npr--2020-06-12--Colleges Are Backing Off SAT, ACT Scores — But The Exams Will Be Hard To Shake

Colleges Are Backing Off SAT , ACT Scores — But The Exams Will Be Hard To Shake Like many high school counselors , Crys Latham has been paying close attention to the colleges that are announcing that they 'll no longer require admissions exams for applicants .
She 's a big fan of giving students the opportunity not to submit their test scores .
`` We put test-optional schools on every single one of our student 's list to consider , '' says Latham , who directs college counseling at Washington Latin Public Charter School , in the nation 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not every student is going to like their scores , and a student 's test scores are not indicative of their potential or ability to be successful . ''
In the last few months , Latham has had a lot of new schools to add to those lists .
Nearly every day , more and more colleges announce plans to de-emphasize the role test scores play in admissions , even if only for next year 's applicants .
It started almost as soon as the coronavirus closed down schools in the U.S. A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the pandemic , they would put less weight on standardized tests .
If students did n't have access to spring testing , how could colleges require them ?
Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland was one of the earliest schools to use the coronavirus as a catalyst for change , but dozens of others followed .
Some became test-optional , others test-blind .
Some policies were just for a year , others have said they 'll test the idea out for two or three years .
But then cancelled spring testing dates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement in June , the College Board , which administers the SAT , requested that colleges and universities `` show flexibility , '' when it came to admissions testing , essentially requesting a shift towards a temporary test-optional policy .
More schools followed .
The University of Virginia went test-optional for next year as did Ivy League schools like the University of Pennsylvania and Dartmouth College .
The California Institute of Technology , or Caltech , announced it will be test-blind , meaning it wo n't consider the tests , for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to revamp testing policies , Crys Latham has been updating her students .
She says they are excited about the news : `` I now have kids who would never have considered those schools seriously before , did n't even see it as an option for them because they felt like the scores would n't have given them a chance in admission , '' she says , `` but now , they say , 'Oh wow !
Maybe I have a shot ... maybe it is possible for me . '
`` 'We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's not just students and families that are taking note ; other universities are watching , too .
Christine Harper , the associate provost for enrollment management at the University of Kentucky , says she has long considered test-optional policies , but the timing was n't right .
The pandemic `` really pushed us into having that conversation on our campus , '' she says .
`` We saw the writing on the wall . ''
The university has been following the announcements from other schools , and Harper says the statement from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be flexible helped too .
In Kentucky , the state pays for students to take the ACT in school , that means , Harper says , that the majority of in-state students have access to it , so there had n't previously been any urgency in forging the exam in admissions .
But this spring , there were a handful of students still getting in their applications for the upcoming fall who had n't had a chance to submit their testing , and so the University has been lenient with testing requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the door to more possibilities : The University of Kentucky is in the process of becoming `` test-flexible , '' meaning students can choose to apply with a test score or not , Harper says .
There has n't been a formal announcement and it 's unclear how long the flexible policy will last , but Harper says she hopes to have more details for students and families by mid-July .
In all the debate over exam scores , it 's worth remembering that only a handful of schools in the U.S. are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools have acceptance rates less than 20 percent .
These schools represent about 3 percent of U.S. colleges and universities , according to the Pew Research Center .
More than half of U.S. colleges admit two-thirds or more of students who apply .
Many public four-year and community colleges are open access , meaning they do n't have competitive admissions .
No exams required .
Community colleges have long been without these tests in the admissions process , says Laurie Franklin , who oversees enrollment and student financial services at Everett Community College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are announcing test-optional policies , she has this message : `` Welcome to the club . ''
At Everett , they do not use ACT and SAT for admissions , but in other areas the exams are used to determine what class level an incoming student will place into .
Using the SAT or ACT for this purpose is `` a budget-neutral solution for students . ''
While high schools may not pay for one of their graduates to take a placement exam at a college or university , in many states , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take the SAT or ACT .
In fact , 25 states require high school students to take the SAT or ACT , offering the exams during the school day , free of cost .
In some states , like Tennessee and Idaho , taking a college entrance exam is baked into high school graduation requirements .
`` The tests are widespread in high schools , '' says Franklin , `` so it 's only natural for colleges to use them — at least until the next , better thing comes up . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ role at many colleges and universities in awarding scholarships , especially merit scholarships that are not based on a student 's financial need .
State scholarships , like Florida 's Bright Futures , also use the scores for eligibility .
Many students and parents in Florida complained this spring that they had been unable to re-test in order to raise their scores , because of the pandemic .
On Wednesday , the state issued an emergency order that pushed back the deadline to submit scores to the end of July , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to test in time for the new deadline .
Every day that Sadie Bograd , 16 , enters Paul Laurence Dunbar High School in Lexington , Ky. , she 's greeted by a sign that lists the ACT scores needed to get into several colleges .
She rarely thinks about this daily reminder , she says ; it 's almost subconscious at this point .
Standardized tests are , too .
Taking them , she says , has been `` part of my educational experience pretty much since middle school . ''
Bograd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have done well on the ACT or SAT , they do n't believe the exams to be accurate or reliable measures of intelligence , and that the tests often bring more stress to their lives .
She 's a rising senior , so she gets a daily barrage of college material in her inbox .
She says the colleges sending out test-optional notices or announcing flexibility in the admissions process , have made her pay attention , and reconsider the `` vibe '' of certain schools : `` Going test-optional felt like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students were going through and that they understood . ''
She 's hopeful that society will begin to de-emphasize these tests too .
`` Among my peers , a lot of us really care about our standardized test scores because we think that schools and that our teachers really care about our standardized test scores , '' she says .
Outside of college admissions or graduation , she says , `` if you asked a student whether they really wanted to do well on a standardized test because they thought it was an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think most of them would say no . ''
But even with test-optional policies , students who do well will continue to submit their scores .
And with SAT and ACT so embedded in high schools , even if colleges and universities continue to de-emphasize them , it wont signal the end of these tests , explains Michal Kurlaender , a professor of education policy at the University of California Davis , who studies college access .
Plus , she insists , assessments are n't all bad , it 's just important to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Testing in admissions has assessed not just what kids know , but the opportunities that they 've had access to .
They reflect a lot of deep inequalities that we have in our system , '' she says .
`` So , it means that when they 're used , they have to be used with incredible caution . ''
For the SAT and ACT , she says , society has kind of run away with the narrative of them , inflating their importance .
She points to the Varsity Blues scandal as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Getting a kind of certification about your intelligence is a powerful thing with young people , '' she says .
At the same time , Kurlaender points to research that a negative message — like a score purported to be low — can have a strong impact on students ' future schooling and career decisions .
`` Students place enormous pressure on themselves with these tests , '' she says , `` and when they do n't perform as they expected , they can feel very demoralized . ''
Crys Latham sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D.C. `` I think that 's so unfortunate when you have just one tiny — in my mind , insignificant — factor that is making the decision for a kid about what their dreams are . ''
Even without tests , admissions have issues with equity In California , where the UC system voted in May to phase out the SAT and ACT in admissions at its nine campuses , the task now turns to what will replace it .
Eddie Comeaux , a professor of higher education at UC Riverside , leads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undergraduate students throughout the UC system .
`` The UC decision really gave us an opportunity to see , 'What is the role of standardized testing ? '
`` he says .
`` Hopefully whatever recommendations we put forth are aligned with principles of equity and fairness . ''
In addition to studying new assessments , he 's also turned his attention to the `` readers , '' the folks who evaluate the application .
He says those people need to come from diverse backgrounds and have implicit bias training , because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the context of a student 's situation , school and environment .
`` There is a healthy , growing skepticism about standardized test scores , '' says Andrew Ho , an expert in educational testing at Harvard University .
`` But there is a way in which that sort of oversells how weighty they are in a selective admissions process . ''
He says one of the reasons for having standardized testing in college admissions was an attempt to make fair comparisons .
Because , he says , other forms of measurement — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can also be rife with inequities .
As pressure decreases on test scores , and increases on other measures , like GPA or an essay , those new focus points also carry risks of manipulation and inflation .
`` Once you realize that [ colleges ] care about this one thing , what do we do ?
Well , we game it , '' Ho explains .
`` We try as hard as we can to inflate that one thing such that it no longer actually indicates what I 'm capable of doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're rethinking these admissions tests , that does n't mean we 've rooted out inequities in the pathways to higher education .

Colleges Are Backing Off SAT, ACT Scores — But The Exams Will Be Hard To Shake
Enlarge this image Franziska Barczyk for NPR Franziska Barczyk for NPR
Like many high school counselors, Crys Latham has been paying close attention to the colleges that are announcing that they'll no longer require admissions exams for applicants. She's a big fan of giving students the opportunity not to submit their test scores.
"We put test-optional schools on every single one of our student's list to consider,'' says Latham, who directs college counseling at Washington Latin Public Charter School, in the nation's capital. "Because we know that not every student is going to like their scores, and a student's test scores are not indicative of their potential or ability to be successful."
Education More Colleges Making Standardized Test Scores Optional For Upcoming School Year More Colleges Making Standardized Test Scores Optional For Upcoming School Year Listen · 3:49 3:49
In the last few months, Latham has had a lot of new schools to add to those lists. Nearly every day, more and more colleges announce plans to de-emphasize the role test scores play in admissions, even if only for next year's applicants.
It started almost as soon as the coronavirus closed down schools in the U.S. A wave of colleges announced that, due to the pandemic, they would put less weight on standardized tests. If students didn't have access to spring testing, how could colleges require them?
Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland was one of the earliest schools to use the coronavirus as a catalyst for change, but dozens of others followed. Some became test-optional, others test-blind. Some policies were just for a year, others have said they'll test the idea out for two or three years.
But then cancelled spring testing dates became cancelled summer testing dates. In a statement in June, the College Board, which administers the SAT, requested that colleges and universities "show flexibility," when it came to admissions testing, essentially requesting a shift towards a temporary test-optional policy.
More schools followed. The University of Virginia went test-optional for next year as did Ivy League schools like the University of Pennsylvania and Dartmouth College. The California Institute of Technology, or Caltech, announced it will be test-blind, meaning it won't consider the tests, for the next two years.
As schools continue to revamp testing policies, Crys Latham has been updating her students. She says they are excited about the news: "I now have kids who would never have considered those schools seriously before, didn't even see it as an option for them because they felt like the scores wouldn't have given them a chance in admission," she says, "but now, they say, 'Oh wow! Maybe I have a shot ... maybe it is possible for me.' "
'We saw the writing on the wall'
It's not just students and families that are taking note; other universities are watching, too.
Christine Harper, the associate provost for enrollment management at the University of Kentucky, says she has long considered test-optional policies, but the timing wasn't right.
The pandemic "really pushed us into having that conversation on our campus," she says. "We saw the writing on the wall."
The university has been following the announcements from other schools, and Harper says the statement from the College Board urging colleges and universities to be flexible helped too.
In Kentucky, the state pays for students to take the ACT in school, that means, Harper says, that the majority of in-state students have access to it, so there hadn't previously been any urgency in forging the exam in admissions.
But this spring, there were a handful of students still getting in their applications for the upcoming fall who hadn't had a chance to submit their testing, and so the University has been lenient with testing requirements for this coming fall.
That opened the door to more possibilities: The University of Kentucky is in the process of becoming "test-flexible," meaning students can choose to apply with a test score or not, Harper says. There hasn't been a formal announcement and it's unclear how long the flexible policy will last, but Harper says she hopes to have more details for students and families by mid-July.
Perception is everything
In all the debate over exam scores, it's worth remembering that only a handful of schools in the U.S. are actually highly selective. Just under 50 schools have acceptance rates less than 20 percent.
These schools represent about 3 percent of U.S. colleges and universities, according to the Pew Research Center. More than half of U.S. colleges admit two-thirds or more of students who apply. Many public four-year and community colleges are open access, meaning they don't have competitive admissions. No exams required.
Community colleges have long been without these tests in the admissions process, says Laurie Franklin, who oversees enrollment and student financial services at Everett Community College in Washington State. To schools that are announcing test-optional policies, she has this message: "Welcome to the club."
At Everett, they do not use ACT and SAT for admissions, but in other areas the exams are used to determine what class level an incoming student will place into. Using the SAT or ACT for this purpose is "a budget-neutral solution for students."
While high schools may not pay for one of their graduates to take a placement exam at a college or university, in many states, they will pay for a student to take the SAT or ACT. In fact, 25 states require high school students to take the SAT or ACT, offering the exams during the school day, free of cost. In some states, like Tennessee and Idaho, taking a college entrance exam is baked into high school graduation requirements.
"The tests are widespread in high schools," says Franklin, "so it's only natural for colleges to use them — at least until the next, better thing comes up."
The SAT and ACT also play a role at many colleges and universities in awarding scholarships, especially merit scholarships that are not based on a student's financial need. State scholarships, like Florida's Bright Futures, also use the scores for eligibility.
Many students and parents in Florida complained this spring that they had been unable to re-test in order to raise their scores, because of the pandemic. On Wednesday, the state issued an emergency order that pushed back the deadline to submit scores to the end of July, but it's unclear if students will be able to test in time for the new deadline.
Engrained in students' lives
Every day that Sadie Bograd, 16, entered her high school freshman year, she was greeted by a sign that listed the ACT scores needed to get into several colleges. She rarely thought about this daily reminder, she says; test scores are almost subconscious at this point.
Standardized tests are, too. Taking them, says Bograd, who now attends a different school, Paul Laurence Dunbar High School in Lexington, Ky., has been "part of my educational experience pretty much since middle school."
Bograd says that even among her friends who have done well on the ACT or SAT, they don't believe the exams to be accurate or reliable measures of intelligence, and that the tests often bring more stress to their lives.
She's a rising senior, so she gets a daily barrage of college material in her inbox. She says the colleges sending out test-optional notices or announcing flexibility in the admissions process, have made her pay attention, and reconsider the "vibe" of certain schools: "Going test-optional felt like a sign that they really cared about what students were going through and that they understood."
She's hopeful that society will begin to de-emphasize these tests too.
"Among my peers, a lot of us really care about our standardized test scores because we think that schools and that our teachers really care about our standardized test scores," she says. Outside of college admissions or graduation, she says, "if you asked a student whether they really wanted to do well on a standardized test because they thought it was an important measure of their intelligence, I think most of them would say no."
But even with test-optional policies, students who do well will continue to submit their scores.
And with SAT and ACT so embedded in high schools, even if colleges and universities continue to de-emphasize them, it wont signal the end of these tests, explains Michal Kurlaender, a professor of education policy at the University of California Davis, who studies college access. Plus, she insists, assessments aren't all bad, it's just important to understand how they are used.
"Testing in admissions has assessed not just what kids know, but the opportunities that they've had access to. They reflect a lot of deep inequalities that we have in our system," she says. "So, it means that when they're used, they have to be used with incredible caution."
For the SAT and ACT, she says, society has kind of run away with the narrative of them, inflating their importance. She points to the Varsity Blues scandal as an example of the collective obsession. "Getting a kind of certification about your intelligence is a powerful thing with young people," she says. At the same time, Kurlaender points to research that a negative message — like a score purported to be low — can have a strong impact on students' future schooling and career decisions. "Students place enormous pressure on themselves with these tests," she says, "and when they don't perform as they expected, they can feel very demoralized."
Crys Latham sees this with her students in Washington, D.C. "I think that's so unfortunate when you have just one tiny — in my mind, insignificant — factor that is making the decision for a kid about what their dreams are."
Even without tests, admissions have issues with equity
In California, where the UC system voted in May to phase out the SAT and ACT in admissions at its nine campuses, the task now turns to what will replace it.
Eddie Comeaux, a professor of higher education at UC Riverside, leads a committee focussed on the admissions of undergraduate students throughout the UC system. "The UC decision really gave us an opportunity to see, 'What is the role of standardized testing?' " he says. "Hopefully whatever recommendations we put forth are aligned with principles of equity and fairness."
In addition to studying new assessments, he's also turned his attention to the "readers," the folks who evaluate the application. He says those people need to come from diverse backgrounds and have implicit bias training, because they're the ones tasked with drawing from the context of a student's situation, school and environment.
"There is a healthy, growing skepticism about standardized test scores," says Andrew Ho, an expert in educational testing at Harvard University. "But there is a way in which that sort of oversells how weighty they are in a selective admissions process."
He says one of the reasons for having standardized testing in college admissions was an attempt to make fair comparisons. Because, he says, other forms of measurement — grades, essays, extracurricular activities — can also be rife with inequities. As pressure decreases on test scores, and increases on other measures, like GPA or an essay, those new focus points also carry risks of manipulation and inflation.
"Once you realize that [colleges] care about this one thing, what do we do? Well, we game it," Ho explains. "We try as hard as we can to inflate that one thing such that it no longer actually indicates what I'm capable of doing."
Ho says just because we're rethinking these admissions tests, that doesn't mean we've rooted out inequities in the pathways to higher education.


npr--2020-06-12--Louisville Hosts Public Viewing For David McAtee As Details Of His Shooting Emerge

Louisville Hosts Public Viewing For David McAtee As Details Of His Shooting Emerge Mourners will have an opportunity Friday to pay their respects to David McAtee , a black man who was shot to death earlier this month when officers with the Louisville Metro Police Department and Kentucky National Guard troops converged on a crowd .
David `` Yaya '' McAtee 's public viewing is slated for 1 p.m. to 8 p.m .
ET in Louisville at St. Stephen Baptist Church ; McAtee 's funeral will begin 1 p.m. Saturday at Canaan Christian Church , a notice posted to Legacy.com @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same week Kentucky Gov .
Andy Beshear 's administration released new details of the investigation into his death .
While the investigation remains open , state officials said this week McAtee was killed by a single shot to the chest `` that clearly and conclusively '' came from the Kentucky National Guard .
McAtee , a restaurateur who operated Yaya 's BBQ in the city 's Russell neighborhood and was known for giving away free food to police officers , was killed in the early morning hours of June 1 .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large protests calling for justice in the police killings of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd were happening in parts of the city .
Some of those protests , especially early on , had turned violent .
Taylor was shot and killed in her home in March by LMPD officers who were serving a no-knock warrant .
Thursday , the Louisville Metro Council voted unanimously to ban no-knock warrants , in a bill named Breonna 's Law in honor of Taylor .
Floyd , whose funeral was held earlier this week in Houston , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 .
A white police officer , now charged with second-degree murder , pressed his knee on Floyd 's neck for almost nine minutes , an incident that was captured on cellphone video and later went viral .
New details in the McAtee investigation McAtee , 53 , was killed at his barbecue business .
LMPD and Kentucky National Guard troops were responding to a crowd gathered after the city 's 9 p.m. curfew at a nearby parking lot on the corner of 26th Street & Broadway in the city 's West End @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month which they said shows McAtee fired a weapon first , before fire was returned .
Kentucky Gov .
Andy Beshear said during a Tuesday media briefing there is `` still significant evidence to be gathered and there are still going to be questions , '' some of which may never be answered .
One thing that was definitive , according to J. Michael Brown , secretary for the governor 's Executive Cabinet , is who fired the fatal shot .
`` Clearly and conclusively the wound was caused by a National Guard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have no doubt about that . ''
Brown said that two National Guardsmen fired `` nine , possibly 10 rounds '' and LMPD officers fired nine rounds , all but one of which came from a 9 mm handgun .
He said the Guardsmen were issued M855 5.56 mm NATO cartridges , which are distinguished by green paint and sometimes referred to as `` green tip '' ammunition .
Analysis of bullet fragments recovered from McAtee determined the round came from a Guardsman 's weapon , Brown said .
But , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fragments the analysis could not definitively say which Guardsman fired the fatal shot .
`` What it means is that our crime lab was not able to match up these particular fragments with a particular rifle , '' Brown said .
Brown said McAtee fired at least two rounds from his own 9 mm handgun and an analysis concluded there was gunshot residue `` on his person . ''
In a statement , the Kentucky National Guard said Wednesday : The Kentucky National Guard said the Lexington-based 138th Field Artillery Brigade was supporting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McAtee 's death , adding that it also determined that LMPD and the responding Guardsmen fired only after being shot at first .
The FBI is also conducting an investigation into the incident .
As NPR has reported , those from the neighborhood who knew McAtee question why National Guard troops were so heavily armed responding to a broken curfew .
Some , like State Rep. Attica Scott , who represents the part of Louisville where McAtee was killed , told NPR last week that Gov .
Beshear is partly responsible for McAtee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his decision to call up the National Guard , calling it `` an escalation from law enforcement against our community . ''
The governor later in the week justified his decision to activate the Kentucky National Guard because of what he described as `` significant damage and real concerns for violence , '' according to reporter Ryland Barton of member station WFPL in Louisville .
WFPL notes LMPD also concluded McAtee fired first , but officers involved in the shooting did not activate their body cameras , which is a violation of protocol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chief Steve Conrad following McAtee 's death .
Conrad was already due to retire early following criticism over the death of Breonna Taylor .

Louisville Hosts Public Viewing For David McAtee As Details Of His Shooting Emerge
Enlarge this image toggle caption Walt & Shae Smith Walt & Shae Smith
Mourners will have an opportunity Friday to pay their respects to David McAtee, a black man who was shot to death earlier this month when officers with the Louisville Metro Police Department and Kentucky National Guard troops converged on a crowd.
David "Yaya" McAtee's public viewing is slated for 1 p.m. to 8 p.m. ET in Louisville at St. Stephen Baptist Church; McAtee's funeral will begin 1 p.m. Saturday at Canaan Christian Church, a notice posted to Legacy.com said.
McAtee's final arrangements come the same week Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear's administration released new details of the investigation into his death.
While the investigation remains open, state officials said this week McAtee was killed by a single shot to the chest "that clearly and conclusively" came from the Kentucky National Guard.
McAtee, a restaurateur who operated Yaya's BBQ in the city's Russell neighborhood and was known for giving away free food to police officers, was killed in the early morning hours of June 1. The shooting took place during a time when large protests calling for justice in the police killings of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd were happening in parts of the city.
Some of those protests, especially early on, had turned violent.
Taylor was shot and killed in her home in March by LMPD officers who were serving a no-knock warrant. Thursday, the Louisville Metro Council voted unanimously to ban no-knock warrants, in a bill named Breonna's Law in honor of Taylor.
Floyd, whose funeral was held earlier this week in Houston, was killed by police in Minneapolis May 25. A white police officer, now charged with second-degree murder, pressed his knee on Floyd's neck for almost nine minutes, an incident that was captured on cellphone video and later went viral.
New details in the McAtee investigation
YouTube
McAtee, 53, was killed at his barbecue business. LMPD and Kentucky National Guard troops were responding to a crowd gathered after the city's 9 p.m. curfew at a nearby parking lot on the corner of 26th Street & Broadway in the city's West End.
Louisville officials released video earlier this month which they said shows McAtee fired a weapon first, before fire was returned.
Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear said during a Tuesday media briefing there is "still significant evidence to be gathered and there are still going to be questions," some of which may never be answered.
One thing that was definitive, according to J. Michael Brown, secretary for the governor's Executive Cabinet, is who fired the fatal shot.
"Clearly and conclusively the wound was caused by a National Guard round," Brown said. "We have no doubt about that."
Brown said that two National Guardsmen fired "nine, possibly 10 rounds" and LMPD officers fired nine rounds, all but one of which came from a 9 mm handgun.
He said the Guardsmen were issued M855 5.56 mm NATO cartridges, which are distinguished by green paint and sometimes referred to as "green tip" ammunition.
Analysis of bullet fragments recovered from McAtee determined the round came from a Guardsman's weapon, Brown said. But, he added, because of damage to the fragments the analysis could not definitively say which Guardsman fired the fatal shot.
"What it means is that our crime lab was not able to match up these particular fragments with a particular rifle," Brown said.
Brown said McAtee fired at least two rounds from his own 9 mm handgun and an analysis concluded there was gunshot residue "on his person."
Kentucky National Guard Response
Enlarge this image toggle caption Darron Cummings/AP Darron Cummings/AP
In a statement, the Kentucky National Guard said Wednesday:
LMPD is currently conducting an investigation into this incident, and the Kentucky National Guard is also conducting a separate internal investigation. "We continue to support a full and independent investigation because it is the right thing to do and because we have high confidence in our Guardsmen," said Brig. Gen. Hal Lamberton, Kentucky's adjutant general. " 'This civil unrest mission is one of the most difficult homeland missions we are asked to support. The Soldiers and Airmen we called upon are of the highest caliber, and we believe the investigation will conclude that it was a measured response from the National Guard that night."
The Kentucky National Guard said the Lexington-based 138th Field Artillery Brigade was supporting LMPD with crowd response the night of McAtee's death, adding that it also determined that LMPD and the responding Guardsmen fired only after being shot at first.
The FBI is also conducting an investigation into the incident.
Many questions remain
As NPR has reported, those from the neighborhood who knew McAtee question why National Guard troops were so heavily armed responding to a broken curfew.
Some, like State Rep. Attica Scott, who represents the part of Louisville where McAtee was killed, told NPR last week that Gov. Beshear is partly responsible for McAtee's death. She said it was his decision to call up the National Guard, calling it "an escalation from law enforcement against our community."
The governor later in the week justified his decision to activate the Kentucky National Guard because of what he described as "significant damage and real concerns for violence," according to reporter Ryland Barton of member station WFPL in Louisville.
WFPL notes LMPD also concluded McAtee fired first, but officers involved in the shooting did not activate their body cameras, which is a violation of protocol.
Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer fired Police Chief Steve Conrad following McAtee's death. Conrad was already due to retire early following criticism over the death of Breonna Taylor.


npr--2020-06-12--From Trayvon Martin To George Floyd, A Dad And Son Keep Protesting For Equality

From Trayvon Martin To George Floyd , A Dad And Son Keep Protesting For Equality Aidan Sykes was just 6 years old when he joined his dad , Albert , to protest the killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin .
They 've been attending protests against racial injustice ever since .
In a conversation recorded at StoryCorps five years ago , Albert told Aidan , then 9 , that one of the reasons he brings him to protests is to show him `` what it looks like when people come together . ''
This week , Albert and Aidan , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their StoryCorps interview to talk about the recent protests against police brutality that were set off by the May 25 killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police .
`` What do you think about the protests that are happening now ? ''
Aidan , now 14 , asked his dad .
`` I hate that they 're necessary , but I also appreciate that we 're living in a world that we borrowed to be able to give back to the folks who come behind us , '' Albert , 36 , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something is to give it back in the same condition , but if you can give it back in better condition , that 's the goal . ''
Albert went to the protests this past Saturday in Jackson , Miss.
, with his three sons .
Aidan , the eldest , said he was happy to see such a diverse crowd chanting `` black lives matter . ''
`` I saw a lot of young people like me out there — people of all ages and all colors and all shapes and all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least we got some back up , '' he said .
What makes this moment especially tough , Aidan said , is being able to identify with the black men and women who have died as the result of racism and police brutality .
`` The hardest part is knowing that could have been me .
And Breonna Taylor could have been my mother , '' he said , referring to the 26-year-old woman who was fatally shot by police in Louisville , Ky. , at her apartment in the middle of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of how his son , who turns 15 next month , is maturing .
But , as he nears manhood , Albert also worries about Aidan 's safety because he is black .
`` You 're growing up , getting so tall and getting hair on your face , and just your presence — some places , people do n't see the child in you , '' he said .
`` They do n't see the innocence in you .
Even though you 're not a threat , you 're still perceived as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I look at you , not only do I see somebody who looks just like me , I see a beautiful kid coming into understanding himself , '' Albert told Aidan .
`` I see somebody who makes me proud , up and down . ''
`` Being black is one of the best things and one of the most beautiful things you could ever be , '' Aidan said , `` but it 's like you always have a target on your back . ''
Albert told his son that it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I want you to always understand that you was born with everything it takes for you to survive in this world , so keep the wind pushing you forward and you keep the sun shining on your face , '' he said .
`` I mean , we have talks about how much you mean to me , '' Albert told his son , `` and things that I have learned from you are how to love endlessly , and I tell people , like , that 's my hero . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is one of the best things I could ever hear , '' Aidan said .
`` The most important lesson I 've learned from you is , when you want something , keep fighting for it .
Do n't let nobody tell you you ca n't and , no matter who or what gets in your way , keep going . ''
StoryCorps is a national nonprofit that gives people the chance to interview friends and loved ones about their lives .
These conversations are archived at the American Folklife Center at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave a legacy for future generations .
Learn more , including how to interview someone in your life , at StoryCorps.org .

From Trayvon Martin To George Floyd, A Dad And Son Keep Protesting For Equality
Enlarge this image toggle caption Courtesy of the Sykes family Courtesy of the Sykes family
Aidan Sykes was just 6 years old when he joined his dad, Albert, to protest the killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin. They've been attending protests against racial injustice ever since.
In a conversation recorded at StoryCorps five years ago, Albert told Aidan, then 9, that one of the reasons he brings him to protests is to show him "what it looks like when people come together."
This week, Albert and Aidan followed up on their StoryCorps interview to talk about the recent protests against police brutality that were set off by the May 25 killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police.
"What do you think about the protests that are happening now?" Aidan, now 14, asked his dad.
"I hate that they're necessary, but I also appreciate that we're living in a world that we borrowed to be able to give back to the folks who come behind us," Albert, 36, said. "Your responsibility when you borrow something is to give it back in the same condition, but if you can give it back in better condition, that's the goal."
Albert went to the protests this past Saturday in Jackson, Miss., with his three sons. Aidan, the eldest, said he was happy to see such a diverse crowd chanting "black lives matter."
"I saw a lot of young people like me out there — people of all ages and all colors and all shapes and all sizes — and I was like, at least we got some backup," he said.
What makes this moment especially tough, Aidan said, is being able to identify with the black men and women who have died as the result of racism and police brutality.
"The hardest part is knowing that could have been me. And Breonna Taylor could have been my mother," he said, referring to the 26-year-old woman who was fatally shot by police in Louisville, Ky., at her apartment in the middle of the night.
Albert is proud of how his son, who turns 15 next month, is maturing. But, as Aidan nears manhood, Albert also worries about his safety because he is black.
"You're growing up, getting so tall and getting hair on your face, and just your presence — some places, people don't see the child in you," he said. "They don't see the innocence in you. Even though you're not a threat, you're still perceived as a threat."
"But when I look at you, not only do I see somebody who looks just like me, I see a beautiful kid coming into understanding himself," Albert told Aidan. "I see somebody who makes me proud, up and down."
"Being black is one of the best things and one of the most beautiful things you could ever be," Aidan said, "but it's like you always have a target on your back."
Albert told his son that it's important to keep his head up.
"I want you to always understand that you was born with everything it takes for you to survive in this world, so keep the wind pushing you forward and you keep the sun shining on your face," he said.
"I mean, we have talks about how much you mean to me," Albert told his son, "and things that I have learned from you are how to love endlessly, and I tell people, like, that's my hero."
"Knowing that I'm your hero is one of the best things I could ever hear," Aidan said. "The most important lesson I've learned from you is, when you want something, keep fighting for it. Don't let nobody tell you you can't and, no matter who or what gets in your way, keep going."
Audio produced for Morning Edition by Jud Esty-Kendall.
StoryCorps is a national nonprofit that gives people the chance to interview friends and loved ones about their lives. These conversations are archived at the American Folklife Center at the Library of Congress, allowing participants to leave a legacy for future generations. Learn more, including how to interview someone in your life, at StoryCorps.org.


npr--2020-06-12--Voting And Elections Divide Republicans And Democrats Like Little Else. Here's Why

Voting And Elections Divide Republicans And Democrats Like Little Else .
Here 's Why Republicans and Democrats seldom agree on much in 21st century politics — but one issue that divides them more than ever may be voting and elections .
The parties did n't only battle about whether or how to enact new legislation following the Russian interference in the 2016 election .
They differ in the basic ways they perceive and frame myriad aspects of practicing democracy .
Republicans ' and Democrats ' vastly different starting points help explain why the politics over voting and elections have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through and beyond Election Day this year .
Sometimes it sounds like the politicians involved barely live in the same country .
It has become common for one side to discount the legitimacy of a victory by the other .
The coronavirus pandemic , which has scrambled nearly everything about life in the United States , makes understanding it all even more complicated .
Here 's what you need to know to decode this year 's voting controversies .
The key that unlocks so much of the partisan debate about voting is one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ holds that , all other things held equal , a smaller pool of voters tends to be better for Republicans and the larger the pool gets , the better for Democrats .
This is n't mathematically ironclad , as politicians learn and re-learn regularly .
But this assumption is the foundation upon which much else is built .
Traditionally , Republicans tended to support higher barriers to voting and often focus on voter identification and security to protect against fraud .
All the same , about half of GOP voters back expanding vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Democrats tend to support lowering barriers and focus on making access for voters easier , with a view to encouraging engagement .
They support expanding votes via mail too .
The next fight , in many cases , is about who and how many get what access via mail .
All this also creates a dynamic in which many political practitioners ca n't envision a neutral compromise , because no matter what philosophy a state adopts , it 's perceived as zero-sum .
Or as former Wisconsin Gov .
Scott Walker , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are no `` fair '' maps in the discussion about how to draw voting districts — because what Democrats call `` fair '' maps are those , he believes , that favor them .
No , say voting rights groups and many Democrats — the only `` fair '' way to conduct an election is to admit as many voters as possible .
Georgia Democrat Stacey Abrams , who has charged authorities in her home state with suppressing turnout , named her public interest group `` Fair Fight Action . ''
The pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new emphasis it has put on voting by mail .
President Trump says he opposes expanding voting by mail and his allies , including White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany , call it rife with opportunities for fraud .
Even so , Trump and McEnany both voted by mail this year in Florida , and Republican officials around the country have encouraged voting by mail too .
Democrats , who have made election security and voting access a big part of their political brand for several years , argue that the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ old-fashioned polling sites .
If there 's rough agreement about that away from the White House , there are many disputes about the specifics — what practices will be permitted based on what the parties perceive as beneficial for them .
A study by Stanford University found that voting by mail yielded a small but roughly equal increase in turnout between the parties .
It is n't clear yet how much voting by mail might expand by Election Day but it 's the subject of lawsuits around the country ; apart from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business and its capacity will be tested — as may that of the Postal Service .
It exists , but it 's also very rare .
Despite anecdotal cases of people voting fraudulently in person or suspicious ballots appearing in the mail , most of the time , in most places , the way elections in the U.S. are processed is legitimate .
Since the pandemic , some Republican officials at the state level have acknowledged that the party 's language around fraud may now be putting voters at risk by amplifying fraud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of fraud that exists .
Read more from NPR 's Miles Parks about the integrity of voting by mail .
Trump sometimes claims that large numbers of people vote illegally in the United States , but a panel he appointed to investigate that ostensible problem could not substantiate it .
Listen to an interview with a member of that commission .
Anecdotal cases of fraud crop up around the country .
Activists frequently call out what they term suppression .
In a dispute this spring in Nevada , for example , Democrats sued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots only to people who had voted in recent elections , rather than all registered voters in the state .
Democrats said the state 's plan would disenfranchise some citizens by leaving them out of the primary ; Republicans argued states ' voter rolls are often inaccurate and sending out ballots to everyone on them can mean they get lost or wind up in the wrong hands — opening up the prospect for fraud .
Voter rolls are often the focus of disputes for these reasons .
People die , move — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorities periodically need to delete names .
How frequently that happens , and for what reasons , can become controversial and the kernel of legal and political warfare between the parties .
In Texas , for example , the Republican-dominated state legislature deemed that handgun licenses were acceptable for voters showing up at the polls — but not student IDs , even those issued by the state 's own universities .
For all the discussion about the effect of voter ID laws , however , a study last year found that whatever impact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increased organization and activism by nonwhite voters -- leading to no change in registration or turnout .
Another battleground is early and absentee voting .
Rules vary by state , with some requiring more explanation than others as to what 's permissible .
The parties today have arrived at this moment after years of what they 'd argue were bad experiences with elections at the hands of their opponents .
Republicans , among other things , sometimes point to what they believe was cheating in the 1960 presidential race .
Alleged Democratic chicanery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results to John F. Kennedy and cost the race for Richard Nixon .
Fraudulent IDs , undocumented immigrants voting , people being `` bused in '' on Election Day — these remain consistent themes when Republicans talk about elections .
Democrats look to the decades of Jim Crow discrimination that kept many black voters out of elections .
More recently , they look at the Supreme Court 's 2000 decision that handed the outcome of that election to George W. Bush over Al Gore .
The court halted the counting of ballots Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , swinging the state to Gore .
Abrams ' group perceives what it calls a deliberate campaign by the establishment to purge Georgia voter rolls of mainly black or Democratic voters .
Problems with voting in Georgia 's primary in June underscored those problems and that history , Abrams and other critics said .
Many party leaders describe at having arrived at their positions based upon principle .
Republicans are more likely to argue that casting a vote is a privilege of citizenship to be earned and safeguarded with restrictions and security .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the principles of federalism and the need for people to be engaged at the state and local level with the conduct of elections — not for broad mandates from Washington .
Democrats are more likely to argue that voting is a right and that the barriers to casting a ballot should be as low as practical .
President Lyndon Johnson and Democrats in the 1960s used the Voting Rights Act and federal power to dismantle racist state laws designed to prevent African Americans from voters , but those actions were later weakened by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren , have called for new action by Congress and the federal government that could involve new funding , legislation and administration from Washington .
Whatever the outcome of this year 's election , these disputes over elections themselves likely will continue well into the future .

Voting And Elections Divide Republicans And Democrats Like Little Else. Here's Why
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ron Harris/AP Ron Harris/AP
Republicans and Democrats seldom agree on much in 21st century politics — but one issue that divides them more than ever may be voting and elections.
The parties didn't only battle about whether or how to enact new legislation following the Russian interference in the 2016 election. They also differ in the basic ways they perceive and frame myriad aspects of practicing democracy.
Republicans' and Democrats' vastly different starting points help explain why the politics over voting and elections have been and likely will remain so fraught, through and beyond Election Day this year.
Sometimes it seems as if the politicians involved barely live in the same country. It has become common for one side to discount the legitimacy of a victory by the other.
And the coronavirus pandemic, which has scrambled nearly everything about life in the United States, makes understanding it all even more complicated. Here's what you need to know to decode this year's voting controversies.
The Rosetta stone
The key that unlocks so much of the partisan debate about voting is one word: turnout.
An old truism holds that, all other things held equal, a smaller pool of voters tends to be better for Republicans and the larger the pool gets, the better for Democrats.
This isn't mathematically ironclad, as politicians learn and relearn regularly. But this assumption is the foundation upon which much else is built.
Traditionally, Republicans have tended to support higher barriers to voting and often focus on voter identification and security to protect against fraud. All the same, about half of GOP voters back expanding vote by mail in light of the pandemic.
Democrats tend to support lowering barriers and focus on making access for voters easier, with a view to encouraging engagement. They support expanding votes via mail too.
The next fight, in many cases, is about who and how many get what access via mail.
All this also creates a dynamic in which many political practitioners can't envision a neutral compromise, because no matter what philosophy a state adopts, it's perceived as zero-sum.
Or as former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, a Republican, told NPR, there are no "fair" maps in the discussion about how to draw voting districts — because what Democrats call "fair" maps are those, he believes, that favor them.
No, say voting rights groups and many Democrats — the only "fair" way to conduct an election is to admit as many voters as possible. Georgia Democrat Stacey Abrams, who has charged authorities in her home state with suppressing turnout, named her public interest group Fair Fight Action.
Access vs. security
The pandemic has added another layer of complexity with the new emphasis it has put on voting by mail. President Trump says he opposes expanding voting by mail, and his allies, including White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany, call the process rife with opportunities for fraud.
Even so, Trump and McEnany both voted by mail this year in Florida, and Republican officials across the country have encouraged voting by mail.
Democrats, who have made election security and voting access a big part of their political brand for several years, argue that the pandemic might discourage people from going to old-fashioned polling sites.
If there's rough agreement about that away from the White House, there are many disputes about the specifics — what practices will be permitted based on what the parties perceive as beneficial for them.
A study by Stanford University found that voting by mail yielded a small but roughly equal increase in turnout between the parties.
It isn't clear yet how much voting by mail might expand by Election Day, but it's the subject of lawsuits across the country; apart from the politics, absentee ballot-printing is a boutique business and its capacity will be tested — as may that of the Postal Service.
How common is voter fraud?
It exists, but it's very rare.
Despite anecdotal cases of people voting fraudulently in person or suspicious ballots appearing in the mail, most of the time, in most places, the way elections in the U.S. are processed is legitimate.
Since the pandemic, some Republican officials at the state level have acknowledged that the party's language around fraud may now be putting voting at risk by amplifying fraud concerns out of proportion.
Read more from NPR's Miles Parks about the integrity of voting by mail.
Trump sometimes says that large numbers of people vote illegally in the United States, but a panel he appointed to investigate that ostensible problem could not substantiate it. Listen to an interview with a member of that commission.
Still, anecdotal cases of fraud crop up across the country.
Voter suppression
Activists frequently call out what they term suppression.
In a dispute this spring in Nevada, for example, Democrats sued to stop the state from sending mail-in ballots only to people who had voted in recent elections rather than to all registered voters.
Democrats said the state's plan would disenfranchise some citizens by leaving them out of the primary; Republicans argued that states' voter rolls are often inaccurate and that sending out ballots to everyone could lead to the ballots getting lost or winding up in the wrong hands — opening up the prospect for fraud.
Voter rolls are often the focus of disputes for these reasons.
People die, move — and move out of state — and so authorities periodically need to delete names. How frequently that happens, and for what reasons, can become controversial and the kernel of legal and political warfare between the parties.
Likewise with voter identification documents.
In Texas, for example, the Republican-dominated state legislature deemed that handgun licenses were acceptable identification at the polls — but student IDs, even those issued by the state's own universities, were not.
For all the discussion about the effect of voter ID laws, however, a study last year found that whatever impact those laws might have is offset by increased organization and activism by nonwhite voters — leading to no change in registration or turnout.
Another battleground is early and absentee voting. Rules vary by state, with some requiring more explanation than others as to what's permissible.
Bitter lessons
The parties today have arrived at this moment after years of what they would argue were bad experiences with elections at the hands of their opponents.
Republicans, among other things, sometimes point to what they believe was cheating in the 1960 presidential race. Alleged Democratic chicanery, in this telling, threw the results to John F. Kennedy and cost the race for Richard Nixon.
Fraudulent IDs, undocumented immigrants voting, people being "bused in" on Election Day remain consistent themes when Republicans talk about elections.
Democrats look to the decades of Jim Crow discrimination that kept many black voters out of elections.
More recently, they look at the Supreme Court's 2000 decision that handed the outcome of that election to George W. Bush over Al Gore. The court halted the counting of ballots that Democrats argued could have changed Florida's results, swinging the state to Gore.
Abrams' group perceives what it calls a deliberate campaign by the establishment to purge Georgia voter rolls of mainly black or Democratic voters.
Problems with voting in Georgia's primary in June underscored those problems and that history, Abrams and other critics said.
Matters of principle
Many party leaders describe at having arrived at their positions based upon principle. Republicans are more likely to argue that casting a vote is a privilege of citizenship to be earned and safeguarded with restrictions and security.
They also point to what they call the principles of federalism and the need for people to be engaged at the state and local level with the conduct of elections — not for broad mandates from Washington.
Democrats are more likely to argue that voting is a right and that the barriers to casting a ballot should be as low as practical. President Lyndon Johnson and Democrats in the 1960s used the Voting Rights Act and federal power to dismantle racist state laws designed to prevent African Americans from voting, but those actions were later weakened by the Supreme Court.
Some current Democrats, including Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, have called for new action by Congress and the federal government that could involve new funding, legislation and administration from Washington.
Whatever the outcome of this year's election, these disputes over elections themselves likely will continue well into the future.


npr--2020-06-12--Questions About How Crash Program Is Picking Coronavirus Vaccines To Back

Questions About How Crash Program Is Picking Coronavirus Vaccines To Back More than 100 coronavirus vaccines are being studied around the world , but less than a dozen have begun testing in humans .
The federal government 's goal is to have a COVID-19 vaccine ready by January 2021 .
To achieve that objective , the White House formed Operation Warp Speed , a public-private partnership , to push the development , testing and manufacture of a vaccine at a breakneck pace .
NPR has learned that Operation Warp Speed has narrowed its current list down to seven , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were n't authorized to speak about it publicly .
So far , five coronavirus vaccine makers have received lucrative government contracts .
Most are pillars of the pharmaceutical industry : AstraZeneca , Johnson & Johnson , Merck and Sanofi .
Only Moderna , a relative upstart that is working with the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , is n't a well-known name .
Some of the funding for the vaccine work is coming from the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority , part of the Department of Health and Human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is led by Moncef Slaoui , former chairman for vaccines at GlaxoSmithKline .
The group includes officials from the Food and Drug Administration , the Department of Defense and other parts of the government .
The team came up with an initial list of 14 vaccine candidates and said it planned to slim it down to eight .
Eventually , there are expected to be three to five finalists .
But how government officials are picking vaccine candidates to back has been kept largely under wraps .
That secrecy could undermine confidence in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials say .
`` We 're operating in such an atmosphere of distrust in this country , '' says Dr. Nicole Lurie , assistant secretary for preparedness and response during much of the Obama administration .
`` But the more explanation there is and the more transparency , the better off we are . ''
Dr. Peter Lurie , of no relation , agrees .
Now president of the Center for Science in the Public Interest , Lurie previously served previously as associate commissioner of public health strategy and analysis at the Food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remember that this is a product line that is mired in all kinds of controversy created by people who question the science of vaccines , '' he says .
`` And so in this case in particular , it 's important to have full public trust in the process . ''
The relationship between Operation Warp Speed 's efforts and HHS 's preexisting contracting work is n't clear .
The operation was n't announced until May , but many of the contracts had gone out earlier this year .
While money that 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go toward Operation Warp Speed , it has other government pocketbooks it can access .
According to federal records , the first major COVID-19 vaccine award went to Johnson and Johnson about three months ago .
HHS awarded two more vaccine contracts to Sanofi and Moderna in April .
The largest one to date , at $ 1.2 billion , went to AstraZeneca in May .
HHS also awarded a contract to Merck and the nonprofit IAVI .
Three of the five companies that got funding have not yet started clinical trials for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ World Health Organization , only 10 coronavirus vaccines are currently in human trials .
Two candidates , being developed by Moderna and AstraZeneca , are being tested in early phase clinical trials sponsored by the National Institutes of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and the University of Oxford , respectively .
NIAID tells NPR its study of the Moderna vaccine has cost taxpayers $ 4.2 million to date .
Moderna said Thursday that in July it expects to begin phase 3 testing of the vaccine compared with a placebo in 30,000 people .
Data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccine is safe and effective for the prevention of COVID-19 .
Manufacturers need to start ramping up production capacity as soon as possible if they 're going to make a big enough supply to vaccinate the population , Nicole Lurie says .
To meet global demand , several vaccines will likely be needed .
That means companies need to make vaccines before we know if they really work , which is both expensive and risky .
That 's why the government and other organizations are stepping in to help with funds .
Former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of possible vaccines to shrink as data indicate some are better than others .
But Nicole Lurie , wonders whether there 's enough scientific data for Operation Warp Speed to narrow down the list so soon .
Future studies might show problems with the chosen vaccines , so it would be prudent to have alternatives .
`` It seems to me from what I know at this point , that 's still a pretty risky proposition , '' she says .
Companies left off Operation Warp Speed 's short list may drop their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 's probably not the U.S. government 's concern , but it 's not clear to me how these decisions were made , '' Nicole Lurie says .
`` And it 's not clear to me whether they were made on scientific grounds or economic grounds . ''
In response to a question about disclosure , an HHS spokesperson pointed to the administration 's announcement about Operation Warp Speed that said there will be `` public updates '' tied to `` certain scientific milestones , '' such as clinical trial results .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior administration official tells NPR that Operation Warp Speed is working on a process to keep Congress and the public informed about its progress .

Questions About How Crash Program Is Picking Coronavirus Vaccines To Back
Enlarge this image toggle caption Ted S. Warren/AP Ted S. Warren/AP
More than 100 coronavirus vaccines are being studied around the world, but less than a dozen have begun testing in humans.
The federal government's goal is to have a COVID-19 vaccine ready by January 2021. To achieve that objective, the White House formed Operation Warp Speed, a public-private partnership, to push the development, testing and manufacture of a vaccine at a breakneck pace.
NPR has learned that Operation Warp Speed has narrowed its current list down to seven, according to people familiar with the matter but who weren't authorized to speak about it publicly.
So far, five coronavirus vaccine makers have received lucrative government contracts. Most are pillars of the pharmaceutical industry: AstraZeneca, Johnson & Johnson, Merck and Sanofi. Only Moderna, a relative upstart that is working with the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, isn't a well-known name.
Some of the funding for the vaccine work is coming from the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, part of the Department of Health and Human Services.
The Operation Warp Speed team is led by Moncef Slaoui, former chairman for vaccines at GlaxoSmithKline. The group includes officials from the Food and Drug Administration, the Department of Defense and other parts of the government. The team came up with an initial list of 14 vaccine candidates and said it planned to slim it down to eight. Eventually, there are expected to be three to five finalists.
But how government officials are picking vaccine candidates to back has been kept largely under wraps. That secrecy could undermine confidence in the eventual vaccines, former federal health officials say.
"We're operating in such an atmosphere of distrust in this country," says Dr. Nicole Lurie, assistant secretary for preparedness and response during much of the Obama administration. "But the more explanation there is and the more transparency, the better off we are."
Dr. Peter Lurie, of no relation, agrees. Now president of the Center for Science in the Public Interest, Lurie previously served previously as associate commissioner of public health strategy and analysis at the Food and Drug Administration.
"Let's remember that this is a product line that is mired in all kinds of controversy created by people who question the science of vaccines," he says. "And so in this case in particular, it's important to have full public trust in the process."
The relationship between Operation Warp Speed's efforts and HHS's preexisting contracting work isn't clear. The operation wasn't announced until May, but many of the contracts had gone out earlier this year.
While money that's part of HHS's BARDA, can go toward Operation Warp Speed, it has other government pocketbooks it can access.
According to federal records, the first major COVID-19 vaccine award went to Johnson and Johnson about three months ago. HHS awarded two more vaccine contracts to Sanofi and Moderna in April. The largest one to date, at $1.2 billion, went to AstraZeneca in May. HHS also awarded a contract to Merck and the nonprofit IAVI.
Three of the five companies that got funding have not yet started clinical trials for their vaccine candidates. According to the World Health Organization, only 10 coronavirus vaccines are currently in human trials.
Two candidates, being developed by Moderna and AstraZeneca, are being tested in early phase clinical trials sponsored by the National Institutes of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and the University of Oxford, respectively. NIAID tells NPR its study of the Moderna vaccine has cost taxpayers $4.2 million to date.
Moderna said Thursday that in July it expects to begin phase 3 testing of the vaccine compared with a placebo in 30,000 people. Data from that study would show whether that vaccine is safe and effective for the prevention of COVID-19.
Manufacturers need to start ramping up production capacity as soon as possible if they're going to make a big enough supply to vaccinate the population, Nicole Lurie says. To meet global demand, several vaccines will likely be needed.
That means companies need to make vaccines before we know if they really work, which is both expensive and risky. That's why the government and other organizations are stepping in to help with funds.
Former officials say they expect the larger pool of possible vaccines to shrink as data indicate some are better than others. But Nicole Lurie, wonders whether there's enough scientific data for Operation Warp Speed to narrow down the list so soon. Future studies might show problems with the chosen vaccines, so it would be prudent to have alternatives.
"It seems to me from what I know at this point, that's still a pretty risky proposition," she says.
Companies left off Operation Warp Speed's short list may drop their COVID-19 vaccine projects.
"Now, that's probably not the U.S. government's concern, but it's not clear to me how these decisions were made," Nicole Lurie says. "And it's not clear to me whether they were made on scientific grounds or economic grounds."
In response to a question about disclosure, an HHS spokesperson pointed to the administration's announcement about Operation Warp Speed that said there will be "public updates" tied to "certain scientific milestones," such as clinical trial results.
There may be more details soon. A senior administration official tells NPR that Operation Warp Speed is working on a process to keep Congress and the public informed about its progress.


npr--2020-06-12--A New Library Of Congress Project Commissions Music Of The Coronavirus Pandemic

A New Library Of Congress Project Commissions Music Of The Coronavirus Pandemic The shutdown due to the coronavirus pandemic hit musicians hard , with concert halls and rehearsal spaces shuttered and silent .
But a new music initiative from the Library of Congress embraces the constraints of COVID-19 .
The series is a collection of 10 videos of 10 different original compositions that will premiere online starting Monday , June 15 .
It 's called the Boccaccio Project .
David Plylar is a senior music specialist at the Library of Congress and the person who spearheaded the project ; it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boccaccio , who saw the Black Death devastate Europe during the 14th century .
Boccaccio 's The Decameron follows 10 people who flee the plague in Florence and tell each other stories in a remote refuge .
Pylar says that story feels very modern .
`` You can take people out of what they know about society and they still have this compulsion to tell a story , '' he says .
`` And I felt that Boccaccio exemplifies that .
And while we are much more connected now than they were in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we still have this desire to reach out to each other . ''
Luciano Chessa , one of the composers commissioned by the Library of Congress , meant to stay only a week in San Francisco .
Chessa flew out from New York for a concert in March .
From there he had events scheduled in Colorado , in Ohio and around the country .
But then , like so many other musicians , the coronavirus pandemic changed his plans .
`` The world changed , '' he says .
`` So I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two months instead of just a week . ''
He worried about his parents in Italy as that country felt the worst of COVID-19 .
`` I think the most vivid images were basically caskets in piles outside of hospitals or retirement homes , '' Chessa says .
`` And my aunt died in March .
We do n't know whether exactly [ if ] it was COVID-19 or not because at the time , there were no tests . ''
In April , he got a commission from the Library of Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were simple : Write a work responding to the pandemic — just a couple minutes long — for a single performer to videotape at home .
Chessa says the commission was more than welcome .
`` After two months making fresh pasta and wearing the same shirt you probably kind of are ready for a change , '' he says .
Chessa wrote a piece called `` 1462 Willard Street , '' named after the address where he spent the early months of the pandemic , uprooted and uncertain .
The video opens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lower strings of a viola .
It scrapes the instrument and obscures a melody .
The violist is Charlton Lee of the Del Sol Quartet , and as he plays he glides through the room .
Eventually , the twine falls away and the melody becomes clearer '' I find it to be nostalgic , '' Lee says .
`` Somehow there 's hope and sadness and joy all wrapped together . ''
Chessa says the video captures the feeling of composing while isolated during a pandemic .
`` The player is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he says .
`` In my opinion it was supposed to be a way of staging this process between constraint and freedom . ''
Damien Sneed , another composer commissioned by the Boccaccio Project , wrote a piece called `` Sequestered Thoughts . ''
Jeremy Jordan , who performed it , says that the limitations of the project forced composers to test their creativity .
`` Talented composers sometimes have the ability to create wonderful works with great creative restraints placed upon them , '' he says .
`` You have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and three minutes , but then it has to be meaningful . ''
Jordan learned the piece in a day or two .
`` In some ways it was kind of a pure experience because I just received the music and learned it and played it , '' he says .
`` I was mesmerized and amazed by how he personally interpreted what was on the page and brought it to life , '' Sneed says .
The pandemic was a jolt for Sneed .
He had just finished a 40-city tour when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He means for his piece to evoke confinement , hope , the will to survive — and says all that resonates now with protests against police violence .
`` At the end of 'Sequestered Thoughts , ' it moves up the scale of the piano , so to speak , '' he says .
`` And it ends up looking upward and that 's really the object of protest and reconciliation .
Music allows us , these protests allow us , to hopefully get to a place where we are elevated .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ composed of flautists and composers Allison Loggins-Hull and Nathalie Joachim .
In response to COVID-19 , Loggins-Hull wrote `` Have and Hold . ''
`` I was really craving just the feeling of having companionship and being near people and just physical contact , '' she says .
Loggins-Hull says her craving only intensified as news of police killings arrived .
`` Whenever these shootings happen , I still have that desire to hold people that I love , even to hold people that I do n't know who share this common experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this country , '' she says .
Nathalie Joachim says that when she recorded the piece , it felt less like a performance and more like mourning .
`` It 's not these killings happening in abstraction , or all of these bodies that are having to take to the streets to fight for what we deserve , which is humanity , '' she says .
`` I claim each of these people as my own family . ''
David Plylar , at the Library of Congress , says composers and performers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listeners we need to grab on to what they 're saying .
`` I think that these artists were already doing this and that this is just another outlet for them , '' he says .
`` But it 's a way of documenting what is happening , taking an artistic stance and then trying to preserve that so that other people can benefit from it down the road . ''
The Boccaccio Project premieres Monday on the Library of Congress ' website .

A New Library Of Congress Project Commissions Music Of The Coronavirus Pandemic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Erin Patrice O'Brien/Courtesy of the artist Erin Patrice O'Brien/Courtesy of the artist
The shutdown due to the coronavirus pandemic hit musicians hard, with concert halls and rehearsal spaces shuttered and silent. But a new music initiative from the Library of Congress embraces the constraints of COVID-19. The series is a collection of 10 videos of 10 different original compositions that will premiere online starting Monday, June 15. It's called the Boccaccio Project.
David Plylar is a senior music specialist at the Library of Congress and the person who spearheaded the project; it's named after the Italian writer Giovanni Boccaccio, who saw the Black Death devastate Europe during the 14th century. Boccaccio's The Decameron follows 10 people who flee the plague in Florence and tell each other stories in a remote refuge. Pylar says that story feels very modern.
"You can take people out of what they know about society and they still have this compulsion to tell a story," he says. "And I felt that Boccaccio exemplifies that. And while we are much more connected now than they were in his time, we are isolated and we still have this desire to reach out to each other."
Luciano Chessa, one of the composers commissioned by the Library of Congress, meant to stay only a week in San Francisco. Chessa flew out from New York for a concert in March. From there he had events scheduled in Colorado, in Ohio and around the country. But then, like so many other musicians, the coronavirus pandemic changed his plans.
"The world changed," he says. "So I ended up staying in San Francisco for two months instead of just a week."
He worried about his parents in Italy as that country felt the worst of COVID-19.
"I think the most vivid images were basically caskets in piles outside of hospitals or retirement homes," Chessa says. "And my aunt died in March. We don't know whether exactly [if] it was COVID-19 or not because at the time, there were no tests."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Melesio Núñez/Courtesy of the artist Melesio Núñez/Courtesy of the artist
In April, he got a commission from the Library of Congress for the Boccaccio project. The instructions were simple: Write a work responding to the pandemic — just a couple minutes long — for a single performer to videotape at home. Chessa says the commission was more than welcome.
"After two months making fresh pasta and wearing the same shirt you probably kind of are ready for a change," he says.
Chessa wrote a piece called "1462 Willard Street," named after the address where he spent the early months of the pandemic, uprooted and uncertain. The video opens on a length of twine looped around the lower strings of a viola. It scrapes the instrument and obscures a melody. The violist is Charlton Lee of the Del Sol Quartet, and as he plays he glides through the room. Eventually, the twine falls away and the melody becomes clearer
"I find it to be nostalgic," Lee says. "Somehow there's hope and sadness and joy all wrapped together."
Chessa says the video captures the feeling of composing while isolated during a pandemic.
"The player is set free halfway through the piece," he says. "In my opinion it was supposed to be a way of staging this process between constraint and freedom."
Damien Sneed, another composer commissioned by the Boccaccio Project, wrote a piece called "Sequestered Thoughts." Jeremy Jordan, who performed it, says that the limitations of the project forced composers to test their creativity.
"Talented composers sometimes have the ability to create wonderful works with great creative restraints placed upon them," he says. "You have to not only write a piece between one and three minutes, but then it has to be meaningful."
Jordan learned the piece in a day or two.
"In some ways it was kind of a pure experience because I just received the music and learned it and played it," he says.
Jordan's attention to detail impressed the composer.
"I was mesmerized and amazed by how he personally interpreted what was on the page and brought it to life," Sneed says.
The pandemic was a jolt for Sneed. He had just finished a 40-city tour when he began sheltering in place, alone. He means for his piece to evoke confinement, hope, the will to survive — and says all that resonates now with protests against police violence.
"At the end of 'Sequestered Thoughts,' it moves up the scale of the piano, so to speak," he says. "And it ends up looking upward and that's really the object of protest and reconciliation. Music allows us, these protests allow us, to hopefully get to a place where we are elevated."
Another piece comes from Flutronix — composed of flautists and composers Allison Loggins-Hull and Nathalie Joachim. In response to COVID-19, Loggins-Hull wrote "Have and Hold."
"I was really craving just the feeling of having companionship and being near people and just physical contact," she says.
Loggins-Hull says her craving only intensified as news of police killings arrived.
"Whenever these shootings happen, I still have that desire to hold people that I love, even to hold people that I don't know who share this common experience we all share as black people in this country," she says.
Nathalie Joachim says that when she recorded the piece, it felt less like a performance and more like mourning.
"It's not these killings happening in abstraction, or all of these bodies that are having to take to the streets to fight for what we deserve, which is humanity," she says. "I claim each of these people as my own family."
David Plylar, at the Library of Congress, says composers and performers are reacting to this moment, and as listeners we need to grab on to what they're saying.
"I think that these artists were already doing this and that this is just another outlet for them," he says. "But it's a way of documenting what is happening, taking an artistic stance and then trying to preserve that so that other people can benefit from it down the road."
The Boccaccio Project premieres Monday on the Library of Congress' website.