npr--2020-09-27--Presidential Votes Have Been Too Close To Call And Even Too Close to Count

Presidential Votes Have Been Too Close To Call And Even Too Close to Count Through the years President Trump has been in office , Americans have grown accustomed to hearing of `` norms '' ignored and `` guardrails '' broken .
Trump has fulfilled his supporters ' desire for an unconventional leader unbound by the sort of unwritten rules other presidents have followed .
Yet nothing may have prepared the nation for the prospect of a presidential election in which an incumbent refuses to acknowledge an apparent defeat .
Nor are Americans ready for an election where no clear winner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the constitutional processes for resolving the issue prove insufficient .
That scenario seems increasingly plausible , given the pandemic 's impact on the voting process , the president 's stated attitude and the current state of the laws governing the election of the president .
This past week , the president several times took questions about the American tradition of `` peaceful transfer of power '' when a president loses a bid for re-election .
On Wednesday , he declined to commit to leaving office .
`` We 'll have to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an attack on the legitimacy of mailed ballots .
This year , the COVID-19 pandemic has record numbers of voters planning to do so by mail .
Many states may not have counted all their legally submitted ballots by Election Night , or even the day after .
But the president has insisted any delay past that night will be evidence of fraud .
On Thursday , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and several other senior Republicans said they expected a normal , peaceful transfer of power if the president lost .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a free and fair election . ''
But on Friday night , at a campaign rally , Trump assured his supporters that no controversy needed to arise .
`` We 're not going to lose this , '' he said , before adding : `` Except if they cheat . ''
That caveat recalled his frequent assertions in 2016 that the election that year would be `` rigged , '' unless he won .
The president 's comments – to reporters as well as rally crowds – have greatly expanded public wariness about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump was ramping up his threats of post-election resistance , The Atlantic was releasing an online version of a major story from its November issue by reporter Barton Gellman .
A veteran of many years with The Washington Post , Gellman also relied in part on a 55-page article published in 2019 , in the Loyola University of Chicago Law Review .
It was written by Edward B. Foley , a law professor at Ohio State 's Moritz School of Law .
The articles together detail how Trump , if he had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Election Night in one or more decisive states , could declare himself re-elected and resist any further accounting for the rest of the ballots by challenging those processes in the courts .
The word `` unprecedented '' has been used so often in the Trump era as to lose its meaning .
But at , a minimum , the president 's remarks can stir bad memories .
In truth , there are stories of uncertainty and narrow escapes in several U.S. elections in the past .
But none may offer an adequate model @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , given the magnitude of this year 's election problems and the apparent determination of the incumbent to resist any adverse results .
The previous episodes include past presidential elections in which the candidate who finished first in the voting was not inaugurated .
Five times , the clear winner of the popular vote did not win the Electoral College .
There have also been times when a candidate who could have challenged the results well past Election Day chose not to do so , at least in part to avoid a confrontation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Let 's look at the cases in reverse chronological order , so as to begin with those that Americans alive today remember .
The election of 2016 .
Democrat Hillary Clinton defeated Trump by 2.8 million votes four years ago , by far the largest popular vote victory for anyone who did not get to be president .
But her vote was concentrated in California and a few other populous states .
The Electoral College gives an edge to voters in less populous states because each state 's electoral vote equals the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including an automatic two in the Senate ( regardless of population ) .
So while Trump lost the popular vote , by winning more states he ran up a good score ( 306-232 ) in the Electoral College .
The latter institution was created in the Constitution by founding fathers who feared `` tumult and disorder '' might prevail among the general run of the voting citizenry .
So , 233 years later , voters on Election Day are only choosing which set of electors will gather in their state capitol roughly six @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Florida recount and the delayed results of 2000 .
`` We do n't want another Florida '' is a common refrain among election watchers old enough to remember .
Unresolved for five weeks before the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a stop to recounts , the outcome in Florida was crucial because the state 's 25 electoral votes would determine the outcome in the Electoral College — which had its closest vote since the 1800s .
But determining who had won in Florida was difficult because the margin was so infinitesimal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5.8 million .
Various problems also emerged regarding the counting or disallowing of imperfect voting cards ( `` hanging chads '' ) .
Democrats tried to force recounts in parts of the state .
These were stopped by a federal lawsuit filed on behalf of Republican candidate George W. Bush , who was declared the razor-thin winner by state officials – including his brother , Jeb , and one of his statewide campaign chairs .
Although Democrats had some success in the Florida state courts , Bush v. Gore was ultimately decided by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Democratic nominee Al Gore , who had a nationwide lead of about half a million votes , could have pressed his case further – including to the new Congress in January — but he decided against it .
The close elections of 1968 and 1960 .
President John F. Kennedy , who was assassinated in 1963 , remains among the most popular presidents in memory today .
Few recall now that he won by only about 100,000 votes nationwide .
Had he lost Illinois , where a big Democratic vote from Chicago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost the Electoral College .
Many urged the Republican nominee , then Vice President Richard Nixon , to contest the Illinois count – in part because Chicago 's Democratic Mayor Richard J. Daley was thought to have had a hand in it .
But Nixon decided a protracted fight would be futile and might damage the country .
Nixon had another close election eight years later , winning the popular vote nationally by less than a percentage point .
The Electoral College was also close because 46 electoral votes went to third-party candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alabama .
So Nixon needed the motherlode of electoral votes from California to secure an outright majority in the Electoral College ( as the Constitution requires ) .
That would have thrown the election to the House of Representatives , where each state would have one vote ( another provision of the original Constitution ) and where the outcome might have favored the Democratic nominee , then Vice President Hubert Humphrey .
The ouster of Grover Cleveland in 1888 .
Cleveland was the first Democrat elected president after the Civil War , ending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a generation .
After four years in office , he was able to attract half a million more voters than he had in 1884 , winning the popular tally over his Republican challenger , Benjamin Harrison of Indiana .
But this time around Cleveland was not able to win his home state of New York , which meant the switch of a whopping 36 votes in the Electoral College and a term in office for Harrison .
Four years later , in 1892 , Cleveland came back to win his home state and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and dominate the Electoral College , making him the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms .
The disputed election of 1876 .
The third election after the Civil War showed just how badly divided the country remained – and would remain .
The popular vote winner by three percentage points was a Democrat named Samuel Tilden , who not only managed an outright majority of the popular vote but carried his home state of New York and its neighbors Connecticut and New Jersey .
He also won the border states ( Maryland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and Indiana – in addition to most of what had been the Confederacy .
But with all that , Tilden came up one vote shy of an outright majority in the Electoral College .
Republican nominee Rutherford B. Hayes , however , could not count on the votes of three Southern states ( Louisiana , South Carolina and Florida ) , where the delegations were in dispute .
That meant neither candidate had a majority of the Electoral College on the appointed day , and the stalemate continued .
Finally , well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two weeks before Inauguration Day ( which was then in March ) , a compromise gave Hayes the electoral votes of the disputed states with the understanding that , in exchange , the federal government would withdraw its occupation troops throughout the South .
That augured the end of the Reconstruction era , the recapture of state and local governments by the old power structure of white Southern Democrats .
That soon led to the passage of `` Jim Crow '' laws oppressing formerly enslaved people and the de facto nullification of voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Constitution .
That state of affairs largely prevailed in the region until the 1960s , with after-effects that are still felt today .
The `` corrupt bargain '' of 1824 .
Long before the media echo chambers of our time , a phrase emerged that captured the sense of injustice felt by supporters of Andrew Jackson in his first bid for president .
In a four-way contest , Jackson won a plurality of the popular vote ( as best it could be determined at the time ) and of the Electoral College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the war hero from Tennessee to expect to win the vote in the House of Representatives .
But his rivals conspired against him and one of them , the legendary Kentuckian Henry Clay , got House members from his state and two neighboring states to throw their support to John Quincy Adams instead .
Clay would later become Adams ' secretary of state , prompting the accusations of `` a corrupt bargain . ''
But Jackson would have his revenge relatively soon , prevailing easily over Adams in the next presidential cycle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years after that .
The wildly contested election of 1800 .
George Washington was twice elected without opposition and then retired in 1796 , leaving his vice president , John Adams , to hold the fort .
Adams , from Massachusetts , ran as the favorite of a party calling themselves the Federalists .
Thomas Jefferson of Virginia was the nominee of what were then called the Democratic-Republicans .
The voting took place over a month , with each state setting its own date .
The states split about evenly between the candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their votes .
Adams emerged the winner in the Electoral College by just three votes ( 71 to 68 ) .
But if that seemed messy , it was a model of tidiness compared to what happened four years later when Adams sought a second term .
Although he once again swept New England , he lost New York , in part because Jefferson had a New Yorker named Aaron Burr as his running mate .
The Jefferson-Burr ticket had a clear 73-65 majority in the Electoral College , dismissing the incumbent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the ticket was up .
Burr maintained that he had received as many electoral votes as Jefferson and that the House of Representatives should decide which of them should be president .
( The Constitution would be amended a few years later to make sure this confusion did not recur . )
In the wild weeks that followed there were charges and counter-charges of vote buying and bribery in the House , and some Federalists who were vehemently opposed to the Virginian swung their support to Burr , whom they regarded as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House delegations for the 16 states in the Union at the time , Jefferson could only count on eight .
Over seven days in February 1801 the House conducted 35 ballots , reaching the same 8-8 deadlock each time .
In the end , the decisive influence was that of another New Yorker , Alexander Hamilton .
While he disagreed with Jefferson on a host of issues , Hamilton had no use at all for Burr and feared him as a un-principled demagogue .
So he mounted one of his furious writing campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far not so dangerous a man '' ) .
On the 36th ballot , the New York delegation finally turned on Burr and switched its vote to Jefferson , who would take the oath the following month .
Hamilton was not a member of Congress , and in fact never came to Washington in his life .
But as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1787 he had argued for the Electoral College as a means of restraining the excesses of democracy .
His abhorrence of Burr is depicted dramatically in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dramatic license – and their rivalry finally ended when Burr fatally shot Hamilton in a duel in 1804 .

Presidential Votes Have Been Too Close To Call And Even Too Close to Count
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alan Diaz/AP Alan Diaz/AP
Through the years President Trump has been in office, Americans have grown accustomed to hearing of "norms" ignored and "guardrails" broken. Trump has fulfilled his supporters' desire for an unconventional leader unbound by the sort of unwritten rules other presidents have followed.
Yet nothing may have prepared the nation for the prospect of a presidential election in which an incumbent refuses to acknowledge an apparent defeat. Nor are Americans ready for an election where no clear winner can be determined in a timely fashion and the constitutional processes for resolving the issue prove insufficient.
That scenario seems increasingly plausible, given the pandemic's impact on the voting process, the president's stated attitude and the current state of the laws governing the election of the president.
This past week, the president several times took questions about the American tradition of "peaceful transfer of power" when a president loses a bid for reelection. On Wednesday, he declined to commit to leaving office. "We'll have to see," he said, before launching an attack on the legitimacy of mailed ballots. This year, the COVID-19 pandemic has record numbers of voters planning to do so by mail. Many states may not have counted all their legally submitted ballots by Election Night, or even the day after. But the president has insisted any delay past that night will be evidence of fraud.
On Thursday, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and several other senior Republicans said they expected a normal, peaceful transfer of power if the president lost. The White House said Trump would respect "a free and fair election." But on Friday night, at a campaign rally, Trump assured his supporters that no controversy needed to arise. "We're not going to lose this," he said, before adding: "Except if they cheat." That caveat recalled his frequent assertions in 2016 that the election that year would be "rigged," unless he won.
The president's comments — to reporters as well as rally crowds — have greatly expanded public wariness about what could lie ahead. Even as Trump was ramping up his threats of post-election resistance, The Atlantic was releasing an online version of a major story from its November issue by reporter Barton Gellman. A veteran of many years with The Washington Post, Gellman also relied in part on a 55-page article published in 2019, in the Loyola University of Chicago Law Review. It was written by Edward B. Foley, a law professor at Ohio State's Moritz School of Law.
The articles together detail how Trump, if he had a modest lead in the vote count on Election Night in one or more decisive states, could declare himself reelected and resist any further accounting for the rest of the ballots by challenging those processes in the courts.
Remembrance of troubles past
The word "unprecedented" has been used so often in the Trump era as to lose its meaning. But at a minimum the president's remarks can stir bad memories.
In truth, there are stories of uncertainty and narrow escapes in several U.S. elections in the past. But none may offer an adequate model, or much useful guidance at all, given the magnitude of this year's election problems and the apparent determination of the incumbent to resist any adverse results.
The previous episodes include past presidential elections in which the candidate who finished first in the voting was not inaugurated. Five times the clear winner of the popular vote did not win the Electoral College.
There have also been times when a candidate who could have challenged the results well past Election Day chose not to do so, at least in part to avoid a confrontation that could have harmed the nation.
Let's look at the cases in reverse chronological order, so as to begin with those that Americans alive today remember.
The election of 2016. Democrat Hillary Clinton defeated Trump by 2.8 million votes four years ago, by far the largest popular vote victory for anyone who did not get to be president. But her vote was concentrated in California and a few other populous states. The Electoral College gives an edge to voters in less populous states because each state's electoral vote equals the number of seats it has in Congress, including an automatic two in the Senate (regardless of population). So while Trump lost the popular vote, by winning more states he ran up a good score (306-232) in the Electoral College.
The latter institution was created in the Constitution by founding fathers who feared "tumult and disorder" might prevail among the general run of the voting citizenry. So, 233 years later, voters on Election Day are only choosing which set of electors will gather in their state capitol roughly six weeks later to make the official choice.
The Florida recount and the delayed results of 2000. "We don't want another Florida" is a common refrain among election watchers old enough to remember. Unresolved for five weeks before the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a stop to recounts, the outcome in Florida was crucial because the state's 25 electoral votes would determine the outcome in the Electoral College — which had its closest vote since the 1800s.
But determining who had won in Florida was difficult because the margin was so infinitesimal, officially 537 votes out of more than 5.8 million. Various problems also emerged regarding the counting or disallowing of imperfect voting cards ("hanging chads"). Democrats tried to force recounts in parts of the state. These were stopped by a federal lawsuit filed on behalf of Republican candidate George W. Bush, who was declared the razor-thin winner by state officials — including his brother, Jeb, and one of his statewide campaign chairs. Although Democrats had some success in the Florida state courts, Bush v. Gore was ultimately decided by five of the nine Supreme Court justices. Democratic nominee Al Gore, who had a nationwide lead of about half a million votes, could have pressed his case further – including to the new Congress in January — but he decided against it.
The close elections of 1968 and 1960. President John F. Kennedy, who was assassinated in 1963, remains among the most popular presidents in memory today. Few recall now that he won by only about 100,000 votes nationwide. Disputes arose over his wins in Illinois, where a big Democratic vote from Chicago carried the day, and Texas, home to his running mate Lyndon B. Johnson, as well as in other states — more than enough to cost the Democrats their win in the Electoral College.
toggle caption Keystone/Getty Images
Many urged the Republican nominee, then-Vice President Richard Nixon, to contest the Illinois in particular — in part because Chicago's Democratic Mayor Richard J. Daley was thought to have had a hand in it. Challenges and recounts did proceed locally in several states, but Nixon, at least in public, kept his distance, saying that to do otherwise could cause "a constitutional crisis" and "tear the country apart."
Nixon had another close election eight years later, winning the popular vote nationally by less than a percentage point. The Electoral College was also close because 46 electoral votes went to third-party candidate George Wallace, the segregationist governor of Alabama. So Nixon needed the motherlode of electoral votes from California to secure an outright majority in the Electoral College (as the Constitution requires).
That would have thrown the election to the House of Representatives, where each state would have one vote (another provision of the original Constitution) and where the outcome might have favored the Democratic nominee, then-Vice President Hubert Humphrey.
The ouster of Grover Cleveland in 1888. Cleveland was the first Democrat elected president after the Civil War, ending a drought for the party that lasted a generation. After four years in office, he was able to attract half a million more voters than he had in 1884, winning the popular tally over his Republican challenger, Benjamin Harrison of Indiana. But this time around Cleveland was not able to win his home state of New York, which meant the switch of a whopping 36 votes in the Electoral College and a term in office for Harrison. Four years later, in 1892, Cleveland came back to win his home state and widen his margin in the popular vote and dominate the Electoral College, making him the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms.
The disputed election of 1876. The third election after the Civil War showed just how badly divided the country remained — and would remain. The popular vote winner by 3 percentage points was a Democrat named Samuel Tilden, who not only managed an outright majority of the popular vote but carried his home state of New York and its neighbors Connecticut and New Jersey. He also won the border states (Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri) and Indiana — in addition to most of what had been the Confederacy. But with all that, Tilden came up one vote shy of an outright majority in the Electoral College.
Republican nominee Rutherford B. Hayes, however, could not count on the votes of three Southern states (Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida), where the delegations were in dispute. That meant neither candidate had a majority of the Electoral College on the appointed day, and the stalemate continued. Finally, well into the new year of 1877, two weeks before Inauguration Day (which was then in March), a compromise gave Hayes the electoral votes of the disputed states with the understanding that, in exchange, the federal government would withdraw its occupation troops throughout the South.
That augured the end of the Reconstruction era, the recapture of state and local governments by the old power structure of white Southern Democrats. That soon led to the passage of "Jim Crow" laws oppressing formerly enslaved people and the de facto nullification of voting rights supposedly secured by three amendments to the Constitution. That state of affairs largely prevailed in the region until the 1960s, with aftereffects that are still felt today.
The "corrupt bargain" of 1824. Long before the media echo chambers of our time, a phrase emerged that captured the sense of injustice felt by supporters of Andrew Jackson in his first bid for president. In a four-way contest, Jackson won a plurality of the popular vote (as best it could be determined at the time) and of the Electoral College as well. There was every reason for the war hero from Tennessee to expect to win the vote in the House of Representatives. But his rivals conspired against him and one of them, the legendary Kentuckian Henry Clay, got House members from his state and two neighboring states to throw their support to John Quincy Adams instead. Clay would later become Adams' secretary of state, prompting the accusations of "a corrupt bargain." But Jackson would have his revenge relatively soon, prevailing easily over Adams in the next presidential cycle (1828) and winning reelection four years after that.
The wildly contested election of 1800. George Washington was twice elected without opposition and then retired in 1796, leaving his vice president, John Adams, to hold the fort. Adams, from Massachusetts, ran as the favorite of a party calling themselves the Federalists. Thomas Jefferson of Virginia was the nominee of what were then called the Democratic-Republicans. The voting took place over a month, with each state setting its own date. The states split about evenly between the candidates, and electors from four states divided their votes. Adams emerged the winner in the Electoral College by just three votes (71 to 68).
But if that seemed messy, it was a model of tidiness compared to what happened four years later when Adams sought a second term. Although he once again swept New England, he lost New York, in part because Jefferson had a New Yorker named Aaron Burr as his running mate. The Jefferson-Burr ticket had a clear 73-65 majority in the Electoral College, dismissing the incumbent. But a dispute arose regarding which end of the ticket was up. Burr maintained that he had received as many electoral votes as Jefferson and that the House of Representatives should decide which of them should be president. (The Constitution would be amended a few years later to make sure this confusion did not recur.)
In the wild weeks that followed there were charges and counter-charges of vote buying and bribery in the House, and some Federalists who were vehemently opposed to the Virginian swung their support to Burr, whom they regarded as the lesser threat. So of the House delegations for the 16 states in the Union at the time, Jefferson could only count on eight. Over seven days in February 1801 the House conducted 35 ballots, reaching the same 8-8 deadlock each time.
In the end, the decisive influence was that of another New Yorker, Alexander Hamilton. While he disagreed with Jefferson on a host of issues, Hamilton had no use at all for Burr and feared him as a unprincipled demagogue. So he mounted one of his furious writing campaigns on behalf of Jefferson ("by far not so dangerous a man").
On the 36th ballot, the New York delegation finally turned on Burr and switched its vote to Jefferson, who would take the oath the following month. Hamilton was not a member of Congress, and in fact never came to Washington in his life. But as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1787 he had argued for the Electoral College as a means of restraining the excesses of democracy. His abhorrence of Burr is depicted dramatically in the Broadway musical Hamilton — albeit with some dramatic license — and their rivalry finally ended when Burr fatally shot Hamilton in a duel in 1804.


npr--2020-09-27--NY Parole Of Former Black Panther Activist Who Murdered 2 Cops Sparks Reform Debate

NY Parole Of Former Black Panther Activist Who Murdered 2 Cops Sparks Reform Debate Audio will be available later today .
State officials in New York confirmed this week the parole of Anthony Bottom , age 68 , who now identifies as Jalil Abdul Muntaqim , a former member of the Black Panther Party .
Bottom was convicted of murdering two New York City police officers in 1971 while active with a militant wing of the Panthers known as the Black Liberation Army that carried out a series of deadly attacks on law enforcement .
Authorities said Bottom and his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Piagentini to an apartment building in Harlem before shooting them from behind .
Bottom was later captured and convicted of two counts of first degree murder .
Like many Black revolutionaries from that era , he 's been in prison ever since , currently incarcerated at Sullivan Correctional Facility north of New York City .
Denise Piagentini , widow of one of the officers , has petitioned parole board officials over the decades since to keep Bottom behind bars .
`` Anthony Bottom assassinated my husband and Waverly Jones because they wore the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a police officer union event last year .
`` We need to remember that under the uniform there is a person . ''
For years , New York 's parole board denied Bottom release despite the fact that he , like some other former Black Panthers , renounced political violence .
In 2018 , however , the parole board voted to release one of Bottom 's accomplices , Herman Bell , who was then 70 years old .
Speaking in a 2018 interview with documentary filmmaker Messiah Rhodes , Bottom said he too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think of going home and being with my kids , you know , getting back to the community , want to have my own home , '' he said .
On Sept. 11 , New York 's parole board reversed itself , granting Bottom release .
State officials declined to immediately release documents explaining their decision .
The move went unnoticed until the New York City police union issued a statement on Sept. 23 blasting the parole board , which in recent years has released more formerly violent offenders from prison , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` We are furious with the cowards and lunatics who claim to lead this state , '' said Police Benevolent Association president Patrick Lynch in the statement . ''
They have chosen to stand with the murderers , cold-blooded assassins and radicals bent on overthrowing our society . ''
The statement also included a statement from Denise Piagentini who said she was `` heartbroken '' by the parole board 's decision .
Reformers say elderly inmates should go home But Jose Saldana , age 69 , a former inmate who heads a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Prison , said he served time with Bottom and believes he has reformed .
`` I found him to be one of the exceptional mentors within the New York state prison system , '' Saldana told NPR .
`` A lot of things happen in prison .
Human beings transform their thinking and their behavior . ''
Studies show inmates age 65 and older , even those convicted of violent offenses , rarely commit new crimes after release .
Saldana was incarcerated for 38 years after a series of violent crimes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police sergeant , and was paroled two years ago .
He believes New York 's parole board , which has grown more racially diverse in recent years , is working better now , allowing elderly inmates to leave prison .
`` Instead of being dominated by law enforcement , which it had been for decades or so , the [ parole ] commissioners today have a more diversified background , '' Saldana said .
`` We have social workers , members of the clergy , we have teachers . ''
Bottom 's release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and street protests around the country over questions of policing , race and criminal justice reform .
Meanwhile , more than a dozen Black activists from the '60s and '70s are still behind bars around the U.S. many serving time for attacking police .
All are now senior citizens .

N.Y. Parole Of Former Black Panther Activist Who Murdered 2 Cops Sparks Reform Debate
Enlarge this image toggle caption Messiah Rhodes/Screenshot by NPR (YouTube) Messiah Rhodes/Screenshot by NPR (YouTube)
State officials in New York confirmed this week the parole of Anthony Bottom, age 68, who now identifies as Jalil Abdul Muntaqim, a former member of the Black Panther Party.
Bottom was convicted of murdering two New York City police officers in 1971 while active with a militant wing of the Panthers known as the Black Liberation Army that carried out a series of deadly attacks on law enforcement.
Authorities said Bottom and his accomplices lured Officers Waverly Jones and Joseph Piagentini to an apartment building in Harlem before shooting them from behind.
Bottom was later captured and convicted of two counts of first degree murder. Like many Black revolutionaries from that era, he's been in prison ever since, currently incarcerated at Sullivan Correctional Facility north of New York City.
Enlarge this image toggle caption DIANE BONDAREFF/ASSOCIATED PRESS DIANE BONDAREFF/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Denise Piagentini, widow of one of the officers, has petitioned parole board officials over the decades since to keep Bottom behind bars.
"Anthony Bottom assassinated my husband and Waverly Jones because they wore the blue uniform," Piagentini said at a police officer union event last year. "We need to remember that under the uniform there is a person."
After years of denial, N.Y. parole board shifts
For years, New York's parole board denied Bottom release despite the fact that he, like some other former Black Panthers, renounced political violence.
In 2018, however, the parole board voted to release one of Bottom's accomplices, Herman Bell, who was then 70 years old.
Speaking in a 2018 interview with documentary filmmaker Messiah Rhodes, Bottom said he too still dreamed of going free.
"I think of going home and being with my kids, you know, getting back to the community, want to have my own home," he said.
YouTube
On Sept. 11, New York's parole board reversed itself, granting Bottom release. State officials declined to immediately release documents explaining their decision.
The move went unnoticed until the New York City police union issued a statement on Sept. 23 blasting the parole board, which in recent years has released more formerly violent offenders from prison, including men who attacked or killed police.
"We are furious with the cowards and lunatics who claim to lead this state," said Police Benevolent Association president Patrick Lynch in the statement." They have chosen to stand with the murderers, cold-blooded assassins and radicals bent on overthrowing our society."
The statement also included a statement from Denise Piagentini who said she was "heartbroken" by the parole board's decision.
Reformers say elderly inmates should go home
But Jose Saldana, age 69, a former inmate who heads a prison reform project called Release Aging People in Prison, said he served time with Bottom and believes he has reformed.
"I found him to be one of the exceptional mentors within the New York state prison system," Saldana told NPR. "A lot of things happen in prison. Human beings transform their thinking and their behavior."
Studies show inmates age 65 and older, even those convicted of violent offenses, rarely commit new crimes after release.
Saldana was incarcerated for 38 years after a series of violent crimes, including an attack on a New York police sergeant, and was paroled two years ago.
He believes New York's parole board, which has grown more racially diverse in recent years, is working better now, allowing elderly inmates to leave prison.
"Instead of being dominated by law enforcement, which it had been for decades or so, the [parole] commissioners today have a more diversified background," Saldana said. "We have social workers, members of the clergy, we have teachers."
Bottom's release comes at a moment of intense debate and street protests around the country over questions of policing, race and criminal justice reform.
Meanwhile, more than a dozen Black activists from the '60s and '70s are still behind bars around the U.S. many serving time for attacking police. All are now senior citizens.


npr--2020-09-27--Some Black Americans Buying Guns: 'I'd Rather Go To Trial Than Go To The Cemetery'

Some Black Americans Buying Guns : ' I 'd Rather Go To Trial Than Go To The Cemetery' Editor 's note : NPR will be continuing this conversation about Being Black in America online and on air .
Bruce Tomlin , a 63-year-old truck driver from New Mexico , said he was never really a `` gun person . ''
Then he saw a video of three white men following and fatally shooting Ahmaud Arbery while he was jogging .
`` The man is trying to get away and they 're just gunning him down in the street like he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about watching the video of Arbery .
`` It 's made me hypervigilant .
It has made me nervous .
I 'll even admit to being a little bit scared sometimes . ''
So he bought a gun .
And he 's planning on buying more .
`` I just feel like in my viewpoint , every Black person in America , especially Black males , needs to have some type of protection with them as often as [ they ] can , because I think the political climate [ is ] getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be a lot of violence coming our way , '' Tomlin said .
`` I just feel safer now having a gun .
And I did n't always feel that way .
I 've never been the world 's biggest fan of guns , but I just do n't feel safe without one . ''
In early June , NPR reached out to Black Americans to ask about their personal experiences in this country .
Nearly 500 people responded , some of whom described wanting to buy — or decidedly not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in response to the recent fight for racial justice .
Tomlin is one of many Black Americans who recently bought firearms for the first time , faced with a combination of the coronavirus pandemic and the fight for racial justice .
`` The highest overall firearm sales increase comes from Black men and women , who show a 58.2 % increase in purchases during the first six months of 2020 versus the same period last year , '' Jim Curcuruto , the National Shooting Sports Foundation director of Research and Market Development , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AOL News .
`` Bottom line is that there has never been a sustained surge in firearm sales quite like what we are in the midst of . ''
Philip Smith , the president of the National African American Gun Association , said that he had a massive influx of members in two waves : Once , in 2016 , following President Donald Trump 's election , and again during the recent racial justice protests .
He said a year ago , NAAGA was getting maybe 10 new members a day ; now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hour .
He said there are many factors pushing Black people to buy firearms , including `` the politics right now , the pandemic and the racial tone : Those three things together act as kind of a three-headed monster that is driving folks to come to us . ''
While there may be an uptick in Black people owning guns in the United States today for protection , it 's not necessarily a new phenomenon .
The majority of gun owners are white men , but in a 2017 survey by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people reported owning a gun , compared to 36 % of white people .
Ifeoma Ozoma , a 28-year-old who works in tech policy , owned guns for self-protection long before the recent protests erupted across the nation .
She grew up in Alaska , with familiarity with firearms , and always knew she wanted to own one for self defense .
So , after graduating college , she started buying them .
`` My gun ownership is not connected to the political movement , '' Ozoma said .
`` It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , and I am adherent to both the First and the Second amendment and so I am practicing both , I believe , in owning guns . ''
Across races , since the 1970s , gun ownership has shifted away from hunting and sport and towards self-defense — and one of the most fierce advocates for the right to bear arms in public , particularly for protection , was the Black Panthers .
Malcolm X said African Americans had to defend themselves `` by whatever means necessary . ''
Even Martin Luther @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carry a concealed firearm in 1956 , shortly after his house was bombed .
His application was denied , but he had armed supporters guarding his home .
`` I 'm a student of history and political science , and I think what we 're dealing with now , and it 's the same with most societies , is like frog boiling , where you do n't realize how bad things are because they just get incrementally worse , '' Ozoma said .
`` And we 've taken some big , big leaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But if there was a societal breakdown , my first assumption is not that the police ... is going to make a priority of protecting Black citizens .
And so I would like to have my own form of protection . ''
Some people in the United States do tend to buy firearms in reaction to emergencies : Gun sales spiked after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and in response to the 2012 shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown , Conn. , and , according to the FBI 's National Instant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many Americans underwent background checks for handgun purchases in March 2020 as they had two months earlier .
Kat Traylor , of Aurora , Colo. , first started thinking about buying a weapon when she saw empty grocery shelves at the start of the pandemic .
Like Ozoma , she 's thought about chance encounters with police , too .
`` Elijah McClain was murdered in my city , '' Traylor said , referring to the death of a Black man who died following an encounter with law enforcement last year .
Police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injected him with an anesthetic called ketamine .
Aurora has since opened an independent investigation into his death , as has Colorado 's attorney general .
McClain 's parents have filed a federal civil rights lawsuit against the city and several of its police officers .
Traylor said she does n't necessarily envision using her firearm , particularly against police , but having it gives her some sense of control .
`` What we as a family had to determine is how do we want to ... die , '' she explained slowly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at it that way .
Do we want to die not being prepared ?
Or at least trying to protect ourselves .
That 's how you weigh that . ''
At the same time , data shows owning a gun might not actually make you safer .
Larry Green , a 68-year-old in Phoenix , does n't want to buy or own a gun for exactly that reason .
He pointed to Philando Castile , a registered gun owner who was shot and killed by a police officer on July 6 , 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , suburb after he told the officer he was armed .
Green was pulled over in Phoenix the week Castile was killed , and the officer asked if he had a gun in the car .
He was thankful that he did n't .
Ozoma understands the point that Castille was a legal gun owner who was shot and killed anyway , but she says that does n't make her shy away from her gun ownership .
`` Philando Castile was just pulling for his license to show that he had the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was lying in bed with her partner who was lawfully using his weapon against some people who broke into their apartment and did not announce who they were , '' Ozoma said .
`` So it does n't really matter either way , whether I 'm armed or not , I could be killed or be attacked .
And I 'd rather be armed . ''
`` I 'd rather go to trial than go to the cemetery , '' he said .

Some Black Americans Buying Guns: 'I'd Rather Go To Trial Than Go To The Cemetery'
Enlarge this image toggle caption Eze Amos/Getty Images Eze Amos/Getty Images
Editor's note: NPR will be continuing this conversation about Being Black in America online and on air.
Bruce Tomlin, a 63-year-old truck driver from New Mexico, said he was never really a "gun person." Then he saw a video of three white men following and fatally shooting Ahmaud Arbery while he was jogging.
"The man is trying to get away and they're just gunning him down in the street like he was a dog," Tomlin said about watching the video of Arbery. "It's made me hypervigilant. It has made me nervous. I'll even admit to being a little bit scared sometimes."
So he bought a gun. And he's planning on buying more.
"I just feel like in my viewpoint, every Black person in America, especially Black males, needs to have some type of protection with them as often as [they] can, because I think the political climate [is] getting to the point where it's just going to be a lot of violence coming our way," Tomlin said. "I just feel safer now having a gun. And I didn't always feel that way. I've never been the world's biggest fan of guns, but I just don't feel safe without one."
In early June, NPR reached out to Black Americans to ask about their personal experiences in this country. Nearly 500 people responded, some of whom described wanting to buy — or decidedly not wanting to buy — firearms for self-defense in response to the recent fight for racial justice.
Tomlin is one of many Black Americans who recently bought firearms for the first time, faced with a combination of the coronavirus pandemic and the fight for racial justice.
"The highest overall firearm sales increase comes from Black men and women, who show a 58.2% increase in purchases during the first six months of 2020 versus the same period last year," Jim Curcuruto, the National Shooting Sports Foundation director of Research and Market Development, wrote in a report, according to AOL News. "Bottom line is that there has never been a sustained surge in firearm sales quite like what we are in the midst of."
Philip Smith, the president of the National African American Gun Association, said that he had a massive influx of members in two waves: Once, in 2016, following President Donald Trump's election, and again during the recent racial justice protests. He said a year ago, NAAGA was getting maybe 10 new members a day; now, its seeing 10 new members an hour. He said there are many factors pushing Black people to buy firearms, including "the politics right now, the pandemic and the racial tone: Those three things together act as kind of a three-headed monster that is driving folks to come to us."
While there may be an uptick in Black people owning guns in the United States today for protection, it's not necessarily a new phenomenon. The majority of gun owners are white men, but in a 2017 survey by the Pew Research Center, 24% of Black people reported owning a gun, compared to 36% of white people.
Ifeoma Ozoma, a 28-year-old who works in tech policy, owned guns for self-protection long before the recent protests erupted across the nation. She grew up in Alaska, with familiarity with firearms, and always knew she wanted to own one for self defense. So, after graduating college, she started buying them.
"My gun ownership is not connected to the political movement," Ozoma said. "It's connected more to the history of the country, and I am adherent to both the First and the Second amendment and so I am practicing both, I believe, in owning guns."
Across races, since the 1970s, gun ownership has shifted away from hunting and sport and towards self-defense — and one of the most fierce advocates for the right to bear arms in public, particularly for protection, was the Black Panthers. Malcolm X said African Americans had to defend themselves "by whatever means necessary." Even Martin Luther King Jr. applied for a permit to carry a concealed firearm in 1956, shortly after his house was bombed. His application was denied, but he had armed supporters guarding his home.
"I'm a student of history and political science, and I think what we're dealing with now, and it's the same with most societies, is like frog boiling, where you don't realize how bad things are because they just get incrementally worse," Ozoma said. "And we've taken some big, big leaps this year in getting incrementally worse. But if there was a societal breakdown, my first assumption is not that the police ... is going to make a priority of protecting Black citizens. And so I would like to have my own form of protection."
Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP
Some people in the United States do tend to buy firearms in reaction to emergencies: Gun sales spiked after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and in response to the 2012 shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., and, according to the FBI's National Instant Criminal Background Check System, twice as many Americans underwent background checks for handgun purchases in March 2020 as they had two months earlier.
Kat Traylor, of Aurora, Colo., first started thinking about buying a weapon when she saw empty grocery shelves at the start of the pandemic. Like Ozoma, she's thought about chance encounters with police, too.
"Elijah McClain was murdered in my city," Traylor said, referring to the death of a Black man who died following an encounter with law enforcement last year.
Police put McClain in a chokehold. Paramedics injected him with an anesthetic called ketamine. Aurora has since opened an independent investigation into his death, as has Colorado's attorney general. McClain's parents have filed a federal civil rights lawsuit against the city and several of its police officers. Traylor said she doesn't necessarily envision using her firearm, particularly against police, but having it gives her some sense of control.
"What we as a family had to determine is how do we want to...die," she explained slowly. "It's sad to look at it that way. Do we want to die not being prepared? Or at least trying to protect ourselves. That's how you weigh that."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Leigh Paterson /Courtesy Leigh Paterson Leigh Paterson /Courtesy Leigh Paterson
At the same time, data shows owning a gun might not actually make you safer. Larry Green, a 68-year-old in Phoenix, doesn't want to buy or own a gun for exactly that reason. He pointed to Philando Castile, a registered gun owner who was shot and killed by a police officer on July 6, 2017, in a St. Paul, Minn., suburb after he told the officer he was armed. Green was pulled over in Phoenix the week Castile was killed, and the officer asked if he had a gun in the car. He was thankful that he didn't.
Ozoma understands the point that Castille was a legal gun owner who was shot and killed anyway, but she says that doesn't make her shy away from her gun ownership.
"Philando Castile was just pulling for his license to show that he had the right to have a gun. Breonna Taylor was lying in bed with her partner who was lawfully using his weapon against some people who broke into their apartment and did not announce who they were," Ozoma said. "So it doesn't really matter either way, whether I'm armed or not, I could be killed or be attacked. And I'd rather be armed."
Tomlin agrees.
"I'd rather go to trial than go to the cemetery," he said.
KUNC reporter Leigh Paterson contributed to this report.


npr--2020-09-27--A Crisis Within A Crisis: Food Insecurity And COVID-19

Over the summer , like many parents , I was looking to keep my kids productive after their summer jobs and summer sports camps were canceled .
Together we came up with a project we 've undertaken before — collecting books that our well-read and generous neighbors were ready to hand over — and delivering them to students and families who could use something new to read .
But with schools closed , shelters and nursing homes off limits because of COVID-19 , where to bring them ?
A neighbor connected us with a local school board representative , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food that would have been served for free or at reduced cost was instead packed up for families to pick up and eat at home .
He invited us to add our contributions .
After a couple of weeks of collecting , we packed up several cars with boxes and set out for our first drop .
What we saw was , well , it was shocking .
We set out for our deliveries .
At one school , the line for food literally wrapped around the building .
There were all kinds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , families of school aged children , but also seniors , families of several generations and people of every possible race .
Some were chatty and smiling and playful with their kids and the food service folks who tried to keep the mood light , but others looked worn , tired and anxious .
We 'd see the same thing over and over again .
Over the course of covering the global health crisis that began earlier this year , I have heard many worries from people across the country : about getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business , losing health insurance , depleting savings .
But not until I saw people standing in line for food did it strike me that at the most basic level , all these could lead to the same thing : being hungry , or at least , not having enough food , or the right kind of food , when you need it .
I wanted to find out how that could be , so my colleagues and I decided to dedicate a special episode of All Things Considered to the issue of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people around the country are trying to do about it now , what they were doing before the coronavirus crisis and what they 'll be doing after it ends .
In this episode , which you can listen to at the audio link above , we speak to Eugene Cho , CEO of Bread for the World , about what food insecurity looks like in the U.S. and how that compares to the rest of the world .
We visit a food distribution center in suburban Washington , D.C. , for an on-the-ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from reporters in Illinois in Nebraska about how food insecurity is playing out in rural America .
We talk to experts about how the social safety net is holding up , and look ahead with Ertharin Cousin , the founder and CEO of Food Systems for the Future .
We realize this is a global phenomenon but , sometimes , it 's best to figure out what 's going on around the block before you widen your lens to the rest of the world .

A Crisis Within A Crisis: Food Insecurity And COVID-19
Enlarge this image toggle caption Michael Loccisano/Getty Images for Food Bank For New York Michael Loccisano/Getty Images for Food Bank For New York
Over the summer, like many parents, I was looking to keep my kids productive after their summer jobs and summer sports camps were canceled. Together we came up with a project we've undertaken before — collecting books that our well-read and generous neighbors were ready to hand over — and delivering them to students and families who could use something new to read.
But with schools closed, and shelters and nursing homes off limits because of the pandemic, where to bring them? A neighbor connected us with a local school board representative, who was already delivering books to schools where food that would have been served for free or at reduced cost was instead packed up for families to pick up and eat at home. He invited us to add our contributions. After a couple of weeks of collecting, we packed up several cars with boxes and set out for our first drop.
What we saw was, well, it was shocking. We set out for our deliveries. At one school, the line for food literally wrapped around the building.
There were all kinds of folks. As you might imagine, families of school aged children, but also seniors, families of several generations and people of every possible race. Some were chatty and smiling and playful with their kids and the food service folks who tried to keep the mood light, but others looked worn, tired and anxious. We'd see the same thing over and over again.
Over the course of covering the global health crisis that began earlier this year, I have heard many worries from people across the country: about getting sick, losing a job or a business, losing health insurance, depleting savings. But not until I saw people standing in line for food did it strike me that at the most basic level, all these could lead to the same thing: being hungry, or at least, not having enough food, or the right kind of food, when you need it.
I wanted to find out how that could be, so my colleagues and I decided to dedicate a special episode of All Things Considered to the issue of food insecurity in America, and what people around the country are trying to do about it now, what they were doing before the coronavirus crisis and what they'll be doing after it ends.
In this episode, which you can listen to at the audio link above, we speak to Eugene Cho, CEO of Bread for the World, about what food insecurity looks like in the U.S. and how that compares to the rest of the world. We visit a food distribution center in suburban Washington, D.C., for an on-the-ground look at the issue, and hear from reporters in Illinois in Nebraska about how food insecurity is playing out in rural America. We talk to experts about how the social safety net is holding up, and look ahead with Ertharin Cousin, the founder and CEO of Food Systems for the Future.
We realize this is a global phenomenon but, sometimes, it's best to figure out what's going on around the block before you widen your lens to the rest of the world.


npr--2020-09-27--Paradox-Free Time Travel Is Theoretically Possible, Researchers Say

Paradox-Free Time Travel Is Theoretically Possible , Researchers Say '' The past is obdurate , '' Stephen King wrote in his book about a man who goes back in time to prevent the Kennedy assassination .
`` It does n't want to be changed . ''
Turns out , King might have been onto something .
Countless science fiction tales have explored the paradox of what would happen if you do something in the past that endangers the future .
Perhaps one of the most famous pop culture examples is Back to the Future , when Marty McFly went back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from meeting , putting his own existence in jeopardy .
But maybe McFly was n't in much danger after all .
According a new paper from researchers at the University of Queensland , even if time travel were possible , the paradox could n't actually exist .
Researchers ran the numbers , and determined that even if you make a change in the past , the timeline would essentially self-correct , ensuring that whatever happened to send you back in time would still happen .
`` Say you travelled in time , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ zero from being exposed to the virus , '' University of Queensland scientist Fabio Costa told the university 's news service .
`` However if you stopped that individual from becoming infected — that would eliminate the motivation for you to go back and stop the pandemic in the first place , '' said Costa , who co-authored the paper with honors undergraduate student Germain Tobar .
`` This is a paradox — an inconsistency that often leads people to think that time travel can not occur in our universe . ''
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paradox '' — in which a time traveler kills their own grandfather , in the process preventing the time traveler 's birth .
The logical paradox has given researchers a headache , in part because according to Einstein 's theory of general relativity , `` closed time-like curves '' are possible , theoretically allowing an observer to travel back in time and interact with their past self — and potentially endangering their own existence .
But these researchers say that such a paradox would n't necessarily exist , because events would adjust themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` You might try and stop patient zero from becoming infected , but in doing so you would catch the virus and become patient zero , or someone else would , '' Tobar told the university 's news service .
In other words , a time traveler could make changes — but the original outcome would still find a way to happen .
Maybe not the same way it happened in the first timeline ; but close enough so that the time traveler would still exist , and would still be motivated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No matter what you did , the salient events would just recalibrate around you , '' Tobar said .
The paper , `` Reversible dynamics with closed time-like curves and freedom of choice , '' was published last week in the peer-reviewed journal Classical and Quantum Gravity .
The findings seem consistent with another time travel study published this summer in the peer-reviewed journal Physical Review Letters .
That study found that changes made in the past wo n't drastically alter the future .
Best-selling science fiction author Blake Crouch , who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new study seems to support what certain time travel tropes have posited all along .
`` The universe is deterministic and attempts to alter Past Event X are destined to be the forces which bring Past Event X into being , '' Crouch told NPR via email .
`` So the future can affect the past .
Or maybe time is just an illusion .
But I guess it 's cool that the math checks out . ''

Paradox-Free Time Travel Is Theoretically Possible, Researchers Say
Enlarge this image toggle caption Timothy A. Clary/AFP via Getty Images Timothy A. Clary/AFP via Getty Images
"The past is obdurate," Stephen King wrote in his book about a man who goes back in time to prevent the Kennedy assassination. "It doesn't want to be changed."
Turns out, King might have been on to something.
Countless science fiction tales have explored the paradox of what would happen if you went back in time and did something in the past that endangered the future. Perhaps one of the most famous pop culture examples is in Back to the Future, when Marty McFly goes back in time and accidentally stops his parents from meeting, putting his own existence in jeopardy.
But maybe McFly wasn't in much danger after all. According a new paper from researchers at the University of Queensland, even if time travel were possible, the paradox couldn't actually exist.
Researchers ran the numbers and determined that even if you made a change in the past, the timeline would essentially self-correct, ensuring that whatever happened to send you back in time would still happen.
"Say you traveled in time in an attempt to stop COVID-19's patient zero from being exposed to the virus," University of Queensland scientist Fabio Costa told the university's news service.
"However, if you stopped that individual from becoming infected, that would eliminate the motivation for you to go back and stop the pandemic in the first place," said Costa, who co-authored the paper with honors undergraduate student Germain Tobar.
"This is a paradox — an inconsistency that often leads people to think that time travel cannot occur in our universe."
A variation is known as the "grandfather paradox" — in which a time traveler kills their own grandfather, in the process preventing the time traveler's birth.
The logical paradox has given researchers a headache, in part because according to Einstein's theory of general relativity, "closed timelike curves" are possible, theoretically allowing an observer to travel back in time and interact with their past self — potentially endangering their own existence.
But these researchers say that such a paradox wouldn't necessarily exist, because events would adjust themselves.
Take the coronavirus patient zero example. "You might try and stop patient zero from becoming infected, but in doing so, you would catch the virus and become patient zero, or someone else would," Tobar told the university's news service.
In other words, a time traveler could make changes, but the original outcome would still find a way to happen — maybe not the same way it happened in the first timeline but close enough so that the time traveler would still exist and would still be motivated to go back in time.
"No matter what you did, the salient events would just recalibrate around you," Tobar said.
The paper, "Reversible dynamics with closed time-like curves and freedom of choice," was published last week in the peer-reviewed journal Classical and Quantum Gravity. The findings seem consistent with another time travel study published this summer in the peer-reviewed journal Physical Review Letters. That study found that changes made in the past won't drastically alter the future.
Bestselling science fiction author Blake Crouch, who has written extensively about time travel, said the new study seems to support what certain time travel tropes have posited all along.
"The universe is deterministic and attempts to alter Past Event X are destined to be the forces which bring Past Event X into being," Crouch told NPR via email. "So the future can affect the past. Or maybe time is just an illusion. But I guess it's cool that the math checks out."


npr--2020-09-27--U.S. Judge Halts Trump's TikTok Ban, Hours Before It Was Set To Start

U.S. Judge Halts Trump 's TikTok Ban , Hours Before It Was Set To Start A federal judge on Sunday temporarily blocked President Trump 's TikTok ban , granting a temporary reprieve to the wildly popular video-sharing app .
During a telephone court hearing on Sunday , lawyers for TikTok argued that Trump 's clampdown infringed on free speech and due process rights .
John Hall , an attorney for TikTok , argued that the app , with some 100 million American users , is a `` modern day version of the town square '' and shutting it down is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nichols of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia , responded by halting the ban , which was set to kick in at midnight Sunday .
The action from the White House would have forced TikTok to be removed from smartphone app stores , meaning TikTok could not reach new users , and those who already had it would be deprived of app updates , eventually rendering it nonfunctional .
Nichols denied a request to extend a Nov. 12 deadline for TikTok to spin off its U.S. operations to an American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country .
In a statement , TikTok said it is pleased the court sided with its legal arguments .
`` We will continue defending our rights for the benefit of our community and employees .
At the same time , we will also maintain our ongoing dialogue with the government to turn our proposal , which the President gave his preliminary approval to last weekend , into an agreement , '' a TikTok spokeswoman said .
The judge 's move means the Chinese-owned TikTok can now operate without interruption at least until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opinion supporting his decision was not immediately released .
A full hearing date on the case has not yet been set .
The U.S.-TikTok row started with an executive order blacklisting the app on Aug. 6 , when the president invoked a national economic emergency , citing national security reasons .
In its court filing , TikTok 's lawyers said there 's no credible evidence to back up Trump 's national security claims .
Instead , TikTok 's legal team accused the president of being driven by `` political-related animus '' for `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be no different than the government locking the doors to a public forum , roping off that town square , '' Hall said on Sunday .
`` Telling two-thirds of the country , who are not members of this community , that you 're not going to be permitted in , '' Hall told the judge .
`` The government would be taking this extraordinary action at the very time that the need for free , open and accessible communication in America is at its zenith — 37 days before a national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawyer Daniel Schwei countered that any free speech concerns are `` completely irrelevant '' to the president 's national security prerogatives .
`` The concern here is about data security risk and leaving data vulnerable to access by the Chinese government , '' Schwei said .
`` This is the most immediate national security threat .
It is a threat today . ''
The White House fears China 's authoritarian regime could gain access to the data TikTok collects and use it to spy on or blackmail Americans .
Trump officials have called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ByteDance a `` mouthpiece '' of China 's Communist Party .
So far , U.S. officials have not offered direct proof that China has ever sought TikTok data .
TikTok , for its part , says it would deny any data requests from Beijing , pointing to how Americans ' data is stored mostly in the U.S. and decisions about the data are made by a U.S.-led team .
The judge handing a temporary victory to TikTok follows the actions of another judge , in Northern California , who paused enforcement of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ app , WeChat .
In that case , the judge found that the Trump administration offered `` scant evidence '' to support its national security fears .
Even a ban of six months , TikTok has said , would be devastating .
TikTok 's interim global head Vanessa Pappas estimated that 90 % of TikTok users would quit if the app went dark for that amount of time .
Trump has indicated that he would back off his push to outlaw TikTok if its U.S. operations were sold to an American company .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ approval from the president in a deal to rescue the app , but since then , ByteDance and the American companies appear at odds over the new company 's ownership structure .
Any agreement would need the blessing of the Chinese government , something that looks increasingly in doubt .
On Saturday , the Global Times , an outlet of China 's Communist Party , called Trump 's crackdown on TikTok a `` mafia-style robbery of a lucrative Chinese business '' and that the Oracle deal was not likely to be approved .

U.S. Judge Halts Trump's TikTok Ban, Hours Before It Was Set To Start
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mustafa Murat Kaynak/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images Mustafa Murat Kaynak/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Updated 1:30 p.m. ET Monday
A federal judge on Sunday blocked President Trump's TikTok ban, granting a temporary reprieve to the wildly popular video-sharing app.
During a telephone court hearing on Sunday, lawyers for TikTok argued that Trump's clampdown infringed on free speech and due process rights.
John Hall, an attorney for TikTok, said that the app, with some 100 million American users, is a "modern day version of the town square" and shutting it down is akin to silencing speech.
Judge Carl Nichols of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, responded by halting the ban, which was set to kick in at midnight Sunday.
The action from the White House would have forced TikTok to be removed from smartphone app stores, meaning TikTok could not reach new users, and those who already had it would be deprived of app updates, eventually rendering it nonfunctional.
Nichols, who was appointed by Trump, wrote in his opinion that Trump likely exceeded his authority by trying to ban TikTok.
The judge said while the president has broad emergency economic powers on national security matters, there are carve-outs for "information services" and "personal communication," and TikTok would fall under that category.
Nichols, however, denied a request to extend a Nov. 12 deadline for TikTok to spin off its U.S. operations to an American company, or face possible extinction in the country.
In a statement, TikTok said it is pleased the court sided with its legal arguments.
"We will continue defending our rights for the benefit of our community and employees. At the same time, we will also maintain our ongoing dialogue with the government to turn our proposal, which the President gave his preliminary approval to last weekend, into an agreement," a TikTok spokeswoman said.
In the wake of its setback, the Trump administration said it will postpone the planned ban of the app, but vowed to continue the legal battle.
"The E.O. is fully consistent with the law and promotes legitimate national security interests. The Government will comply with the injunction and has taken immediate steps to do so, but intends to vigorously defend the E.O. and the Secretary's implementation efforts from legal challenges," the Commerce Department said in a statement.
The judge's move means Chinese-owned TikTok can now operate without interruption at least until a full court hearing at a future date not yet set.
The U.S.-TikTok row started with an executive order blacklisting the app on Aug. 6, when the president invoked a national economic emergency, citing national security reasons.
In its court filing, TikTok's lawyers said there's no credible evidence to back up Trump's national security claims. Instead, TikTok's legal team accused the president of being driven by "political-related animus" for "political campaign fodder."
"It would be no different than the government locking the doors to a public forum, roping off that town square," Hall said on Sunday.
"Telling two-thirds of the country, who are not members of this community, that you're not going to be permitted in," Hall told the judge. "The government would be taking this extraordinary action at the very time that the need for free, open and accessible communication in America is at its zenith — 37 days before a national election."
U.S. Department of Justice lawyer Daniel Schwei countered that any free speech concerns are "completely irrelevant" to the president's national security prerogatives.
"The concern here is about data security risk and leaving data vulnerable to access by the Chinese government," Schwei said. "This is the most immediate national security threat. It is a threat today."
The White House fears China's authoritarian regime could gain access to the data TikTok collects and use it to spy on or blackmail Americans. Trump officials have called the chief executive of TikTok parent company ByteDance a "mouthpiece" of China's Communist Party. So far, U.S. officials have not offered direct proof that China has ever sought TikTok data.
TikTok, for its part, says it would deny any data requests from Beijing, pointing to how Americans' data is stored mostly in the U.S. and decisions about the data are made by a U.S.-led team.
The judge handing a temporary victory to TikTok follows the actions of another judge, in Northern California, who paused enforcement of the president's ban of a separate Chinese-owned app, WeChat. In that case, the judge found that the Trump administration offered "scant evidence" to support its national security fears.
Even a ban of six months, TikTok has said, would be devastating. TikTok's interim global head Vanessa Pappas estimated that 90% of TikTok users would quit if the app went dark for that amount of time.
Trump has indicated that he would back off his push to outlaw TikTok if its U.S. operations were sold to an American company. Software company Oracle and Walmart received tentative approval from the president in a deal to rescue the app, but since then, ByteDance and the American companies appear at odds over the new company's ownership structure.
Any agreement would need the blessing of the Chinese government, something that looks increasingly in doubt. On Saturday, the Global Times, an outlet of China's Communist Party, called Trump's crackdown on TikTok a "mafia-style robbery of a lucrative Chinese business" and that the Oracle deal was not likely to be approved.


npr--2020-09-27--Trump Dismisses 'New York Times' Report That He Paid Little In Federal Income Taxes

Trump Dismisses 'New York Times ' Report That He Paid Little In Federal Income Taxes A New York Times investigation published on Sunday found that President Trump paid just $ 750 in federal income taxes each year in 2016 and in 2017 , which the president denied at a news conference using a familiar retort : `` fake news . ''
The Times cites Trump 's long sought-after tax returns , further reporting that he paid no income taxes at all in 10 of the previous 15 years , as Trump reported massive losses to his businesses .
Among its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump has hundreds of millions of dollars in loans that are set to come due within the next four years — potentially his second term in office — and that he 's battling the Internal Revenue Service over a nearly $ 73 million tax refund he claimed a decade ago .
The Times said an `` adverse ruling [ in that audit case ] could cost him more than $ 100 million . ''
All told , the investigation provides the most detailed accounting yet of the finances of a president with massive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the details of those finances from the American public .
NPR has not confirmed any of the details from the filings ; the Times did n't post any of its source documents to protect sources , according to the story .
When asked about the report during a Sunday evening news conference , Trump refused to detail what he 's paid in federal income taxes , saying simply : `` I 've paid a lot . ''
He said `` it 'll all be revealed '' when his tax returns can be released @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for years .
( In fact , an audit would not prevent the president from releasing his records . )
Trump has previously bragged about not paying taxes .
`` That makes me smart , '' he said in a 2016 debate against Hillary Clinton , when she accused him of not paying federal income taxes .
Responding to the Times , Alan Garten , a lawyer for the Trump Organization , told the publication that `` most , if not all , of the facts appear to be inaccurate . ''
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tax return data for Trump and the myriad companies that make up his organization .
Here are other key findings of the New York Times : • Some reductions in the president 's tax liability came from unexplained consulting fees .
The Times cites evidence that some of the fees may have been paid to his daughter , Ivanka Trump , though she was not an outside figure , given her role as a top official in the Trump Organization .
If that were true , it could create further legal peril @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stems from a refund he claimed in 2010 totaling $ 72.9 million , which appears to be based on a questionable move by the president to claim he was walking away from his Atlantic City casino business .
• More than $ 70,000 paid to style Trump 's hair for his former reality show The Apprentice was written off on his taxes as a business expense .
He 's also written off costs related to residences and aircraft that many would consider personal expenses .
• The president 's businesses have brought in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precisely for the first time in this report , according to the Times .
In his first two years in the White House , Trump earned $ 73 million from overseas , mostly from his golf courses in the British Isles .
He also earned millions from the Philippines , India and Turkey .
• Trump and his companies paid taxes of $ 15,598 in Panama , $ 145,400 in India and $ 156,824 in the Philippines in 2017 , one of the years the report says Trump paid just $ 750 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Times report was explicit that it did not find any previously unknown connections to Russia , something that critics of the president have speculated would be revealed in his tax returns .
Trump 's political opponents for years have sought his personal financial records , after he broke decades of presidential precedent by not voluntarily releasing his tax returns during the 2016 campaign or since .
Trump has also not divested from his family business , creating layers of financial entanglements and potential conflicts of interest , including business deals that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Last year , House Ways and Means Committee Chair Richard Neal , D-Mass.
, sued federal officials to try to obtain six years of Trump 's tax returns .
In July of this year , the Supreme Court sent the case back to a lower court .
`` It appears that the President has gamed the tax code to his advantage and used legal fights to delay or avoid paying what he owes , '' Neal said in a statement Sunday evening .
He added : `` Our case is very strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ''

Trump Dismisses 'New York Times' Report That He Paid Little In Federal Income Taxes
Enlarge this image toggle caption Joshua Roberts/Getty Images Joshua Roberts/Getty Images
Updated at 8:40 p.m. ET
A New York Times investigation published on Sunday said that President Trump paid just $750 in federal income taxes each year in 2016 and 2017, which the president denied at a news conference using a familiar retort: "fake news."
The Times cites Trump's long-sought-after tax returns, further reporting that he paid no income taxes at all in 10 of the previous 15 years as Trump reported massive losses to his businesses.
Among its other findings, the investigation determined that Trump has hundreds of millions of dollars in loans that are set to come due within the next four years — potentially his second term in office — and that he's battling the Internal Revenue Service over a nearly $73 million tax refund he claimed a decade ago. The Times said an "adverse ruling [in that audit case] could cost him more than $100 million."
All told, the investigation provides the most detailed accounting yet of the finances of a president with massive business interests who has sought to shield the details of those finances from the American public.
NPR has not confirmed any of the details from the filings; the Times didn't post any of its source documents to protect sources, according to the story.
When asked about the report during a Sunday evening news conference, Trump refused to detail what he's paid in federal income taxes, saying simply: "I've paid a lot."
He said "it'll all be revealed" when his tax returns can be released after audit — something he's said for years. (In fact, an audit would not prevent the president from releasing his records.)
Trump has previously bragged about not paying taxes.
"That makes me smart," he said in a 2016 debate against Hillary Clinton, when she accused him of not paying federal income taxes.
Responding to the Times, Alan Garten, a lawyer for the Trump Organization, told the publication that "most, if not all, of the facts appear to be inaccurate."
The Times says it obtained over 20 years of tax return data for Trump and the myriad companies that make up his organization.
Here are other key points from The New York Times:
Some reductions in the president's tax liability came from unexplained consulting fees. The Times cites evidence that some of the fees may have been paid to his daughter, Ivanka Trump, though she was not an outside figure, given her role as a top official in the Trump Organization. If that were true, it could create further legal peril.
Trump's long-running IRS audit stems from a refund he claimed in 2010 totaling $72.9 million, which appears to be based on a questionable move by the president to claim he was walking away from his Atlantic City casino business.
More than $70,000 paid to style Trump's hair for his former reality show The Apprentice was written off on his taxes as a business expense. He has also written off costs related to residences and aircraft that many would consider personal expenses.
The president's businesses have brought in lots of money from overseas, detailed precisely for the first time in this report, according to the Times. In his first two years in the White House, Trump earned $73 million from overseas, mostly from his golf courses in the British Isles. He also earned millions from the Philippines, India and Turkey.
Trump and his companies paid taxes of $15,598 in Panama, $145,400 in India and $156,824 in the Philippines in 2017, one of the years the report says Trump paid just $750 in income taxes to the U.S. government.
The Times report was explicit that it did not find any previously unknown connections to Russia, something that critics of the president have speculated would be revealed in his tax returns.
Trump's political opponents for years have sought his personal financial records, after he broke decades of presidential precedent by not voluntarily releasing his tax returns during the 2016 campaign or since.
Trump has also not divested from his family business, creating layers of financial entanglements and potential conflicts of interest, including business deals that could be subject to decisions by foreign leaders.
Last year, House Ways and Means Committee Chair Richard Neal, D-Mass., sued federal officials to try to obtain six years of Trump's tax returns. In July of this year, the Supreme Court sent the case back to a lower court.
"It appears that the President has gamed the tax code to his advantage and used legal fights to delay or avoid paying what he owes," Neal said in a statement Sunday evening. He added: "Our case is very strong, and we will ultimately prevail."


npr--2020-09-27--NYC Principals Union Votes 'No Confidence' In Mayor And Schools Chancellor

NYC Principals Union Votes 'No Confidence ' In Mayor And Schools Chancellor The executive board of the union representing more than 6,400 of New York City 's school leaders passed a unanimous vote of no confidence against Mayor Bill de Blasio and Schools Chancellor Richard Carranza on Sunday for what it called officials ' `` failure to lead New York City through the safe and successful reopening of schools . ''
The Council of School Supervisors and Administrators is calling on the mayor to cede control of the city 's education department for the duration of the public health crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swift intervention from New York state .
`` During this health crisis , school leaders have lost trust and faith in Mayor de Blasio and Chancellor Carranza to support them in their immense efforts and provide them with the guidance and staffing they need , '' CSA President Mark Cannizzaro said in a statement .
`` Quite simply , we believe the City and DOE need help from the State Education Department , and we hope that the mayor soon realizes why this is necessary . ''
The announcement comes just days before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city 's public schools : In-person learning is set to begin for elementary school students on Sept. 29 , and for middle and high schoolers on Oct. 1 .
( Pre-K students and students with disabilities could return to school starting on Sept .
21 . )
The union laid out its justification in a three-page declaration provided to NPR .
It includes dozens of complaints about city officials ' handling of staffing , equipment and communications related to the resumption of in-person schooling .
The mayor 's office did not respond to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York City Department of Education Press Secretary Miranda Barbot said in a statement that the city has worked with its labor partners to `` navigate completely uncharted waters and accomplish our shared goal of serving students '' for the past six months and would continue to do so .
`` This week , more kids will be safely sitting in New York City classrooms than in any other major American city — a testament to city leadership and our educators ' commitment to their students , and the importance of in-person education , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's grievances are accusations that city officials entered into `` grossly irresponsible '' staffing agreements that fueled concern throughout the summer and , as of Friday , have left elementary schools some 1,200 teachers short for the first day of in-person learning .
The union says de Blasio and Carranza have not publicly stated how many additional teachers are needed by Oct. 1 or released a clear plan for providing them .
It said there was a `` lack of transparency '' about whether the additional teachers hired by the department of education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns are specific to remote learning , such as those saying officials have not provided schools with enough electronic devices or relevant professional development .
And others center on the timing and transparency of city officials ' communications .
For instance , the union said officials missed their own deadline for providing ventilation reports to school districts , did not submit their critical safety plan to the state on time and announced guidance on outdoor learning too late for school leaders to implement it .
`` Mayor de Blasio and Chancellor Carranza have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and inconsistent guidance throughout the pandemic , often creating situations where school leaders learn of policy through the press or their teaching staff , and often creating situations where school leaders must make decision in the absence of guidance and then reverse those decisions and alter plans when guidance is finally released , '' union leaders wrote .
Educators ' unions have been raising concerns for weeks about the ability of the nation 's largest school system to safely reopen for in-person instruction , particularly when it comes to safety , staffing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Federation of Teachers reached an agreement with the Department of Education allowing more of its members to work remotely .
The CSA said that the `` last-minute '' agreement , made after many schools had already been in session , means schools will not have adequate staff in the building throughout the school day .
`` School leaders want school buildings reopened and have been tirelessly planning to welcome back students since the end of last school year , '' Cannizzaro said .
`` They must now look staff , parents , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they have done all they can to provide a safe and quality educational experience , but given the limited resources provided them , this is becoming increasingly difficult . ''

NYC Principals Union Votes 'No Confidence' In Mayor And Schools Chancellor
Enlarge this image toggle caption Mark Lennihan/AP Mark Lennihan/AP
The executive board of the union representing more than 6,400 of New York City's school leaders passed a unanimous vote of no confidence against Mayor Bill de Blasio and Schools Chancellor Richard Carranza on Sunday for what it called officials' "failure to lead New York City through the safe and successful reopening of schools."
The Council of School Supervisors and Administrators is calling on the mayor to cede control of the city's education department for the duration of the public health crisis, and for both officials to seek swift intervention from New York state.
"During this health crisis, school leaders have lost trust and faith in Mayor de Blasio and Chancellor Carranza to support them in their immense efforts and provide them with the guidance and staffing they need," CSA President Mark Cannizzaro said in a statement. "Quite simply, we believe the City and DOE need help from the State Education Department, and we hope that the mayor soon realizes why this is necessary."
The announcement comes just days before the much-anticipated and twice-delayed reopening of the city's public schools: In-person learning is set to begin for elementary school students on Sept. 29, and for middle and high schoolers on Oct. 1. (Pre-K students and students with disabilities could return to school starting on Sept. 21.)
The union laid out its justification in a three-page declaration provided to NPR. It includes dozens of complaints about city officials' handling of staffing, equipment and communications related to the resumption of in-person schooling.
The mayor's office did not respond to NPR's request for comment. New York City Department of Education Press Secretary Miranda Barbot said in a statement that the city has worked with its labor partners to "navigate completely uncharted waters and accomplish our shared goal of serving students" for the past six months and would continue to do so.
"This week, more kids will be safely sitting in New York City classrooms than in any other major American city — a testament to city leadership and our educators' commitment to their students, and the importance of in-person education," Barbot said.
Among the union's grievances are accusations that city officials entered into "grossly irresponsible" staffing agreements that fueled concern throughout the summer and, as of Friday, have left elementary schools some 1,200 teachers short for the first day of in-person learning.
The union says de Blasio and Carranza have not publicly stated how many additional teachers are needed by Oct. 1 or released a clear plan for providing them. It said there was a "lack of transparency" about whether the additional teachers hired by the department of education are legitimately qualified or prepared.
Several concerns are specific to remote learning, such as those saying officials have not provided schools with enough electronic devices or relevant professional development.
And others center on the timing and transparency of city officials' communications. For instance, the union said officials missed their own deadline for providing ventilation reports to school districts, did not submit their critical safety plan to the state on time and announced guidance on outdoor learning too late for school leaders to implement it.
"Mayor de Blasio and Chancellor Carranza have provided school leaders with late, inadequate, and inconsistent guidance throughout the pandemic, often creating situations where school leaders learn of policy through the press or their teaching staff, and often creating situations where school leaders must make decision in the absence of guidance and then reverse those decisions and alter plans when guidance is finally released," union leaders wrote.
Educators' unions have been raising concerns for weeks about the ability of the nation's largest school system to safely reopen for in-person instruction, particularly when it comes to safety, staffing and logistics.
On Friday, the United Federation of Teachers reached an agreement with the Department of Education allowing more of its members to work remotely.
The CSA said that the "last-minute" agreement, made after many schools had already been in session, means schools will not have adequate staff in the building throughout the school day.
"School leaders want school buildings reopened and have been tirelessly planning to welcome back students since the end of last school year," Cannizzaro said. "They must now look staff, parents, and children in the eye and say that they have done all they can to provide a safe and quality educational experience, but given the limited resources provided them, this is becoming increasingly difficult."