npr--2020-10-27--Pentagon Says 2 Men Killed In Baghdadi Raid Were Combatants But Offers Little Evidence

Pentagon Says 2 Men Killed In Baghdadi Raid Were Combatants But Offers Little Evidence When President Trump announced the U.S. military raid that resulted in the death of ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi one year ago on Oct. 27 , officials praised the nighttime operation and said civilians were protected .
But in December , NPR reported claims that forces had killed two Syrian civilians and maimed a third during the raid , prompting the military to investigate .
Now U.S. Central Command says it has completed its investigation and cleared its troops of any wrongdoing , classifying the Syrian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Syrian victims reject the military 's assertion .
`` It 's an investigation of lies , '' said Majida Qurmo , the widow of one of the Syrian men killed .
The military 's account of events , shared with NPR , offers no evidence the men were combatants or intended to threaten troops , raising the question of whether the U.S. is mischaracterizing innocent civilians as the enemy as it protects the official narrative of a celebrated operation against one of the military 's most-wanted targets .
`` I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at night on Oct. 26 , 2019 , U.S. forces slipped into northwest Syria by helicopter , descending upon Baghdadi 's secret compound in the village of Barisha , near Idlib .
That night , cousins Khaled Mustafa Qurmo , 27 , and Khaled Abdel Majid Qurmo , 30 , were driving home a friend , Barakat Barakat , in their olive-green van .
`` We had pumpkin seeds and bought coffee on the road and were having fun , '' Barakat , now 36 , told NPR .
`` We were driving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at that moment , the helicopters arrived .
Suddenly , we were hit .
I did n't know what was going on .
I was just trying to escape death . ''
The men fled the van , but one of them collapsed with shrapnel in his legs .
Barakat said he cradled his friend outside the van when helicopter fire hit them again , killing the cousins and tearing off Barakat 's hand that had been holding up his friend 's head .
A relative of the victims sent NPR a video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , turned white after the explosion , and nearby , two pockmarked bodies and a severed hand .
Autopsy reports by a Syrian doctor with an international medical group concluded the men died of shrapnel wounds to the chest .
A former Pentagon official reviewed shrapnel photos provided by relatives and assessed they had come from Hydra-70 rockets , a type fired by U.S. military helicopters .
The victims ' relatives told NPR the cousins had operated a van service and were not combatants .
Barakat said there were no weapons in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commanded the Baghdadi operation , told reporters a few days after the raid that `` every effort was made to avoid civilian casualties . ''
In his step-by-step recounting , McKenzie spoke about combatants whom U.S. forces encountered , but he did not mention the van incident until a reporter asked him about the damaged van that had appeared in news images .
McKenzie responded that it was `` one of the vehicles that displayed hostile intent , came toward us and it was destroyed . ''
In November , a Pentagon official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first it had heard of possible civilian casualties and that it would review surveillance footage to determine if an investigation was warranted .
In February , the military said it opened a formal investigation , called a credibility assessment , into the allegations .
In July , CENTCOM spokesman Capt .
Bill Urban told NPR the military had completed its assessment and determined U.S. forces `` employed appropriate , necessary and proportionately scaled use of force in response to actions against U.S. forces , which turned lethal after warnings were not heeded .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday .
As the van approached , a U.S. helicopter fired warning shots , he said .
`` A normal reaction to warning shots in the middle of the night from a helicopter would be to stop and turn around if you had no business being there , '' Urban said .
`` But they proceeded towards the helicopter and accelerated . ''
The helicopter fired on the van , and the men fled , running in the direction of the ISIS compound without raising their hands , so forces perceived them to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helicopter fired at them , Urban said .
The military investigation determined they were `` enemy combatants , '' not civilians , he said , though they did not open fire and the military found no evidence they had weapons .
`` What do you expect at night ? ''
Retired Maj. Gen. Dana Pittard , who helped lead the fight against ISIS in Iraq and left the Army before the Baghdadi raid , said the forces were justified in protecting themselves from an approaching van of Syrians with unknown intentions .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understandable , too .
`` I assume it was dark , and you see a shot out there , '' said Pittard , who co-authored the book Hunting the Caliphate .
`` What is your inclination ?
Just put your foot on the pedal and keep going .
So you do n't know the direction of the shot .
...
I mean , what do you expect at night ? ''
The U.S. sets aside about $ 3 million a year to pay the families of civilians killed or wounded in U.S. attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ payment `` is not appropriate in cases like this , where someone demonstrates hostile intent or commits a hostile act against U.S .
forces . ''
Pittard said he thinks the Army should pay .
`` Could they not find it , you know , in their hearts to have some kind of restitution and then move on ? ''
he asked .
Experts have criticized the U.S. military in past wars for labeling ordinary civilian responses to warning shots as demonstrations of `` hostile intent . ''
Hostile intent , which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of force , is `` too vague and subjective '' and `` dangerously broad , '' said Bonnie Docherty , a lecturer at Harvard Law School 's International Human Rights Clinic .
A review by Thomas Gregory , a senior lecturer at New Zealand 's University of Auckland , of hundreds of incident reports of Iraqi civilians targeted by U.S. forces found that the majority were innocent .
`` Soldiers had simply misinterpreted perfectly innocent or innocuous behavior as a demonstration of hostile intent , '' Gregory said .
Urban said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ threatening if they had run away from the compound .
Yet , according to Gregory , in other cases , soldiers have targeted civilians fleeing the area of an attack because they were perceived to be combatants escaping U.S. troops .
`` If the U.S. military were serious about investigating this incident , they would reopen this case , '' said Azmat Khan , a New York Times Magazine contributing writer and author of a forthcoming book on U.S. airstrikes and civilian deaths .
Unlike many other similar incidents , she said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity to understand what really happened , because NPR tracked down survivors and family members and interviewed them . ''
Urban said the military would consider reopening the case if new evidence warranted it .
`` The whole world turned its back on me '' CENTCOM said its investigators did not speak with the Syrian family members or Barakat , the attack 's sole survivor .
He said he wished the military had contacted him for his side of the story .
He said there is a risk Syrian armed groups might retaliate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with ISIS or another armed group because he was targeted by U.S. forces .
What worries him most is how to provide for his five children .
He can not work .
Part of his right arm is gone , he can only use two fingers on his left hand , and doctors tell him he needs surgery .
He is ashamed to have to beg for bread .
`` Sometimes I cry , '' Barakat said in a Facebook voice message .
`` I think of my kids in that I 'm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 'm ashamed .
I ca n't work .
I 'm crippled .
The whole world turned its back on me . ''
He has lost hope anything good will come out of telling his story to a journalist .
`` I know already what 's going to be on the Internet , the comments of the American people .
'God forbid , ' and so on .
We know all that talk .
We 've memorized that routine , '' Barakat said .
He added , `` God damn the hour Baghdadi @ @ @ @

Pentagon Says 2 Men Killed In Baghdadi Raid Were Combatants But Offers Little Evidence
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ibrahim Yasouf/AFP via Getty Images Ibrahim Yasouf/AFP via Getty Images
When President Trump announced the U.S. military raid that resulted in the death of ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi one year ago on Oct. 27, officials praised the nighttime operation and said civilians were protected.
But in December, NPR reported claims that forces had killed two Syrian civilians and maimed a third during the raid, prompting the military to investigate.
Now U.S. Central Command says it has completed its investigation and cleared its troops of any wrongdoing, classifying the Syrian men they attacked as combatants.
Relatives of the Syrian victims reject the military's assertion.
"It's an investigation of lies," said Majida Qurmo, the widow of one of the Syrian men killed.
The military's account of events, shared with NPR, offers no evidence the men were combatants or intended to threaten troops, raising the question of whether the U.S. is mischaracterizing innocent civilians as the enemy as it protects the official narrative of a celebrated operation against one of the military's most-wanted targets.
"I was just trying to escape death"
Late at night on Oct. 26, 2019, U.S. forces slipped into northwest Syria by helicopter, descending upon Baghdadi's secret compound in the village of Barisha, near Idlib. That night, cousins Khaled Mustafa Qurmo, 27, and Khaled Abdel Majid Qurmo, 30, were driving home a friend, Barakat Barakat, in their olive-green van.
"We had pumpkin seeds and bought coffee on the road and were having fun," Barakat, now 36, told NPR. "We were driving through the village of Barisha. And at that moment, the helicopters arrived. Suddenly, we were hit. I didn't know what was going on. I was just trying to escape death."
The men fled the van, but one of them collapsed with shrapnel in his legs. Barakat said he cradled his friend outside the van when helicopter fire hit them again, killing the cousins and tearing off Barakat's hand that had been holding up his friend's head.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tur Laha local council Tur Laha local council
A relative of the victims sent NPR a video filmed at night of the destroyed van, turned white after the explosion, and nearby, two pockmarked bodies and a severed hand. Autopsy reports by a Syrian doctor with an international medical group concluded the men died of shrapnel wounds to the chest. A former Pentagon official reviewed shrapnel photos provided by relatives and assessed they had come from Hydra-70 rockets, a type fired by U.S. military helicopters.
The victims' relatives told NPR the cousins had operated a van service and were not combatants. Barakat said there were no weapons in the van.
Gen. Kenneth McKenzie, who commanded the Baghdadi operation, told reporters a few days after the raid that "every effort was made to avoid civilian casualties." In his step-by-step recounting, McKenzie spoke about combatants whom U.S. forces encountered, but he did not mention the van incident until a reporter asked him about the damaged van that had appeared in news images. McKenzie responded that it was "one of the vehicles that displayed hostile intent, came toward us and it was destroyed."
Credibility assessment
In November, a Pentagon official said that NPR's reporting was the first it had heard of possible civilian casualties and that it would review surveillance footage to determine if an investigation was warranted. In February, the military said it opened a formal investigation, called a credibility assessment, into the allegations.
In July, CENTCOM spokesman Capt. Bill Urban told NPR the military had completed its assessment and determined U.S. forces "employed appropriate, necessary and proportionately scaled use of force in response to actions against U.S. forces, which turned lethal after warnings were not heeded."
Urban gave NPR additional details on Saturday. As the van approached, a U.S. helicopter fired warning shots, he said. "A normal reaction to warning shots in the middle of the night from a helicopter would be to stop and turn around if you had no business being there," Urban said. "But they proceeded towards the helicopter and accelerated."
The helicopter fired on the van, and the men fled, running in the direction of the ISIS compound without raising their hands, so forces perceived them to "demonstrate hostile intent" and the helicopter fired at them, Urban said. The military investigation determined they were "enemy combatants," not civilians, he said, though they did not open fire and the military found no evidence they had weapons.
"What do you expect at night?"
Retired Maj. Gen. Dana Pittard, who helped lead the fight against ISIS in Iraq and left the Army before the Baghdadi raid, said the forces were justified in protecting themselves from an approaching van of Syrians with unknown intentions. But he said the Syrians' actions were understandable, too.
"I assume it was dark, and you see a shot out there," said Pittard, who co-authored the book Hunting the Caliphate. "What is your inclination? Just put your foot on the pedal and keep going. So you don't know the direction of the shot. ... I mean, what do you expect at night?"
The U.S. sets aside about $3 million a year to pay the families of civilians killed or wounded in U.S. attacks abroad, but Urban said such a payment "is not appropriate in cases like this, where someone demonstrates hostile intent or commits a hostile act against U.S. forces."
Pittard said he thinks the Army should pay. "Could they not find it, you know, in their hearts to have some kind of restitution and then move on?" he asked.
"Hostile intent"
Experts have criticized the U.S. military in past wars for labeling ordinary civilian responses to warning shots as demonstrations of "hostile intent."
Hostile intent, which the military defines as the threat of imminent use of force, is "too vague and subjective" and "dangerously broad," said Bonnie Docherty, a lecturer at Harvard Law School's International Human Rights Clinic.
A review by Thomas Gregory, a senior lecturer at New Zealand's University of Auckland, of hundreds of incident reports of Iraqi civilians targeted by U.S. forces found that the majority were innocent. "Soldiers had simply misinterpreted perfectly innocent or innocuous behavior as a demonstration of hostile intent," Gregory said.
Urban said the Syrian men would not have been deemed threatening if they had run away from the compound. Yet, according to Gregory, in other cases, soldiers have targeted civilians fleeing the area of an attack because they were perceived to be combatants escaping U.S. troops.
"If the U.S. military were serious about investigating this incident, they would reopen this case," said Azmat Khan, a New York Times Magazine contributing writer and author of a forthcoming book on U.S. airstrikes and civilian deaths. Unlike many other similar incidents, she said, "the U.S. military has a unique opportunity to understand what really happened, because NPR tracked down survivors and family members and interviewed them."
Urban said the military would consider reopening the case if new evidence warranted it.
"The whole world turned its back on me"
CENTCOM said its investigators did not speak with the Syrian family members or Barakat, the attack's sole survivor. He said he wished the military had contacted him for his side of the story.
He said there is a risk Syrian armed groups might retaliate against him, suspecting him of connections with ISIS or another armed group because he was targeted by U.S. forces.
What worries him most is how to provide for his five children. He cannot work. Part of his right arm is gone, he can only use two fingers on his left hand, and doctors tell him he needs surgery. He is ashamed to have to beg for bread.
"Sometimes I cry," Barakat said in a Facebook voice message. "I think of my kids in that I'm unable to do anything for them. I'm ashamed. I can't work. I'm crippled. The whole world turned its back on me."
He has lost hope anything good will come out of telling his story to a journalist.
"I know already what's going to be on the Internet, the comments of the American people. 'God forbid,' and so on. We know all that talk. We've memorized that routine," Barakat said.
He added, "God damn the hour Baghdadi came here."


npr--2020-10-27--Zeta Triggers Hurricane Warning For New Orleans As Gulf Coast Awaits Storm

Zeta Triggers Hurricane Warning For New Orleans As Gulf Coast Awaits Storm Zeta will strengthen on its way across the Gulf of Mexico , likely hitting the U.S. coast as a Category 1 hurricane on Wednesday , the National Hurricane Center said .
Parts of Louisiana and Mississippi are now under hurricane warnings , including metro New Orleans .
`` This is a life-threatening situation , '' the hurricane center said Tuesday , urging people to take precautions against the risk of flooding and other hazards .
The system is currently a tropical storm , weakened by its landfall overnight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has sustained winds up to 65 mph , the hurricane center said in its 5 p.m .
ET update .
The storm is traveling northwest at 14 mph .
Louisiana Gov .
John Bel Edwards asked President Trump for a federal emergency declaration to help respond to Zeta when it makes landfall .
`` I anticipate the need for emergency protective measures , evacuations , and sheltering for high-risk areas , '' Edwards wrote , also asking for search and rescue teams near the impact area .
Edwards declared a state of emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the northern Gulf Coast late Wednesday afternoon or Wednesday night before moving across the Southeast early Thursday , the hurricane center said .
The forecast path sees the center of the storm passing near Biloxi , Miss .
If Zeta hits the U.S. coast as a hurricane , it would be latest hurricane landfall on the continental U.S. since Kate in 1985 , according to meteorologist Philip Klotzbach .
It 's following a path that 's similar to other recent storms such as Hurricane Delta , which passed over Mexico 's state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the U.S. Gulf Coast .
Zeta 's large size and angular approach to the shore mean a broad area is under alert .
Tropical storm warnings extend inland to an area just south of Montgomery , Ala. Alabama 's governor declared a state of emergency Tuesday , as Zeta is projected to cross over the state on Thursday .
The Alabama National Guard is prepared for storm response , and agencies were gearing up to move emergency equipment and supplies to areas that may need them .
`` While this storm is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large as storms we 've seen move through the Gulf earlier this year , we want to be in the best place possible to respond to anticipated rain , storm surge and mass power outage , '' Gov .
Kay Ivey said in a statement .
A hurricane warning was issued early Tuesday morning from Morgan City , La.
, eastward to the Mississippi-Alabama border — an area that includes New Orleans .
Such warnings are normally issued 36 hours before the anticipated first arrival of tropical storm-force winds .
Zeta could bring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feet of water in worst-hit areas , the hurricane center said .
A storm surge warning is in effect from Intracoastal City , La.
, to Navarre , Fla. , including several bodies of water that are near the shore , such as Mobile Bay , Lake Pontchartrain and Pensacola Bay .
`` It 's real important , '' National Hurricane Center Director Ken Graham said Tuesday in an online briefing .
`` If the local officials tell you to get out of these low areas , you 've got to listen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historically the most deadly part of these tropical systems . ''
The storm is expected to speed up a bit as it nears the coast , a shift that could lessen the impact of its heavy rains .
A wide area of the shore will be affected : Zeta is extending tropical storm-force winds outward for up to 140 miles , the hurricane center said .
Zeta is the 27th named storm of the 2020 Atlantic hurricane season .
The most in a single season was 28 , a mark that was set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The next three storms on the official list , drawn from the Greek alphabet because the roster of full names is exhausted , would be called Eta , Theta and Iota .

Zeta Triggers Hurricane Warning For New Orleans As Gulf Coast Awaits Storm
Enlarge this image toggle caption NOAA/Esri/HERE/Garmin/Earthstar Geographics NOAA/Esri/HERE/Garmin/Earthstar Geographics
Updated at 5:45 a.m. ET Wednesday
Zeta is now a Category 1 hurricane with maximum sustained winds of 85 mph and is expected to strengthen on its way across the Gulf of Mexico, the National Hurricane Center said. Parts of Louisiana and Mississippi are now under hurricane warnings, including metro New Orleans.
The hurricane will bring a "life-threatening storm surge" the hurricane center said, urging people to take precautions against the risk of flooding and other hazards.
Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards asked President Trump for a federal emergency declaration to help respond to Zeta when it makes landfall. "I anticipate the need for emergency protective measures, evacuations, and sheltering for high-risk areas," Edwards wrote, also asking for search and rescue teams near the impact area. Edwards declared a state of emergency on Monday.
Zeta will make landfall on the northern Gulf Coast late Wednesday afternoon or Wednesday night before moving across the Southeast early Thursday, the hurricane center said. The forecast path sees the center of the storm passing near Biloxi, Miss.
If Zeta hits the U.S. coast as a hurricane, it would be latest hurricane landfall on the continental U.S. since Kate in 1985, according to meteorologist Philip Klotzbach. It's following a path that's similar to other recent storms such as Hurricane Delta, which passed over Mexico's state of Quintana Roo before spinning its way to the U.S. Gulf Coast.
Zeta's large size and angular approach to the shore mean a broad area is under alert. Tropical storm warnings extend inland to an area just south of Montgomery, Ala.
Alabama's governor declared a state of emergency Tuesday, as Zeta is projected to cross over the state on Thursday. The Alabama National Guard is prepared for storm response, and agencies were gearing up to move emergency equipment and supplies to areas that may need them.
"While this storm is not expected to have an impact as large as storms we've seen move through the Gulf earlier this year, we want to be in the best place possible to respond to anticipated rain, storm surge and mass power outage," Gov. Kay Ivey said in a statement.
A hurricane warning was issued early Tuesday morning from Morgan City, La., eastward to the Mississippi-Alabama border — an area that includes New Orleans. Such warnings are normally issued 36 hours before the anticipated first arrival of tropical storm-force winds.
Zeta could bring a storm surge of 5 to 8 feet of water in worst-hit areas, the hurricane center said. A storm surge warning is in effect from Intracoastal City, La., to Navarre, Fla., including several bodies of water that are near the shore, such as Mobile Bay, Lake Pontchartrain and Pensacola Bay.
"It's real important," National Hurricane Center Director Ken Graham said Tuesday in an online briefing. "If the local officials tell you to get out of these low areas, you've got to listen to them, because the storm surge is historically the most deadly part of these tropical systems."
The storm is expected to speed up a bit as it nears the coast, a shift that could lessen the impact of its heavy rains. A wide area of the shore will be affected: Zeta is extending tropical storm-force winds outward for up to 140 miles, the hurricane center said.
Zeta is the 27th named storm of the 2020 Atlantic hurricane season. The most in a single season was 28, a mark that was set in 2005, the hurricane center said.
The next three storms on the official list, drawn from the Greek alphabet because the roster of full names is exhausted, would be called Eta, Theta and Iota.


npr--2020-10-27--Biden And Trump Campaigns Stress Closing Themes In New TV Ads

Biden And Trump Campaigns Stress Closing Themes In New TV Ads With a week until voting concludes this election season , the presidential candidates are making their final pitch to voters on the campaign trail — and on the airwaves .
Joe Biden 's campaign rolled out two , closing argument-style spots on Tuesday , amplifying themes the former vice president has promoted since he first launched his candidacy — casting the election as a decisive moment for the country 's future and emphasizing the candidate 's personal story and character .
Meanwhile , new ads from President Trump attack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and emphasize the `` law and order '' message the president began deploying early this summer as protests over police brutality and racial injustice grew around the country .
`` I started this campaign saying we 're in a battle for the soul of the nation , '' Biden says in an ad called Rising as images of him meeting voters on the pre-pandemic campaign trail flash on the screen .
`` I believe that even more deeply today . ''
The ad depicts images of parents with their children , then photos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before landing on Biden addressing the camera directly and launching into language that 's lately made up the closing of his stump speech .
`` Character is on the ballot , the character of the country , and this is our opportunity to leave the dark , angry politics of the last four years behind us — to choose hope over fear , unity over division , science over fiction , '' Biden says .
`` I believe it 's time to unite the country , to come together as a nation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Dark , features Jill Biden addressing the camera , interspersed with archival and family photos of her husband and their family as she narrates the story of Joe Biden — the man who 's faced tragedy and , she says , guided by faith has been able to put his family 's life back together again .
`` Right now , a lot of families are hurting , and I know in my heart that if we entrust this nation to Joe , he will do for these families what he did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help us find light in the darkness , keep hope for the future alive in all of us , '' she says .
The minute-long ads will air on cable and broadcast TV stations , including in 16 states — providing a window into the number of states the well-funded Biden campaign views as competitive .
The campaign also announced it 's launching five Spanish-language ads in 11 states .
One that targets young Latinos specifically , Cancelado , talks about how the pandemic has canceled prom , graduation and jobs — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is what it is . ''
Polls have pointed to sagging Latino support for Biden compared with 2016 nominee Hillary Clinton in some places , including in Texas , where Democrats see a shot to turn the state blue for the first time in decades .
While Biden has made the president 's handling of the pandemic a central feature of his campaign message , the new Trump campaign ads steer clear of the issue , keeping with the president 's rhetoric that downplays the coronavirus .
On Tuesday , the Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Will Uphold the Law .
The spot , which features an ominous voiceover as well as two veteran police officers , begins with headshots of Biden and Harris backed by outbursts of fire and sparks and then images of cars and cities burning .
`` While America 's cities burned , Joe Biden and Kamala Harris fanned the flames , refusing to strongly condemn violence , '' the narrator says .
One unnamed man , labeled onscreen as a police officer , tells viewers that `` Joe Biden 's silence speaks loudly .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Says another : `` In Joe Biden 's America , we 'll all be in danger .
If you support the police , support Donald Trump . ''
In its statement about the ad , the Trump campaign did n't say where it will air .
Another ad released this week highlights a fracking technician in Pennsylvania .
`` If Joe Biden 's elected , he 'll end fracking , '' she says .
`` That will be the end of my job and thousands of others . ''
Biden 's climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas permitting on public lands , but he has made a point recently of telling voters he will not ban fracking writ large .
During a March primary debate , he appeared to go further in supporting a ban on all fracking but later said he misspoke .
A third Trump campaign spot begins by proclaiming : `` Joe Biden does n't support American workers '' and features archival footage of Biden talking positively about the North American Free Trade Agreement .
According to an NPR analysis based on data earlier this month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been spent on television advertising in 13 states .
At the time , Biden and allied groups had outspent Trump and pro-Trump groups on ads in six key states by a total of $ 240 million .

Biden And Trump Campaigns Stress Closing Themes In New TV Ads
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eva Marie Uzcategui/AFP via Getty Images Eva Marie Uzcategui/AFP via Getty Images
With a week until voting concludes this election season, the presidential candidates are making their final pitch to voters on the campaign trail — and on the airwaves.
Joe Biden's campaign rolled out two, closing argument-style spots on Tuesday, amplifying themes the former vice president has promoted since he first launched his candidacy — casting the election as a decisive moment for the country's future and emphasizing the candidate's personal story and character.
Meanwhile, new ads from President Trump attack Biden over trade and the economy, and emphasize the "law and order" message the president began deploying early this summer as protests over police brutality and racial injustice grew around the country.
Biden ads
"I started this campaign saying we're in a battle for the soul of the nation," Biden says in an ad called Rising as images of him meeting voters on the pre-pandemic campaign trail flash on the screen. "I believe that even more deeply today."
The ad depicts images of parents with their children, then photos of polling places and voting booths, before landing on Biden addressing the camera directly and launching into language that's lately made up the closing of his stump speech.
"Character is on the ballot, the character of the country, and this is our opportunity to leave the dark, angry politics of the last four years behind us — to choose hope over fear, unity over division, science over fiction," Biden says. "I believe it's time to unite the country, to come together as a nation."
YouTube
The second Biden ad, In the Dark, features Jill Biden addressing the camera, interspersed with archival and family photos of her husband and their family as she narrates the story of Joe Biden — the man who's faced tragedy and, she says, guided by faith has been able to put his family's life back together again.
"Right now, a lot of families are hurting, and I know in my heart that if we entrust this nation to Joe, he will do for these families what he did for ours: Bring us together, help us find light in the darkness, keep hope for the future alive in all of us," she says.
The minute-long ads will air on cable and broadcast TV stations, including in 16 states — providing a window into the number of states the well-funded Biden campaign views as competitive.
The campaign also announced it's launching five Spanish-language ads in 11 states. One that targets young Latinos specifically, Cancelado, talks about how the pandemic has canceled prom, graduation and jobs — and quotes the president saying, "It is what it is."
Polls have pointed to sagging Latino support for Biden compared with 2016 nominee Hillary Clinton in some places, including in Texas, where Democrats see a shot to turn the state blue for the first time in decades.
Trump ads
While Biden has made the president's handling of the pandemic a central feature of his campaign message, the new Trump campaign ads steer clear of the issue, keeping with the president's rhetoric that downplays the coronavirus.
On Tuesday, the Trump campaign unveiled a national ad called President Trump Will Uphold the Law. The spot, which features an ominous voiceover as well as two veteran police officers, begins with headshots of Biden and Harris backed by outbursts of fire and sparks and then images of cars and cities burning.
YouTube
"While America's cities burned, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris fanned the flames, refusing to strongly condemn violence," the narrator says.
One unnamed man, labeled onscreen as a police officer, tells viewers that "Joe Biden's silence speaks loudly. He doesn't have our backs."
Says another: "In Joe Biden's America, we'll all be in danger. If you support the police, support Donald Trump."
In its statement about the ad, the Trump campaign didn't say where it will air.
Another ad released this week highlights a fracking technician in Pennsylvania.
"If Joe Biden's elected, he'll end fracking," she says. "That will be the end of my job and thousands of others."
Biden's climate plan calls for stopping new oil and gas permitting on public lands, but he has made a point recently of telling voters he will not ban fracking writ large. During a March primary debate, he appeared to go further in supporting a ban on all fracking but later said he misspoke.
A third Trump campaign spot begins by proclaiming: "Joe Biden doesn't support American workers" and features archival footage of Biden talking positively about the North American Free Trade Agreement.
According to an NPR analysis based on data earlier this month, more than $1 billion had been spent on television advertising in 13 states.
At the time, Biden and allied groups had outspent Trump and pro-Trump groups on ads in six key states by a total of $240 million.


npr--2020-10-27--Biography Traces Political Mistakes And Personal Scars That Shaped Joe Biden

As a young man , Joe Biden was fixated on a singular goal : `` On his first date with his future wife , he told her mother that he wanted to grow up to be president , '' New Yorker writer Evan Osnos says .
Osnos , who writes about the Democratic presidential candidate in his new book , Joe Biden : The Life , the Run , and What Matters Now , notes that the 2020 election represents Biden 's third bid for the presidency .
In 1987 , during Biden 's first run , `` he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guy , a bit of a blowhard in a town , after all , that is known for blowhards , '' Osnos says .
That campaign ended abruptly after Biden was accused of plagiarizing a speech by British politician Neil Kinnock .
`` The joke became that Joe Biden was not an authentic person , '' Osnos says .
`` It took him a while to acknowledge that it was , as he later put it , his own arrogance that cost him that race . ''
Within a few months of dropping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died from two brain aneurysms .
He was rushed to the hospital , where the doctors called in a priest to deliver last rites .
Biden survived brain surgery but spent months in recovery .
Osnos points to a connection between Biden 's failed 1988 presidential bid and his prognosis following the aneurysms : `` Had he been on the campaign trail , he might not have survived , because he would not have gone to see a doctor about the symptoms , '' Osnos says .
More than 30 years later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to terms with the tragedies and mistakes that have shaped his life .
`` If you talk to the 77-year-old Joe Biden now , he 's a man who is at peace , '' Osnos says .
`` He 's at peace from a series of hard-won scars .
And it 's a very different mindset than he had back then . ''
On writing about Biden in a fair way From the very beginning , actually , Joe Biden was , I think , treated with some skepticism by a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of his mistakes on the trail .
They would say he seems out of touch .
He may not be aware of what it is that voters are really looking for in 2020 .
He would ... bungle the address for his fundraising text message campaign , things like that .
And actually , I think that from a reporter 's perspective , the challenge was that our responsibility has to be to hold Joe Biden and the other Democratic candidates to the same level of scrutiny that we have subjected Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years .
Because if we 're not doing that , we 're not going to generate trust from our readers and from voters , and we 're not really doing the job .
But it 's hard , because the reality is that there is one candidate who is overtly hostile to the press — that 's the president .
And then you have another candidate who is in many ways a more conventional candidate and is doing things like releasing his tax returns and making his personal history more available .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look like you 're going soft on one guy and hard on the other .
On how Biden was defined by the tragic death of his wife , Neilia , and baby daughter , Naomi , in a car accident in 1972 When it happened , the reality is that Joe Biden did not expect to take his seat in the Senate .
He thought that period of his life was over .
He did n't see practically or spiritually how he could go on .
The reality was he considered suicide .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to him , `` You need to do this not only because it 's the right thing to do for your voters , but it 's also the right thing to do for you personally , because if you do n't do something , you will cave in . ''
His sister Valerie told me that one of the ways that they were able to get him off the floor , in effect , was by telling him , `` You have two boys at home now who have no mother .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nobody . ''
Biden struggled in that period with what it meant to become this kind of public symbol of grieving .
And what surprised me was he really bridled against it .
He did n't like that .
That was the public image that people were imagining for him , that they were thrusting upon him , the sort of grieving widower and father .
His image of himself was that he was the college football player who 'd been elected to the Senate and in his 20s , and that 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he sort of had this idea that he could become a great foreign policy statesman .
That 's what he wanted to be .
He did n't want to become a symbol of human vulnerability .
But it was thrust upon him and he had to decide whether to embrace it or rebel against it or something else .
...
It was only later in his life , really , it was after the death of his son Beau in 2015 when Biden kind of came to accept more fully that that 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a political person .
They wanted actually somebody in politics to talk to them about something like suffering and like vulnerability .
And he kind of embraced it , but he did n't come to it quickly .
It took a long time for him to acknowledge that .
On what Biden stood for in his early years in the Senate In his very early years as a senator , he was kind of a moving target politically .
I mean , to be blunt about it , he was more concerned about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy items .
The most acute example of that is that he had run for office as a progressive candidate on the side of civil rights , and he had played a bit part in some desegregation efforts in Wilmington , Del .
And he got to the Senate , and he was representing a district that had a large white suburban contingent who were very wary of court-ordered busing .
And they told him so .
And there was a famous meeting that he went to in which parents in the suburbs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , attacked him for being in favor of integration and civil rights efforts .
And he turned on that issue and became the Senate 's most forceful Democrat against court-ordered busing .
On the domestic front , one of the things that he defined himself by was being active on issues of law enforcement and crime and punishment .
He was one of the authors of the Violence Against Women Act , and he was active very much in the crime bill of 1994 .
So these became some of the issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He was chairman of the Judiciary Committee , which is a very powerful position .
And all of those began to give him more stature as a kind of technician in the ways of Congress .
He was somebody who knew how to get things accomplished .
He would work the cloakroom ... and he took pride in that .
Later , when he was tapped to become vice president , part of it was because he was somebody who believed in a functioning Senate .
He thought you could get things done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And the Obama administration wanted some of that .
On Biden 's role in Justice Clarence Thomas ' 1991 Supreme Court confirmation hearings , and his decision not to allow other women to testify alongside Anita Hill Biden imagined himself in that period as being somebody who was a Democrat , but who treated Republicans seriously , tried to maintain the standards of the Senate , which was that you give the other side credence and allow them to have a serious hearing for their ideas .
...
In some ways , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ try to pay respect to the Republican side of the process by allowing Republican senators to question Anita Hill very intensively , harshly in some cases .
And then he also did not allow these other accusers to testify in person .
They were allowed to testify in written form , which ultimately meant it did n't really have any impact on the proceedings .
And Biden came to regret that .
He said later that the mistake was that he gave Clarence Thomas more credence than he deserved .
...
But to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't say that he made an error .
What he says is that he wished Anita Hill had been treated better .
And I think that 's a key distinction because if we 're trying to understand the ways in which Joe Biden is capable of self-reflection and what are the issues on which he has expressed his clear regret and no , he has not gone as far as Anita Hill wants him to in saying that ... he was wrong about handling that case .
On Biden 's role in drafting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to mass incarceration The crime bill of 1994 was inspired most of all by the crack epidemic , which was at that point , it was raging through American cities , and there was this surge of political activity and demands to try to do something about it by raising the consequences , by imposing steeper sentences and making policing tougher .
And interestingly , it was n't just coming from Joe Biden and other white politicians , but it was coming from the Congressional Black Caucus .
Many Black members of Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in particular .
...
If you talk to Joe Biden about it today , Biden says the mistake we made , and it was a serious mistake , was that we believed this idea that crack was somehow different , that it was an order of risk that was unlike other things that we 'd seen in the drug war or in the world of law enforcement .
And it had to be treated with extraordinary force .
And that was the reason why they undertook these , what turned out to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deciding whether to write about allegations concerning Hunter Biden 's business activities in Ukraine I was not going to simply amplify the allegations for the sake of amplifying them .
I 'm going to stick to what we know to be true .
... As a technical matter , by the time the book was done , the Giuliani conspiracy theory about Hunter Biden had not yet come out , or at least it was not as detailed as it is now .
So it was not a particularly hard call .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the book was Hunter Biden 's involvement in Ukraine as a board member of the gas company .
I talked about the impact that that had on Joe Biden in the sense that Hunter Biden apologized to his father for creating an issue in the campaign and has promised not to have any business with foreign sources of income if his father is elected .
As far as I was concerned , those are the known facts .
It 's not a known fact that anything [ Trump lawyer and former New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is real , and therefore I was not going to give it the credence of reality .
Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner produced and edited the audio of this interview .
Bridget Bentz , Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web .

Biography Traces Political Mistakes And Personal Scars That Shaped Joe Biden
Enlarge this image toggle caption Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images
As a young man, Joe Biden was fixated on a singular goal: "On his first date with his future wife, he told her mother that he wanted to grow up to be president," New Yorker writer Evan Osnos says.
Osnos, who writes about the Democratic presidential candidate in his new book, Joe Biden: The Life, the Run, and What Matters Now, notes that the 2020 election represents Biden's third bid for the presidency.
In 1987, during Biden's first run, "he was regarded as a bit of an arrogant guy, a bit of a blowhard in a town, after all, that is known for blowhards," Osnos says.
That campaign ended abruptly after Biden was accused of plagiarizing a speech by British politician Neil Kinnock.
"The joke became that Joe Biden was not an authentic person," Osnos says. "It took him a while to acknowledge that it was, as he later put it, his own arrogance that cost him that race."
Within a few months of dropping out of the race, Biden nearly died from two brain aneurysms. He was rushed to the hospital, where the doctors called in a priest to deliver last rites. Biden survived brain surgery but spent months in recovery.
Osnos points to a connection between Biden's failed 1988 presidential bid and his prognosis following the aneurysms: "Had he been on the campaign trail, he might not have survived, because he would not have gone to see a doctor about the symptoms," Osnos says.
More than 30 years later, Osnos sees a candidate who has come to terms with the tragedies and mistakes that have shaped his life.
"If you talk to the 77-year-old Joe Biden now, he's a man who is at peace," Osnos says. "He's at peace from a series of hard-won scars. And it's a very different mindset than he had back then."
Interview Highlights
Enlarge this image Simon & Schuster Simon & Schuster
On writing about Biden in a fair way
From the very beginning, actually, Joe Biden was, I think, treated with some skepticism by a lot of the press because they looked at his some of his mistakes on the trail. They would say he seems out of touch. He may not be aware of what it is that voters are really looking for in 2020. He would ... bungle the address for his fundraising text message campaign, things like that. And actually, I think that from a reporter's perspective, the challenge was that our responsibility has to be to hold Joe Biden and the other Democratic candidates to the same level of scrutiny that we have subjected Donald Trump to over the last 3 1/2 years. Because if we're not doing that, we're not going to generate trust from our readers and from voters, and we're not really doing the job. But it's hard, because the reality is that there is one candidate who is overtly hostile to the press — that's the president. And then you have another candidate who is in many ways a more conventional candidate and is doing things like releasing his tax returns and making his personal history more available. But it is challenging because you can't look like you're going soft on one guy and hard on the other.
On how Biden was defined by the tragic death of his wife, Neilia, and baby daughter, Naomi, in a car accident in 1972
When it happened, the reality is that Joe Biden did not expect to take his seat in the Senate. He thought that period of his life was over. He didn't see practically or spiritually how he could go on. The reality was he considered suicide. Some older members of the Senate said to him, "You need to do this not only because it's the right thing to do for your voters, but it's also the right thing to do for you personally, because if you don't do something, you will cave in." His sister Valerie told me that one of the ways that they were able to get him off the floor, in effect, was by telling him, "You have two boys at home now who have no mother. And if you collapse, then they have nobody."
Biden struggled in that period with what it meant to become this kind of public symbol of grieving. And what surprised me was he really bridled against it.
Biden struggled in that period with what it meant to become this kind of public symbol of grieving. And what surprised me was he really bridled against it. He didn't like that. That was the public image that people were imagining for him, that they were thrusting upon him, the sort of grieving widower and father. His image of himself was that he was the college football player who'd been elected to the Senate and in his 20s, and that's what he wanted to be. And he sort of had this idea that he could become a great foreign policy statesman. That's what he wanted to be. He didn't want to become a symbol of human vulnerability. But it was thrust upon him and he had to decide whether to embrace it or rebel against it or something else. ...
It was only later in his life, really, it was after the death of his son Beau in 2015 when Biden kind of came to accept more fully that that's something that people wanted from him as a political person. They wanted actually somebody in politics to talk to them about something like suffering and like vulnerability. And he kind of embraced it, but he didn't come to it quickly. It took a long time for him to acknowledge that.
On what Biden stood for in his early years in the Senate
In his very early years as a senator, he was kind of a moving target politically. I mean, to be blunt about it, he was more concerned about being reelected than he was about specific policy items. The most acute example of that is that he had run for office as a progressive candidate on the side of civil rights, and he had played a bit part in some desegregation efforts in Wilmington, Del. And he got to the Senate, and he was representing a district that had a large white suburban contingent who were very wary of court-ordered busing. And they told him so. And there was a famous meeting that he went to in which parents in the suburbs, most of them white, of course, attacked him for being in favor of integration and civil rights efforts. And he turned on that issue and became the Senate's most forceful Democrat against court-ordered busing.
On Biden's work on domestic issues
On the domestic front, one of the things that he defined himself by was being active on issues of law enforcement and crime and punishment. He was one of the authors of the Violence Against Women Act, and he was active very much in the crime bill of 1994. So these became some of the issues that he was best known for. He was chairman of the Judiciary Committee, which is a very powerful position. And all of those began to give him more stature as a kind of technician in the ways of Congress. He was somebody who knew how to get things accomplished. He would work the cloakroom ... and he took pride in that. Later, when he was tapped to become vice president, part of it was because he was somebody who believed in a functioning Senate. He thought you could get things done if you knew how to do it. And the Obama administration wanted some of that.
On Biden's role in Justice Clarence Thomas' 1991 Supreme Court confirmation hearings, and his decision not to allow other women to testify alongside Anita Hill
Biden imagined himself in that period as being somebody who was a Democrat, but who treated Republicans seriously, tried to maintain the standards of the Senate, which was that you give the other side credence and allow them to have a serious hearing for their ideas. ... In some ways, what he tried to do was to try to pay respect to the Republican side of the process by allowing Republican senators to question Anita Hill very intensively, harshly in some cases. And then he also did not allow these other accusers to testify in person. They were allowed to testify in written form, which ultimately meant it didn't really have any impact on the proceedings. And Biden came to regret that. He said later that the mistake was that he gave Clarence Thomas more credence than he deserved. ...
But to be precise, [Biden] doesn't say that he made an error. What he says is that he wished Anita Hill had been treated better. And I think that's a key distinction because if we're trying to understand the ways in which Joe Biden is capable of self-reflection and what are the issues on which he has expressed his clear regret and no, he has not gone as far as Anita Hill wants him to in saying that ... he was wrong about handling that case.
On Biden's role in drafting the 1994 crime bill, which contributed to mass incarceration
The crime bill of 1994 was inspired most of all by the crack epidemic, which was at that point, it was raging through American cities, and there was this surge of political activity and demands to try to do something about it by raising the consequences, by imposing steeper sentences and making policing tougher. And interestingly, it wasn't just coming from Joe Biden and other white politicians, but it was coming from the Congressional Black Caucus. Many Black members of Congress were in favor of the crime bill in particular. ...
If you talk to Joe Biden about it today, Biden says the mistake we made, and it was a serious mistake, was that we believed this idea that crack was somehow different, that it was an order of risk that was unlike other things that we'd seen in the drug war or in the world of law enforcement. And it had to be treated with extraordinary force. And that was the reason why they undertook these, what turned out to be very punitive and damaging steps.
On deciding whether to write about allegations concerning Hunter Biden's business activities in Ukraine
I was not going to simply amplify the allegations for the sake of amplifying them. I'm going to stick to what we know to be true. ... As a technical matter, by the time the book was done, the Giuliani conspiracy theory about Hunter Biden had not yet come out, or at least it was not as detailed as it is now. So it was not a particularly hard call. I mean, what I talked about in the book was Hunter Biden's involvement in Ukraine as a board member of the gas company. I talked about the impact that that had on Joe Biden in the sense that Hunter Biden apologized to his father for creating an issue in the campaign and has promised not to have any business with foreign sources of income if his father is elected. As far as I was concerned, those are the known facts. It's not a known fact that anything [Trump lawyer and former New York Mayor Rudy] Giuliani is talking about is real, and therefore I was not going to give it the credence of reality.
Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.


npr--2020-10-27--E. Jean Carroll Suit Against Trump To Proceed After Judge Rules Against DOJ

E. Jean Carroll Suit Against Trump To Proceed After Judge Rules Against DOJ A federal judge has denied the Justice Department 's attempt to intervene on President Trump 's behalf in a defamation lawsuit filed by a woman who alleges he sexually assaulted her in the mid-1990s .
In her memoir published last year , writer E. Jean Carroll accused the president of raping her in the dressing room of a Manhattan department store more than two decades ago .
Trump denied the allegations and accused her of lying to sell books .
Carroll then sued Trump last year in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , contending he harmed her reputation with his counterclaims .
That lawsuit proceeded normally until last month when the Justice Department took the unusual step of intervening in the case .
It argued that Trump was acting within the scope of his official duties as president when he denied Carroll 's allegations .
The Justice Department argued that the federal government therefore should step in as the defendant in the case .
In his 61-page ruling , U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan rejected that request .
`` The president of the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' within the meaning of the relevant statutes , '' Kaplan wrote .
`` Even if he were such an 'employee , ' President Trump 's allegedly defamatory statements concerning Ms. Carroll would not have been within the scope of his employment . ''
Kaplan wrote that Trump 's comments concerned an alleged sexual assault that predates his time in office , and the allegations against him `` have no relationship to the official business of the United States . ''
`` To conclude otherwise would require the court to adopt a view @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the public interest by virtue of his office , '' Kaplan wrote .
`` The government has provided no support for that theory , and the court rejects it as too expansive . ''
There was no immediate reaction from the White House , Carroll or the Justice Department .
If the judge had allowed the U.S. to replace Trump as the defendant in the lawsuit , legal experts said it likely would have spelled the end of the case because the federal government ca n't be sued for defamation .
Under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Postal Service worker causes a car accident while delivering the mail and is sued , the federal government can intervene .
If the government certified that the postal worker was performing his or her official duties when the accident happened , then the federal government can step in and become the defendant in the lawsuit .
Attorney General William Barr and the Justice Department argued that the same principle applied in the Carroll case .
Barr had said he considered it `` standard practice '' that a federal employee being sued in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it could enter the matter , which the attorney general said was again appropriate in this case .
The attorney general 's critics , including House Democrats and some former Justice Department employees , have called him too sympathetic to Trump and too eager to deploy the department in ways that help the president politically .

E. Jean Carroll Suit Against Trump To Proceed After Judge Rules Against DOJ
Enlarge this image toggle caption John Minchillo/AP John Minchillo/AP
A federal judge has denied the Justice Department's attempt to intervene on President Trump's behalf in a defamation lawsuit filed by a woman who alleges he sexually assaulted her in the mid-1990s.
In her memoir published last year, writer E. Jean Carroll accused the president of raping her in the dressing room of a Manhattan department store more than two decades ago.
Trump denied the allegations and accused her of lying to sell books.
Carroll then sued Trump last year in state court in New York for defamation, contending he harmed her reputation with his counterclaims.
That lawsuit proceeded normally until last month when the Justice Department took the unusual step of intervening in the case. It argued that Trump was acting within the scope of his official duties as president when he denied Carroll's allegations.
The Justice Department argued that the federal government therefore should step in as the defendant in the case.
Judge rejects government position
In his 61-page ruling, U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan rejected that request.
"The president of the United States is not an 'employee of the government' within the meaning of the relevant statutes," Kaplan wrote. "Even if he were such an 'employee,' President Trump's allegedly defamatory statements concerning Ms. Carroll would not have been within the scope of his employment."
Kaplan wrote that Trump's comments concerned an alleged sexual assault that predates his time in office, and the allegations against him "have no relationship to the official business of the United States."
"To conclude otherwise would require the court to adopt a view that virtually everything the president does is within the public interest by virtue of his office," Kaplan wrote. "The government has provided no support for that theory, and the court rejects it as too expansive."
There was no immediate reaction from the White House, Carroll or the Justice Department.
The legal context
If the judge had allowed the U.S. to replace Trump as the defendant in the lawsuit, legal experts said it likely would have spelled the end of the case because the federal government can't be sued for defamation.
Under the law, if a U.S. Postal Service worker causes a car accident while delivering the mail and is sued, the federal government can intervene. If the government certified that the postal worker was performing his or her official duties when the accident happened, then the federal government can step in and become the defendant in the lawsuit.
Attorney General William Barr and the Justice Department argued that the same principle applied in the Carroll case.
Barr had said he considered it "standard practice" that a federal employee being sued in this way would alert the Justice Department so that it could enter the matter, which the attorney general said was again appropriate in this case.
The attorney general's critics, including House Democrats and some former Justice Department employees, have called him too sympathetic to Trump and too eager to deploy the department in ways that help the president politically.


npr--2020-10-27--'Very Nice!': Kazakhstan, Outraged No More, Embraces Borat In New Slogan

'Very Nice ! '
: Kazakhstan , Outraged No More , Embraces Borat In New Slogan The first Borat movie sparked anger in Kazakhstan for its portrayal of Kazakhstanis as coarse and backward .
But the sequel , which was just released , is getting a warmer reception : Kazakhstan 's tourism board is using Borat 's famous catchphrase `` Very nice ! ''
as its new slogan .
The phrase is the centerpiece of a new ad campaign , punctuating videos that highlight Kazakhstan 's natural beauty , architecture and culture .
The goal is to give people a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency says is Asia 's best-kept secret .
While people in the videos declare the country `` very nice , '' they do n't do full-on imitations of Sacha Baron Cohen 's lampoonish character – suggesting Kazakhstan might retain its status as a refuge for people who have tired of hearing friends mimic Borat 's nasal exclamations such as `` Mah wife ! ''
The first Borat film ignited outrage in Kazakhstan in 2006 , prompting officials to scramble to present their young country in a true light — and to raise the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No , a Kazakhstan Embassy spokesman told NPR at the time , women in the former Soviet republic were never forced to ride on the outside of buses .
And Kazakhstanis do not drink fermented horse urine – the country 's traditional drink is fermented horse milk .
Cohen has said he chose Kazakhstan for his satirical mockumentaries because it 's a real country about which most Americans knew little .
But while the films poke fun at their nation , some Kazakhstanis say it 's actually the U.S. , with its interwoven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Cohen 's main target .
`` I think that first you need to carefully review the first film and , in the end , understand that apart from the name of the country , Borat has nothing at all to do with Kazakhstan , '' Fariza Abdraimova , a student in Almaty , Kazakhstan 's largest city , told Radio Free Europe .
`` This is a parody of American society . ''
As it released the new ad campaign , Kazakhstan Travel asked , `` How can you describe a place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As a wise man onсe said , 'Very nice ! '
`` Not everyone is laughing .
The Kazakh American Association recently issued a letter to Amazon Prime Video , which is streaming the new film online , accusing Cohen of attacking and dangerously oversimplifying `` a highly vulnerable and underrepresented minority ethnic group . ''
And the author and mathematician Nassim Nicholas Taleb has accused the Borat movie of being racist and degrading , saying its creators have been given a `` free pass '' because the parody targets Rudy Giuliani , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A lively debate over how best to view the film is playing out on the Kazakh American Association 's Facebook page .
There , some are calling for lawsuits against Cohen .
But others said the lawsuits and anger should be directed instead at Kazakhstan 's leaders , calling on them to improve conditions in the oil-rich country .

'Very Nice!': Kazakhstan, Outraged No More, Embraces Borat In New Slogan
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kazakhstan Travel/Screenshot by NPR Kazakhstan Travel/Screenshot by NPR
The first Borat movie sparked anger in Kazakhstan for its portrayal of Kazakhstanis as coarse and backward. But the sequel, which was just released, is getting a warmer reception: Kazakhstan's tourism board is using Borat's famous catchphrase "Very nice!" as its new slogan.
The phrase is the centerpiece of a new ad campaign, punctuating videos that highlight Kazakhstan's natural beauty, architecture and culture. The goal is to give people a look at a nation that the tourism agency says is Asia's best-kept secret.
YouTube
While people in the videos declare the country "very nice," they don't do full-on imitations of Sacha Baron Cohen's lampoonish character – suggesting Kazakhstan might retain its status as a refuge for people who have tired of hearing friends mimic Borat's nasal exclamations such as "Mah wife!"
The first Borat film ignited outrage in Kazakhstan in 2006, prompting officials to scramble to present their young country in a true light — and to raise the possibility of a lawsuit against Cohen.
No, a Kazakhstan Embassy spokesman told NPR at the time, women in the former Soviet republic were never forced to ride on the outside of buses. And Kazakhstanis do not drink fermented horse urine – the country's traditional drink is fermented horse milk.
Cohen has said he chose Kazakhstan for his satirical mockumentaries because it's a real country about which most Americans knew little. But while the films poke fun at their nation, some Kazakhstanis say it's actually the U.S., with its interwoven traditions of freedom and discrimination, that is Cohen's main target.
"I think that first you need to carefully review the first film and, in the end, understand that apart from the name of the country, Borat has nothing at all to do with Kazakhstan," Fariza Abdraimova, a student in Almaty, Kazakhstan's largest city, told Radio Free Europe. "This is a parody of American society."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Kazakhstan Travel/Screenshot by NPR Kazakhstan Travel/Screenshot by NPR
As it released the new ad campaign, Kazakhstan Travel asked, "How can you describe a place this surprising in just two words? As a wise man onсe said, 'Very nice!' "
Not everyone is laughing. The Kazakh American Association recently issued a letter to Amazon Prime Video, which is streaming the new film online, accusing Cohen of attacking and dangerously oversimplifying "a highly vulnerable and underrepresented minority ethnic group."
And the author and mathematician Nassim Nicholas Taleb has accused the Borat movie of being racist and degrading, saying its creators have been given a "free pass" because the parody targets Rudy Giuliani, an ally of President Trump's.
A lively debate over how best to view the film is playing out on the Kazakh American Association's Facebook page. There, some are calling for lawsuits against Cohen. But others said the lawsuits and anger should be directed instead at Kazakhstan's leaders, calling on them to improve conditions in the oil-rich country.


npr--2020-10-27--Diane di Prima, Beat Poet And Activist, Dead At 86

One night in the 1950s Diane di Prima was at a party at Allen Ginsberg 's place in New York City .
It was usual poet stuff — talking , reading , smoking , drinking — until 11:30 p.m. came around and di Prima said she was going home to relieve her babysitter .
Jack Kerouac , also a guest , shouted , `` Di Prima , unless you forget about your babysitter , you 're never going to be a writer . ''
Diane di Prima went home anyway — and became one of the prominent voices of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 40 books of poetry and memoir that dealt with politics , community , love , and sex , and in 2009 she was named Poet Laureate of San Francisco .
Di Prima died Sunday morning at the age of 86 at a hospital in San Francisco , her brother Frank DiPrima confirmed to NPR .
In 2017 , the Washington Post asked her if Kerouac 's comments were indicative of the sexism in the Beat scene .
`` Jack wanted me to hang out because everyone was gay and I was straight , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probably hoping to get laid later . ''
Diane di Prima was born in Brooklyn in 1934 .
She committed herself to poetry as a teenager , and by the 1960s she was working on her own poetry while editing the newsletter The Floating Bear with poet Amiri Baraka ( with whom di Prima had a child ) .
According to an archive of di Prima 's papers at the University of Connecticut , this work got her arrested by the FBI for alleged obscenity ( the case was eventually thrown out ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the book Memoirs of a Beatnik , a fictionalized account of that era .
The book was packed with sex scenes of all kinds ; her publisher pushed her to include them , writing `` more sex '' on the manuscripts as he sent them back .
Di Prima would later tell the Chicago Tribune that it was mostly accurate , `` except for the sex parts . ''
Di Prima moved to San Francisco in 1968 and got involved with the Diggers — a group of anti-capitalist activists and actors who handed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was also around that time that she began to study Sanskrit and Buddhism .
The poetry collection Revolutionary Letters grew out of her time with the Diggers ; in 1976 she got on stage at the famed `` Last Waltz '' concert by The Band , and read a one line poem , `` Get Yer Cut Throat Off My Knife , '' before going into `` Revolutionary Letter # 4 '' : At the press conference when she was named Poet Laureate of San Francisco , she told the crowd about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showed her how all the work was ever written was part of the same big piece that `` cuts through time and cuts through space , and we have no idea what it is — it 's so wonderful and large . ''
Her deepest service , she added , was to poetry and to humans .

Diane di Prima, Beat Poet And Activist, Dead At 86
Enlarge this image toggle caption Penguin Books Penguin Books
One night in the 1950s Diane di Prima was at a party at Allen Ginsberg's place in New York City. It was usual poet stuff — talking, reading, smoking, drinking — until 11:30 p.m. came around and di Prima said she was going home to relieve her babysitter. Jack Kerouac, also a guest, shouted, "Di Prima, unless you forget about your babysitter, you're never going to be a writer."
Diane di Prima went home anyway — and became one of the prominent voices of the Beat Generation. She wrote more than 40 books of poetry and memoir that dealt with politics, community, love, and sex, and in 2009 she was named Poet Laureate of San Francisco. Di Prima died Sunday morning at the age of 86 at a hospital in San Francisco, her brother Frank DiPrima confirmed to NPR.
In 2017, the Washington Post asked her if Kerouac's comments were indicative of the sexism in the Beat scene.
"Jack wanted me to hang out because everyone was gay and I was straight," she said. "He was probably hoping to get laid later."
Diane di Prima was born in Brooklyn in 1934. She committed herself to poetry as a teenager, and by the 1960s she was working on her own poetry while editing the newsletter The Floating Bear with poet Amiri Baraka (with whom di Prima had a child). According to an archive of di Prima's papers at the University of Connecticut, this work got her arrested by the FBI for alleged obscenity (the case was eventually thrown out).
Her experiences with the Beats inspired the book Memoirs of a Beatnik, a fictionalized account of that era. The book was packed with sex scenes of all kinds; her publisher pushed her to include them, writing "more sex" on the manuscripts as he sent them back. Di Prima would later tell the Chicago Tribune that it was mostly accurate, "except for the sex parts."
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Di Prima moved to San Francisco in 1968 and got involved with the Diggers — a group of anti-capitalist activists and actors who handed out free food in the community. It was also around that time that she began to study Sanskrit and Buddhism. The poetry collection Revolutionary Letters grew out of her time with the Diggers; in 1976 she got on stage at the famed "Last Waltz" concert by The Band, and read a one line poem, "Get Yer Cut Throat Off My Knife," before going into "Revolutionary Letter #4":
Left to themselves people grow their hair. Left to themselves they take off their shoes. Left to themselves they make love sleep easily share blankets, dope & children they are not lazy or afraid they plant seeds, they smile, they speak to one another. The word coming into its own: touch of love; on the brain, the ear.
At the press conference when she was named Poet Laureate of San Francisco, she told the crowd about a dream she'd had recently that showed her how all the work was ever written was part of the same big piece that "cuts through time and cuts through space, and we have no idea what it is — it's so wonderful and large." Her deepest service, she added, was to poetry and to humans.


npr--2020-10-27--Why Diversity Training Has Been Suspended At USAID

Why Diversity Training Has Been Suspended At USAID The Trump administration issued an executive order and memorandum in September , prohibiting any discussion in the federal workforce of concepts such as systemic racism , white privilege and unconscious bias during workplace diversity training .
While affirming a commitment to `` continue to foster environments devoid of hostility grounded in race , sex , and other federally protected characteristics , '' the order condemned workplace diversity and inclusion trainings that bring up these concepts as `` divisive , '' `` anti-American , '' racist against white people and sexist against men @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointed to a Treasury Department seminar that promoted the idea that `` virtually all white people , regardless of how 'woke ' they are , contribute to racism . ''
The overall message : Such trainings must stop in federal agencies , contractors or any other institution that receives federal grants ; otherwise , they may lose their funding .
In part the memo said these parties must certify that they will `` not use Federal funds to promote the divisive concepts set forth in the E.O . ''
and that `` noncompliance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in consequences . ''
As a result , the U.S. Agency for International Development , or USAID – one of the largest official foreign aid agencies in the world – suspended all diversity and inclusion training on Sept. 30 , one week after the order was issued .
`` In compliance with the [ executive order ] , USAID has put a pause across the Agency on upcoming trainings , seminars , and other related [ assemblies ] on diversity and inclusion until the completion of a review of the content of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Management and Budget , '' a USAID spokesperson wrote to NPR in an email .
The spokesperson would not provide further comment on what this move entails .
`` There are many unanswered questions , '' USAID acting Administrator John Barsa wrote in guidance he issued to the agency , according to the global development website Devex .
But apparently , it will be far-reaching .
According to Barsa 's guidance , any organization receiving funding directly or indirectly from USAID will have to make sure it 's in compliance with the executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ USAID works with more than 4,000 organizations in more than 100 countries , according to the agency 's website .
Experts in international aid contend these trainings provide important context that can lead to institutional culture shifts .
Megan O'Donnell , assistant director for gender and a senior policy analyst at the Center for Global Development , said that diversity training is intended to provide a `` more accurate , historically grounded picture of racism and sexism '' in the U.S. and globally .
`` This kind of executive order [ from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refusing to acknowledge history and the current reality that so many people are impacted by , '' she said .
O'Donnell said that training is most effective when done in combination with other diversity and inclusion efforts , such as narrowing pay gaps and setting targets for hiring and promoting women and people of color .
That kind of multifaceted approach reflects the findings of a 2019 study by Edward Chang of the Harvard Business School : that a one-hour , one-off training might change attitudes but not behaviors in the workplace .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ one-off ] trainings , companies should think about how they can embed diversity and inclusion practices throughout their organization . ''
As for the executive order , he had this to say : `` The spirit of the executive order I very much disagree with .
This idea that we should not be talking about diversity or race in organizations and education – I think that 's outlandish . ''
These diversity and inclusion efforts are especially important in the international development sector , O'Donnell said , where people from high-income countries , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people from low- and middle-income countries , often people of color .
According to O'Donnell , training can help challenge that inherent power imbalance and make development projects more effective by putting the perspectives of the beneficiaries first .
That 's why this move by the Trump administration and USAID is so worrisome to members of the aid and development community .
Marie-Rose Romain Murphy , co-founder and president of Fondation Communautaire Haitienne-Espwa ( the Haiti Community Foundation ) said that in a global development system already `` dominated by white privilege and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a setback in the conversation around how racism and sexism are not just a matter of `` a few bad apples '' but rather systemic problems .
`` This is not a good signal , '' she said .
A June report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that the percentage of nonwhite people working at USAID increased 4 % from 2002 to 2018 .
Well over half of the workforce ( 64 % ) was still white , and the proportion of African Americans fell 5 % .
The study @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more senior-level positions , with more women concentrated at lower levels .
The development sector has also been criticized for failing to hire and promote more local workers , organizations and leaders .
Now , Romain Murphy said the executive order could send the message that it 's `` even more OK to not use local contractors and people of color . ''
Emily Bancroft is president of one of the USAID partners , a global health group called VillageReach .
She said the group has n't received direct guidance from USAID yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , she does not believe it will have to change much to be in compliance with the order besides submitting training materials to the government for evaluation .
`` We do n't do a lot of formal training with our staff .
We encourage personal learning , open dialogue and reflection on colonialism and systemic racism within the development sector , '' Bancroft said .
`` Our best assessment right now is that what we do within our organization is not in violation – but there 's a lot of room for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turns out VillageReach is not in compliance with the Trump order , Bancroft said it will have to reassess its federal partnership because diversity , equity and inclusion are core values .
In the meantime , it seems that most of the sector is on standby .
`` I think a lot of people are saying , 'Let 's wait and see what happens with the election and whether this executive order goes away , ' `` Bancroft said .
Joanne Lu is a freelance journalist who covers global poverty and inequity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Guardian , Global Washington and War Is Boring .
Follow her on Twitter : @ joannelu .

Why Diversity Training Has Been Suspended At USAID
Enlarge this image toggle caption Photo Illustration by Igor Golovniov/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images Photo Illustration by Igor Golovniov/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
The Trump administration issued an executive order and memorandum in September, prohibiting any discussion in the federal workforce of concepts such as systemic racism, white privilege and unconscious bias during workplace diversity training.
While affirming a commitment to "continue to foster environments devoid of hostility grounded in race, sex, and other federally protected characteristics," the order condemned workplace diversity and inclusion trainings that bring up these concepts as "divisive," "anti-American," racist against white people and sexist against men. As an example, the order pointed to a Treasury Department seminar that promoted the idea that "virtually all white people, regardless of how 'woke' they are, contribute to racism."
The overall message: Such trainings must stop in federal agencies, contractors or any other institution that receives federal grants; otherwise, they may lose their funding. In part the memo said these parties must certify that they will "not use Federal funds to promote the divisive concepts set forth in the E.O." and that "noncompliance by continuing with prohibited training will result in consequences."
As a result, the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID – one of the largest official foreign aid agencies in the world – suspended all diversity and inclusion training on Sept. 30, one week after the order was issued.
"In compliance with the [executive order], USAID has put a pause across the Agency on upcoming trainings, seminars, and other related [assemblies] on diversity and inclusion until the completion of a review of the content of these programs in conjunction with the Office of Management and Budget," a USAID spokesperson wrote to NPR in an email. The spokesperson would not provide further comment on what this move entails.
"There are many unanswered questions," USAID acting Administrator John Barsa wrote in guidance he issued to the agency, according to the global development website Devex.
But apparently, it will be far-reaching. According to Barsa's guidance, any organization receiving funding directly or indirectly from USAID will have to make sure it's in compliance with the executive order – whatever that looks like. USAID works with more than 4,000 organizations in more than 100 countries, according to the agency's website.
Experts in international aid contend these trainings provide important context that can lead to institutional culture shifts. Megan O'Donnell, assistant director for gender and a senior policy analyst at the Center for Global Development, said that diversity training is intended to provide a "more accurate, historically grounded picture of racism and sexism" in the U.S. and globally. "This kind of executive order [from the Trump administration] means that we're refusing to acknowledge history and the current reality that so many people are impacted by," she said.
O'Donnell said that training is most effective when done in combination with other diversity and inclusion efforts, such as narrowing pay gaps and setting targets for hiring and promoting women and people of color.
That kind of multifaceted approach reflects the findings of a 2019 study by Edward Chang of the Harvard Business School: that a one-hour, one-off training might change attitudes but not behaviors in the workplace. Chang stresses that "instead of [one-off] trainings, companies should think about how they can embed diversity and inclusion practices throughout their organization." As for the executive order, he had this to say: "The spirit of the executive order I very much disagree with. This idea that we should not be talking about diversity or race in organizations and education – I think that's outlandish."
These diversity and inclusion efforts are especially important in the international development sector, O'Donnell said, where people from high-income countries, often white, are trying to help people from low- and middle-income countries, often people of color. According to O'Donnell, training can help challenge that inherent power imbalance and make development projects more effective by putting the perspectives of the beneficiaries first.
That's why this move by the Trump administration and USAID is so worrisome to members of the aid and development community. Marie-Rose Romain Murphy, co-founder and president of Fondation Communautaire Haitienne-Espwa (the Haiti Community Foundation) said that in a global development system already "dominated by white privilege and white men," the executive order is a setback in the conversation around how racism and sexism are not just a matter of "a few bad apples" but rather systemic problems. "This is not a good signal," she said.
A June report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that the percentage of nonwhite people working at USAID increased 4% from 2002 to 2018. Well over half of the workforce (64%) was still white, and the proportion of African Americans fell 5%. The study also found that men continue to hold more senior-level positions, with more women concentrated at lower levels.
The development sector has also been criticized for failing to hire and promote more local workers, organizations and leaders. Now, Romain Murphy said the executive order could send the message that it's "even more OK to not use local contractors and people of color."
Emily Bancroft is president of one of the USAID partners, a global health group called VillageReach. She said the group hasn't received direct guidance from USAID yet regarding the executive order. But for now, she does not believe it will have to change much to be in compliance with the order besides submitting training materials to the government for evaluation.
"We don't do a lot of formal training with our staff. We encourage personal learning, open dialogue and reflection on colonialism and systemic racism within the development sector," Bancroft said. "Our best assessment right now is that what we do within our organization is not in violation – but there's a lot of room for interpretation on that."
If it turns out VillageReach is not in compliance with the Trump order, Bancroft said it will have to reassess its federal partnership because diversity, equity and inclusion are core values. In the meantime, it seems that most of the sector is on standby.
"I think a lot of people are saying, 'Let's wait and see what happens with the election and whether this executive order goes away,' " Bancroft said.
Joanne Lu is a freelance journalist who covers global poverty and inequity. Her work has appeared in Humanosphere, The Guardian, Global Washington and War Is Boring. Follow her on Twitter: @joannelu.