that federal authorities consider him an anti-government extremist who belongs in prison. Instead, Parker beat felony charges twice, now leads one of the best-known militia groups in the mountain region, and is on the ballot in a rare purple district in bright-red Idaho.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
That trajectory – and the alarm it's raising in some Boise political circles – finally came up in Question 8, after property taxes and gun control: "Mr. Parker, in the past you've pled guilty to breaking the law at the 2015 showdown between the Bureau of Land Management at the Bundys' ranch in Nevada."
If elected, the moderator continued, would Parker uphold his oath to follow all laws, even if he disagreed with them?
Parker, in a navy suit with his long hair tied back, listened with a slight smirk, then started his answer with a correction: "It was 2014."
Six years ago, during the armed standoff in Bunkerville, Nev., Parker, then a 30-year-old electrician, stood on a bridge along with other right-wing supporters of the local Bundy family's fight with the government over grazing rights. Below, in a dry riverbed, heavily armed authorities watched the demonstrators. As tensions rose, Parker dropped to his belly, stuck his rifle through a gap in a concrete barrier and leveled his weapon at the officers.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart/Reuters Jim Urquhart/Reuters
That life-or-death moment on the bridge was captured in a photo that's been described as the most iconic image of the anti-government movement in the past 20 years. Prosecutors and much of America took one look at Parker prone with a semiautomatic rifle and saw an act of domestic terrorism. To the far-right "patriot movement," however, Parker was an antihero, a legend. The bridge photo appeared on T-shirts and in memes with captions such as, "You give peace a chance. I'll cover you."
Bundyville From Longreads and Oregon Public Broadcasting, "Bundyville" is a seven-part series chronicling the rise, fall and resurgence of the Bundy family, the armed uprisings they inspired and the fight over the future of the American West. Timber Wars: A New Podcast for Bundyville Fans Listen · 31:54 31:54 Start with Timber Wars: A New Podcast for Bundyville Fans
The mythos was cemented when the government's prosecution of Parker collapsed in 2018, with two federal trials culminating in a plea agreement on a single misdemeanor; a raft of felonies vanished. The infamous "Bundy ranch sniper" walked, emerging from lockup with the swagger of a man who faced 100 years in prison and instead got a second act.
At the debate Sept. 17, Parker reminded Idaho voters that he is guilty only of a misdemeanor obstruction charge, "the same as jaywalking." He said he'd take two more to stand up for the First Amendment. Parker pledged to follow the law but then added a little wiggle room.
"An unjust law is an illegal law per the Constitution," he told the audience.
For the past year, NPR has followed Parker's political evolution as he joins a wave of patriot movement figures seeking – and sometimes winning – public office. These days, the guy in the photo with a rifle is the guest of honor at a fundraiser at the lieutenant governor's house, accepting a check from the state GOP chairman.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
But Parker's attempt to straddle two worlds is becoming increasingly complicated. The far-right militia threat has emerged as a feature of this election season, with warnings of voter intimidation, violent clashes at statehouses and protests, and an alleged plot to kidnap the governor of Michigan.
If it was hard for Parker to shed the "domestic extremist" label before, it's now impossible. As part of its efforts to curb militia-style organizing, Facebook recently wiped out accounts associated with Parker, his campaign and his group, the Real 3%ers Idaho. Parker, incensed, likened the ban to "communist China."
"We've had to kind of completely change the way we do things because of the Facebook censorship," he said.
Meanwhile, Parker is taking heat from within the militia movement, too.
In July, Idaho County authorities invited the Real 3%ers Idaho to look at evidence in hopes of preventing unrest over a deputy's shooting of a far-right activist, Sean Anderson, in a traffic stop. After Parker's group reviewed video and a 911 call, he issued a statement affirming that the shooting appeared justifiable under the circumstances.
Some right-wing activists saw this as a betrayal. They held a rally where, according to The Lewiston Tribune, Anderson's wife ripped up the 3%ers' statement and said of Parker: "How dare you elevate yourself to see that information before me."
Parker said he won't be cowed into groupthink. He considers himself a true-blue "constitutionalist," a holdout against the overt white nationalism that has crept into other patriot factions. Parker said he's already kicked out several members, some for racism and some for going to "fight antifa" in Portland, Ore. "We don't do 'Gangs of New York' in my organization."
When asked about rumors that he's Latino, Parker said he has Hispanic and Irish ancestry but that he loathes "identity politics" and writes in "American" on forms that list racial categories. He said his opposition to white nationalists is about his principles, not his background.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Unlike many on the right, Parker doesn't disparage leftist protesters as a whole. In the black-clad antifa activists, he said, he recalls his days as a mohawk-wearing youth scrapping with neo-Nazis on the streets of Phoenix. Inked on the same arm as a big 3%er logo is a vestige of his punk phase: a Black Flag tattoo.
Similarly, he rejects the blanket labeling of Black Lives Matter as a terrorist organization ("Welcome to the club!"). He said the police killing of George Floyd was indefensible, and he acknowledges systemic racial inequalities. But he repeated right-wing chestnuts about "looters and rioters" taking over the protests.
Parker said his second-in-command passed out 100 cheeseburgers at a Black Lives Matter event in Boise, along with a request for protesters to remain peaceful.
"If you're going to occupy and you're not going to leave, that's great. But if somebody is throwing a brick behind you, take them out," Parker said. "Clean your own house. You have to."
Isn't that a little rich coming from the guy whose idea of peaceful protest landed him on domestic terrorism lists?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"When I was laying on the bridge looking through that crack, I was very much watching my own side," Parker said. "Because if somebody threw a brick at one of those federal agents and they started shooting people, it would've been our fault."
These days, Parker is watching his side again. Dialogue, he said, is a hard sell in this combustible moment. Lines are hardening. There's little appetite for de-escalation.
"It's not a popular stance to say that we can affect change in the system. Most people don't believe that. Especially in the crowds we see. Everybody's pretty done with talking, if you were to ask them," Parker said. "I think that means it's even more important that somebody's talking."
Extremism analysts warn against viewing Parker as some kind of statesman of the anti-government world, saying it risks promoting the myth of a "neutral" or benign militia. Even if the Real 3%ers Idaho didn't participate as an organization, analysts note, members have been spotted among the armed demonstrators pushing their way into the state Capitol in Boise or joining a vigilante mob up north in Coeur d'Alene.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Parker doesn't dispute that his 3%ers have turned up at those events. He disapproves, he said, but his bigger concern is the off-camera threat, the unseen mobilizing he's hearing about in other parts of the state. Whispers of offensive operations in a movement that traditionally asserts itself as a defensive, patriotic force. He wouldn't divulge names or any details, but Parker said he's made personal pleas for restraint.
"Those groups out there I do not make excuses for," Parker said. "I've literally tried to proactively take my own time to search out who's in charge and tell them, 'As the guy in the picture that holds some sort of sway, I guess, to listen, man, it's going to get crazy. And you have a responsibility.' "
After lockup, an opportunity
At the Idaho Statehouse one Tuesday in January 2018, Republican state Rep. Dorothy Moon glimpsed a familiar face in the visitors' gallery.
"Mr. Speaker, I'd like to introduce Mr. Eric Parker," Moon said on the Capitol floor.
Moon praised Parker for "everything he's done for the citizens of Idaho and in Nevada." She and several other conservative lawmakers then applauded, according to video from Idaho public media, until the speaker said, "House will be in order."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Upstairs in the gallery that day, Parker was stunned by the welcome. He said it was his first inkling that his actions in Nevada – which made him radioactive in polite society – might yield political clout. He saw a path to legitimacy. Power.
"When I came home, I didn't go put on camouflage and start running around the woods practicing for some war," Parker said. "I realized very quickly that policy and policymakers is where we affect real change."
Parker's release coincided with a tumultuous era for Idaho's Three Percenters, named for the nationwide movement based on the debunked notion that just 3% of colonists fought in the American Revolution. Embezzlement accusations against a top leader led to the implosion of Idaho's biggest Three Percenter faction, which Parker was part of forming right after the 2014 standoff.
By the time Parker emerged from his 18-month detention, he said, the Three Percenters had atomized into more than a dozen smaller groups fanned out across Idaho. With name recognition from the Bundy ranch and street cred for beating federal charges, Parker was uniquely positioned to lead a new era.
"After the acquittals, there was an opportunity for kind of a rebirth," Parker said.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Parker bristles at being called a paramilitary or militia leader; he sees it as overseeing a statewide network promoting "self-reliance and civil defense." Rebranded as the Real 3%ers Idaho, the organization vacuumed up at least eight disparate armed groups across the state, amassing a paramilitary force that made extremism researchers take notice.
His entry into politics earlier this year drew deeper concern. Even if Parker is a long-shot candidate against a popular, longtime incumbent, the experience gives his ideology a bigger platform, potentially drawing recruits through his boots-to-suits transformation.
"Over the past year, we've seen Eric Parker work to enter the mainstream in some ways. He sort of put down his camo, put on a suit and tie, he's running for office," said Lindsay Schubiner of the Western States Center, a Portland-based civil rights nonprofit that tracks militia activity in the region.
No matter how measured the political speech, she said, there's always the implicit threat of violence.
"Parker is still the leader of an armed paramilitary movement that is not accountable to any civil or government authority," Schubiner said. "That's incredibly dangerous."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
Extremism analysts say Parker is representative of the nuances that often get lost in public discourse about "militias," now a catchall term that runs the gamut from organized groups such as the Real 3%ers to pop-up bands of like-minded friends.
In anything-goes 2020, Parker is not extreme enough for militia compatriots who are open to working with Proud Boys, white nationalists or the "boogaloo bois" calling for violent revolution. And among the old guard, there's wariness about the spotlight he draws to the movement, said Amy Cooter, a Vanderbilt University sociologist who studies right-wing militia groups and has interviewed members for years.
"A lot of those folks at least respect what he's trying to do, even if they don't always agree with how he goes about that or his public messaging," Cooter said. "Sometimes they see it as a bad thing to have too much attention drawn to yourself that way. Sometimes they kind of construe it as somebody – again, using their words here – getting bigger than their britches."
Behind the scenes, Parker said, the attention was no prize. His wife, Andrea, mother of their four children, lost her job because of his trials. When she'd drop the kids off at school, Parker said, other parents would gawk and whisper.
For a while, Andrea pleaded with her husband to leave town and start over somewhere new. Parker said moments like the applause at the Capitol helped to convince her that they still had supporters. Not only were people listening, Parker reassured her, "they were understanding."
So, the family stayed put.
"It didn't click right away, but something started to form in my head. That we had an opportunity that we were either going to use or not use. And I hate passing opportunities," Parker said. "We checked it out and we tried, and we saw how far we could get. We realized we could get pretty far."
Parker the politician
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
At dusk one recent Friday, hundreds of Idahoans, not a mask in sight, arrived for a big annual rodeo in rural Gooding County, a red part of the purple district Parker seeks to represent.
"Pocket Constitution?" Parker asked families on the way in, handing out miniature copies. "I'm running for state Senate. ..."
Months after insisting that his only political ideology was "Three Percenter," here was Parker campaigning as a Republican, at an official Republican booth, to the consternation of some in the party who see him as a libertarian interloper.
"There's definitely people who will never be fans of mine," Parker said. "They don't believe I'm really a Republican. Which is, you know, that's fair. I'm not like any other Republican."
Tom Luna, chairman of the Idaho Republican Party, said he tells members who are skeptical about Parker to go talk to him to "get their own comfort level." Luna said that's what he did, and he came away convinced that Parker wasn't a threat. He said the party "would never support a domestic terrorist for office."
"In Idaho, the Republican Party is very diverse. As party chairman, my No. 1 goal and responsibility is party unity," Luna said. "When we have a candidate that wins a primary, we support our candidates."
Luna said he donated $500 to Parker's campaign; the state party gave him another $500.
"I personally gave money to Eric because I think he does have a future," Luna said. "I think he can win that race, and I am personally comfortable with how he's explained his previous involvement and actions."
Among Idaho Democrats, there was some surprise that Stennett, who's held the seat for a decade, would validate Parker's run by agreeing to debate him that evening in Hailey. The inference was that it was beneath her.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
In an interview with NPR, Stennett said that it's a mistake to describe her district as "a blue bubble" or to pretend that Parker doesn't have pockets of support. Stennett said she agreed to the debate because she's committed to serving all constituents.
"I don't feel like adding more fear or anger or vitriol to it de-escalates anything," Stennett said. "So we walk in with our own truth and our own message. I'm not going to do this in a fearful fashion and have been given no evidence that I need to be."
As for Parker's history, Stennett said politely, "That's his to own, not mine to own."
What critics don't get, Parker said, is that he's not ashamed of his conduct during the standoff. In fact, he's proud of it. He shrugs off politicians and reporters who want to "go back to 2014."
"I haven't hidden it throughout the whole campaign. I lead with it," Parker said. "I was indicted by the federal government. I do believe what I did was right. That's why I'm here."
A flash of the firebrand Parker comes out when he's reminded that, no matter the legal outcome, everybody saw him with a gun on the bridge looking poised to shoot at federal agents. On what planet does that guy deserve to be elected?
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
"Just because a picture might look a little scary to folks in Jersey doesn't mean that, out West, we won't do it," Parker said. " 'Constitutionally protected conduct' is what one of those jurors said to my lawyer."
At the rodeo in Gooding, Parker was no pariah. He got a glare or two from officers in line at a food truck but otherwise was greeted warmly, often by name. He stepped away for a few minutes to console a woman who approached him, the mother of a 3%er who had died of an overdose.
Several people mentioned that they'd seen Parker's signs in town and wished him luck. One voter instantly recognized the name but looked confused about his run for state Senate.
"On which ticket? Republican?" the guy asked, visibly shocked.
"Yeah, yeah," Parker replied with a grin.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jim Urquhart for NPR Jim Urquhart for NPR
The most enthusiastic reaction came from a bearded man who appeared to be in his 60s. He declined to give his name but said Second Amendment issues were driving his vote. In Parker, he said, maybe there was a chance for conservatives to finally tip the scale in a district long dominated by the Democrats in Sun Valley.
"Eric Parker! You bet!" the man said. "I support you."
"I appreciate that," Parker replied. "I think we're going to do it this year."
"I hope you do," the man said. "I hope you do."


npr--2020-10-22--Nina Totenberg On Amy Coney Barrett, Anita Hill And Saying Goodbye To RBG

Nina Totenberg On Amy Coney Barrett , Anita Hill And Saying Goodbye To RBG NPR legal correspondent Nina Totenberg has spent decades covering major shifts in the Supreme Court and breaking major stories about the court .
Watching Judge Amy Coney Barrett 's Senate confirmation hearings , Totenberg was struck by the nominee 's reticence .
`` There was almost nothing she was willing to say about anything , '' Totenberg says .
`` Amy Coney Barrett takes the crown for unresponsiveness . ''
Now , as the Senate prepares to vote on Barrett 's confirmation next week , Totenberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court 's outlook .
`` With the ascension of what is likely to be Justice Barrett , I think we 're likely to see a court that is more conservative than any court since the 1930s .
And it could lead to very profound consequences , '' she says .
Totenberg says that if Joe Biden is elected president , any progressive legislation that passes is likely to be challenged `` over and over again — the way the [ Affordable Care Act ] has been challenged . ''
`` I do n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of court packing or adding justices , but [ Franklin ] Roosevelt was n't a particular fan of it to begin with , '' Totenberg says .
`` It took three years of the Supreme Court striking down essential New Deal legislation at the height of the Depression for him to make his proposal to add justices to the court . ''
On her friendship with the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg Initially , it was just a professional friendship .
And then when she moved to Washington , we became really close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person , in a way difficult to peg , in the sense that a lot of people took her for being a bit austere because , in fact , she was very shy and very quiet .
So when you would have her over to dinner , you sometimes really had to strain to hear her voice .
And what could you discuss with her , after all , you ca n't discuss the court ?
...
But in fact , we had just many wonderful times together , especially in the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she came to our house for dinner every Saturday night , almost until the time she died .
On saying goodbye to Ginsburg She was really not feeling well .
And we brought dinner to her .
And that was the last time I saw her ; [ it ] was probably about 10 days before she died .
But I did talk to her and I said goodbye to her on the phone .
... At that point it was just a couple of days before she died , and she could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's ] daughter said she raised her hand to wave when I [ said goodbye ] .
On if she thinks Ginsburg regretted not retiring during the Obama administration Ruth did n't do regrets , and she did n't do defeat .
She just soldiered on .
I think that she regretted that Trump was president ; I think that 's patently obvious from some of the impolitic things that she said and should n't have said , on one occasion , anyway , but that 's just not the way she operated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get her work done , and she did that almost until the day she died .
Not quite , but I 'd say , within weeks .
I do n't think she even acknowledged the possibility of really dying before a new president — whether it would be Trump or Biden — was sworn in .
I do n't think she really acknowledged that genuine possibility that she was going to die before then until maybe a couple of weeks before she died .
On covering Justice Clarence Thomas ' Supreme Court confirmation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Anita Hill had submitted an affidavit about sexual harassment that the Senate Judiciary Committee had ignored It 's true that it was ignored , but it 's also true that she really did n't want her name to be public .
When I talked to her at first , she did n't want her name to be public still .
And I said I was trying to get her to do an interview with me .
And she said that if I could get the affidavit , that she would agree to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she did n't really think I could get the affidavit and that therefore she would not have to come forward .
But I did get the affidavit , and she lived up to what she said .
She did do an interview with me .
Almost everything that she said in the hearing she said in that interview .
When I broke that story , I thought that there was a 50-50 chance it would just die , because if she left her house and was unreachable and did n't talk to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it would have died , without a human face .
And she did n't do that .
She was very young at the time .
... What she did was very brave .
On getting her start as a journalist Often , in the beginning , I was the only woman in the newsroom , or one of two women in the newsroom , and that 's the way it was for a very long time .
If you were a woman , you understood that you had to be twice as good @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My mother certainly was a fiery dame , but she never thought I would succeed as a journalist .
... She had been somebody 's administrative assistant and sort of ran his office and that 's what she figured was the best that would happen to me , and I just was n't prepared to accept that ever .
And I have to give some credit to my dad , who was a famous virtuoso violinist , and as a result , I did see women in music , not so many in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were like him , performers .
And he always treated them absolutely equally .
And I think that that example got it in my feeble brain that I could do this job , I could do it well if I wanted to .
On how NPR had women reporters when other news outlets didn't In the beginning , NPR was a tiny little place .
There were 16 reporters in the newsroom , period .
And now there are probably over 100 .
... We had one overseas reporter , that was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had , at some point , a totally hopeless management .
...
They did n't like us because we were women .
We were cheap !
That 's the only reason they hired us !
We were cheap .
You could n't get a man to work for what we worked for in the early days .
...
The salaries were really unforgivably low , and that 's why we were mainly women in the newsroom .
You could n't get a job doing what I did at a comparable news organization in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in those other news organizations were making .
There were very few of those people .
That 's the reason all of us of a certain age know each other .
Lesley Stahl and I used to sit at the table in the Senate Dining Room , the press table in the Senate Dining Room all the time and talk because there were a handful of us .
Heidi Saman and Seth Kelley produced and edited this interview for broadcast .
Bridget Bentz , Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for @ @ @

Nina Totenberg On Amy Coney Barrett, Anita Hill And Saying Goodbye To RBG
Enlarge this image toggle caption Wanyu Zhang/NPR Wanyu Zhang/NPR
NPR legal correspondent Nina Totenberg has spent decades covering major shifts in the Supreme Court and breaking major stories about the court. Watching Judge Amy Coney Barrett's Senate confirmation hearings, Totenberg was struck by the nominee's reticence.
"There was almost nothing she was willing to say about anything," Totenberg says. "Amy Coney Barrett takes the crown for unresponsiveness."
Now, as the Senate prepares to vote on Barrett's confirmation next week, Totenberg anticipates a fundamental shift in the Supreme Court's outlook.
"With the ascension of what is likely to be Justice Barrett, I think we're likely to see a court that is more conservative than any court since the 1930s. And it could lead to very profound consequences," she says.
Totenberg says that if Joe Biden is elected president, any progressive legislation that passes is likely to be challenged "over and over again — the way the [Affordable Care Act] has been challenged."
"I don't think [Biden is] a fan of court packing or adding justices, but [Franklin] Roosevelt wasn't a particular fan of it to begin with," Totenberg says. "It took three years of the Supreme Court striking down essential New Deal legislation at the height of the Depression for him to make his proposal to add justices to the court."
Interview Highlights
On her friendship with the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Initially, it was just a professional friendship. And then when she moved to Washington, we became really close friends. She was a very interesting person, in a way difficult to peg, in the sense that a lot of people took her for being a bit austere because, in fact, she was very shy and very quiet. So when you would have her over to dinner, you sometimes really had to strain to hear her voice. And what could you discuss with her, after all, you can't discuss the court? ...
But in fact, we had just many wonderful times together, especially in the last year of her life. During lockdown she came to our house for dinner every Saturday night, almost until the time she died.
On saying goodbye to Ginsburg
She was really not feeling well. And we brought dinner to her. And that was the last time I saw her; [it] was probably about 10 days before she died. But I did talk to her and I said goodbye to her on the phone. ... At that point it was just a couple of days before she died, and she couldn't talk anymore, but [Ginsburg's] daughter said she raised her hand to wave when I [said goodbye].
On if she thinks Ginsburg regretted not retiring during the Obama administration
Ruth didn't do regrets, and she didn't do defeat. She just soldiered on. I think that she regretted that Trump was president; I think that's patently obvious from some of the impolitic things that she said and shouldn't have said, on one occasion, anyway, but that's just not the way she operated. She operated to live and to get her work done, and she did that almost until the day she died. Not quite, but I'd say, within weeks. I don't think she even acknowledged the possibility of really dying before a new president — whether it would be Trump or Biden — was sworn in. I don't think she really acknowledged that genuine possibility that she was going to die before then until maybe a couple of weeks before she died.
On covering Justice Clarence Thomas' Supreme Court confirmation hearings in 1991 and breaking the story that Anita Hill had submitted an affidavit about sexual harassment that the Senate Judiciary Committee had ignored
It's true that it was ignored, but it's also true that she really didn't want her name to be public. When I talked to her at first, she didn't want her name to be public still. And I said I was trying to get her to do an interview with me. And she said that if I could get the affidavit, that she would agree to an interview. And I think ... that she didn't really think I could get the affidavit and that therefore she would not have to come forward.
But I did get the affidavit, and she lived up to what she said. She did do an interview with me. Almost everything that she said in the hearing she said in that interview. When I broke that story, I thought that there was a 50-50 chance it would just die, because if she left her house and was unreachable and didn't talk to anybody else in the news media, it would have died, without a human face. And she didn't do that. She was very young at the time. ... What she did was very brave.
On getting her start as a journalist
Often, in the beginning, I was the only woman in the newsroom, or one of two women in the newsroom, and that's the way it was for a very long time. If you were a woman, you understood that you had to be twice as good and that that wasn't fair.
Often, in the beginning, I was the only woman in the newsroom, or one of two women in the newsroom, and that's the way it was for a very long time. If you were a woman, you understood that you had to be twice as good and that that wasn't fair. My mother certainly was a fiery dame, but she never thought I would succeed as a journalist. ... She had been somebody's administrative assistant and sort of ran his office and that's what she figured was the best that would happen to me, and I just wasn't prepared to accept that ever.
And I have to give some credit to my dad, who was a famous virtuoso violinist, and as a result, I did see women in music, not so many in the orchestra, but very talented musicians who were like him, performers. And he always treated them absolutely equally. And I think that that example got it in my feeble brain that I could do this job, I could do it well if I wanted to.
On how NPR had women reporters when other news outlets didn't
In the beginning, NPR was a tiny little place. There were 16 reporters in the newsroom, period. And now there are probably over 100. ... We had one overseas reporter, that was Robert Siegel in the U.K. ... We had, at some point, a totally hopeless management. ... They didn't like us because we were women. We were cheap! That's the only reason they hired us! We were cheap. You couldn't get a man to work for what we worked for in the early days. ... The salaries were really unforgivably low, and that's why we were mainly women in the newsroom.
You couldn't get a job doing what I did at a comparable news organization in those days, making the money that people in those other news organizations were making. There were very few of those people. That's the reason all of us of a certain age know each other. Lesley Stahl and I used to sit at the table in the Senate Dining Room, the press table in the Senate Dining Room all the time and talk because there were a handful of us.
Heidi Saman and Seth Kelley produced and edited this interview for broadcast. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.


npr--2020-10-22--Security Gaps Persist, Report Warns, After U.S. Blames Iran In Election Scheme

Security Gaps Persist , Report Warns , After U.S. Blames Iran In Election Scheme Government agencies and political actors across the country remain vulnerable to a spoof email scam like the one blamed on Iran by the U.S. spy boss , cyber-analysts said .
Most state and political website domains do n't use a security protocol that constrains the ability for an attacker to send emails that pretend to have originated from their organization , according to a report Thursday by a San Francisco tech firm , Valimail , which analyzed a group of prospective targets .
One way attackers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe a message is coming from an organization or a person they know , even though an email actually is originating elsewhere — as was the case with the Iran intimidation emails .
`` We take a lot on faith when we open and click on emails sent by political campaigns and PACs , '' wrote Valimail 's Dylan Tweney .
`` That 's because , for the most part , the domains used by these organizations are not protected from spoofing through the industry-standard authentication technologies . ''
One domain not protected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is www.donaldjtrump.com , President Trump 's campaign site , the report says .
Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe and FBI Director Christopher Wray warned on Wednesday night that more emails like those they 've attributed to Iranian influence-mongers could appear in Americans ' inboxes following the acquisition of voter data by the Iranian and Russian governments .
The leaders asked Americans who may receive such a message not to take it seriously and not to share it — an implicit acknowledgment that there may not be anything the U.S. intelligence community can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short of exposing them .
The leaders vowed that the intelligence community would remain on guard for this and other interference in the election — and Americans should be confident their votes would count .
`` Early , unverified claims to the contrary should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism , '' Wray said .
`` We encourage everyone to seek election and voting information from reliable sources—namely , your state election officials .
And to be thoughtful , careful , and discerning consumers of information online . ''
Commentators noted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go from detecting the intimidation emails , which targeted voters in Alaska and Florida , to attributing the scheme to Iranian influence specialists and then announcing it publicly .
The FBI and other agencies today have the benefit of years of preparation to defend the 2020 election based on the bitter lessons of the 2016 race , in which Russia launched a wave of `` active measures '' aimed at helping elect Trump .
The FBI and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency have been posting regular bulletins about their intelligence on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dedicated website : Rumor Control .
Iran , for its part , rejected the American accusation that it has been interfering in the 2020 race to cause mischief , but there did n't appear to be much doubt in officialdom or cyber-world about U.S. officials ' technical ability to attribute the scheme .
Members of Congress united behind the need for Americans to be confident in the election and some of them offered cautious praise for the comparatively quick work of the intelligence community , which in 2016 had infamously struggled to apprehend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That year , following months of full-blown cyber-hellraising , the intelligence community ultimately identified Russia as the culprit in a then little-seen written statement .
Critics of the 2016 case also blamed Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , because they said he did not go along with a bipartisan statement by congressional leaders announcing the Russian interference and declaiming it .
McConnell and his office have rejected any blame for what many other critics , and some insiders , called bungling by President Obama 's administration .
By contrast Ratcliffe and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a short-notice press conference and Ratcliffe said Trump had instructed him to keep Americans informed .
If the muscle movements of government have speeded up since then , however , the announcement on Wednesday still was not free of politics .
Critics rejected Ratcliffe 's characterization of the Iranian scheme as one aimed at hurting Trump .
The emails received by Alaska and Florida Democrats purported to come from the white supremacist Proud Boys — whose email domain , per the Valimail report , was not secured in a way to forestall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats by claiming the senders knew they had n't voted for Trump .
Ratcliffe 's implication was that the Iranian scheme sought to damage Trump by tying him with white supremacy and voter intimidation .
Skeptics did n't see any such intention and detected an attempt by Ratcliffe to try to allow Trump to play the victim .
`` From the briefing , I had the strong impression it was much rather to undermine confidence in elections and not aimed at any particular figure , '' said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ariane Tabatabai , the Middle East fellow at the Alliance for Securing Democracy , said she thinks this sort of campaign was focused more on stoking polarization and creating chaos , rather than furthering one candidate over another .
`` There 's this assumption that Iran is really trying to push one candidate and that is Vice President Biden , '' Tabatabai said .
`` But the ultimate objective is actually to undermine faith in democratic institutions and our elections . ''
Tabatabai also noted how hard it is for national security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bag when it comes to disinformation campaigns ; it 's much easier to spread bad information than to correct it in the public record , and it 's much easier to stoke polarization than to quell it .
It 's unclear whether federal or local government officials will even reach every single person who received an intimidating email , for instance .
`` Even if you tuned into the news conference and you took in all the information that was given to you , you may not necessarily connect the dots , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have even forgotten the content of the email .
But the perception that it left — the sort of bitter taste that it left in your mouth — would still be there . ''
Still uncertain is what , if any , action the United States might take against Iran in retaliation for the interference .
Nathaniel Herz of NPR member station Alaska Public Media reported that Sen. Dan Sullivan , a Republican running for reelection , called for some kind of action against Tehran .
`` I think looking at ways to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our choosing would be very appropriate , and certainly what I 'll be pressing for , '' Sullivan told Alaska Public Media .
In a prepared statement , Al Gross , Sullivan 's Democratic-endorsed independent opponent in the November election , accused Sullivan of `` hiding in the corner while Iran and Russia have made it clear they intend to meddle in our election . ''
In emails and social media posts Tuesday , more than a dozen Alaskans reported that messages were sent to people in Anchorage , Eagle River , Soldotna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Juneau , Sitka , Petersburg , Ketchikan , Bristol Bay , Denali Park , Palmer and the Fairbanks area , Hertz reported .
Google said on Thursday that automated filters stopped about 90 % of approximately 25,000 emails sent to Gmail users as part of the Iranian scheme .
Plus there was a small amount of activity , the company said .
`` Additionally , this morning we removed one video file on Drive and one video on YouTube with fewer than 30 views , and terminated the associated Google accounts , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was in contact with the FBI and planned to continue helping with information and election security .
The precise total number of American recipients is n't clear , but Ratcliffe and Wray suggested that Americans should be prepared for more .
The leaders of the Senate Intelligence Committee , Marco Rubio , R-Fla. , and Mark Warner , D-Va. , urged all Americans to remain on their guard .
`` To the American people and the media , we reiterate the need to be skeptical of sensationalist , last-minute claims about election infrastructure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joint statement .
`` State , local , and federal officials , and partners in social media and tech , should be proud of joint efforts to shut down Iranian and Russian efforts . ''

Security Gaps Persist, Report Warns, After U.S. Blames Iran In Election Scheme
Enlarge this image toggle caption Pool/Getty Images Pool/Getty Images
Updated at 1:01 p.m. ET
Government agencies and political actors across the country remain vulnerable to a spoof email scam like the one blamed on Iran by the U.S. spy boss, cyber-analysts said.
Most state and political website domains don't use a security protocol that constrains the ability for an attacker to send emails that pretend to have originated from their organization, according to a report Thursday by a San Francisco tech firm, Valimail, which analyzed a group of prospective targets.
One way attackers compromise their targets is by making them believe a message is coming from an organization or a person they know, even though an email actually is originating elsewhere — as was the case with the Iran intimidation emails.
"We take a lot on faith when we open and click on emails sent by political campaigns and PACs," wrote Valimail's Dylan Tweney. "That's because, for the most part, the domains used by these organizations are not protected from spoofing through the industry-standard authentication technologies."
One domain not protected by the protocols described in the report is www.donaldjtrump.com, President Trump's campaign site, the report says.
Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe and FBI Director Christopher Wray warned on Wednesday night that more emails like those they've attributed to Iranian influence-mongers could appear in Americans' inboxes following the acquisition of voter data by the Iranian and Russian governments.
The leaders asked Americans who may receive such a message not to take it seriously and not to share it — an implicit acknowledgment that there may not be anything the U.S. intelligence community can do now to stop the intimidation scams short of exposing them.
The leaders vowed that the intelligence community would remain on guard for this and other interference in the election — and Americans should be confident their votes would count.
"Early, unverified claims to the contrary should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism," Wray said. "We encourage everyone to seek election and voting information from reliable sources—namely, your state election officials. And to be thoughtful, careful, and discerning consumers of information online."
Commentators noted how swiftly the United States was prepared to go from detecting the intimidation emails, which targeted voters in Alaska and Florida, to attributing the scheme to Iranian influence specialists and then announcing it publicly.
The FBI and other agencies today have the benefit of years of preparation to defend the 2020 election based on the bitter lessons of the 2016 race, in which Russia launched a wave of "active measures" aimed at helping elect Trump.
The FBI and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency have been posting regular bulletins about their intelligence on election security and CISA has launched a dedicated website: Rumor Control.
Iran, for its part, rejected the American accusation that it has been interfering in the 2020 race to cause mischief, but there didn't appear to be much doubt in officialdom or cyber-world about U.S. officials' technical ability to attribute the scheme.
Careful reaction in Washington
Members of Congress united behind the need for Americans to be confident in the election and some of them offered cautious praise for the comparatively quick work of the intelligence community, which in 2016 had infamously struggled to apprehend what was happening and respond accordingly.
That year, following months of full-blown cyber-hellraising, the intelligence community ultimately identified Russia as the culprit in a then little-seen written statement.
Critics of the 2016 case also blamed Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., because they said he did not go along with a bipartisan statement by congressional leaders announcing the Russian interference and declaiming it. McConnell and his office have rejected any blame for what many other critics, and some insiders, called bungling by President Obama's administration.
By contrast Ratcliffe and Wray appeared on their own on Wednesday in a short-notice press conference and Ratcliffe said Trump had instructed him to keep Americans informed.
If the muscle movements of government have speeded up since then, however, the announcement on Wednesday still was not free of politics. Critics rejected Ratcliffe's characterization of the Iranian scheme as one aimed at hurting Trump.
The emails received by Alaska and Florida Democrats purported to come from the white supremacist Proud Boys — whose email domain, per the Valimail report, was not secured in a way to forestall that — and threatened voters registered as Democrats by claiming the senders knew they hadn't voted for Trump.
Ratcliffe's implication was that the Iranian scheme sought to damage Trump by tying him with white supremacy and voter intimidation. Skeptics didn't see any such intention and detected an attempt by Ratcliffe to try to allow Trump to play the victim.
"From the briefing, I had the strong impression it was much rather to undermine confidence in elections and not aimed at any particular figure," said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., on MSNBC on Wednesday night.
Ariane Tabatabai, the Middle East fellow at the Alliance for Securing Democracy, said she thinks this sort of campaign was focused more on stoking polarization and creating chaos, rather than furthering one candidate over another.
"There's this assumption that Iran is really trying to push one candidate and that is Vice President Biden," Tabatabai said. "But the ultimate objective is actually to undermine faith in democratic institutions and our elections."
Tabatabai also noted how hard it is for national security officials to put the cat back in the bag when it comes to disinformation campaigns; it's much easier to spread bad information than to correct it in the public record, and it's much easier to stoke polarization than to quell it. It's unclear whether federal or local government officials will even reach every single person who received an intimidating email, for instance.
"Even if you tuned into the news conference and you took in all the information that was given to you, you may not necessarily connect the dots," she said. "You may have even forgotten the content of the email. But the perception that it left — the sort of bitter taste that it left in your mouth — would still be there."
Next steps unclear
Still uncertain is what, if any, action the United States might take against Iran in retaliation for the interference.
Nathaniel Herz of NPR member station Alaska Public Media reported that Sen. Dan Sullivan, a Republican running for reelection, called for some kind of action against Tehran.
"I think looking at ways to retaliate in a time and place of our choosing would be very appropriate, and certainly what I'll be pressing for," Sullivan told Alaska Public Media.
In a prepared statement, Al Gross, Sullivan's Democratic-endorsed independent opponent in the November election, accused Sullivan of "hiding in the corner while Iran and Russia have made it clear they intend to meddle in our election."
In emails and social media posts Tuesday, more than a dozen Alaskans reported that messages were sent to people in Anchorage, Eagle River, Soldotna, Kenai, Homer, Haines, Juneau, Sitka, Petersburg, Ketchikan, Bristol Bay, Denali Park, Palmer and the Fairbanks area, Hertz reported.
Google said on Thursday that automated filters stopped about 90% of approximately 25,000 emails sent to Gmail users as part of the Iranian scheme. Plus there was a small amount of activity, the company said.
"Additionally, this morning we removed one video file on Drive and one video on YouTube with fewer than 30 views, and terminated the associated Google accounts," the company said. Google said it was in contact with the FBI and planned to continue helping with information and election security.
The precise total number of American recipients isn't clear, but Ratcliffe and Wray suggested that Americans should be prepared for more.
The leaders of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Mark Warner, D-Va., urged all Americans to remain on their guard.
"To the American people and the media, we reiterate the need to be skeptical of sensationalist, last-minute claims about election infrastructure," the senators said in a joint statement. "State, local, and federal officials, and partners in social media and tech, should be proud of joint efforts to shut down Iranian and Russian efforts."
NPR's Miles Parks contributed to this report


npr--2020-10-23--How The Political Divide In Wisconsin Is Affecting The State's COVID-19 Response

How The Political Divide In Wisconsin Is Affecting The State 's COVID-19 Response Sharp political divisions in Wisc.
, are @ @ @ @ @ the COVID-19 response .
As cases spike , Republicans sue to end public health orders @ @ @ @ @ in the state .

How The Political Divide In Wisconsin Is Affecting The State's COVID-19 Response
Sharp political divisions in Wisc., are fueling a culture war over the COVID-19 response. As cases spike, Republicans sue to end public health orders while Trump holds large rallies in the state.
RACHEL MARTIN, HOST:
In Wisconsin, the pandemic hasn't changed much for some people. Many don't wear masks. They still gather with their friends to watch football games. Or they go to political rallies. Wisconsin Public Radio's Laurel White reports on how politics infected public health.
LAUREL WHITE, BYLINE: In Wisconsin, people are used to divided politics. Think back to 100,000 people swarming the state capitol to protest former Governor Scott Walker's crackdown on unions, Wisconsin senators fleeing the state to avoid a vote, perfunctory special sessions that adjourn after five seconds. And now, in 2020, it appears those divisions have split the state over how to respond to a global pandemic.
JASON WITOON: It's a lose-lose battle. And it's frustrating because it's not a political thing. It's, you know, the health of our state.
WHITE: That's Jason Witoon (ph), who lives in Appleton, which The New York Times rates as one of the top five cities nationwide for COVID cases per capita. Earlier this year, most of the cases were centered in the state's two biggest cities, Milwaukee and Madison. Now the hot spots are in rural communities. Kathy Frye (ph) lives in Richland Center in southwestern Wisconsin. Cases of COVID-19 in her county have increased by more than 500% since September 1.
KATHY FRYE: There's only one place to shop for groceries, and that's Walmart. And I see, probably, a third of the people in the last couple of visits that we've made there who are not wearing masks.
WHITE: President Trump carried her community in 2016. And she thinks her neighbors are being influenced by Republican politicians and how they talk about the virus. President Trump was in Janesville recently. He hosted a rally with thousands in attendance, many of them not wearing masks.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I'm immune. And I got better fast. I got better fast. I can now jump into the audience and give you all a big kiss, the women and the men.
WHITE: Many Wisconsin Republicans embrace that kind of talk about COVID-19. Like the president, they mock people for wearing masks and question whether they even work. A state senator called a field hospital to treat COVID patients when hospitals here hit capacity a political stunt by Democratic Governor Tony Evers. Since March, the governor has been locked in a two-step with Wisconsin Republicans. Every time he issues a public health order, they sue to knock it down. This week, Evers blamed those lawsuits for Wisconsin's COVID spike.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
TONY EVERS: As compared to other states, those governors haven't been prevented from doing what they think is the right thing.
WHITE: After the Republican-controlled state legislature sued the governor over his stay-at-home order in May, the Supreme Court knocked it down. Now there are at least three additional lawsuits over orders requiring masks and limiting bar and restaurant capacity. Republican State Assembly Majority Leader Jim Steineke, speaking on PBS Wisconsin, defended the strategy.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
JIM STEINEKE: We're focused on just making sure that the rule of law is upheld and making sure that, at the end of the day, that the governor is following the law. That's the most important thing to us.
WHITE: Republicans argue the governor has to work with the legislature to issue any statewide restrictions. Most don't approve of a statewide response, pushing it to the county level instead. Back in Appleton, that frustrates Jason Witoon. He wants a statewide response his governor can't provide. And he really wants his neighbors, even those who disagree with him politically, to at least accept that COVID-19 is real.
For NPR News, I'm Laurel White in Madison.
(SOUNDBITE OF NOMAK'S "FORCE FOR TRUTH")
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-10-23--Takeaways From The Final Presidential Debate Of 2020

Takeaways From The Final Presidential Debate Of 2020 The final presidential debate of the 2020 election season was more calm @ @ @ @ @ .
But did either candidate change the dynamics of the race ?

Takeaways From The Final Presidential Debate Of 2020
The final presidential debate of the 2020 election season was more calm and policy-oriented than the first. But did either candidate change the dynamics of the race?
NOEL KING, HOST:
President Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden debated for a final time last night. This was a more substantive exchange of ideas when compared to the first debate. There are now 11 days left in this campaign. NPR's Tamara Keith and Asma Khalid were watching last night. Good morning, ladies.
TAMARA KEITH, BYLINE: Good morning.
ASMA KHALID, BYLINE: Morning.
KING: Tam, let me start with you. The headline is the president restrained himself.
KEITH: Yeah. I mean, he took a lot of heat even from his allies after all the interrupting in the first debate. They kept saying, if you just let Joe Biden speak, maybe he'll slip up. And clearly, as you say, President Trump was more restrained this time, but some 48 million people voted between the first debate and this one. In terms of his message, Trump hit themes I've heard in his stump speech, things like the economy was great before the coronavirus pandemic, and it will be again. Biden won't be good for the economy, he says. And he repeated a line about doing more in 47 months than Biden has done in 47 years, the idea that Biden is a career politician. Trump came back to these ideas and attacks frequently.
KING: Asma, you've been following the Biden campaign. How did he parry those attacks? How did he do?
KHALID: You know, really, Noel, it felt like a very status quo debate for Joe Biden. It doesn't seem like it dramatically changed the trajectory of the race. His closing argument was that he was going to be a president for all people, even people who do not vote for him, and that's been a consistent arc in his campaign. You know, I think what was notable is that he was able to speak at length about policy because, you know, as you all mentioned, there were just fewer interruptions, and that allowed Biden to keep his focus. You know, and I thought that was particularly salient when it came to the pandemic. At the outset, in his very first response, he made this pitch quite clearly around COVID.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
JOE BIDEN: Two hundred twenty thousand Americans dead. You hear nothing else I say tonight, hear this - anyone who is responsible for not taking control - in fact, not saying I'm - I take no responsibility, initially - anyone who's responsible for that many deaths should not remain as president of the United States of America.
KING: Tam, President Trump's campaign is haunted by the pandemic. How did he manage questions about it last night?
KEITH: You know, in many ways, his answers haven't changed since April. He says he shut down the border. It could have been worse. A vaccine is coming very soon, though he admitted in this debate that there's no guarantee it will be ready in the matter of weeks timeline that he's been boasting about. And he insisted that the cure can't be worse than the disease.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We're learning to live with it. We have no choice. We can't lock ourselves up in a basement like Joe does.
KEITH: The basement Joe thing is something that Trump and his allies say all the time, but Biden was ready with a response that spoke to all the Americans who have been killed by the virus.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BIDEN: You folks home who have an empty chair at the kitchen table this morning, that man or wife going to bed tonight and reaching over to try to touch their - out of habit, where their wife or husband was - is gone. Learning to live with it - come on. We're dying with it.
KEITH: Trump said he wanted schools to open. Biden said he did, too, but he wanted them to have the resources to do it. Dare I say that they actually had an exchange of ideas about how to handle the pandemic that got beyond sort of the absolutism of either it's open or it's all shut down?
KING: Another thing that we expected, Tam, last night was that President Trump would personally attack Joe Biden. Did he go down that road?
KEITH: Oh, he did. The campaign had built it up, and he did. He went after Biden for his son Hunter's foreign business dealings, including with a Ukrainian company and a Chinese company. You know, he didn't, though, lay it out in a clear and cogent way that someone who hasn't been watching FOX or reading conservative blogs would be able to really follow. It was almost like he was speaking in a shorthand. And Biden responded saying that you can see that he didn't get any money from overseas because he's released his tax returns and went after Trump for not releasing his. But Biden's main response was just to say that this race for the White House isn't about the Biden family or the Trump family.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
TRUMP: Excuse me - just one second, please.
KRISTEN WELKER: I do want to turn to - 10 seconds, Mr. President, 10 seconds.
TRUMP: That's a typical political statement. Let's get off this China thing, and then he looks - the family, around the table, everything - just a typical politician when I see that.
WELKER: All right. Let's talk about North Korea now.
TRUMP: I'm not a typical politician.
WELKER: OK.
TRUMP: That's why I got elected.
KEITH: I do think that it's notable that after the debate, when the Trump campaign held a call with reporters, they put a lot more emphasis on Trump painting Biden as a career politician than they did on the Hunter Biden stuff.
KING: Asma, let me ask you about that. Joe Biden is a career politician. He has a long record to defend. Last night, did he successfully do so?
KHALID: You know, I was struck, I would say, by how he tried to seemingly define himself as being his own man, despite the fact that he has this long record and the fact that he's, you know, quite often been associated with Barack Obama. He ran during the primaries on Obama's legacy. But last night on two big issues, health care and immigration, he tried to draw some distinctions with the person that he's often referred to as his old buddy Barack. When Biden was asked why people should trust him now on immigration reform, given the record number of deportations under President Obama's administration, he essentially said because I'll be the president, not the vice president. And when it came to health care, you know, he emphasized that his vision would add a public option to the Affordable Care Act. It's a plan that he dubbed Bidencare. President Trump tried to refer to Biden's ideas as socialized medicine and repeatedly cited Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, to which Biden quipped...
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BIDEN: He thinks he's running against somebody else. He's running against Joe Biden. I beat all those other people because I disagreed with them. Joe Biden he's running against him.
KHALID: And, Noel, you know, there was another aspect of Biden's record that repeatedly came up through the night. That was his support for a 1990s-era crime bill. Biden acknowledged that in the past, Congress had made some mistakes around drug sentences, but he also defended the Obama administration's record of reversing sentences for thousands of people. And later in the night, Biden really tried to highlight his character, his identity directly to the viewers, telling the audience to compare what they know about him to what they know about President Trump.
KING: All right. Tam, let me ask you - we have nearly 50 million people who have already voted. The president is behind in the polls, and as a result, the understanding was he was looking for some big Biden slip-up to seize on last night. Did he get it?
KEITH: Well, it all depends on your definition of big, but President Trump did seize on one moment when it came to energy. He was looking for Biden to say something that he could use to paint him as too far to the left. And Biden talked about a slow transition away from a reliance on fossil fuels.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
TRUMP: Would you close down the oil industry?
BIDEN: I would transition from the oil industry, yes. I would transition.
TRUMP: Oh, that's a big statement...
BIDEN: It is a big statement...
TRUMP: That's a big statement.
BIDEN: ...Because I would stop...
WELKER: Why would you do that?
BIDEN: Because the oil industry pollutes significantly.
TRUMP: Oh, I see.
BIDEN: Here's the deal...
TRUMP: That's a big statement.
BIDEN: Well, if you let me finish the statement - because it has to be replaced by renewable energy over time, over time. And I'd stop giving - to the oil industry, I'd stop giving them federal subsidies.
KEITH: And Trump really jumped at that. He was saying, hey, Texas, Pennsylvania, Ohio, did you hear this? Now, the political reality is such that it may not be as much of a blunder as the president thinks it is. A poll from August found a narrow majority of voters in Pennsylvania actually oppose fracking, and Biden is looking for a big turnout from young voters who care about climate change.
KING: NPR's Tamara Keith and Asma Khalid, thanks, guys.
KEITH: You're welcome.
KHALID: You're welcome.
Copyright © 2020 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.
NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.


npr--2020-10-23--America's School Funding Crisis: Budget Cuts, Rising Costs And No Help In Sight

America 's School Funding Crisis : Budget Cuts , Rising Costs And No Help In Sight Back in May , school funding experts predicted a looming financial disaster for the nation 's K-12 schools .
`` I think we 're about to see a school funding crisis unlike anything we have ever seen in modern history , '' warned Rebecca Sibilia , the founder of EdBuild , a school finance advocacy organization .
`` We are looking at devastation that we could not have imagined ... a year ago . ''
But those warnings , like everything else that happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago .
Where do things stand now ?
First , a little good news : '' So we 're not looking at a disastrous year this year , '' says Michael Griffith at the Learning Policy Institute .
He says the CARES Act , signed in March , helped states avoid a short-term school funding disaster .
Remember : Schools get about half their funding from state tax revenues , which have taken a big hit in the pandemic .
States were facing budget cuts in the 20-30 % range , Griffith says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to those federal CARES Act dollars , it 's just `` a bad year , '' he explains — `` between 15 and 20 % . ''
The bad news is : Those cuts are still pretty deep .
`` There are about 570,000 fewer local education jobs '' this year compared to the start of the previous school year , says Michael Leachman , who studies state fiscal policy at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities .
`` Those are teachers , bus drivers , cafeteria workers , secretaries , librarians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason we have n't seen even more cuts is `` because all of our elected leaders are putting their head in the sand . ''
Many politicians are wary of making big , unpopular cuts before the election , Sibilia explains , and instead are draining their rainy day funds or hiding the pain with budgeting tricks .
Some states are also stalling , Leachman says , `` because they hope the federal government will step in . ''
About that : It 's not clear when — or even if — lawmakers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ package for schools .
The CARES Act was seven months ago , and , while the coronavirus relief bill did provide K-12 schools with more than $ 13 billion in emergency funding ( an average boost of about $ 270 per student ) the money came with tight restrictions on how it could be spent and wo n't begin to cover schools ' continuing costs — costs that are currently skyrocketing .
`` In this moment , I think schools , regardless of what their setup is , need to spend more money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Rebecca Gifford Goldberg at Bellwether Education Partners .
Where kids are back in-person , schools have to spend big on things like sanitizer and facility cleaning .
If schools run online-only , they 're buying extra laptops and internet hotspots .
For schools attempting to do both , it 's a double-whammy of new costs to go along with all those budget cuts .
`` And we have n't even talked about the financial impact of the catastrophic learning loss that we know is happening , and has happened already , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have likely lost months of learning , especially students from low-income families .
And schools will need to spend a lot to catch them up , potentially hiring teachers and tutors , shrinking class sizes , maybe even extending the school year .
And that 's just academics .
This pandemic has also set kids back socially and emotionally .
Seven months in , Sibilia says her warning in May , that `` we are looking at devastation that we could not have imagined ... a year ago , '' is not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day funds .
`` Devastation '' is also what happens if an entire generation of vulnerable kids falls behind .

America's School Funding Crisis: Budget Cuts, Rising Costs And No Help In Sight
Enlarge this image LA Johnson/NPR LA Johnson/NPR
Back in May, school funding experts predicted a looming financial disaster for the nation's K-12 schools.
"I think we're about to see a school funding crisis unlike anything we have ever seen in modern history," warned Rebecca Sibilia, the founder of EdBuild, a school finance advocacy organization. "We are looking at devastation that we could not have imagined ... a year ago."
But those warnings, like everything else that happened in May, feel like a lifetime ago. Where do things stand now? First, a little good news:
"So we're not looking at a disastrous year this year," says Michael Griffith at the Learning Policy Institute. He says the CARES Act, signed in March, helped states avoid a short-term school funding disaster.
Remember, schools get about half of their funding from state tax revenues, which have taken a big hit in the pandemic. States were facing budget cuts in the 20-30% range, Griffith says. But thanks, in part, to those federal CARES Act dollars, it's just "a bad year," he explains — "between 15 and 20%."
The bad news is that those cuts are still pretty deep.
"There are about 570,000 fewer local education jobs" this year compared to the start of the previous school year, says Michael Leachman, who studies state fiscal policy at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. "Those are teachers, bus drivers, cafeteria workers, secretaries, librarians, counselors."
Sibilia says one reason we haven't seen even more cuts is "because all of our elected leaders are putting their head in the sand."
Many politicians are wary of making big, unpopular cuts before the election, Sibilia explains, and instead are draining their rainy day funds or hiding the pain with budgeting tricks. Some states are also stalling, Leachman says, "because they hope the federal government will step in."
It's not clear when — or even if — lawmakers in Washington will agree on another relief package for schools. The CARES Act was seven months ago, and, while the coronavirus relief bill did provide K-12 schools with more than $13 billion in emergency funding (an average boost of about $270 per student), the money came with tight restrictions on how it could be spent and won't begin to cover schools' continuing costs — costs that are currently skyrocketing.
"In this moment, I think schools, regardless of what their setup is, need to spend more money than they are used to spending," says Rebecca Gifford Goldberg at Bellwether Education Partners.
Politics Will A Stimulus Deal Be Reached Before Election Day? Will A Stimulus Deal Be Reached Before Election Day? Listen · 4:02 4:02
Where kids are back in person, schools have to spend big on things like sanitizer and facility cleaning. If schools run online-only, they're buying extra laptops and internet hot spots. For schools attempting to do both, it's a double whammy of new costs to go along with all those budget cuts. "And we haven't even talked about the financial impact of the catastrophic learning loss that we know is happening, and has happened already," Gifford Goldberg says.
Many kids have likely lost months of learning, especially students from low-income families. And schools will need to spend a lot to catch them up, potentially hiring teachers and tutors, shrinking class sizes, maybe even extending the school year. And that's just academics. This pandemic has also set kids back socially and emotionally.
Seven months in, Sibilia says her warning in May — that "we are looking at devastation that we could not have imagined ... a year ago" — is not just budget talk about red ink and rainy day funds. "Devastation" is also what happens if an entire generation of vulnerable kids falls behind.