npr--2020-01-20--Chinese Universities Are Enshrining Communist Party Control In Their Charters

Chinese Universities Are Enshrining Communist Party Control In Their Charters It was n't just the fact that one of China 's best universities had changed its charter last December to emphasize loyalty to the ruling Communist Party that raised eyebrows .
Shanghai 's Fudan University also deleted principles like freedom of thought , and did so publicly , as if expecting praise .
Furious students staged a rare and risky protest in the school cafeteria in December .
They sang the school 's anthem , which praises academic freedom .
`` Everyone was enraged , '' one of the student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name because of the almost certain repercussions for speaking publicly on the matter .
To disguise their protest plans , the students publicized the event as a marriage proposal .
Fudan is one of at least three universities that have revised their charters since 2018 , emphasizing unswerving loyalty to the Communist Party , an NPR analysis found .
They have downgraded or erased language about academic freedom from their charters , while adding a new clause : `` The university Communist Party committee is the core leadership of the school . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ trend that has been growing since 2013 , the year Xi Jinping became China 's president .
From 2013 to 2017 , at least 109 universities unveiled their first-ever charters , affirming party leadership , according to NPR 's analysis .
The new charters effectively hand the party ultimate control over the schools ' administration , mirroring how the party dominates government agencies .
Some of China 's most prestigious universities , including Beijing 's Peking University and Renmin University , have new charters .
And Nanjing University , which amended its charter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ studies program jointly administered with Johns Hopkins University .
Academic freedom has always been precarious in China , although the 2000s saw a brief liberalization .
But since Xi took office , academics say , ideological constraints have intensified , stifling discourse and innovation at home even as China seeks a global footprint in academia .
There are still some holdouts .
For example , East China Normal University and Wuhan University — which have joint-venture campuses in the Shanghai area with New York University and Duke University , respectively — have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commitments to academic freedom .
But at the universities that have adopted pro-party charters , say academics interviewed by NPR , the rule change encapsulates some of the difficulties that educators face in China .
`` I think it is a good thing that charters now reflect reality more accurately , '' says Qiao Mu , who once taught journalism at Beijing Foreign Studies University .
He left China for the U.S. in 2017 after his career was stymied because of his political outspokenness .
`` Why include all this pretty language about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is none of that ? ''
Cao Zhenhua has experienced the restraints firsthand .
In 2018 , he was fired as a lecturer at Guizhou Minzu University after being accused of questioning the current relevance of Marxism in a seminar .
`` The university party secretary , institute director and local party officials tried to move me to library duties because of my political problems , but I put up a huge fight , '' Cao remembers .
Four professors were docked pay , but because Cao pushed back on his punishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of ideological thinking is like that of the class-struggle sessions during the Cultural Revolution , '' Cao says , referring to a violent period in the 1960s and 1970s in China when Chairman Mao Zedong sought to root out political enemies .
Universities ' local party representatives , backed by an emboldened public security apparatus , increasingly call the shots at school .
When Yang Shaozheng , a former economics professor at Guizhou University , came under fire in 2018 for writing and commenting critically on Chinese politics , public security officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` They said , 'You can no longer use case studies drawn from reality in your lectures .
You also must stop publishing political essays online . '
They told me , 'Shut your stinking mouth . '
I told them , as a university professor , what I choose to talk about is my right , '' Yang recounts , his voice rising in anger at the memory .
University administrators did not defend him .
Yang was fired that August .
Much of the control on campuses is implemented through low-tech @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classes are quietly seeded with student party members , who secretly report what teachers and students opine during lectures to party committees and school counselors .
`` It took so much effort to say even one phrase .
You had to pay attention to people 's expressions .
One person might hear me and agree .
But another person might hear me and report me .
I could not give lectures in such circumstances , short of simply reading from the textbook , '' says You Shengdong .
You , an economics professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University , he says , after unknown students reported him for criticizing slogans used by Chinese leader Xi and the growing role of inefficient state-owned enterprises in the economy .
Administrators , threatening to draw on footage taken from cameras installed in his classroom , sided with the students who reported him .
Notices at Shaanxi Normal University , one of the three universities that publicly changed their charters to reflect party loyalty in December , detail the responsibilities of student spies , or `` information officers , '' as they are officially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a certain level of political sensitivity , '' the notices say , and must report on student and teacher opinions regarding school and national policies as well as any `` major social events . ''
`` We simply keep an eye on things , '' says an undergraduate information officer at Peking University who declined to be named because of the political sensitivity of this work .
December 's anthem-singing protest at Fudan University illustrates just how such a monitoring network can mobilize to quickly control small-scale incidents .
A student who created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deleted the group from WeChat , a popular Chinese social media app , in the early morning hours before the event , after his school counselor got wind of the scheme and pressured him to withdraw .
University counselors assigned to students are responsible for their `` political thought education , '' to make sure they are both on track academically and also steering clear of political activities , according to university hiring notices .
The day after the singing protest , members of the party youth league at Fudan University posted a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school anthem remains the same .
Not only does Fudan have academic independence and freedom of thought , but it also educates the country 's future leaders , strengthens the university and protects the country .
The determination that led us to Fudan in the first place has n't changed .
If given a second chance , I 'd still choose Fudan . ''
Professors who posted veiled statements of support for the protest on WeChat were told to take their posts down .
`` I thought Fudan was relatively free .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has already been censored from above , '' says the Fudan student protester .
`` How can innovation happen in a society like this ? ''
asks Shi Jiepeng , a classical-Chinese expert who is now a visiting scholar at University of Tokyo .
Shi was also singled out by party inspectors three years ago because of remarks he had made about deceased Chinese leaders such as Mao and Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty .
Anonymous calls from people allegedly offended by his comments also began pouring into his department 's office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shi on WeChat and another popular social platform , Weibo .
Shi was eventually fired in July 2017 from his position as assistant professor of classical Chinese at Beijing Normal University .
He says his managers had received numerous complaints from students about remarks he had made in lectures in previous years , but his managers only quietly reprimanded him before dismissing the claims .
`` The problem is not that Chinese students and colleagues are reporting their professors .
That phenomenon has always existed , '' says Shi .
But now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has changed in such a way that university administrators are receptive to such complaints and are pressured to take immediate action .
`` The problem is that the political winds have shifted at the top , '' Shi says , `` and that shift has been orchestrated by the political leaders themselves . ''

Chinese Universities Are Enshrining Communist Party Control In Their Charters
Enlarge this image toggle caption TPG/Getty Images TPG/Getty Images
It wasn't just the fact that one of China's best universities had changed its charter last December to emphasize loyalty to the ruling Communist Party that raised eyebrows. Shanghai's Fudan University also deleted principles like freedom of thought, and did so publicly, as if expecting praise.
Furious students staged a rare and risky protest in the school cafeteria in December. They sang the school's anthem, which praises academic freedom.
"Everyone was enraged," one of the student protesters told NPR. She withheld her name because of the almost certain repercussions for speaking publicly on the matter.
To disguise their protest plans, the students publicized the event as a marriage proposal.
Fudan is one of at least three universities that have revised their charters since 2018, emphasizing unswerving loyalty to the Communist Party, an NPR analysis found. They have downgraded or erased language about academic freedom from their charters, while adding a new clause: "The university Communist Party committee is the core leadership of the school."
The move is part of a broader trend that has been growing since 2013, the year Xi Jinping became China's president. From 2013 to 2017, at least 109 universities unveiled their first-ever charters, affirming party leadership, according to NPR's analysis.
The new charters effectively hand the party ultimate control over the schools' administration, mirroring how the party dominates government agencies.
A Foot In Two Worlds Pushing For Academic Freedom In China Pushing For Academic Freedom In China Listen · 6:56 6:56
Some of China's most prestigious universities, including Beijing's Peking University and Renmin University, have new charters. And Nanjing University, which amended its charter in December, has a prominent international studies program jointly administered with Johns Hopkins University.
Academic freedom has always been precarious in China, although the 2000s saw a brief liberalization. But since Xi took office, academics say, ideological constraints have intensified, stifling discourse and innovation at home even as China seeks a global footprint in academia.
There are still some holdouts. For example, East China Normal University and Wuhan University — which have joint-venture campuses in the Shanghai area with New York University and Duke University, respectively — have not amended their charters, which still contain commitments to academic freedom.
But at the universities that have adopted pro-party charters, say academics interviewed by NPR, the rule change encapsulates some of the difficulties that educators face in China.
"I think it is a good thing that charters now reflect reality more accurately," says Qiao Mu, who once taught journalism at Beijing Foreign Studies University. He left China for the U.S. in 2017 after his career was stymied because of his political outspokenness. "Why include all this pretty language about democratic freedom and freedom of thought if there is none of that?"
Teachers punished
Cao Zhenhua has experienced the restraints firsthand. In 2018, he was fired as a lecturer at Guizhou Minzu University after being accused of questioning the current relevance of Marxism in a seminar.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hector Retamal/AFP via Getty Images Hector Retamal/AFP via Getty Images
"The university party secretary, institute director and local party officials tried to move me to library duties because of my political problems, but I put up a huge fight," Cao remembers. Four professors were docked pay, but because Cao pushed back on his punishment, he was dismissed.
"This kind of ideological thinking is like that of the class-struggle sessions during the Cultural Revolution," Cao says, referring to a violent period in the 1960s and 1970s in China when Chairman Mao Zedong sought to root out political enemies.
Universities' local party representatives, backed by an emboldened public security apparatus, increasingly call the shots at school. When Yang Shaozheng, a former economics professor at Guizhou University, came under fire in 2018 for writing and commenting critically on Chinese politics, public security officials called him in and reprimanded him.
"They said, 'You can no longer use case studies drawn from reality in your lectures. You also must stop publishing political essays online.' They told me, 'Shut your stinking mouth.' I told them, as a university professor, what I choose to talk about is my right," Yang recounts, his voice rising in anger at the memory.
University administrators did not defend him. Yang was fired that August.
Campus party informants
Much of the control on campuses is implemented through low-tech means: human monitors. Students say classes are quietly seeded with student party members, who secretly report what teachers and students opine during lectures to party committees and school counselors.
"It took so much effort to say even one phrase. You had to pay attention to people's expressions. One person might hear me and agree. But another person might hear me and report me. I could not give lectures in such circumstances, short of simply reading from the textbook," says You Shengdong.
You, an economics professor, was sacked in 2018 from Xiamen University, he says, after unknown students reported him for criticizing slogans used by Chinese leader Xi and the growing role of inefficient state-owned enterprises in the economy. Administrators, threatening to draw on footage taken from cameras installed in his classroom, sided with the students who reported him.
Notices at Shaanxi Normal University, one of the three universities that publicly changed their charters to reflect party loyalty in December, detail the responsibilities of student spies, or "information officers," as they are officially called. These informants must possess "a certain level of political sensitivity," the notices say, and must report on student and teacher opinions regarding school and national policies as well as any "major social events."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Hector Retamal/AFP via Getty Images Hector Retamal/AFP via Getty Images
"We simply keep an eye on things," says an undergraduate information officer at Peking University who declined to be named because of the political sensitivity of this work.
December's anthem-singing protest at Fudan University illustrates just how such a monitoring network can mobilize to quickly control small-scale incidents.
A student who created the chat group to organize the protest deleted the group from WeChat, a popular Chinese social media app, in the early morning hours before the event, after his school counselor got wind of the scheme and pressured him to withdraw.
University counselors assigned to students are responsible for their "political thought education," to make sure they are both on track academically and also steering clear of political activities, according to university hiring notices.
The day after the singing protest, members of the party youth league at Fudan University posted a prewritten statement on WeChat: "The school anthem remains the same. Not only does Fudan have academic independence and freedom of thought, but it also educates the country's future leaders, strengthens the university and protects the country. The determination that led us to Fudan in the first place hasn't changed. If given a second chance, I'd still choose Fudan." Professors who posted veiled statements of support for the protest on WeChat were told to take their posts down.
"I thought Fudan was relatively free. But oftentimes, what the students are told has already been censored from above," says the Fudan student protester.
"How can innovation happen in a society like this?" asks Shi Jiepeng, a classical-Chinese expert who is now a visiting scholar at the University of Tokyo. Shi was also singled out by party inspectors three years ago because of remarks he had made about deceased Chinese leaders such as Mao and Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty.
Anonymous calls from people allegedly offended by his comments also began pouring into his department's office phone. Online trolls heaped abuse upon Shi on WeChat and another popular social platform, Weibo. Shi was eventually fired in July 2017 from his position as assistant professor of classical Chinese at Beijing Normal University.
He says his managers had received numerous complaints from students about remarks he had made in lectures in previous years, but his managers only quietly reprimanded him before dismissing the claims. "The problem is not that Chinese students and colleagues are reporting their professors. That phenomenon has always existed," says Shi.
But now, Shi says, China's political environment has changed in such a way that university administrators are receptive to such complaints and are pressured to take immediate action. "The problem is that the political winds have shifted at the top," Shi says, "and that shift has been orchestrated by the political leaders themselves."


npr--2020-01-20--Richmond Gun Rally: Thousands Of Gun Owners Converge On Virginia Capitol On MLK Day

Richmond Gun Rally : Thousands Of Gun Owners Converge On Virginia Capitol On MLK Day Thousands of gun ownership enthusiasts and armed militia members gathered at the Virginia State Capitol Monday for a rally aimed at quashing new gun restrictions .
The rally ended peacefully , but the city of Richmond remains under a state of emergency and Gov .
Ralph Northam 's temporary ban on weapons on Capitol grounds will remain in place until Tuesday .
An estimated 22,000 people attended the demonstration , according to the Virginia Joint Information Center , which says roughly 6,000 people were on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gated barricades .
Police made only one arrest at the rally — a woman was arrested on a `` felony count of wearing a mask in public , '' according to the state information center .
An officer arrested 21-year-old Mikaela E. Beschler after twice warning her not to wear a bandanna covering her face .
The Richmond gun rally drew a wide range of people , from staunch believers that the Second Amendment guarantees wide access to guns to those who say gun rights should have limits — and religious leaders who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about losing one of the base freedoms that we have .
Without it , all the others fall right behind it , '' gun rights supporter Todd McManus of Shepherdstown , W.Va. , told member station VPM 's Ben Paviour .
The rally featured a slate of speeches before those gathered on the lawn below the white-columned Capitol .
State politicians , an official from Gun Owners of America and law enforcement officials spoke to the crowd .
`` At least two county sheriffs have spoken at this gun rights rally in Richmond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ via Twitter .
She adds that Sheriff Scott Jenkins of Culpeper County `` says he will deputize 'thousands ' of gun owners '' if Virginia enacts new gun restrictions .
A recurring theme heard at the rally , McCammon says , is `` the idea that activists must stop gun restrictions here in Virginia or they will spread across the country . ''
Others slated to speak included Stephen Willeford , credited with stopping a mass shooting at a church in Texas , and Dick Heller , the defendant in the landmark Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Heller , which struck down the district 's ban on gun ownership .
While people were blocked from carrying weapons within a rectangle-shaped vicinity of the Capitol , many rally attendees walked with their guns in plain sight on Richmond 's nearby streets .
Some people wore camouflage and helmets , while a few dressed in Revolutionary War costumes .
Others wore jeans or suits , but with rifles slung across their chests .
And many people simply bundled up against the cold — it was several degrees below freezing in Richmond early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Capitol , there were chants against Virginia 's Democratic governor as well as shouts of `` USA !
USA ! ''
Faith leaders held a prayer vigil for peace near the Capitol to invoke a spirit of fellowship on the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday .
`` We wanted to provide a counter-witness to potential strife , and certainly some of the conflicted relationship that 's going to be seen today , '' Rev .
Drew Willson tells VPM 's Roberto Roldan .
Right-wing media outlets were also a notable presence .
Breitbart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event , and InfoWars ' Alex Jones rode parade-style in a Terradyne armored vehicle , popping out of the top hatch to address the crowd through a microphone .
Vendors also descended on the city , setting up tables and portable racks to sell pro-Trump T-shirts and pro-gun paraphernalia .
The gun rights event , held on a holiday that honors a civil rights leader who himself became a victim of gun violence , had generated anxiety that it could draw white supremacists and violent extremists .
When Northam declared an emergency , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might try to use the rally as an excuse to launch `` insurrection '' and violent attacks .
A large counter-protest was called off , with several leaders saying the chance of violence was too high .
The FBI and other law enforcement agencies made high-profile arrests of suspected members of neo-Nazi group The Base in three states last week , including one group that allegedly had built a functioning assault rifle .
Law enforcement officials told NPR that some of those members had discussed attending the gun rally in Richmond .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a push against gun control laws that the Virginia Citizens Defense League organizes annually .
But this year 's event gained new importance after a wave of Democrats took control of the state 's legislature — and promised to make gun control a priority .
Lawmakers opened their legislative session on Jan. 8 and were in session Monday .
`` Virginia Democrats are following through with an election-year pledge to pass new gun laws following a mass shooting in Virginia Beach last spring , '' Whittney Evans of VPM reports from Richmond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of grassroots activism from gun owners who say their constitutional rights are under attack . ''
Northam and other law enforcement officials hope to avoid the deadly violence that flared up at another controversial rally in Virginia .
Clashes between white nationalists who gathered for the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville and anti-racism protesters left protester Heather Heyer dead and 19 others injured .
Two state troopers also died when their helicopter crashed .
When Northam banned weapons from the Capitol area , he cited `` credible intelligence '' that tens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ converge on Richmond 's Capitol Square .
Seeming to refer to The Base and other groups , Northam added , `` a substantial number of these demonstrators are expected to come from outside the Commonwealth , may be armed , and have as their purpose not peaceful assembly but violence , rioting , and insurrection . ''
The ban is broad , including not only pistols and rifles , but `` sticks , torches , poles , bats , shields , helmets '' along with pepper spray , laser pointers , drones , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bodily harm that is visible , other than firearms . ''
Northam 's emergency order took effect at the start of the weekend and is to remain in effect until Tuesday afternoon .

Richmond Gun Rally: Thousands Of Gun Owners Converge On Virginia Capitol On MLK Day
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Updated at 4:40 p.m. ET
Thousands of gun ownership enthusiasts and armed militia members gathered at the Virginia State Capitol on Monday for a rally aimed at quashing new gun restrictions. The rally ended without any violence, but Richmond remains under a state of emergency and Gov. Ralph Northam's temporary ban on weapons on Capitol grounds will remain in place until Tuesday.
An estimated 22,000 people attended the demonstration, according to the Virginia Joint Information Center, which says roughly 6,000 people were on Capitol Square and 16,000 were outside the gated barricades.
Police made only one arrest at the rally — a woman was arrested on a "felony count of wearing a mask in public," according to the state information center. An officer arrested 21-year-old Mikaela E. Beschler after twice warning her not to wear a bandanna covering her face.
The Richmond gun rally drew a wide range of people, from staunch believers that the Second Amendment guarantees wide access to guns to those who say gun rights should have limits — and religious leaders who called for peace.
"This is about losing one of the base freedoms that we have. Without it, all the others fall right behind it," gun rights supporter Todd McManus of Shepherdstown, W.Va., told member station VPM's Ben Paviour.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
The rally featured a slate of speeches before those gathered on the lawn below the Capitol. State politicians, an official from Gun Owners of America and law enforcement officials spoke to the crowd.
"At least two county sheriffs have spoken at this gun rights rally in Richmond," NPR's Sarah McCammon reports via Twitter. She adds that Sheriff Scott Jenkins of Culpeper County "says he will deputize 'thousands' of gun owners" if Virginia enacts new gun restrictions.
A recurring theme heard at the rally, McCammon says, is "the idea that activists must stop gun restrictions here in Virginia or they will spread across the country."
Others slated to speak included Stephen Willeford, credited with stopping a mass shooting at a church in Texas, and Dick Heller, the defendant in the landmark Supreme Court case of District of Columbia v. Heller, which struck down the district's ban on gun ownership.
While people were blocked from carrying weapons within a rectangle-shaped vicinity of the Capitol, many rally attendees walked with their guns in plain sight on Richmond's nearby streets.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Some people wore camouflage and helmets, while a few dressed in Revolutionary War costumes. Others wore jeans or suits, but with rifles slung across their chests. And many people simply bundled up against the cold — it was several degrees below freezing in Richmond early Monday. In the streets near the Capitol, there were chants against Virginia's Democratic governor as well as shouts of "USA! USA!"
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Faith leaders held a prayer vigil for peace near the Capitol to invoke a spirit of fellowship on the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday.
"We wanted to provide a counterwitness to potential strife, and certainly some of the conflicted relationship that's going to be seen today," Rev. Drew Willson tells VPM's Roberto Roldan.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Right-wing media outlets were also a notable presence. Breitbart livestreamed video from the event, and InfoWars' Alex Jones rode parade-style in a Terradyne armored vehicle, popping out of the top hatch to address the crowd through a microphone.
Vendors also descended on the city, setting up tables and portable racks to sell pro-Trump T-shirts and pro-gun paraphernalia.
The gun rights event, held on a holiday that honors a civil rights leader who himself became a victim of gun violence, had generated anxiety that it could draw white supremacists and violent extremists.
When Northam declared an emergency, he noted the possibility that some attendees might try to use the rally as an excuse to launch "insurrection" and violent attacks. A large counterprotest was called off, with several leaders saying the chance of violence was too high.
The FBI and other law enforcement agencies made high-profile arrests of suspected members of neo-Nazi group The Base in three states last week, including one group that allegedly had built a functioning assault rifle. Law enforcement officials told NPR that some of those members had discussed attending the gun rally in Richmond.
The Richmond rally is part of Lobby Day, a push against gun control laws that the Virginia Citizens Defense League organizes annually. But this year's event gained new importance after a wave of Democrats took control of the state's legislature — and promised to make gun control a priority. Lawmakers opened their legislative session on Jan. 8 and were in session Monday.
"Virginia Democrats are following through with an election-year pledge to pass new gun laws following a mass shooting in Virginia Beach last spring," Whittney Evans of VPM reports from Richmond. "This has prompted a groundswell of grassroots activism from gun owners who say their constitutional rights are under attack."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Northam and law enforcement officials hope to avoid the deadly violence that flared up at another controversial rally in Virginia. Clashes between white nationalists who gathered for the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville and anti-racism protesters left protester Heather Heyer dead and 19 others injured. Two state troopers also died when their helicopter crashed.
When Northam banned weapons from the Capitol area, he cited "credible intelligence" that tens of thousands of people were planning to converge on Richmond's Capitol Square. Seeming to refer to The Base and other groups, Northam added, "a substantial number of these demonstrators are expected to come from outside the Commonwealth, may be armed, and have as their purpose not peaceful assembly but violence, rioting, and insurrection."
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
Enlarge this image toggle caption Tyrone Turner/WAMU Tyrone Turner/WAMU
The ban is broad, including not only pistols and rifles, but "sticks, torches, poles, bats, shields, helmets" along with pepper spray, laser pointers, drones and "any item that can inflict bodily harm that is visible, other than firearms."
Northam's emergency order took effect at the start of the weekend and is to remain in effect until Tuesday afternoon.


npr--2020-01-20--Extradition Trial For Huawei Executive Facing U.S. Fraud Charges Begins In Vancouver

Extradition Trial For Huawei Executive Facing U.S. Fraud Charges Begins In Vancouver The extradition hearing for Meng Wanzhou , the chief financial officer for the Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei , began Monday in Vancouver , Canada .
American officials want Meng sent to the U.S. to face federal fraud charges .
The Justice Department alleges that Meng fraudulently misled four large banks into processing `` millions of dollars '' worth of financial transactions with Iran in violation of international sanctions .
In a 13-count indictment filed against Meng and Huawei in January 2019 , the U.S. government says the scheme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a `` corporation registered in Hong Kong whose primary operations were in Iran . ''
Meng was apprehended in December 2018 as she changed planes in Vancouver .
China has demanded her release , and shortly after Meng 's arrest , it detained two Canadians on suspicions of espionage , a move that has been widely regarded as retaliation .
The two Canadians , Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig , have now been in detention for over a year .
Last year , a Canadian man who had asked a Chinese court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ smuggling instead received a death sentence .
Amid ongoing trade tensions between the U.S. and China , the dispute over Meng has only deepened the geopolitical friction between the world 's two largest economies .
When he announced the charges last year , then-acting U.S. Attorney General Matthew Whitaker said Huawei not only lied about its relationship with its subsidiary , but had been working to steal American telecommunications technology .
Whitaker said Huawei claimed it had sold its Iran-based unit , while actually retaining control and ownership of it .
As a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business with Huawei had inadvertently violated U.S. restrictions on economic activity linked to Iran .
Meng has denied the Justice Department 's allegations .
Following her arrest , her attorney , Reid Weingarten , callend Meng `` an ethical and honorable businesswoman who has never spent a second of her life plotting to violate any U.S .
law . ''
Huawei has denied violating American laws and called Meng 's arrest `` an unlawful abuse of process — one guided by political considerations and tactics , not by the rule of law .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canadian government said the extradition trial could proceed .
When proceedings begin Monday , Meng 's legal team is expected to argue that she can not be extradited because the crime she is accused of in the United States does not constitute a crime under Canadian law .
As CNBC reports , because Canada does not have economic services sanctions on Iran , Meng 's legal team will argue that the nation 's extradition laws do not allow for her removal .
Meng , 47 , is not only a top corporate officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eldest daughter of its founder and CEO , Ren Zhengfei .
Huawei has become one of China 's most important brands — and the company is seen by the U.S. government as an avenue by which China exerts global power .
That 's due , in part , to Huawei 's work around the world to build the next generation of 5G wireless networks .
Huawei has labored to reshape its image in the U.S. , as the Trump administration has argued that the company 's phones and technology threaten U.S. national security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allowed limited travel but is required to wear a GPS ankle bracelet and have around-the-clock surveillance .
She has spent the past year living in one of the two mansions she owns in Vancouver .
In May , she was granted approval to move to the larger one — located on the same block as the U.S. consul general 's residence .
Last month , Huawei published an open letter from Meng on the anniversary of her arrest .
`` If a busy life has eaten away at my time , then hardship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' she wrote , thanking her supporters .
`` Right now , time seems to pass slowly .
It is so slow that I have enough time to read a book from cover to cover .
I can take the time to discuss minutiae with my colleagues or to carefully complete an oil painting . ''
The first phase of the trial is expected to last about five days , The Associated Press reports .
The second phase , set to begin in June , will consider whether the FBI and Canadian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence during her detention — before she was arrested and informed of the crimes she allegedly committed .

Extradition Trial For Huawei Executive Facing U.S. Fraud Charges Begins In Vancouver
Enlarge this image toggle caption Jeff Vinnick/Getty Images Jeff Vinnick/Getty Images
Updated at 7:50 a.m. ET Tuesday
The extradition hearing for Meng Wanzhou, the chief financial officer for the Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei, began Monday in Vancouver, British Columbia. American officials want Meng sent to the U.S. to face federal fraud charges.
The Justice Department alleges that Meng fraudulently misled four large banks into processing "millions of dollars" worth of financial transactions with Iran in violation of international sanctions. In a 13-count indictment filed against Meng and Huawei in January 2019, the U.S. government says the scheme was conducted through a subsidiary called Skycom, a "corporation registered in Hong Kong whose primary operations were in Iran."
Meng was apprehended in December 2018 as she changed planes in Vancouver. China has demanded her release, and shortly after Meng's arrest, it detained two Canadians on suspicions of espionage, a move that has been widely regarded as retaliation. The two Canadians, Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig, have now been in detention for more than a year. Last year, a Canadian man who had asked a Chinese court to reconsider his 15-year sentence for drug smuggling instead received a death sentence.
Amid ongoing trade tensions between the U.S. and China, the dispute over Meng has only deepened the geopolitical friction between the world's two largest economies. When he announced the charges last year, then-acting U.S. Attorney General Matthew Whitaker said Huawei not only lied about its relationship with its subsidiary, but had been working to steal American telecommunications technology.
Whitaker said Huawei claimed it had sold its Iran-based unit while actually retaining control and ownership of it. As a result, the four unnamed banks doing business with Huawei had inadvertently violated U.S. restrictions on economic activity linked to Iran.
Meng has denied the Justice Department's allegations. Following her arrest, her attorney, Reid Weingarten, called Meng "an ethical and honorable businesswoman who has never spent a second of her life plotting to violate any U.S. law."
Huawei has denied violating American laws and called Meng's arrest "an unlawful abuse of process — one guided by political considerations and tactics, not by the rule of law."
"We trust in Canada's judicial system, which will prove Ms. Meng's innocence," the company said in a statement Monday. "Huawei stands with Ms. Meng in her pursuit for justice and freedom."
Nonetheless, in March, the Canadian government said the extradition trial could proceed. When proceedings begin Monday, Meng's legal team is expected to argue that she cannot be extradited because the crime she is accused of in the United States does not constitute a crime under Canadian law. As CNBC reports, because Canada does not have economic services sanctions on Iran, Meng's legal team will argue that the nation's extradition laws do not allow for her removal.
Meng, 47, is not only a top corporate officer at Huawei, but she's also the eldest daughter of its founder and CEO, Ren Zhengfei. Huawei has become one of China's most important brands — and the company is seen by the U.S. government as an avenue by which China exerts global power. That's due, in part, to Huawei's work around the world to build the next generation of 5G wireless networks.
Huawei has labored to reshape its image in the U.S., as the Trump administration has argued that the company's phones and technology threaten U.S. national security.
Meng is free on bail and allowed limited travel but is required to wear a GPS ankle bracelet and have around-the-clock surveillance. She has spent the past year living in one of the two mansions she owns in Vancouver. In May, she was granted approval to move to the larger one — located on the same block as the U.S. consul general's residence.
Last month, Huawei published an open letter from Meng on the anniversary of her arrest.
"If a busy life has eaten away at my time, then hardship has in turn drawn it back out," she wrote, thanking her supporters. "Right now, time seems to pass slowly. It is so slow that I have enough time to read a book from cover to cover. I can take the time to discuss minutiae with my colleagues or to carefully complete an oil painting."
The first phase of the trial is expected to last about five days, The Associated Press reports. The second phase, set to begin in June, will consider whether the FBI and Canadian police violated Meng's rights by collecting evidence during her detention — before she was arrested and informed of the crimes she allegedly committed.


npr--2020-01-20--Patients Still Struggle To Balance High Costs Of MS Treatment, Despite Generic

Patients Still Struggle To Balance High Costs Of MS Treatment , Despite Generic Sometimes , the approval of a new generic drug offers more hype than hope for patients ' wallets , as people with multiple sclerosis know all too well .
New research shows just how little the introduction of a generic version of Copaxone — one of the most popular MS drugs — did to lower their medicine costs .
MS is an autoimmune disease that gradually damages the central nervous system , disrupting communication between the brain and the rest of the body .
Its symptoms are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lifetime but can include weakness , numbness , vision problems , tremors and even paralysis .
There 's no cure for MS , though some patients experience long remissions of symptoms .
Several prescription drugs can stave off multiple sclerosis attacks and slow down the disease , says Deborah Ewing-Wilson , a neurologist with University Hospitals Cleveland Medical Center .
But the cost of some of the most effective medicines — which have undergone frequent price hikes over the years — can put added stress on her patients .
`` They are extremely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ average , the medicines cost $ 70,000 per year , according to a 2017 study .
Some prices have increased fivefold from when the drugs were first approved by the Food and Drug Administration .
Even with insurance , says Ewing-Wilson , patients can be left on the hook for anywhere from $ 3,000 to more than $ 50,000 a year .
Some patients tell her they need to skip their medications altogether because they 're unaffordable .
So when a generic version of the injectable MS drug Copaxone — also known as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Dan Hartung , a drug policy researcher at Oregon Health & Science University , and his colleagues thought that might spur some price relief .
After all , if a cheap multiple sclerosis drug were available , would n't patients flock to it , forcing other manufacturers to lower their prices to compete ?
Hartung and his colleagues used Medicaid data to follow prices and spending on 15 multiple sclerosis drugs from 2011 through 2017 .
`` There was a pretty minimal impact , '' Hartung says .
Instead of forcing other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have prompted Copaxone 's price per prescription ( about a month 's supply of the drug ) to increase by $ 441 `` immediately , '' according to their study , published this month in the journal Neurology .
And other multiple sclerosis drug prices continued to climb , the study found .
Medicaid spending on multiple sclerosis drugs nearly tripled over the seven-year period from $ 453 million to $ 1.32 billion , according to the study .
Although drugmakers pay rebates back to Medicaid , spending on these products `` still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to $ 600 million per year , '' the researchers reported .
Today , the list price for a once-daily injection of Copaxone is more than $ 7,000 for 30 syringes , compared with $ 1,500 or $ 1,950 for the same quantity of the generic version , according to GoodRx , a website that helps patients find prescription drug costs and coupons .
`` Sometimes , a patient makes a decision based on cost and says , 'Oh my gosh , the drug is not on formulary ' ... or 'It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life savings , ' `` Ewing says , adding that she does her best to find a solution .
`` It 's very , very sad . ''
Hartung says he thinks he knows at least part of the reason that the generic did n't bring down costs .
A year and a half before a generic for Copaxone was approved , Teva Pharmaceutical Industries , which makes Copaxone , introduced a new formulation of its brand-name drug .
It was a higher dose of glatiramer acetate that needed to be taken less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half of all market share from their 20-milligram version of Copaxone to the 40-milligram version of Copaxone , basically ... blunting the effect of this new generic when it went to hit the market in April 2015 , '' Hartung said .
He called it a `` common tactic '' employed by brand-name pharmaceutical companies to eat into generic competition .
Pharmacists could n't automatically switch patients to the generic at the pharmacy counter if they had already been taking the new version of the brand-name medicine .
What 's more , multiple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So switching to generic Copaxone from another drug , like Tecfidera or Ocrevus , simply might not be an option .
`` Patients want to stay on whatever medication works for them , '' says Ewing-Wilson .
By the end of 2017 , only 36 % of patients on glatiramer acetate were using the generic version , according to the study .
Now , there are two manufacturers of generics , but that was n't the case until the very end of Hartung 's study .
They have both since introduced 40-milligram @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a health policy professor at Vanderbilt University , says that Hartung and his team looked behind the curtain to see what really happens once a generic enters a `` specialty '' drug market .
Specialty drugs tend to be expensive , complex medications that may be difficult to administer .
`` We 're promised we 'll spend less on managing diseases once a generic is available , '' Dusetzina says , adding that it has n't played out that way .
`` We 've been , really been , looking to generics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're probably not going to get it as quickly as we want . ''
Generics may not have the same cost-lowering power for specialty drugs , especially when other brand-name drugs are approved to treat a given disease before the first generic is approved , Dusetzina says .
She saw a similar scenario play out , she says , when the generic version of Gleevec , a cancer drug , was approved .
Still , multiple sclerosis patients may eventually see lower prices at the pharmacy counter .
It usually takes four or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to an FDA analysis .
`` Just because you do n't see the price reduction today from the generic does n't mean they 're not coming , '' Dusetzina says .
That 's cold comfort for many MS patients who ca n't afford the medicine they need right now .
`` For any of us , this would be an issue , '' says Ewing-Wilson .
`` But particularly for people with MS who often struggle to find insurance , struggle to have affordable health care ... this is terrible .
@ @ @ @ @

Patients Still Struggle To Balance High Costs Of MS Treatment, Despite Generic
Enlarge this image toggle caption Gary Waters/Ikon Images/Getty Images Gary Waters/Ikon Images/Getty Images
Sometimes, the approval of a new generic drug offers more hype than hope for patients' wallets, as people with multiple sclerosis know all too well. New research shows just how little the introduction of a generic version of Copaxone — one of the most popular MS drugs — did to lower their medicine costs.
MS is an autoimmune disease that gradually damages the central nervous system, disrupting communication between the brain and the rest of the body. Its symptoms are different from patient to patient across a lifetime but can include weakness, numbness, vision problems, tremors and even paralysis. There's no cure for MS, though some patients experience long remissions of symptoms.
Several prescription drugs can stave off multiple sclerosis attacks and slow down the disease, says Deborah Ewing-Wilson, a neurologist with University Hospitals Cleveland Medical Center. But the cost of some of the most effective medicines — which have undergone frequent price hikes over the years — can put added stress on her patients.
"They are extremely expensive," says Ewing-Wilson. On average, the medicines cost $70,000 per year, according to a 2017 study. Some prices have increased fivefold from when the drugs were first approved by the Food and Drug Administration.
Even with insurance, says Ewing-Wilson, patients can be left on the hook for anywhere from $3,000 to more than $50,000 a year. Some patients tell her they need to skip their medications altogether because they're unaffordable.
So when a generic version of the injectable MS drug Copaxone — also known as glatiramer acetate — was launched in 2015, Dan Hartung, a drug policy researcher at Oregon Health & Science University, and his colleagues thought that might spur some price relief. After all, if a cheap multiple sclerosis drug were available, wouldn't patients flock to it, forcing other manufacturers to lower their prices to compete?
Hartung and his colleagues used Medicaid data to follow prices and spending on 15 multiple sclerosis drugs from 2011 through 2017.
"There was a pretty minimal impact," Hartung says.
Instead of forcing other prices down, the generic seems to have prompted Copaxone's price per prescription (about a month's supply of the drug) to increase by $441 "immediately," according to their study, published this month in the journal Neurology. And other multiple sclerosis drug prices continued to climb, the study found.
Medicaid spending on multiple sclerosis drugs nearly tripled over the seven-year period from $453 million to $1.32 billion, according to the study. Although drugmakers pay rebates back to Medicaid, spending on these products "still more than doubled from $278 million to $600 million per year," the researchers reported.
Today, the list price for a once-daily injection of Copaxone is more than $7,000 for 30 syringes, compared with $1,500 or $1,950 for the same quantity of the generic version, according to GoodRx, a website that helps patients find prescription drug costs and coupons.
"Sometimes, a patient makes a decision based on cost and says, 'Oh my gosh, the drug is not on formulary' ... or 'It's going to cost me literally all my life savings,' " Ewing says, adding that she does her best to find a solution. "It's very, very sad."
Hartung says he thinks he knows at least part of the reason that the generic didn't bring down costs.
A year and a half before a generic for Copaxone was approved, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, which makes Copaxone, introduced a new formulation of its brand-name drug. It was a higher dose of glatiramer acetate that needed to be taken less frequently.
"Teva had shifted almost half of all market share from their 20-milligram version of Copaxone to the 40-milligram version of Copaxone, basically ... blunting the effect of this new generic when it went to hit the market in April 2015," Hartung said.
He called it a "common tactic" employed by brand-name pharmaceutical companies to eat into generic competition. Pharmacists couldn't automatically switch patients to the generic at the pharmacy counter if they had already been taking the new version of the brand-name medicine.
What's more, multiple sclerosis drugs work differently for each patient. So switching to generic Copaxone from another drug, like Tecfidera or Ocrevus, simply might not be an option.
"Patients want to stay on whatever medication works for them," says Ewing-Wilson.
By the end of 2017, only 36% of patients on glatiramer acetate were using the generic version, according to the study.
Now, there are two manufacturers of generics, but that wasn't the case until the very end of Hartung's study. They have both since introduced 40-milligram versions of glatiramer acetate.
Stacie Dusetzina, a health policy professor at Vanderbilt University, says that Hartung and his team looked behind the curtain to see what really happens once a generic enters a "specialty" drug market. Specialty drugs tend to be expensive, complex medications that may be difficult to administer.
"We're promised we'll spend less on managing diseases once a generic is available," Dusetzina says, adding that it hasn't played out that way. "We've been, really been, looking to generics for some price relief, and we're probably not going to get it as quickly as we want."
Generics may not have the same cost-lowering power for specialty drugs, especially when other brand-name drugs are approved to treat a given disease before the first generic is approved, Dusetzina says. She saw a similar scenario play out, she says, when the generic version of Gleevec, a cancer drug, was approved.
Still, multiple sclerosis patients may eventually see lower prices at the pharmacy counter. It usually takes four or five generics to drive prices down significantly, according to an FDA analysis.
"Just because you don't see the price reduction today from the generic doesn't mean they're not coming," Dusetzina says.
That's cold comfort for many MS patients who can't afford the medicine they need right now. "For any of us, this would be an issue," says Ewing-Wilson. "But particularly for people with MS who often struggle to find insurance, struggle to have affordable health care ... this is terrible. It's ghastly."


npr--2020-01-21--Iran Conflict Could Shift To Cyberspace, Experts Warn

Cybersecurity researchers and U.S. government officials said hackers linked to Iran are probing American companies for vulnerabilities .
The warnings suggest that the next phase of hostilities between the U.S. and Iran , following the Jan. 3 killing of a top Iranian general in an American drone strike , is likely to play out in cyberspace .
The Iranian regime is accused of being behind some high-profile online operations against American targets in recent years .
Between 2011 and 2013 , hackers targeted big American banks including JPMorgan Chase , Bank of America and Capital One .
They flooded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knocking them offline and costing millions of dollars in lost business .
In 2018 , a ransomware attack crippled the city of Atlanta , leaving police officers to write reports by hand and city workers punching in and out with time clocks .
In both cases , Iranian nationals were ultimately indicted .
In one of the most high-profile cases , hackers destroyed data on computers at the Sands casino in Las Vegas , after its billionaire owner , Sheldon Adelson , called for a nuclear strike on Iran .
Iran 's investment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2010 , the year a powerful computer worm called Stuxnet infected an Iranian nuclear facility .
The U.S. and Israel are believed to have been behind the attack , although neither country has ever acknowledged responsibility .
`` As a result of the impact that Stuxnet had on the Iranian enrichment program , they formed , funded , trained and attached to their warfighting capabilities a very strong cyber capability , '' said Jordan Mauriello , senior vice president of managed security at cybersecurity firm CriticalStart .
Stuxnet hurt Iran , but Mauriello @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the country 's leaders the power of digital weapons to level the playing field against the military superiority of the U.S. Iran has created teams of cyber warriors inside the Revolutionary Guard Corps , its elite military wing .
But Iran also relies on proxy groups and hackers aligned with its goals .
In the weeks since a U.S. airstrike killed Iranian general Qassem Soleimani , nationalist `` hacktivists '' are suspected of defacing a U.S. government website with pro-Iran messages .
Cyber tools enable `` asymmetric '' attacks by inflicting economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a fellow at the Center for a New American Security .
`` Cyber allows them to compete at a level of parity that they do n't have in the physical world , '' she said .
Iran has also used these tactics against other foes , including Saudi Arabia .
U.S. officials blame Iran for wiping out data on three-quarters of computers at Aramco , the kingdom 's giant oil company , in 2012 .
While the threat of military escalation between the U.S. and Iran appears to have eased in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ researchers are warning companies to be on the alert for cyber attacks .
`` Right now what we 're seeing instead is a huge increase in reconnaissance activity , '' Mauriello said .
`` Specifically looking for potentially vulnerable servers , data gathering .
...
They 're kind of preparing the battle plan in the cyber space . ''
Earlier this month , Texas Gov .
Greg Abbott said agencies in his state have seen an increase in attempted computer intrusions attributed to Iran .
The Department of Homeland Security has also warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death with cyber attacks , ranging from defacing websites to destroying data .
Iran 's activities have shown its ability to cause financial harm and embarrassment .
However , experts say a more serious cyber intrusion into critical U.S. infrastructure , like electrical grids , would take more time and effort .
`` Cyber is not a magic button , meaning that it takes many months of planning to achieve a specific outcome , '' said Oren Falkowitz , a former National Security Agency analyst who is the CEO of Area 1 Security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up its cyber capabilities .
Researchers say Russia and China present the biggest threats to American targets .
And of course the U.S. has its own digital weapons to use against adversaries .

Iran Conflict Could Shift To Cyberspace, Experts Warn
Enlarge this image toggle caption Chris McGrath/Getty Images Chris McGrath/Getty Images
Hackers linked to Iran are probing American companies for vulnerabilities, cybersecurity researchers and U.S. government officials say.
The warnings suggest that the next phase of hostilities between the U.S. and Iran, following the Jan. 3 killing of a top Iranian general in an American drone strike, is likely to play out in cyberspace.
The Iranian regime is accused of being behind some high-profile online operations against American targets in recent years.
Between 2011 and 2013, hackers targeted big American banks including JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America and Capital One. They flooded the banks' computer networks with traffic, knocking them offline and costing millions of dollars in lost business.
In 2018, a ransomware attack crippled the city of Atlanta, leaving police officers to write reports by hand and city workers punching in and out with time clocks.
In both cases, Iranian nationals were ultimately indicted.
In one of the most high-profile cases, hackers destroyed data on computers at the Sands casino in Las Vegas after its billionaire owner, Sheldon Adelson, called for a nuclear strike on Iran.
Iran's investment in its cyber army dates back to 2010, the year a powerful computer worm called Stuxnet infected an Iranian nuclear facility. The U.S. and Israel are believed to have been behind the attack, although neither country has ever acknowledged responsibility.
Stuxnet destroyed critical equipment and set back Iran's nuclear ambitions.
"As a result of the impact that Stuxnet had on the Iranian enrichment program, they formed, funded, trained and attached to their warfighting capabilities a very strong cybercapability," said Jordan Mauriello, senior vice president of managed security at cybersecurity firm CriticalStart.
Stuxnet hurt Iran, but Mauriello and other experts say it also demonstrated to the country's leaders the power of digital weapons to level the playing field against the military superiority of the U.S.
Iran has created teams of cyberwarriors inside the Revolutionary Guard Corps, its elite military wing. But Iran also relies on proxy groups and hackers aligned with its goals.
In the weeks since a U.S. airstrike killed Iranian general Qassem Soleimani, nationalist "hacktivists" are suspected of defacing a U.S. government website with pro-Iran messages.
Cybertools enable "asymmetric" attacks by inflicting economic or reputational damage, said Kara Frederick, a fellow at the Center for a New American Security.
"Cyber allows them to compete at a level of parity that they don't have in the physical world," she said.
Iran has also used these tactics against other foes, including Saudi Arabia. U.S. officials blame Iran for wiping out data on three-quarters of computers at Aramco, the kingdom's giant oil company, in 2012.
While the threat of military escalation between the U.S. and Iran appears to have eased in recent days, U.S. government officials and security researchers are warning companies to be on the alert for cyberattacks.
"Right now what we're seeing instead is a huge increase in reconnaissance activity," Mauriello said. "Specifically looking for potentially vulnerable servers, data gathering. ... They're kind of preparing the battle plan in the cyberspace."
Earlier this month, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott said agencies in his state have seen an increase in attempted computer intrusions attributed to Iran.
The Department of Homeland Security has also warned that Iran may retaliate for Soleimani's death with cyberattacks ranging from defacing websites to destroying data.
Iran's activities have shown its ability to cause financial harm and embarrassment. However, experts say a more serious cyber intrusion into critical U.S. infrastructure, like electrical grids, would take more time and effort.
"Cyber is not a magic button, meaning that it takes many months of planning to achieve a specific outcome," said Oren Falkowitz, a former National Security Agency analyst who is the CEO of Area 1 Security.
Iran is not alone in amping up its cybercapabilities. Researchers say Russia and China present the biggest threats to American targets.
And the U.S. has its own digital weapons to use against adversaries.


npr--2020-01-21--Patients Want To Die At Home, But Home Hospice Care Can Be Tough On Families

Patients Want To Die At Home , But Home Hospice Care Can Be Tough On Families '' I 'm not anti-hospice at at all , '' says Joy Johnston , a writer from Atlanta .
`` But I think people are n't prepared for all the effort that it takes to give someone a good death at home . ''
Even though surveys show it 's what most Americans say they want , dying at home is `` not all it 's cracked up to be , '' says Johnson , who relocated to New Mexico at age 40 to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , and ultimately wrote an essay about her frustrations with the way hospice care often works in the U.S. Johnston , like many family caregivers , was surprised that her mother 's hospice provider left most of the physical work to her .
She says during the final weeks of her mother 's life , she felt more like a tired nurse than a devoted daughter .
According to a recent Kaiser Family Foundation poll , seven in 10 Americans say they would prefer to die at home , when the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the health care system is moving , too , hoping to avoid unnecessary and expensive treatment at the end of life .
The home hospice movement has been great for patients , says Vanderbilt palliative care physician Parul Goyal — many patients are thrilled with the care they get .
`` I do think that when they are at home , they are in a peaceful environment , '' Goyal says .
`` It is comfortable for them .
But , '' she notes , `` it may not be comfortable for family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Still , when it comes to where we die , the U.S. has reached a tipping point .
Home is now the most common place of death , according to new research , and a majority of Medicare patients are now turning to hospice services to help make that possible .
Fewer Americans these days are dying in a hospital , under the close supervision of doctors and nurses .
Hospice allows a patient deemed to have fewer than six months to live to change the focus of their medical care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to a new goal of using treatments and medicines to maintain comfort and quality of life .
It is a form of palliative care , which also focuses on pain management and quality of life , but can be provided while a patient continues to seek a cure or receive treatments to prolong life .
Usually , hospice care is offered in the home , or sometimes in a nursing home .
Since the mid-1990s , Medicare has allowed the hospice benefit to cover more types of diagnoses , and therefore more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and patients , the numbers continue to balloon — from 1.27 million patients in 2012 to 1.49 million in 2017 .
According to the National Hospice and Palliative Care Association , hospice is now a $ 19 billion industry , almost entirely funded by taxpayers .
But as the business has grown , so has the burden on families , who are often the ones providing most of the care .
For example , one intimate task in particular changed Joy Johnston 's view of what hospice really means — trying to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plagues many dying patients .
`` It 's ironically called the 'comfort care kit ' that you get with home hospice .
They include suppositories , and so I had to do that , '' she says .
`` That was the lowest point .
And I 'm sure it was the lowest point for my mother as well .
And it did n't work . ''
Hospice agencies primarily serve in an advisory role and from a distance , even in the final , intense days when family caregivers , or home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adjust morphine doses or deal with typical end-of-life symptoms , such as bleeding or breathing trouble .
Those decisive moments can be scary for the family , says Dr. Joan Teno , a physician and leading hospice researcher at Oregon Health and Science University .
`` Imagine if you 're the caregiver , and that you 're in the house , '' Teno says .
`` it 's in the middle of the night , 2 o'clock in the morning , and all of a sudden , your family member has a grand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what happened with Teno 's mother .
`` While it was difficult for me to witness , I knew what to do , '' she says .
In contrast , Teno says , in her father 's final hours , he was admitted to a hospice residence .
Such residences often resemble a nursing home , with private rooms where family and friends can come and go , and with round-the-clock medical attention just down the hall .
Teno called the residence experience of hospice a `` godsend . ''
But an inpatient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
Patients have to be in bad shape for Medicare to pay the higher in-patient rate that hospice residences charge .
And by the time such patients reach their final days , it 's often too much trouble for them and the family to move .
Hospice care is a lucrative business — now the most profitable type of health care service that Medicare pays for .
According to Medicare data , for-profit hospice agencies now outnumber the nonprofits that pioneered the service in the 1970s .
But agencies that need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dedicated hospice units or residences , in general , mostly because such facilities are n't profitable enough .
Joe Shega , chief medical officer at for-profit Vitas , the largest hospice company in the U.S. , insists it 's the patients ' wishes , not a corporate desire to make more money , that drives his firm 's business model .
`` Our focus is on what patients want , and 85 to 90 percent want to be at home , '' Shega says .
`` So , our focus is building programs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For many families , making hospice work at home means hiring extra help .
At the kitchen table of her home outside Nashville , hospice patient Jean McCasland is refusing , on the day I visit , to eat a spoonful of peach yogurt .
Each morning , nurse 's aide Karrie Velez pulverizes McCasland 's medications in a pill crusher and mixes them into her breakfast yogurt .
`` If you do n't , she will just spit them out , '' Velez says .
Like a growing share of hospice patients @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a service that hospice rarely provides — a one-on-one health attendant for several hours , so the regular family caregiver can get some kind of break each day .
When Velez is not around , John McCasland — Jean 's husband of nearly 50 years — is the person in charge at home .
`` I have said from the beginning that was my intention , that she would be at home through the duration , as long as I was able , '' John says .
But what hospice provided was n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to drain their retirement accounts to hire Velez , a private caregiver , out-of-pocket .
Hospice agencies usually bring in a hospital bed , an oxygen machine or a wheelchair — whatever equipment is needed .
Prescriptions show up at the house for pain and anxiety .
But hands-on help is scarce .
Medicare says hospice benefits can include home health aides and homemaker services .
But in practice , that in-person help is often limited to a couple of baths a week .
Medicare data reveals that , on average , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patient 's home 30 minutes , or so , per day .
Jean McCasland 's husband has n't complained .
`` I guess I 've just accepted what 's available and not really thought beyond what could be , '' John says .
`` Because this is what they say they do . ''
Families rarely consider whether they 're getting their money 's worth , because they 're not paying for hospice services directly : Medicare gets the bills .
John keeps his monthly statements from Medicare organized in a three-ring binder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency charges nearly $ 200 a day , whether there is a health provider in the home on that day or not .
That daily reimbursement also covers equipment rentals and a 24-hour hotline that lets patients or family members consult a nurse as needed ; John says that gives him peace of mind that help is a phone call away .
`` There 's a sense of comfort in knowing that they are keeping an eye on her , '' he says .
The rate that hospice charges Medicare drops a bit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the benefit .
After reviewing his paperwork , John realizes Medicare paid the hospice agency $ 60,000 in the first 12 months Jean was on hospice .
Was the care his wife got worth that ?
`` When you consider the amount of money that 's involved , perhaps they would provide somebody around the clock , '' he says .
Sue Riggle is the administrator for the McCaslands ' hospice agency , and says she understands how much help patients with dementia need .
`` I think everybody wishes we could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' says Riggle .
`` But it 's not something that is covered by hospices . ''
Her company is a small for-profit business called Adoration ; she says the agency ca n't provide more services than the Medicare benefit pays for .
I checked in again with John and Velez ( Jean 's long-time private caregiver ) this winter .
The two were by Jean 's side — and had been there for several days straight — when she died in October .
The hospice nurse showed up only afterward , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of family caregivers is typical , but often unexpected .
`` It does take a toll '' on families , says Katherine Ornstein , an associate professor of geriatrics and palliative medicine at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York , who studies what typically happens in the last years of patients ' lives .
The increasing burden on loved ones — especially spouses — is reaching a breaking point for many people , her research shows .
This particular type of stress has even been given a name : caregiver syndrome .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is really using families — unpaid family members , '' she says .
`` That 's our situation . ''
A few high-profile advocates have even started questioning whether hospice is right for everybody .
For some who have gone through home hospice with a loved one , the difficult experience has led them to choose otherwise for themselves .
Social worker Coneigh Sea has a portrait of her husband that sits in the entryway of her home in Murfreesboro , Tenn .
He died of prostate cancer in their bedroom in 1993 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the mental fog she experienced while managing his medication and bodily fluids — mostly by herself — has cleared , she says .
But it was a burden .
`` For me to say that — there 's that guilt , '' she says , then adds , `` but I know better .
It was a burden that I lovingly did . ''
She does n't regret the experience , but says it is not one she wishes for her own grown children .
She recently sat them down , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her death differently .
`` I told my family , if there is such a thing , I will come back and I will haunt you , '' she says with a laugh .
`` Do n't you do that . ''
Sea 's family may have limited options .
Sidestepping home hospice typically means paying for a pricey nursing home , or passing away with the cost and potential chaos of a hospital — which is precisely what hospice care was set up to avoid .
As researchers in the field look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for more palliative care , not less — even as they also advocate for more support of the spouses , family members and friends who are tasked with caring for the patient .
`` We really have to expand — in general — our approach to supporting caregivers , '' Ornstein says , noting that some countries outside the U.S. pay for a wider range , and longer duration of home health services .
`` I think what we really need to do is be broadening the support that individuals and families can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the course of serious illness , '' Ornstein says .
`` And I think that probably speaks to the expansion of palliative care in general . ''

Patients Want To Die At Home, But Home Hospice Care Can Be Tough On Families
Enlarge this image Maria Fabrizio for WPLN Maria Fabrizio for WPLN
"I'm not anti-hospice at all," says Joy Johnston, a writer from Atlanta. "But I think people aren't prepared for all the effort that it takes to give someone a good death at home."
Even though surveys show it's what most Americans say they want, dying at home is "not all it's cracked up to be," says Johnston, who relocated to New Mexico at age 40 to care for her dying mother some years ago. She ended up writing an essay about her frustrations with the way hospice care often works in the U.S.
Johnston, like many family caregivers, was surprised that her mother's hospice provider left most of the physical work to her. She says that during the final weeks of her mother's life, she felt more like a tired nurse than a devoted daughter.
According to a recent Kaiser Family Foundation poll, seven in 10 Americans say they would prefer to die at home. And that's the direction the health care system is moving, too, hoping to avoid unnecessary and expensive treatment at the end of life.
The home hospice movement has been great for patients, says Vanderbilt palliative care physician Parul Goyal, and many patients are thrilled with the care they get.
"I do think that when they are at home, they are in a peaceful environment," Goyal says. "It is comfortable for them. But," she notes, "it may not be comfortable for family members watching them taking their last breath."
Still, when it comes to where we die, the U.S. has reached a tipping point. Home is now the most common place of death, according to new research, and a majority of Medicare patients are turning to hospice services to help make that possible. Fewer Americans these days are dying in a hospital under the close supervision of doctors and nurses.
Hospice allows a patient deemed to have fewer than six months to live to change the focus of their medical care — from the goal of curing disease to a new goal of using treatments and medicines to maintain comfort and quality of life. It is a form of palliative care, which also focuses on pain management, but can be provided while a patient continues to seek a cure or receive treatments to prolong life.
Usually, hospice care is offered in the home, or sometimes in a nursing home.
Since the mid-1990s, Medicare has allowed the hospice benefit to cover more types of diagnoses, and therefore more people. As acceptance grows among physicians and patients, the numbers continue to balloon — from 1.27 million patients in 2012 to 1.49 million in 2017.
According to the National Hospice and Palliative Care Association, hospice is now a $19 billion industry, almost entirely funded by taxpayers. But as the business has grown, so has the burden on families, who are often the ones providing most of the care.
For example, one intimate task in particular changed Joy Johnston's view of what hospice really means — trying to get her mom's bowels moving. Constipation plagues many dying patients.
"It's ironically called the 'comfort care kit' that you get with home hospice. They include suppositories, and so I had to do that," she says. "That was the lowest point. And I'm sure it was the lowest point for my mother as well. And it didn't work."
Hospice agencies primarily serve in an advisory role and from a distance, even in the final, intense days when family caregivers, or home nurses they've hired, must continually adjust morphine doses or deal with typical end-of-life symptoms, such as bleeding or breathing trouble. Those decisive moments can be scary for the family, says Dr. Joan Teno, a physician and leading hospice researcher at Oregon Health and Science University.
"Imagine if you're the caregiver, and that you're in the house," Teno says. "It's in the middle of the night, 2 o'clock in the morning, and all of a sudden, your family member has a grand mal seizure."
That's exactly what happened with Teno's mother.
"While it was difficult for me to witness, I knew what to do," she says.
In contrast, Teno says, in her father's final hours, he was admitted to a hospice residence. Such residences often resemble a nursing home, with private rooms where family and friends can come and go and with round-the-clock medical attention just down the hall.
Teno called the residence experience of hospice a "godsend." But an inpatient facility is rarely an option, she says. Patients have to be in bad shape for Medicare to pay the higher inpatient rate that hospice residences charge. And by the time such patients reach their final days, it's often too much trouble for them and the family to move.
Hospice care is a lucrative business. It is now the most profitable type of health care service that Medicare pays for. According to Medicare data, for-profit hospice agencies now outnumber the nonprofits that pioneered the service in the 1970s. But agencies that need to generate profits for investors aren't building dedicated hospice units or residences, in general, mostly because such facilities aren't profitable enough.
Joe Shega, chief medical officer at for-profit Vitas, the largest hospice company in the U.S., insists it's the patients' wishes, not a corporate desire to make more money, that drives his firm's business model. "Our focus is on what patients want, and 85 to 90 percent want to be at home," Shega says. "So, our focus is building programs that help them be there."
For many families, making hospice work at home means hiring extra help.
'I guess I've just accepted what's available'
At the kitchen table of her home outside Nashville, hospice patient Jean McCasland is refusing, on the day I visit, to eat a spoonful of peach yogurt. Each morning, nurse's aide Karrie Velez pulverizes McCasland's medications in a pill crusher and mixes them into her breakfast yogurt.
"If you don't, she will just spit them out," Velez says.
Like a growing share of hospice patients, McCasland has dementia. She needs a service that hospice rarely provides — a one-on-one health attendant for several hours, so the regular family caregiver can get some kind of break each day.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Blake Farmer/WPLN Blake Farmer/WPLN
When Velez is not around, John McCasland — Jean's husband of nearly 50 years — is the person in charge at home.
"I have said from the beginning that was my intention, that she would be at home through the duration, as long as I was able," John says.
But what hospice provided wasn't enough help. So he has had to drain their retirement accounts to hire Velez, a private caregiver, out-of-pocket.
Hospice agencies usually bring in a hospital bed, an oxygen machine or a wheelchair — whatever equipment is needed. Prescriptions show up at the house for pain and anxiety. But hands-on help is scarce.
Medicare says hospice benefits can include home health aides and homemaker services. But in practice, that in-person help is often limited to a couple of baths a week. Medicare data reveals that, on average, a nurse or aide is only in the patient's home 30 minutes, or so, per day.
Jean McCasland's husband hasn't complained. "I guess I've just accepted what's available and not really thought beyond what could be," John says. "Because this is what they say they do."
Families rarely consider whether they're getting their money's worth because they're not paying for hospice services directly: Medicare gets the bills. John keeps his monthly statements from Medicare organized in a three-ring binder, but he had never noticed that his agency charges nearly $200 a day, whether there is a health provider in the home on that day or not.
That daily reimbursement also covers equipment rentals and a 24-hour hotline that lets patients or family members consult a nurse as needed; John says it gives him peace of mind that help is a phone call away. "There's a sense of comfort in knowing that they are keeping an eye on her," he says.
The rate that hospice charges Medicare drops a bit after the patient's first two months on the benefit. After reviewing his paperwork, John realizes Medicare paid the hospice agency $60,000 in the first 12 months Jean was on hospice. Was the care his wife got worth that?
"When you consider the amount of money that's involved, perhaps they would provide somebody around the clock," he says.
Sue Riggle is the administrator for the McCaslands' hospice agency and says she understands how much help patients with dementia need.
"I think everybody wishes we could provide the sitter-service part of it," says Riggle. "But it's not something that is covered by hospices."
Her company is a small for-profit business called Adoration; she says the agency can't provide more services than the Medicare benefit pays for.
I checked in again with John and Velez (Jean's long-time private caregiver) this winter. The two were by Jean's side — and had been there for several days straight — when she died in October. The hospice nurse showed up only afterward, to officially document the death.
This experience of family caregivers is typical, but often unexpected.
'It's a burden I lovingly did'
"It does take a toll" on families, says Katherine Ornstein, an associate professor of geriatrics and palliative medicine at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York, who studies what typically happens in the last years of patients' lives. The increasing burden on loved ones — especially spouses — is reaching a breaking point for many people, her research shows. This particular type of stress has even been given a name: caregiver syndrome.
"Our long-term-care system in this country is really using families — unpaid family members," she says. "That's our situation."
A few high-profile advocates have even started questioning whether hospice is right for everybody. For some who have gone through home hospice with a loved one, the difficult experience has led them to choose otherwise for themselves.
Social worker Coneigh Sea has a portrait of her husband that sits in the entryway of her home in Murfreesboro, Tenn. He died of prostate cancer in their bedroom in 1993.
Enlarge this image toggle caption Blake Farmer/WPLN Blake Farmer/WPLN
Enough time has passed since then that the mental fog she experienced while managing his medication and bodily fluids — mostly by herself — has cleared, she says. But it was a burden.
"For me to say that — there's that guilt," she says, then adds, "but I know better. It was a burden that I lovingly did."
She doesn't regret the experience but says it is not one she wishes for her own grown children. She recently sat them down, she says, to make sure they handle her death differently.
"I told my family, if there is such a thing, I will come back and I will haunt you," she says with a laugh. "Don't you do that."
Sea's family may have limited options. Sidestepping home hospice typically means paying for a pricey nursing home or passing away with the cost and potential chaos of a hospital — which is precisely what hospice care was set up to avoid.
As researchers in the field look to the future, they are calling for more palliative care, not less — even as they also advocate for more support of the spouses, family members and friends who are tasked with caring for the patient.
"We really have to expand — in general — our approach to supporting caregivers," Ornstein says, noting that some countries outside the U.S. pay for a wider range and longer duration of home health services.
"I think what we really need to do is be broadening the support that individuals and families can have as they're caring for individuals throughout the course of serious illness," Ornstein says. "And I think that probably speaks to the expansion of palliative care in general."
Blake Farmer's reporting on end-of-life care is part of a reporting fellowship on health care performance, sponsored by the Association of Health Care Journalists and supported by the Commonwealth Fund.