npr--2020-09-03--In Rural Oregon, Threats And Backlash Follow Racial Justice Protests

Shortly after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd , 28-year-old Josie Stanfield organized a Black Lives Matter protest in the Central Oregon town of Prineville , home to about 10,000 residents .
Fewer than 1 % are Black .
`` The reason I did this was because I went to high school here , and I did n't have a good time in the community .
I 've always been targeted for being Black since high school , '' Stanfield said .
She remembers classmates throwing food at her , or whispering the N-word in the hallways .
A couple weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ met with local police chief Dale Cummins to discuss issues of race and policing .
It did n't go well .
She posted a video about the meeting on Facebook .
`` We were repeatedly told that we are only .8 percent of the county .
Basically , why are we making noise ?
Why are we asking them to do things when we are the only ones that care ? ''
Stanfield narrates in the June 12 post .
The next day Cummins responded with his own video on the police department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stanfield made a video , and quite frankly completely lied about the conversation .
And the things she did n't quite lie about , she twisted around , '' the chief said .
Stanfield got a slew of threatening Facebook messages .
One from June 18 reads : `` I promise I will run you over in my lifted Chevy ... Do n't like it here go back to Africa . ''
Screenshots Stanfield provided to Oregon Public Broadcasting show her asking Prineville police officers to pursue harassment charges against a different man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoke to him ( via FB ) yesterday , and he was apologetic .
I do n't see that being an issue further , '' Capt .
Larry Seymore replied through the department 's Facebook account .
The conflict has now spread offline , into weekly protests in front of the county courthouse .
Most weekends this summer , distinct groups face off from either side of a state highway , as passing engines rev and horns honks .
On a recent Saturday , people on one side of the road held handmade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or Stanfield specifically .
They chanted : `` No justice , no peace , '' and `` Say their names . ''
Across the street , a crowd waved flags : American flags , pro-police flags , Trump 2020 flags , and the Confederate flag .
They chanted : `` Go home commies , go home . ''
One woman 's t-shirt read : `` Lying Josie has got to go . ''
More than a dozen members of the Oregon Three Percent Zone 5 militia showed up .
Some carried assault @ @ @ @ @ @ @ zone leader , Jerrad Robison , said some people from the flag side of the street had asked them to come and keep the peace .
Many townspeople echoed that they 're here to protect Prineville from riots .
Ken Clark and Brandi Gagnon sat behind a poster reading : `` BLM is a RACIST movement ...
PROVE ME WRONG . ''
`` It 's 2020 .
Nobody cares about the color of your skin anymore .
We really do n't .
Nobody does , '' Clark said .
`` They 're terrifying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off about something that does n't matter , '' Gagnon added .
The protests are tense , and violence is just narrowly avoided during at least one event .
In recent weeks , police have cited and arrested people after altercations and reckless driving .
These heated confrontations happen across the street from Prineville police headquarters .
That Facebook video from the police chief about Stanfield was viewed more than 39,000 times .
`` We 're only a town of 10,000 , but we have almost 18,000 followers on our Facebook page , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to him , the video did not violate any department policies .
`` I get criticism and that 's just part of my job , '' he said .
When asked if he had ever before used social media to call out someone by name who criticized him , Cummins replied : `` I have never had to . ''
He declined to discuss details , citing pending litigation .
Stanfield 's attorney threatened legal action against the city unless it retracted the video .
Until recently , Cummins was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as one of 13 members of Oregon 's Department of Public Safety Standards and Training police policy committee , which is meant to uphold professional standards by disciplining violators .
He stepped down in August , telling the agency director in an email , `` I unfortunately have to focus my attention on other matters at this time . ''
Speaking broadly , the chief said he does n't believe systemic racism is an issue for local police , and that the implementation of bias training and body cameras are evidence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost a little offensive when I hear it , because I do n't want to minimize the movement and I understand the movement , but everybody equally matters to us .
It does n't matter the color of your skin .
It matters that we do our best to protect you , '' he replied .
After 10 weeks , the video disappeared from social media , with no public comment from Cummins .
Instead , the city of Prineville posted an unattributed statement on its Facebook page Aug. 21 .
It reads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a community , must continue to have an encouraging and constructive dialogue with each other as we attempt to promote our core values .
To further this goal , the City has removed a video from the Prineville Police Department 's Facebook page .
The video has remained posted in an effort of transparency , but has instead become a distraction to constructive dialogue . ''
Prineville City Manager Steve Forrester did not respond to requests for comment .
Stanfield , a mother of three , said she does n't feel protected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequences of Cummins ' video about her go far beyond the unrest happening outside the courthouse .
`` I hide in my house .
I hide in my backyard .
I hide in my front yard .
Cars drive by and I duck because I do n't know who 's going to see me , and where I 'm living , '' she said .
Stanfield described losing some hope through the ordeal .
She said changing people 's minds in Prineville is unlikely , and that moving the needle would require a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , starting with a new police chief .
`` I 've had so many people say we did n't have racism here until I started the protest . ''

In Rural Oregon, Threats And Backlash Follow Racial Justice Protests
toggle caption Emily Cureton/Oregon Public Broadcasting
Shortly after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd, 28-year-old Josie Stanfield organized a Black Lives Matter protest in the Central Oregon town of Prineville, home to about 10,000 residents. Fewer than 1% are Black.
"The reason I did this was because I went to high school here, and I didn't have a good time in the community. I've always been targeted for being Black since high school," Stanfield said.
She remembers classmates throwing food at her or whispering the N-word in the hallways.
A couple weeks after the first Prineville protest, Stanfield met with local police chief Dale Cummins to discuss issues of race and policing. It didn't go well. She posted a video about the meeting on Facebook.
"We were repeatedly told that we are only .8% of the county. Basically, why are we making noise? Why are we asking them to do things when we are the only ones that care?" Stanfield narrates in the June 12 post.
The next day, Cummins responded with his own video on the police department's official Facebook page.
"Josie Stanfield made a video and quite frankly completely lied about the conversation. And the things she didn't quite lie about, she twisted around," the chief said. That video has since been removed.
Stanfield got a slew of threatening Facebook messages. One from June 18 reads: "I promise I will run you over in my lifted Chevy... Don't like it here go back to Africa."
toggle caption Emily Cureton/Oregon Public Broadcasting
Screenshots Stanfield provided to Oregon Public Broadcasting show her asking Prineville police officers to pursue harassment charges against a different man who posted menacing comments.
"I spoke to him (via FB) yesterday, and he was apologetic. I don't see that being an issue further," Capt. Larry Seymour replied through the department's Facebook account.
The conflict has now spread offline, into weekly protests in front of the county courthouse. Most weekends this summer, distinct groups faced off from either side of a state highway, as passing engines rev and horns honk.
On a recent Saturday, people on one side of the road held handmade cardboard signs supportive of Black Lives Matter or Stanfield specifically. They chanted: "No justice, no peace," and "Say their names."
Across the street, a crowd waved flags: American flags, pro-police flags, Trump 2020 flags and the Confederate flag. They chanted: "Go home, commies, go home." One woman's T-shirt read: "Lying Josie has got to go."
More than a dozen members of the Oregon Three Percent Zone 5 militia showed up. Some carried assault rifles and zip-tie handcuffs. The zone leader, Jerrad Robison, said some people from the flag side of the street had asked them to come and keep the peace.
Many townspeople said they were there to protect Prineville from riots. Ken Clark and Brandi Gagnon sat behind a poster reading: "BLM is a RACIST movement... PROVE ME WRONG."
"It's 2020. Nobody cares about the color of your skin anymore. We really don't. Nobody does," Clark said.
"They're terrifying our children with every weekend of blasting off about something that doesn't matter," Gagnon added.
The protests are tense, and violence was just narrowly avoided during at least one event. In recent weeks, police have cited and arrested people after altercations and reckless driving.
These heated confrontations happen across the street from Prineville police headquarters. That Facebook video from the police chief about Stanfield had been viewed more than 39,000 times.
"We're only a town of 10,000, but we have almost 18,000 followers on our Facebook page," Cummins, who is white, said in a phone interview last month.
According to him, the video did not violate any department policies.
"I get criticism and that's just part of my job," he said.
When asked whether he had ever before used social media to call out someone by name who criticized him, Cummins replied: "I have never had to."
He declined to discuss details, citing pending litigation. Stanfield's attorney threatened legal action against the city unless it retracted the video.
Race 'Raising White Kids' Author On How White Parents Can Talk About Race 'Raising White Kids' Author On How White Parents Can Talk About Race Listen · 7:24 7:24
Until recently, Cummins was in a state leadership role for police oversight, as one of 13 members of Oregon's Department of Public Safety Standards and Training police policy committee, which is meant to uphold professional standards by disciplining violators. He stepped down in August, telling the agency director in an email, "I unfortunately have to focus my attention on other matters at this time."
Speaking broadly, the chief said he doesn't believe systemic racism is an issue for local police and that the implementation of bias training and body cameras are evidence of progress.
Oregon Public Broadcasting asked Cummins if Black lives matter.
"It is almost a little offensive when I hear it, because I don't want to minimize the movement and I understand the movement, but everybody equally matters to us. It doesn't matter the color of your skin. It matters that we do our best to protect you," he replied.
After 10 weeks, the video had disappeared from social media, with no public comment from Cummins. Instead, the city of Prineville posted an unattributed statement on its Facebook page Aug. 21.
It reads, in part, "We, as a community, must continue to have an encouraging and constructive dialogue with each other as we attempt to promote our core values. To further this goal, the City has removed a video from the Prineville Police Department's Facebook page. The video has remained posted in an effort of transparency, but has instead become a distraction to constructive dialogue."
Prineville City Manager Steve Forrester did not respond to requests for comment.
Stanfield, a mother of three, said that she doesn't feel protected by local police and that the consequences of Cummins' video about her go far beyond the unrest happening outside the courthouse.
"I hide in my house. I hide in my backyard. I hide in my front yard. Cars drive by, and I duck because I don't know who's going to see me and where I'm living," she said.
Stanfield described losing some hope through the ordeal. She said that changing people's minds in Prineville is unlikely and that moving the needle would require a total overhaul of the town's leadership, starting with a new police chief.
"I've had so many people say we didn't have racism here until I started the protest."


npr--2020-09-03--Americans Increasingly Polarized When It Comes To Racial Justice Protests, Poll Finds

Americans Increasingly Polarized When It Comes To Racial Justice Protests , Poll Finds As the nation grapples with questions of racial justice , Americans are increasingly polarized , according to a new poll , with Republicans far less likely to support protests sparked by the police shooting of Jacob Blake than previous demonstrations .
More Americans support than oppose recent protests after the shooting in Kenosha , Wis. , according to the poll by the research firm Ipsos , provided exclusively to NPR .
But sharp divisions are emerging along racial and political party lines .
Two-thirds of Black respondents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over one-third of whites and less than half of Hispanics .
The division among party affiliations is even more stark : 3 out of 4 Democrats say they support the protests , compared with fewer than 1 in 10 Republicans .
The poll of 1,008 U.S. adults was conducted Aug. 28-31 .
The margin of error for the overall sample is 3 percentage points .
These divisions have become even more entrenched since the spring , when George Floyd 's death in Minneapolis police custody sparked protests across the country .
Nearly 45 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they supported demonstrations against police brutality .
`` There is a significant shift at the partisan level , '' said Mallory Newall , a pollster at Ipsos , which has been tracking public opinion about racial justice protests for months .
`` You are seeing a certain segment of the population that is the Republican base responding to how the president is communicating around these issues . ''
President Trump visited Kenosha on Tuesday , while former Vice President Joe Biden plans to travel there Thursday .
The two presidential candidates have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump met with police and toured a section of Kenosha damaged by rioting that followed the shooting of Blake , a 29-year-old Black man who was left paralyzed , according to his family .
The president called violence that erupted at the protests `` domestic terrorism '' and defended Kyle Rittenhouse , the young white man who 's accused of shooting and killing two protesters in Wisconsin .
Biden told reporters on Wednesday that protesting and free speech is a right , but he denounced violence and looting .
The former vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ division and violence for political gain .
About one-third of poll respondents said they did n't have an opinion about how Trump and Biden have responded to protests and demonstrations taking place in Wisconsin and across the country following Blake 's shooting .
The Ipsos poll took place before Trump 's visit to Kenosha .
`` Amidst all of the rhetoric around this issue , a fair number of Americans remain at least somewhat ambivalent , '' Newall said .
When poll respondents did register an opinion , only about one-quarter said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests , according to Ipsos .
That included just 6 % of Democrats .
`` He is adding a lot of gasoline to a fire that 's already kind of burning on its own , '' said Laurie Dozier , a Democrat from Cleveland .
`` I think that he likes it .
He likes exciting his base , '' said Dozier , who is Black .
`` He thinks it 's good for his numbers .
He 's all about the polling numbers . ''
The president 's response to the protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Republicans .
Nearly 69 % support him .
`` I do n't believe what they 're doing is good for the Black community , '' Edward Bluemel , a Republican from the Chicago suburbs , said about the protesters in Wisconsin and elsewhere .
Bluemel , who is white , says it was `` very excessive '' for police officers to shoot Blake seven times in the back .
But he blames Democratic mayors and governors , saying they allowed protests to become violent , echoing one of Trump 's frequent talking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rioting and looting and burning .
It 's just like a crime spree , '' Bluemel said .
`` I really believe that the Democrats , they 're letting this go .
Just because there 's an election coming up , and it 'll make the Republicans look bad . ''
Ipsos also asked poll respondents to rate how other political figures and institutions responded to the protests .
More than 4 in 10 people said they supported the response of the Black Lives Matter movement as well as NBA players who decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in protest .
But here , too , the reactions broke down along familiar partisan and racial lines with few Republicans expressing support for how NBA players and Black Lives Matter responded , compared with overwhelming support from Democrats .
A majority of respondents reported paying either a `` great deal '' or a `` fair amount '' of attention to Blake 's shooting ; only 9 % said they have n't heard anything at all .
Still , when it came to the reactions of local officials — Gov .
Tony Evers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which is leading the investigation into Blake 's shooting — most respondents did n't know how to rate their response .
The poll did reveal a few areas of agreement .
For instance , three-quarters of all respondents said violence and damage caused by some protesters discredits the goal of achieving racial justice .
On his visit to Kenosha this week , President Trump denied that there is systemic racism in U.S. institutions .
But the Ipsos poll found that a majority of Americans disagree .
More than half of respondents said racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools and police departments .
And only 30 % agreed that `` America is not a racist country . ''
When asked about the future , a large majority of whites and Republicans say it 's likely that police treatment of Blacks will improve in coming years .
But Black respondents are much more pessimistic ; 2 out of 3 say that is not likely to happen .

Americans Increasingly Polarized When It Comes To Racial Justice Protests, Poll Finds
Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson/Getty Images
As the nation grapples with questions of racial justice, Americans are increasingly polarized, according to a new poll, with Republicans far less likely to support protests sparked by the police shooting of Jacob Blake than previous demonstrations.
More Americans support than oppose recent protests after the shooting in Kenosha, Wis., according to the poll by the research firm Ipsos, provided exclusively to NPR.
But sharp divisions are emerging along racial and political party lines.
Two-thirds of Black respondents support the protests, compared with just over one-third of whites and less than half of Hispanics. The division among party affiliations is even more stark: 3 out of 4 Democrats say they support the protests, compared with fewer than 1 in 10 Republicans.
The poll of 1,008 U.S. adults was conducted Aug. 28-31. The margin of error for the overall sample is 3 percentage points.
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These divisions have become even more entrenched since the spring, when George Floyd's death in Minneapolis police custody sparked protests across the country. Nearly 45% of Republicans told Ipsos in June that they supported demonstrations against police brutality.
"There is a significant shift at the partisan level," said Mallory Newall, a pollster at Ipsos, which has been tracking public opinion about racial justice protests for months. "You are seeing a certain segment of the population that is the Republican base responding to how the president is communicating around these issues."
President Trump visited Kenosha on Tuesday, while former Vice President Joe Biden plans to travel there Thursday. The two presidential candidates have offered dramatically differing views on the protests.
Trump met with police and toured a section of Kenosha damaged by rioting that followed the shooting of Blake, a 29-year-old Black man who was left paralyzed, according to his family. The president called violence that erupted at the protests "domestic terrorism" and defended Kyle Rittenhouse, the young white man who's accused of shooting and killing two protesters in Wisconsin.
Biden told reporters on Wednesday that protesting and free speech is a right, but he denounced violence and looting. The former vice president again blamed President Trump for stoking division and violence for political gain.
About one-third of poll respondents said they didn't have an opinion about how Trump and Biden have responded to protests and demonstrations taking place in Wisconsin and across the country following Blake's shooting. The Ipsos poll took place before Trump's visit to Kenosha.
"Amidst all of the rhetoric around this issue, a fair number of Americans remain at least somewhat ambivalent," Newall said.
When poll respondents did register an opinion, only about one-quarter said they support President Trump's response to the protests, according to Ipsos. That included just 6% of Democrats.
"He is adding a lot of gasoline to a fire that's already kind of burning on its own," said Laurie Dozier, a Democrat from Cleveland.
"I think that he likes it. He likes exciting his base," said Dozier, who is Black. "He thinks it's good for his numbers. He's all about the polling numbers."
The president's response to the protests has been overwhelmingly popular with one group: Republicans. Nearly 69% support him.
"I don't believe what they're doing is good for the Black community," Edward Bluemel, a Republican from the Chicago suburbs, said about the protesters in Wisconsin and elsewhere.
Bluemel, who is white, says it was "very excessive" for police officers to shoot Blake seven times in the back. But he blames Democratic mayors and governors, saying they allowed protests to become violent, echoing one of Trump's frequent talking points.
"They're out there rioting and looting and burning. It's just like a crime spree," Bluemel said. "I really believe that the Democrats, they're letting this go. Just because there's an election coming up, and it'll make the Republicans look bad."
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Ipsos also asked poll respondents to rate how other political figures and institutions responded to the protests. More than 4 in 10 people said they supported the response of the Black Lives Matter movement as well as NBA players who decided to boycott several playoff games last week in protest.
But here, too, the reactions broke down along familiar partisan and racial lines with few Republicans expressing support for how NBA players and Black Lives Matter responded, compared with overwhelming support from Democrats.
A majority of respondents reported paying either a "great deal" or a "fair amount" of attention to Blake's shooting; only 9% said they haven't heard anything at all.
Still, when it came to the reactions of local officials — Gov. Tony Evers and the Wisconsin Department of Justice, which is leading the investigation into Blake's shooting — most respondents didn't know how to rate their response.
The poll did reveal a few areas of agreement. For instance, three-quarters of all respondents said violence and damage caused by some protesters discredits the goal of achieving racial justice.
On his visit to Kenosha this week, President Trump denied that there is systemic racism in U.S. institutions.
But the Ipsos poll found that a majority of Americans disagree. More than half of respondents said racism is built into the U.S. economy, schools and police departments. And only 30% agreed that "America is not a racist country."
When asked about the future, a large majority of whites and Republicans say it's likely that police treatment of Blacks will improve in coming years. But Black respondents are much more pessimistic; 2 out of 3 say that is not likely to happen.


npr--2020-09-03--2020 Is The Year Of The Woman Donor: Campaign Contributions Surge

2020 Is The Year Of The Woman Donor : Campaign Contributions Surge On election night 2016 , Gretchen Sisson was so sure Hillary Clinton would defeat Donald Trump that she and her husband invited 80 people to their San Francisco home for a party .
They even had a giant sheet cake made that celebrated suffragists and the Equal Rights Amendment .
On the side was written , `` Madam President . ''
That 's not how it turned out .
Trump won in a stunning outcome , and no one could bear to eat .
Afterward , Sisson and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves for weeks .
It was , she says now , a lesson in hubris .
But as time passed , a despondent Sisson decided to channel her unhappiness into political donating , a world where women like her are increasingly making their voices heard .
This election cycle , the share of women giving money to political campaigns has already risen to 43.5 % after never topping 28 % in the 1990s — `` a pretty significant jump , '' says Sheila Krumholz of the Center for Responsive Politics .
( The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 200 . )
That surge provides women with greater political clout , and it could make a big difference in some of this year 's closest political races .
While donations to both parties have risen , women tend to favor Democrats .
President Trump has received 37 % of his donations from women so far during this election cycle , while almost 48 % of the contributors to former Vice President Joe Biden have been female , Krumholz says .
After Trump 's 2016 win , Sisson and her husband , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to groups that support people they thought might be vulnerable under the new administration , such as refugee organizations and press freedom groups .
But as the 2018 midterms approached , she hooked up with the Women Donors Network and other Bay Area groups and began looking for candidates to give to directly .
`` I 'm an academic by training and I am really moved by a good data-driven case , and so I really started to immerse myself in figuring out where the best places to put our money would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , someone gave her a valuable piece of advice : Anyone can feel good by donating to political candidates who stand a good chance of winning already .
What 's harder is finding those who might be able to eke out a victory with a little financial help .
`` For me , it became important to find the candidates that had a solid shot , if not a favorable shot , where money could actually move the needle , '' she says .
It was Moneyball meets Emily 's List : Sisson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leanings of various congressional districts and delved into the minutiae of Senate and governors ' races .
Politics became a kind of third job , says Sisson , an academic researcher with three children .
Efforts by her and thousands of other people bore fruit in 2018 , when a record number of women were elected to Congress , helping Democrats take control of the House .
During this election cycle , Sisson has donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to candidates , most but not all of them women , and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country 's top female Democratic donors .
She gets dozens of calls seeking money every day .
Democrats ' success in electing women to Congress has n't gone unnoticed by Republicans .
The 2018 election may have been a huge success for Democratic women , but it was something of a debacle for their GOP counterparts , who lost almost every election they were running in .
In the election 's aftermath , some Republicans have taken a hard look at the party 's problems with women and decided to redouble their efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't always been easy , concedes Ashley Davis , a Republican fundraiser who sits on the board of Winning for Women , a political action committee headed by former New Hampshire Sen. Kelly Ayotte .
`` I always joke that men feel that they were born to run for office and never have to be convinced .
They have to be convinced not to run for office , '' Davis says .
Women `` need a little more persuasion about it . ''
Winning for Women has also sought to teach female candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money , something women are n't always naturally good at , Davis says .
With time , the group has also had some success reaching out to female donors , and in doing that , it has learned a thing or two from the other party , she says .
`` I think the confidence that the Republican candidates received by watching the Democrats do it last cycle has been helpful . ''
One big factor driving the surge in giving by women this year may be the coronavirus .
Because so much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic has fallen on women , it has spurred them to become more engaged politically , says longtime Democratic fundraiser Sally Susman .
`` They 're anxious .
They 're concerned for their families .
They 're worried for their livelihoods .
They 're worried for the future of our world , '' she says .
Another factor is the unprecedented number of female Democratic presidential candidates , such as Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and California Sen. Kamala Harris , now the vice presidential nominee .
`` I think women are stimulated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessarily gender specific , '' Susman says .
But , she adds , `` they get often excited by a very compelling and charismatic female candidate . ''

2020 Is The Year Of The Woman Donor: Campaign Contributions Surge
Enlarge this image toggle caption Gretchen Sisson Gretchen Sisson
On election night 2016, Gretchen Sisson was so sure Hillary Clinton would defeat Donald Trump that she and her husband invited 80 people to their San Francisco home for a party. They even had a giant sheet cake made that celebrated suffragists and the Equal Rights Amendment. On the side was written, "Madam President."
That's not how it turned out. Trump won in a stunning outcome, and no one could bear to eat. Afterward, Sisson and her family ended up eating the cake themselves for weeks. It was, she says now, a lesson in hubris.
But as time passed, a despondent Sisson decided to channel her unhappiness into political donating, a world where women like her are increasingly making their voices heard.
Loading...
This election cycle, the share of women giving money to political campaigns has already risen to 43.5% after never topping 28% in the 1990s — "a pretty significant jump," says Sheila Krumholz of the Center for Responsive Politics. (The group looked only at donations larger than $200.)
That surge provides women with greater political clout, and it could make a big difference in some of this year's closest political races.
While donations to both parties have risen, women tend to favor Democrats. President Trump has received 37% of his donations from women so far during this election cycle, while almost 48% of the contributors to former Vice President Joe Biden have been female, Krumholz says.
After Trump's 2016 win, Sisson and her husband, who owns a tech startup, donated to groups that support people they thought might be vulnerable under the new administration, such as refugee organizations and press freedom groups.
But as the 2018 midterms approached, she hooked up with the Women Donors Network and other Bay Area groups and began looking for candidates to give to directly.
"I'm an academic by training and I am really moved by a good data-driven case, and so I really started to immerse myself in figuring out where the best places to put our money would be," she says.
Early on, someone gave her a valuable piece of advice: Anyone can feel good by donating to political candidates who stand a good chance of winning already. What's harder is finding those who might be able to eke out a victory with a little financial help.
"For me, it became important to find the candidates that had a solid shot, if not a favorable shot, where money could actually move the needle," she says.
It was Moneyball meets Emily's List: Sisson learned all she could about the political leanings of various congressional districts and delved into the minutiae of Senate and governors' races. Politics became a kind of third job, says Sisson, an academic researcher with three children.
Efforts by her and thousands of other people bore fruit in 2018, when a record number of women were elected to Congress, helping Democrats take control of the House.
During this election cycle, Sisson has donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to candidates, most but not all of them women, and in the process has become one of the country's top female Democratic donors. She gets dozens of calls seeking money every day.
Democrats' success in electing women to Congress hasn't gone unnoticed by Republicans.
The 2018 election may have been a huge success for Democratic women, but it was something of a debacle for their GOP counterparts, who lost almost every election they were running in.
In the election's aftermath, some Republicans have taken a hard look at the party's problems with women and decided to redouble their efforts to attract female candidates.
It hasn't always been easy, concedes Ashley Davis, a Republican fundraiser who sits on the board of Winning for Women, a political action committee headed by former New Hampshire Sen. Kelly Ayotte.
"I always joke that men feel that they were born to run for office and never have to be convinced. They have to be convinced not to run for office," Davis says. Women "need a little more persuasion about it."
Winning for Women has also sought to teach female candidates the necessary skill of asking donors for money, something women aren't always naturally good at, Davis says.
With time, the group has also had some success reaching out to female donors, and in doing that, it has learned a thing or two from the other party, she says. "I think the confidence that the Republican candidates received by watching the Democrats do it last cycle has been helpful."
One big factor driving the surge in giving by women this year may be the coronavirus. Because so much of the burden of dealing with the pandemic has fallen on women, it has spurred them to become more engaged politically, says longtime Democratic fundraiser Sally Susman.
"They're anxious. They're concerned for their families. They're worried for their livelihoods. They're worried for the future of our world," she says.
Another factor is the unprecedented number of female Democratic presidential candidates, such as Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and California Sen. Kamala Harris, now the vice presidential nominee.
"I think women are stimulated by a range of issues that are not necessarily gender specific," Susman says. But, she adds, "they get often excited by a very compelling and charismatic female candidate."


npr--2020-09-03--Trump's Base Is Shrinking As Whites Without A College Degree Continue To Decline

Trump 's Base Is Shrinking As Whites Without A College Degree Continue To Decline That 's a key finding of an analysis of how the U.S. electorate has changed since 2016 , based on census data analyzed by the Brookings Institution and NPR .
In 2016 , Trump was helped to victory by winning a record margin among white voters without a college degree .
But in the last four years , they have declined as a share of the voting-eligible population across the U.S. and in states critical to the presidential election .
Nationally , the group has gone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 41 % .
Meanwhile , some other demographic cohorts — whites with a college degree , Latinos and , to a lesser extent , Asian Americans and other groups — have all gone up .
The trend holds in the battleground states as well .
Of the 16 states most likely to be closely contested this election , all but two have seen a decline in whites without a college degree as a share of eligible voters .
College-educated whites , on the other hand , have gained in 14 of those states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are on the rise in 12 of the 16 states , most notably in the Sun Belt , where Asian Americans are also a significant share .
With Trump facing an uphill reelection battle , the findings underscore that it 's not just that he 's winning smaller margins among some key groups , according to public opinion surveys , as compared with 2016 — but that the pool of people who appear most open to his message is shallower .
`` Demography keeps moving along , '' said demographer William Frey , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and analyzed the data .
Almost two-thirds of whites without a college degree voted for Trump in 2016 , and they are still among the largest voting blocs in the country .
But the gap between them and other more Democratic-leaning groups is shrinking .
For example , when you combine whites with a college degree and Latinos , two groups that have voted far more in favor of Democrats , they are now almost on par with whites without a degree .
That 's a big shift from 2016 .
Then , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 9-point advantage over whites with a degree and Latinos combined .
Now , the gap is only about 2 points .
A decline of whites without a college degree in the Rust Belt Trump was able to eke out an Electoral College victory in 2016 by fewer than 80,000 votes in three critical formerly Democratic states — Michigan , Wisconsin and Pennsylvania .
So given that he was operating at such a narrow margin already , Trump ca n't afford to lose voters there .
But that may be what 's happening in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ battleground states where whites without a college degree are a majority of eligible voters .
All of them , except New Hampshire , have areas included in the Rust Belt .
And in each of them , whites without a degree have declined .
In some places , like Pennsylvania , New Hampshire and Ohio , they 've gone down significantly , by 5 percentage points as a share of eligible voters .
Conversely , whites with a college degree have gone up in each of them .
These states are less diverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ split among whites is one of the most important factors in determining whether Trump or Joe Biden wins them .
The U.S. is diversifying more quickly in the South and West , and we 've seen traditionally Republican Arizona , Georgia and Texas emerge as battlegrounds .
Demography is largely responsible for that .
In four key Sun Belt states , including Florida , the share of non-college-educated whites has gone down , while Latinos are on the rise .
In Arizona , in particular , whites without a college degree are down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are up 6 .
Latinos now make up almost a third of the voting-eligible population in the state .
In 2016 , they made up only 15 % of voters , according to exit polls , so registering Latinos to vote is critical there for Democrats , something made more complicated by the coronavirus pandemic .
The fact is this : Latinos are simply aging into the voting-eligible population .
In 2018 , whites for the first time made up a minority of America 's under-15 population .
So even if immigration were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only continue to become a larger share of eligible voters over the next generation .
Yes , but who will turn out ?
None of this is to say who will turn out to the polls .
This analysis is looking only at people eligible to vote , not who will show up — and those are very different things .
That 's why the campaigns are working so hard to turn out their voters , especially now with hyperpartisanship dominating .
For Trump , that means getting out more white non-college-educated voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ margin among whites without a college degree , but their turnout rate was not remarkable as compared with past presidential elections .
In fact , it was lower than in both 2008 and 2004 .
Trump has done very little to reach out beyond his base .
But as the Cook Political Report 's David Wasserman has noted , half of all nonvoters in 2016 were whites without a college degree .
So , on the one hand , there 's clearly room to grow for Trump with his base group of voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's unclear why they would turn out for Trump at higher levels than in 2016 .
Majorities of Americans this year disapprove of the job he 's doing overall and his handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
What 's more , Hillary Clinton is n't on the ballot .
Biden is seen far less negatively than Clinton was .
Still , the need for white non-college-educated voters to turn out in larger numbers for this president might well explain the culture-war messaging and crime warnings of the now-wrapped-up Republican National Convention .

Trump's Base Is Shrinking As Whites Without A College Degree Continue To Decline
Enlarge this image toggle caption Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images
President Trump's base has gotten smaller.
That's a key finding of an analysis of how the U.S. electorate has changed since 2016, based on census data analyzed by the Brookings Institution and NPR.
In 2016, Trump was helped to victory by winning a record margin among white voters without a college degree. But in the last four years, they have declined as a share of the voting-eligible population across the U.S. and in states critical to the presidential election. Nationally, the group has gone from 45% of eligible voters to 41%.
Meanwhile, some other demographic cohorts — whites with a college degree, Latinos and, to a lesser extent, Asian Americans and other groups — have all gone up.
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The trend holds in the battleground states as well.
Of the 16 states most likely to be closely contested this election, all but two have seen a decline in whites without a college degree as a share of eligible voters. College-educated whites, on the other hand, have gained in 14 of those states, according to the analysis.
Latinos are on the rise in 12 of the 16 states, most notably in the Sun Belt, where Asian Americans are also a significant share.
Loading...
With Trump facing an uphill reelection battle, the findings underscore that it's not just that he's winning smaller margins among some key groups, according to public opinion surveys, as compared with 2016 — but that the pool of people who appear most open to his message is shallower.
"Demography keeps moving along," said demographer William Frey, a senior fellow at Brookings who compiled and analyzed the data.
A shrinking gap
Almost two-thirds of whites without a college degree voted for Trump in 2016, and they are still among the largest voting blocs in the country. But the gap between them and other more Democratic-leaning groups is shrinking.
For example, when you combine whites with a college degree and Latinos, two groups that have voted far more in favor of Democrats, they are now almost on par with whites without a degree.
That's a big shift from 2016. Then, whites without a college degree had a 9-point advantage over whites with a degree and Latinos combined. Now, the gap is only about 2 points.
Loading...
A decline of whites without a college degree in the Rust Belt
Trump was able to eke out an Electoral College victory in 2016 by fewer than 80,000 votes in three critical formerly Democratic states — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania.
So given that he was operating at such a narrow margin already, Trump can't afford to lose voters there. But that may be what's happening in the Rust Belt.
There are seven battleground states where whites without a college degree are a majority of eligible voters. All of them, except New Hampshire, have areas included in the Rust Belt. And in each of them, whites without a degree have declined.
In some places, like Pennsylvania, New Hampshire and Ohio, they've gone down significantly, by 5 percentage points as a share of eligible voters.
Conversely, whites with a college degree have gone up in each of them. These states are less diverse than other places, so this educational split among whites is one of the most important factors in determining whether Trump or Joe Biden wins them.
Loading...
Diversifying Sun Belt
The U.S. is diversifying more quickly in the South and West, and we've seen traditionally Republican Arizona, Georgia and Texas emerge as battlegrounds.
Demography is largely responsible for that. In four key Sun Belt states, including Florida, the share of non-college-educated whites has gone down, while Latinos are on the rise.
In Arizona, in particular, whites without a college degree are down 5 points since 2016, and Latinos are up 6. Latinos now make up almost a third of the voting-eligible population in the state. In 2016, they made up only 15% of voters, according to exit polls, so registering Latinos to vote is critical there for Democrats, something made more complicated by the coronavirus pandemic.
Loading...
The fact is this: Latinos are simply aging into the voting-eligible population. In 2018, whites for the first time made up a minority of America's under-15 population.
So even if immigration were shut off completely today, Latinos would only continue to become a larger share of eligible voters over the next generation.
Yes, but who will turn out?
None of this is to say who will turn out to the polls. This analysis is looking only at people eligible to vote, not who will show up — and those are very different things.
That's why the campaigns are working so hard to turn out their voters, especially now with hyperpartisanship dominating. For Trump, that means getting out more white non-college-educated voters.
Trump may have won a record margin among whites without a college degree, but their turnout rate was not remarkable as compared with past presidential elections. In fact, it was lower than in both 2008 and 2004.
toggle caption NPR/Brookings Institution
Trump has done very little to reach out beyond his base. But as the Cook Political Report's David Wasserman has noted, half of all nonvoters in 2016 were whites without a college degree.
So, on the one hand, there's clearly room to grow for Trump with his base group of voters.
On the other hand, it's unclear why they would turn out for Trump at higher levels than in 2016. Majorities of Americans this year disapprove of the job he's doing overall and his handling of the coronavirus pandemic.
What's more, Hillary Clinton isn't on the ballot. Biden is seen far less negatively than Clinton was.
Still, the need for white non-college-educated voters to turn out in larger numbers for this president might well explain the culture-war messaging and crime warnings of the now-wrapped-up Republican National Convention.


npr--2020-09-02--Legendary N.Y. Mets Pitcher Tom Seaver Dies At 75

Hall of Fame pitcher Tom Seaver died from complications of Lewy body dementia and COVID-19 on Monday , the Baseball Hall of Fame and MLB announced .
Seaver was one of baseball 's greatest all-time pitchers .
Known as 'Tom Terrific ' and 'The Franchise , ' the right-hander started his MLB career with the New York Mets , the result of a special draft lottery .
That year he earned the 1967 Rookie of the Year Award and two years later led the transformation of the struggling team .
As the Hall noted , Seaver helped turn the team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' leading the squad to its first World Championship in 1969 .
In a statement Wednesday MLB Commissioner Ron Manfred called him `` one of the greatest pitchers of all time . ''
`` After their improbable World Series Championship , Tom became a household name to baseball fans – a responsibility he carried out with distinction throughout his life , '' Manfred said .
Throughout his career , which spanned two decades , No .
41 was a 12-time All Star and his lifetime statistics show why ; He won 311 games @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 3,600 batters including 19 in a game against the San Diego Padres ( and setting a record for striking out the final 10 batters of the game ) .
He also won the Cy Young Award three times as the league 's best pitcher .
In addition to the Mets , he also played for the Cincinnati Reds , Chicago White Sox and the Boston Red Sox in a career that spanned from 1967-1986 .
White Sox Chairman Jerry Reinsdorf called Seaver `` a consummate professional '' and `` an artist on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fantastic sense of humor that reverberated around the club house Seaver was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1992 , and set a record for that too : he was on 98.8 % of the ballots—the highest voting percentage ever received at the time .
Jane Forbes Clark , Chairman of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum said his `` life exemplified greatness in the game . ''
`` Tom brought dignity and wisdom to this institution that will be deeply missed , '' she said .

Legendary N.Y. Mets Pitcher Tom Seaver Dies At 75
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jeff Chiu/AP Jeff Chiu/AP
Hall of Fame pitcher Tom Seaver died from complications of Lewy body dementia and COVID-19 on Monday, the Baseball Hall of Fame and MLB announced.
He was 75.
Seaver was one of baseball's greatest all-time pitchers. Known as 'Tom Terrific' and 'The Franchise,' the right-hander started his MLB career with the New York Mets, the result of a special draft lottery.
That year he earned the 1967 Rookie of the Year Award and two years later led the transformation of the struggling team.
As the Hall noted, Seaver helped turn the team from lovable losers into the 'Miracle Mets' leading the squad to its first World Championship in 1969.
In a statement Wednesday MLB Commissioner Ron Manfred called him "one of the greatest pitchers of all time."
"After their improbable World Series Championship, Tom became a household name to baseball fans – a responsibility he carried out with distinction throughout his life," Manfred said.
Throughout his career, which spanned two decades, No. 41 was a 12-time All Star and his lifetime statistics show why; He won 311 games over 20 seasons, striking out more than 3,600 batters including 19 in a game against the San Diego Padres (and setting a record for striking out the final 10 batters of the game). He also won the Cy Young Award three times as the league's best pitcher.
In addition to the Mets, he also played for the Cincinnati Reds, Chicago White Sox and the Boston Red Sox in a career that spanned from 1967-1986.
White Sox Chairman Jerry Reinsdorf called Seaver "a consummate professional" and "an artist on the mound."
"He had a fantastic sense of humor that reverberated around the club house
Seaver was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1992, and set a record for that too: he was on 98.8% of the ballots—the highest voting percentage ever received at the time.
Jane Forbes Clark, Chairman of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum said his "life exemplified greatness in the game."
"Tom brought dignity and wisdom to this institution that will be deeply missed," she said.


npr--2020-09-02--CDC Asks States To Plan For Potential Vaccine Distribution Starting In Late October

CDC Asks States To Plan For Potential Vaccine Distribution Starting In Late October The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has asked states to prepare to distribute a potential coronavirus vaccine as soon as late October , according to a series of planning documents sent to public health officials last week .
A CDC spokesperson confirmed the authenticity of the documents in an email to NPR on Wednesday .
The documents were first published by the New York Times .
CDC Director Robert Redfield also sent a letter asking governors to fast-track permits and licenses so that vaccine distribution sites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 , McClatchy reports .
That request , as well as the three planning documents , are the latest indication that the race for a vaccine may be picking up speed .
Months into the pandemic , the U.S. has recorded more than 6 million cases and 185,000 deaths from COVID-19 .
The federal government has long aimed to have a COVID-19 vaccine ready by Jan. 2021 , and established an initiative it calls Operation Warp Speed to accelerate the process of developing , manufacturing and distributing an effective vaccine .
That process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Three different vaccines are currently in Phase 3 trials in the U.S. , during which the vaccine is given to thousands of people to test its safety and efficacy .
Public health officials have offered different predictions as far as when the first vaccine may be ready for distribution , with most hoping for early next year .
Dr. Anthony Fauci , director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , said in July that he is `` cautiously optimistic '' a vaccine could be ready by the end of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Paul Offit , a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who serves on a panel advising the Food and Drug Administration , told NPR last month that he thinks that timeline is unrealistic because Phase 3 trials had only just begun .
He said insufficient testing could have adverse effects on public health as well as the public 's trust in a vaccine .
With development and testing underway , officials are urging public health officials across the country to begin planning for eventual vaccine distribution sooner rather than later — especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be available at first .
`` At this time , we do n't know which vaccines will be approved , however , limited COVID-19 vaccine doses may be available by early November 2020 and COVID-19 vaccine supply will increase substantially in 2021 , '' said the CDC spokesperson .
One CDC document outlines several hypothetical scenarios for the rollout of up to two unnamed vaccines starting at the end of October , either individually or simultaneously .
For planning purposes , it includes assumptions about how many doses will be available each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , stored and handled , and which populations will be prioritized for vaccination .
( Estimates have `` Vaccine A '' at about 2 million doses and `` Vaccine B '' at roughly 1 million by late October , with those amounts increasingly exponentially over November and December . )
Another document , a checklist of action items for jurisdictions , says that officials must be prepared to vaccinate critical populations immediately and should begin planning for vaccination of the general population , supply permitting .
The third document consists of assumptions about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including ordering , data reporting and public-facing communications .
`` COVID-19 vaccination program plans must be flexible and accommodate multiple scenarios , '' it reads .
Redfield told Yahoo Finance on Wednesday that the CDC is preparing for a scenario in which there will be one or more vaccines available in November or December , which will need to be distributed fairly and equitably .
Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Stephen Hahn said over the weekend that he would be willing to speed up the process with an emergency use authorization before Phase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that decision would be based on data rather than politics .
Just days earlier , Hahn publicly apologized for making misleading claims about the efficacy of convalescent plasma as a treatment for COVID-19 .
The FDA issued emergency use authorization for plasma the night before the start of the Republican National Convention , amidst accusations that it had been pressured to do so by the White House .
Some lawmakers and health experts worry that the Trump administration may cut scientific corners as it rushes to declare a vaccine this year , potentially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll released in August , 60 % of Americans say they will choose to be vaccinated if a COVID-19 vaccine is made available to them , and 35 % would decline .
Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar and Moncef Slaoui , the chief scientific advisor to Operation Warp Speed , published an op-ed in USA Today on Wednesday outlining the initiative 's progress to date and stressing a vaccine will be held to high scientific standards .
`` While there are no guarantees in science , '' they wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ Operation Warp Speed ] is structured , resourced and led to maximize the probability of success . ''

CDC Asks States To Plan For Potential Vaccine Distribution Starting In Late October
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hans Pennink/AP Hans Pennink/AP
Updated at 10 a.m. ET Thursday
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has asked states to prepare to distribute a potential coronavirus vaccine as soon as late October, according to a series of planning documents sent to public health officials last week.
A CDC spokesperson confirmed the authenticity of the documents in an email to NPR on Wednesday. The documents were first published by The New York Times.
CDC Director Robert Redfield also sent a letter asking governors to fast-track permits and licenses so that vaccine distribution sites can be up and running by Nov. 1, McClatchy reports.
That request, as well as the three planning documents, are the latest indication that the race for a vaccine may be picking up speed. Months into the pandemic, the U.S. has recorded more than 6 million cases and 185,000 deaths from COVID-19.
The federal government has long aimed to have a vaccine ready by January 2021, and established an initiative it calls Operation Warp Speed to accelerate the process of developing, manufacturing and distributing an effective vaccine. That process typically takes up to several years.
Three different vaccines are currently in Phase 3 trials in the U.S., during which the vaccine is given to thousands of people to test its safety and efficacy.
Public health officials have offered different predictions as far as when the first vaccine may be ready for distribution, with most hoping for early next year.
Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, said in July that he is "cautiously optimistic" a vaccine could be ready by the end of the year and distributed beginning in 2021.
Dr. Paul Offit, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who serves on a panel advising the Food and Drug Administration, told NPR last month that he thinks that timeline is unrealistic because Phase 3 trials had only just begun.
He said insufficient testing could have adverse effects on public health as well as the public's trust in a vaccine.
With development and testing underway, officials are urging public health officials across the country to begin planning for eventual vaccine distribution sooner rather than later — especially since only a limited number of doses will be available at first.
"At this time, we don't know which vaccines will be approved, however, limited COVID-19 vaccine doses may be available by early November 2020 and COVID-19 vaccine supply will increase substantially in 2021," the CDC spokesperson said.
One CDC document outlines several hypothetical scenarios for the rollout of up to two unnamed vaccines starting at the end of October, either individually or simultaneously.
For planning purposes, it includes assumptions about how many doses will be available each month, how they should be distributed, stored and handled, and which populations will be prioritized for vaccination. (Estimates have Vaccine A at about 2 million doses and Vaccine B at roughly 1 million by late October, with those amounts increasingly exponentially over November and December.)
Another document, a checklist of action items for jurisdictions, says that officials must be prepared to vaccinate critical populations immediately and should begin planning for vaccination of the general population, supply permitting.
The third document consists of assumptions about various elements of a vaccine program, including ordering, data reporting and public-facing communications.
"COVID-19 vaccination program plans must be flexible and accommodate multiple scenarios," it reads.
The Association of State and Territorial Health Officials, which represents the public health agencies of all 50 states as well as Washington, D.C., and U.S. territories, said the documents lay out "an aggressive but necessary timetable."
James Blumenstock, the association's senior vice president of pandemic response, told NPR over email that the public health system is mobilizing to prepare detailed plans, informed largely by the H1N1 influenza pandemic a decade ago and COVID-19 guidance from the CDC.
He said one of the biggest concerns about the vaccine distribution campaign is funding, especially when it comes to transitioning between the limited initial phase and the broader vaccination goals for 2021.
ASTHO and other associations estimate it will take an additional $8 billion to support the public health and health care sectors' infrastructure to vaccinate hundreds of millions of Americans.
"Federal leaders must seriously and immediately address and provide needed resources," Blumenstock said.
Redfield told Yahoo Finance on Wednesday that the CDC is preparing for a scenario in which there will be one or more vaccines available in November or December, which will need to be distributed fairly and equitably.
Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Stephen Hahn said over the weekend that he would be willing to speed up the process with an emergency use authorization before Phase 3 trials are over, and stressed that decision would be based on data rather than politics.
Just days earlier, Hahn publicly apologized for making misleading claims about the efficacy of convalescent plasma as a treatment for COVID-19. The FDA issued emergency use authorization for plasma the night before the start of the Republican National Convention, amidst accusations that it had been pressured to do so by the White House.
Some lawmakers and health experts worry that the Trump administration may cut scientific corners as it rushes to declare a vaccine this year, potentially before the November election.
Per an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll released in August, 60% of Americans say they will choose to be vaccinated if a COVID-19 vaccine is made available to them, and 35% would decline.
Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar and Moncef Slaoui, the chief scientific advisor to Operation Warp Speed, published an op-ed in USA Today on Wednesday outlining the initiative's progress to date and stressing a vaccine will be held to high scientific standards.
"While there are no guarantees in science," they wrote, "we can assure Americans that [Operation Warp Speed] is structured, resourced and led to maximize the probability of success."


npr--2020-09-03--Flu Season Looms And Scientists Wonder How Flu And COVID-19 Might Mix

Flu Season Looms And Scientists Wonder How Flu And COVID-19 Might Mix With the annual flu season about to start , it 's still unclear exactly how influenza virus will interact with the coronavirus if a person has both viruses .
Doctors around the world have seen some patients who tested positive for both influenza virus and the coronavirus that causes COVID-19 .
At least a couple of dozen cases have been reported — although that 's not a lot , given that over 26 million people have tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 , the virus that causes COVID-19 .
Still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely that the two viruses could infect a patient at the same time or , for that matter , sequentially : one month , one virus , and the next month , the other virus , '' says Michael Matthay , a professor of medicine at the University of California , San Francisco .
Both viruses can cause dangerous inflammation in the lungs that can fill the airspaces with fluid , making it difficult to breathe , he notes .
`` It 's likely with both viruses at the same time , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' says Matthay .
`` Or , of course , having two illnesses in a row that affected the lungs would make the respiratory failure more severe . ''
COVID-19 is so new , though , that scientists just do n't have enough research to know for sure .
Generally speaking , co-infections are common when it comes to respiratory diseases .
Helen Chu , an associate professor of medicine at the University of Washington in Seattle , has done studies to screen people with respiratory symptoms for a variety of viruses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of more than one virus at a time , '' says Chu , but that does n't necessarily mean that there 's actually more than one active infection .
`` You could be at the end of your illness , so you are no longer symptomatic from it , but you can still detect nonviable virus . ''
One study looked at people who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 and found that about 20 % tested positive for at least one other respiratory virus , such as rhinovirus — which is a common cold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ RSV ) , which can be serious in infants and older adults .
Past research suggests that viruses can have complicated interactions when two are present .
An extra virus can do nothing at all , can make an illness more severe or possibly even have some kind of short-term protective effect .
For example , it 's unclear if rhinovirus can make a bout with flu worse , says Chu .
`` But for a lot of the other viruses that are known causes of disease like parainfluenza virus and human metapneumovirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with flu and cause you to have more severe disease , '' says Chu .
Not everyone agrees on that .
`` There are many studies all over the map , '' says Sarah Meskill , assistant professor of pediatrics and emergency medicine at Baylor College of Medicine in Houston .
`` The studies looking at previous coronavirus infection with influenza are so sparse it 's really hard to know , '' adds Meskill , saying that her gut reaction is that `` we 're going to see co-infections , we are going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flu virus and the coronavirus .
Some epidemiological research shows that respiratory viruses can compete with each other in a way that means one virus can suppress the spread of another .
RSV and influenza virus are a good example of that , says Meskill , explaining that when both try to infect the same cell , one will win .
What 's more , when RSV levels in a population tend to be high , levels of flu tend to be low , and vice versa .
Tanya Miura , a virologist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that when a new pandemic flu virus swept through in 2009 , `` it was delayed in certain populations that were having ongoing outbreaks of other respiratory viruses at the time . ''
Her work with lab animals shows that getting a mild respiratory virus can seem to offer some protection against getting a different , more severe one a couple of days later .
In the Southern Hemisphere , where the flu season is just coming to an end , doctors saw very little flu at all this year , probably mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of masks and social distancing .
And the number of circulating respiratory viruses does seem to be lower up north , too , says Chu , who has been searching for them in her city : `` There 's really no transmission of these other viruses going on in the community right now .
That is what we are seeing in Seattle . ''
The flu is n't completely absent , though .
`` I can tell you that we 're starting to find flu , '' says Chu .
`` It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Getting vaccinated against seasonal flu would both protect people against a double whammy from the flu and COVID-19 and reduce the total number of flu cases .
That would help a health care system that is struggling to cope with one serious respiratory illness already .
It 's worth noting that the symptoms of the flu — fever , muscle aches , cough — can be very similar to those of COVID-19 .
`` Just because you test positive for the flu does n't mean you do n't have coronavirus , '' says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doing your social distancing and quarantining . ''
And some researchers are getting ready to look at people who have mostly recovered from the flu and then get COVID-19 .
`` Is it going to make it worse ?
Is it going to limit the virus or the transmission ? ''
wonders Stacey Schultz-Cherry , an infectious diseases researcher at St. Jude Children 's Research Hospital in Memphis , Tenn. `` We 're actually starting those studies soon . ''

Flu Season Looms And Scientists Wonder How Flu And COVID-19 Might Mix
Enlarge this image toggle caption Frederick Murphy/CDC Frederick Murphy/CDC
With the annual flu season about to start, it's still unclear exactly how influenza virus will interact with the coronavirus if a person has both viruses.
Doctors around the world have seen some patients who tested positive for both influenza virus and the coronavirus that causes COVID-19. At least a couple of dozen cases have been reported — although that's not a lot, given that over 26 million people have tested positive for SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.
Still, "it is quite possible and likely that the two viruses could infect a patient at the same time or, for that matter, sequentially: one month, one virus, and the next month, the other virus," says Michael Matthay, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco.
Both viruses can cause dangerous inflammation in the lungs that can fill the airspaces with fluid, making it difficult to breathe, he notes.
"It's likely with both viruses at the same time, the severity of respiratory failure would be greater," says Matthay. "Or, of course, having two illnesses in a row that affected the lungs would make the respiratory failure more severe."
COVID-19 is so new, though, that scientists just don't have enough research to know for sure.
Generally speaking, co-infections are common when it comes to respiratory diseases. Helen Chu, an associate professor of medicine at the University of Washington in Seattle, has done studies to screen people with respiratory symptoms for a variety of viruses.
"We often find the presence of more than one virus at a time," says Chu, but that doesn't necessarily mean that there's actually more than one active infection. "You could be at the end of your illness, so you are no longer symptomatic from it, but you can still detect nonviable virus."
One study looked at people who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 and found that about 20% tested positive for at least one other respiratory virus, such as rhinovirus — which is a common cold virus — or respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), which can be serious in infants and older adults.
Past research suggests that viruses can have complicated interactions when two are present. An extra virus can do nothing at all, can make an illness more severe or possibly even have some kind of short-term protective effect.
For example, it's unclear if rhinovirus can make a bout with flu worse, says Chu.
"But for a lot of the other viruses that are known causes of disease like parainfluenza virus and human metapneumovirus and human coronavirus, those can work with flu and cause you to have more severe disease," says Chu.
Not everyone agrees on that. "There are many studies all over the map," says Sarah Meskill, assistant professor of pediatrics and emergency medicine at Baylor College of Medicine in Houston.
"The studies looking at previous coronavirus infection with influenza are so sparse it's really hard to know," adds Meskill, saying that her gut reaction is that "we're going to see co-infections, we are going to see patients positive for both" flu virus and the coronavirus.
Some epidemiological research shows that respiratory viruses can compete with each other in a way that means one virus can suppress the spread of another.
RSV and influenza virus are a good example of that, says Meskill, explaining that when both try to infect the same cell, one will win. What's more, when RSV levels in a population tend to be high, levels of flu tend to be low, and vice versa.
Tanya Miura, a virologist at the University of Idaho, says that when a new pandemic flu virus swept through in 2009, "it was delayed in certain populations that were having ongoing outbreaks of other respiratory viruses at the time."
Her work with lab animals shows that getting a mild respiratory virus can seem to offer some protection against getting a different, more severe one a couple of days later.
In the Southern Hemisphere, where the flu season is just coming to an end, doctors saw very little flu at all this year, probably mostly because of travel restrictions, the wearing of masks and social distancing.
And the number of circulating respiratory viruses does seem to be lower up north, too, says Chu, who has been searching for them in her city: "There's really no transmission of these other viruses going on in the community right now. That is what we are seeing in Seattle."
The flu isn't completely absent, though. "I can tell you that we're starting to find flu," says Chu. "It's very important to get vaccinated."
Getting vaccinated against seasonal flu would both protect people against a double whammy from the flu and COVID-19 and reduce the total number of flu cases. That would help a health care system that is struggling to cope with one serious respiratory illness already.
It's worth noting that the symptoms of the flu — fever, muscle aches, cough — can be very similar to those of COVID-19.
"Just because you test positive for the flu doesn't mean you don't have coronavirus," says Meskill. "You should still be doing your social distancing and quarantining."
And some researchers are getting ready to look at people who have mostly recovered from the flu and then get COVID-19. "Is it going to make it worse? Is it going to limit the virus or the transmission?" wonders Stacey Schultz-Cherry, an infectious diseases researcher at St. Jude Children's Research Hospital in Memphis, Tenn. "We're actually starting those studies soon."


npr--2020-09-03--'No Doubt' That Navalny Poisoning Was Russian Operation, Former CIA Russia Chief Says

'No Doubt ' That Navalny Poisoning Was Russian Operation , Former CIA Russia Chief Says '' There 's no doubt whatsoever '' that an operation to poison Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was approved at the highest levels of Russia 's government and intelligence services , according to Steven Hall , the former CIA chief of Russia operations .
`` There really is no other way to explain this , '' Hall said in an interview with NPR 's Mary Louise Kelly .
`` And this is something that the Russian intelligence services have been doing literally for decades , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military lab identified the poison in Navalny 's system as a variant of Novichok , a Soviet-era nerve agent , Chancellor Angela Merkel announced on Wednesday .
She said the outspoken critic of Russian President Vladimir Putin was targeted for murder and was `` the victim of a crime that intended to silence him . ''
Russia has rejected any blame for the attack on Navalny .
`` I 'd rather be careful about speaking of accusations against the Russian state , '' Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Thursday , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there are no such accusations , and there are no grounds whatsoever to accuse the Russian state . ''
He added , `` We are n't inclined to accept any accusations in this context . ''
Novichok has been in headlines since 2018 when it was used to poison former KGB spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter , Yulia , in Britain .
The U.K. and other Western nations blamed that attack on Russia 's military intelligence service , the GRU .
A British police officer was also sickened by Novichok , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whom died .
`` It is interesting that they 're still using Novichok , but it 's really not surprising at all that we 've had this assassination attempt on a guy like Navalny , '' Hall said .
In the past decade , Navalny has investigated well-placed officials over potential instances of corruption and abuse of office .
He has also shown a knack for organizing anti-Putin protests and for building an audience online – a crucial aspect of his work — as he has received scant coverage in state-approved media channels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surprised that it 's taken them this long to act against Navalny , '' said Hall , who retired from the CIA in 2015 after three decades of running Russian operations .
Other opponents of Putin 's regime have been targeted in assassinations or attempted killings , often using poison .
And Hall notes that another Russian opposition leader , Boris Nemtsov , was gunned down on a bridge near the Kremlin five years ago .
And last year , Germany accused a Russian operative of carrying out the state-sponsored contract killing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commander who had sought asylum in Germany .
`` There 's a long history of this , '' Hall said , adding , `` This is the way Vladimir Putin does things .
And he does it both inside of Russia and outside of Russia . ''
The question CIA officers stationed in Moscow should be trying to answer , Hall said , is whether Russia might carry out a similar attack inside the United States .
`` They 've already done it in the U.K .
They 've done it in Germany @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other European locations , '' Hall said .
`` The question is , will that ever come to the United States ?
And that 's an interesting question that I would be trying to follow very carefully if I were back in my old job . ''
Navalny , 44 , remains in a medically induced coma at the Charité hospital in Berlin , where his family moved him to receive specialist care .
He abruptly fell ill on a commercial flight to Moscow from the Siberian city of Tomsk on Aug. 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency landing .
Navalny 's spokesperson , Kira Yarmysh , said she saw him drink one thing : a cup of tea at the airport in Tomsk .
Two days later , the activist and politician was airlifted from Siberia .
In a recent update , German doctors said that his condition is stable and that his life is not in danger – but they added it 's too soon to know what long-term effects he might suffer .
When Navalny was being treated in Siberia , doctors claimed there were no traces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said he was suffering from a blood sugar imbalance .
On Thursday , Peskov reiterated that tests on Navalny before he left Siberia had found no toxic substances .
On the same day , Russia 's representative to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe , Ambassador Alexander Lukashevich , apparently aired a conspiracy about Navalny , suggesting Western countries had staged the poisoning .
His remarks quickly drew a U.S. response .
`` I am frankly stunned by the comments of the representative of the Russian Federation here today , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. ambassador to the organization , `` to suggest that somehow some grave conspiracy from Western intelligence agencies may have made Mr. Navalny sick in Omsk .
That is a very strange and troubling statement . ''
`` I 'm looking forward — and we 're already beginning to see it — some of the creative work that is being done right now inside the Kremlin to offer other explanations with regard to this , '' he said .
The Russian protocol for such cases , Hall added , is to `` admit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counteraccusations .
And the counteraccusations can be pretty spectacular . ''
The U.S. is urging Russia to cooperate fully with an international investigation into the poisoning , Gilmore said in his statement to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe .
He added , `` Those responsible — both those who committed this crime and those who ordered it — must be held accountable . ''
The poisoning of Navalny by a Novichok nerve agent , if verified , would be `` reprehensible and wholly contrary to the legal norms , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons , said on Thursday .
`` Under the Chemical Weapons Convention , any poisoning of an individual through the use of a nerve agent is considered a use of chemical weapons , '' Arias said .
`` Such an allegation is a matter of grave concern . ''
He said his organization `` continues to monitor the situation and stands ready to engage with and to assist any States Parties that may request its assistance . ''

'No Doubt' That Navalny Poisoning Was Russian Operation, Former CIA Russia Chief Says
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alexey Druzhinin/Sputnik/AFP via Getty Images Alexey Druzhinin/Sputnik/AFP via Getty Images
"There's no doubt whatsoever" that an operation to poison Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was approved at the highest levels of Russia's government and intelligence services, according to Steven Hall, the former CIA chief of Russia operations.
"There really is no other way to explain this," Hall said in an interview with NPR's Mary Louise Kelly. "And this is something that the Russian intelligence services have been doing literally for decades, if not longer."
A German military lab identified the poison in Navalny's system as a variant of Novichok, a Soviet-era nerve agent, Chancellor Angela Merkel announced on Wednesday. She said the outspoken critic of Russian President Vladimir Putin was targeted for murder and was "the victim of a crime that intended to silence him."
Russia has rejected any blame for the attack on Navalny.
"I'd rather be careful about speaking of accusations against the Russian state," Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Thursday, according to the Interfax news agency. "After all, there are no such accusations, and there are no grounds whatsoever to accuse the Russian state." He added, "We aren't inclined to accept any accusations in this context."
Novichok has been in headlines since 2018 when it was used to poison former KGB spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter, Yulia, in Britain. The U.K. and other Western nations blamed that attack on Russia's military intelligence service, the GRU. A British police officer was also sickened by Novichok, as were two civilians — one of whom died.
"It is interesting that they're still using Novichok, but it's really not surprising at all that we've had this assassination attempt on a guy like Navalny," Hall said.
In the past decade, Navalny has investigated well-placed officials over potential instances of corruption and abuse of office. He has also shown a knack for organizing anti-Putin protests and for building an audience online – a crucial aspect of his work — as he has received scant coverage in state-approved media channels.
"Frankly, I'm just surprised that it's taken them this long to act against Navalny," said Hall, who retired from the CIA in 2015 after three decades of running Russian operations.
Other opponents of Putin's regime have been targeted in assassinations or attempted killings, often using poison. And Hall notes that another Russian opposition leader, Boris Nemtsov, was gunned down on a bridge near the Kremlin five years ago. And last year, Germany accused a Russian operative of carrying out the state-sponsored contract killing of Zelimkhan Khangoshvili, a former Chechen insurgent commander who had sought asylum in Germany.
"There's a long history of this," Hall said, adding, "This is the way Vladimir Putin does things. And he does it both inside of Russia and outside of Russia."
The question CIA officers stationed in Moscow should be trying to answer, Hall said, is whether Russia might carry out a similar attack inside the United States.
"They've already done it in the U.K. They've done it in Germany, they've done it in some other European locations," Hall said. "The question is, will that ever come to the United States? And that's an interesting question that I would be trying to follow very carefully if I were back in my old job."
Navalny, 44, remains in a medically induced coma at the Charité hospital in Berlin, where his family moved him to receive specialist care. He abruptly fell ill on a commercial flight to Moscow from the Siberian city of Tomsk on Aug. 20, forcing the plane to make an emergency landing. Navalny's spokesperson, Kira Yarmysh, said she saw him drink one thing: a cup of tea at the airport in Tomsk.
Two days later, the activist and politician was airlifted from Siberia. In a recent update, German doctors said that his condition is stable and that his life is not in danger – but they added it's too soon to know what long-term effects he might suffer.
When Navalny was being treated in Siberia, doctors claimed there were no traces of poison in his system. They said he was suffering from a blood sugar imbalance.
On Thursday, Peskov reiterated that tests on Navalny before he left Siberia had found no toxic substances. On the same day, Russia's representative to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Ambassador Alexander Lukashevich, apparently aired a conspiracy about Navalny, suggesting Western countries had staged the poisoning. His remarks quickly drew a U.S. response.
"I am frankly stunned by the comments of the representative of the Russian Federation here today," said James S. Gilmore III, the U.S. ambassador to the organization, "to suggest that somehow some grave conspiracy from Western intelligence agencies may have made Mr. Navalny sick in Omsk. That is a very strange and troubling statement."
Those developments didn't surprise Hall.
"I'm looking forward — and we're already beginning to see it — some of the creative work that is being done right now inside the Kremlin to offer other explanations with regard to this," he said. The Russian protocol for such cases, Hall added, is to "admit nothing, deny everything and then make counteraccusations. And the counteraccusations can be pretty spectacular."
The U.S. is urging Russia to cooperate fully with an international investigation into the poisoning, Gilmore said in his statement to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. He added, "Those responsible — both those who committed this crime and those who ordered it — must be held accountable."
The poisoning of Navalny by a Novichok nerve agent, if verified, would be "reprehensible and wholly contrary to the legal norms," Fernando Arias, director-general of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, said on Thursday.
"Under the Chemical Weapons Convention, any poisoning of an individual through the use of a nerve agent is considered a use of chemical weapons," Arias said. "Such an allegation is a matter of grave concern."
He said his organization "continues to monitor the situation and stands ready to engage with and to assist any States Parties that may request its assistance."
NPR's Michele Kelemen contributed to this report.


npr--2020-09-03--Oklahoma Lawsuit Seeks Reparations In Connection To 1921 Tulsa Massacre

A lawsuit filed by a group of Oklahomans is seeking reparations from the city of Tulsa and other local government entities for the ongoing devastation caused by one of the most heinous race massacres in U.S. history nearly 100 years ago .
The plaintiffs include relatives of those affected by the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre as well as a 105-year-old survivor , Lessie Benningfield Randle , who suffers from `` emotional and physical distress that continues to this day , '' according to the complaint filed this week in Tulsa County District Court .
`` For a long time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it is finally losing its taboo , '' Damario Solomon-Simmons , an attorney for the plaintiffs , said in a recent Los Angeles Times op-ed .
`` The urgency of the protests across America shows that reforms wo n't last unless we pay for the crimes of the past . ''
As many as 300 African American residents were slaughtered when white mobs descended on Tulsa 's Greenwood district .
Hundreds of homes and businesses were looted and torched , reducing much of the 35-square-block section of the city , commonly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to rubble .
A commission that studied the event decades later found the massacre was sparked by an incident in an elevator .
It said that a Black man named Dick Rowland probably accidentally stepped on the foot of a white woman , Sarah Page , who screamed .
Rowland fled , according to the 2001 report , but was accused of sexual assault and eventually jailed .
White mobs gathered outside the Tulsa County Courthouse demanding Rowland be released to them and there was `` lynch talk in the streets of Tulsa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bloodshed started soon afterward .
The lawsuit claims `` the brutal , inhumane attack '' was carried out by white residents as well as members of the Tulsa Police Department , the Tulsa County Sheriff 's Department , the National Guard and other leaders of the city and county .
The complaint also says the massacre is an `` ongoing nuisance '' and alleges that Tulsa officials are `` enriching themselves by promoting the site of the Massacre as a tourist attraction , '' while the residents of the Greenwood district have received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tulsa Mayor G.T .
Bynum said he would not comment on the pending litigation , according to a statement from his spokesperson .
Attorneys for the plaintiffs argue the effects of the massacre are still felt in the Greenwood district .
They say unemployment among Black Tulsans is more than double that of white people in the city and that the median household income for Black residents is $ 20,000 less than their white counterparts .
While no specific damage amount was sought in the court filing , the suit estimates just the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Greenwood district is between $ 50 million and $ 100 million in today 's currency .
This is not the first time that survivors of the massacre or their relatives have pursued redress through the courts .
In 2005 , the U.S. Supreme Court rejected an appeal to hear a case that also sought reparations .
Lawyers are now seeking to use the same Oklahoma statute that figured into the decision against Johnson & Johnson in 2019 for its role in the opioid crisis .
The plaintiffs argue the massacre was a public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that affects an entire community or neighborhood simultaneously but `` damage inflicted upon individuals may be unequal . ''
There has been renewed interest the Tulsa Race Massacre in recent months .
A group of Tulsa residents and business leaders tried to get a court to force event organizers to implement coronavirus safety protocols ahead of President Trump 's June rally in the city .
The president 's rally , his first since the virus caused large parts of the national economy to shutter , was originally slated for June 19 .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commemorates the effective end of slavery in the United States .
The event was eventually pushed to the following day .
But it came after the Trump administration withered a barrage of criticism from those who said the original date was another example of the president stoking racial pain and anger just weeks after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on Memorial Day .
In July , Tulsa officials moved forward with a test excavation at Oaklawn Cemetery to determine if a plot of land on city-owned property contained human remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 99 years ago .
Scientists , using ground-penetrating radar , previously said they found `` anomalies '' there that could indicate the existence of an unmarked burial ground .
However , after eight days of searching , the city said `` no evidence of human remains are present in the excavation area , '' according to a statement .
`` This initial test excavation was the first of many efforts to find Tulsa Race Massacre victims and this is just the beginning of our work to bring healing and justice to the families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` We remain committed to find out what happened to our fellow Tulsans in 1921 . ''
Officials said several sites of interest around the city could still be potential mass graves stemming from the race massacre .

Oklahoma Lawsuit Seeks Reparations In Connection To 1921 Tulsa Massacre
Enlarge this image toggle caption Alvin C. Krupnick Co./Library of Congress Via AP Alvin C. Krupnick Co./Library of Congress Via AP
A lawsuit filed by a group of Oklahomans is seeking reparations from the city of Tulsa and other local government entities for the ongoing devastation caused by one of the most heinous race massacres in U.S. history nearly 100 years ago.
The plaintiffs include relatives of those affected by the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre as well as a 105-year-old survivor, Lessie Benningfield Randle, who suffers from "emotional and physical distress that continues to this day," according to the complaint filed this week in Tulsa County District Court.
"For a long time, the word 'reparations' was a non-starter, but it is finally losing its taboo," Damario Solomon-Simmons, an attorney for the plaintiffs, said in a recent Los Angeles Times op-ed. "The urgency of the protests across America shows that reforms won't last unless we pay for the crimes of the past."
As many as 300 African American residents were slaughtered when white mobs descended on Tulsa's Greenwood district. Hundreds of homes and businesses were looted and torched, reducing much of the 35-square-block section of the city, commonly referred to as Black Wall Street, to rubble.
A commission that studied the event decades later found the massacre was sparked by an incident in an elevator. It said that a Black man named Dick Rowland probably accidentally stepped on the foot of a white woman, Sarah Page, who screamed. Rowland fled, according to the 2001 report, but was accused of sexual assault and eventually jailed.
White mobs gathered outside the Tulsa County Courthouse demanding Rowland be released to them and there was "lynch talk in the streets of Tulsa," the report said. The bloodshed started soon afterward.
The lawsuit claims "the brutal, inhumane attack" was carried out by white residents as well as members of the Tulsa Police Department, the Tulsa County Sheriff's Department, the National Guard and other leaders of the city and county.
The complaint also says the massacre is an "ongoing nuisance" and alleges that Tulsa officials are "enriching themselves by promoting the site of the Massacre as a tourist attraction," while the residents of the Greenwood district have received no significant benefits from those efforts.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Christopher Creese/Bloomberg via Getty Images Christopher Creese/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Tulsa Mayor G.T. Bynum said he would not comment on the pending litigation, according to a statement from his spokesperson.
Attorneys for the plaintiffs argue the effects of the massacre are still felt in the Greenwood district. They say unemployment among Black Tulsans is more than double that of white people in the city and that the median household income for Black residents is $20,000 less than their white counterparts.
While no specific damage amount was sought in the court filing, the suit estimates just the property damage suffered by residents of the Greenwood district is between $50 million and $100 million in today's currency.
This is not the first time that survivors of the massacre or their relatives have pursued redress through the courts. In 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected an appeal to hear a case that also sought reparations.
Lawyers are now seeking to use the same Oklahoma statute that figured into the decision against Johnson & Johnson in 2019 for its role in the opioid crisis. The plaintiffs argue the massacre was a public nuisance, which is defined as something that affects an entire community or neighborhood simultaneously but "damage inflicted upon individuals may be unequal."
There has been renewed interest the Tulsa Race Massacre in recent months.
A group of Tulsa residents and business leaders tried to get a court to force event organizers to implement coronavirus safety protocols ahead of President Trump's June rally in the city.
The president's rally, his first since the virus caused large parts of the national economy to shutter, was originally slated for June 19. That day, also known as Juneteenth, commemorates the effective end of slavery in the United States.
The event was eventually pushed to the following day. But it came after the Trump administration withered a barrage of criticism from those who said the original date was another example of the president stoking racial pain and anger just weeks after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on Memorial Day.
In July, Tulsa officials moved forward with a test excavation at Oaklawn Cemetery to determine if a plot of land on city-owned property contained human remains thought to be from the race massacre 99 years ago.
Scientists, using ground-penetrating radar, previously said they found "anomalies" there that could indicate the existence of an unmarked burial ground.
However, after eight days of searching, the city said "no evidence of human remains are present in the excavation area," according to a statement.
"This initial test excavation was the first of many efforts to find Tulsa Race Massacre victims and this is just the beginning of our work to bring healing and justice to the families," Bynum, the mayor, said. "We remain committed to find out what happened to our fellow Tulsans in 1921."
Officials said several sites of interest around the city could still be potential mass graves stemming from the race massacre.
Read the lawsuit below: