washingtonmonthly--2020-06-03--Barr Has Made the Justice Department Trump’s Puppet

In the days following the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson , this is what our attorney general was doing .
Ifill goes on to give us a bit of a history lesson , including this powerful moment .
So what is our current attorney general doing in the midst of this national crisis ?
He certainly hasn ’ t travelled to Minneapolis and , as far as I know , hasn ’ t spoken to the family of George Floyd .
What Barr has done is blame all of the violence associated with the protests on left-wing extremists , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he helped stage what Martin called “ the most shameful stunt of Trump ’ s presidency.
” No one should be surprised that Barr is one of the biggest proponents of the warrior mentality in this country .
After all , he is the one who warned that communities that don ’ t show enough respect for law enforcement would find themselves without police protection .
In an in-depth expose about the attorney general , Mattathias Schwartz provides this summary of Barr ’ s world view .
As far as what Barr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Gerson says he is committed to the “ hierarchical ” and “ authoritarian ” premise that “ a top-down ordering of society will produce a more moral society.
” That isn ’ t too far away from what Barr himself articulated in a 2019 speech at the University of Notre Dame .
In Barr ’ s view , piety lay at the heart of the founders ’ model of self-government , which depended on religious values to restrain human passions .
“ The founding generation were Christians , ” Barr said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Being ” through “ individual morality ” to form “ the social order.
” Reason and experience merely serve to confirm the infallible divine law .
That law , he said , is under threat from “ militant secularists , ” including “ so-called progressives , ” who call on the state “ to mitigate the social costs of personal misconduct and irresponsibility.
” The attorney general ’ s disgust with anyone who challenges this “ top-down ordering of society ” goes all the way back to his days as a student at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coalition , which organized against student occupiers who had taken over the campus to protest the Vietnam War… On the morning of April 24 , 1968 , student demonstrators , many of them affiliated with Students for a Democratic Society , stormed Low Memorial Library and took over the offices of Columbia ’ s president .
The protesters were angry that Columbia was building a gymnasium nearby that would have two separate entrances — one for the school community and one for neighborhood residents — and also about the university ’ s connection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Pentagon .
Barr was on the other side , standing shoulder to shoulder with conservatives and athletes to form a blockade around the library .
“ We interposed ourselves around them , ” he told me .
“ There was a group of S.D.S .
students and younger people from Harlem that assembled and tried to break through .
And so there was a huge fistfight .
Over a dozen people went to the hospital , between the two groups , when they tried to rush through.
” He smiled to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get through.
” It ’ s not hard to imagine Barr ’ s sneer as he shares that account of how he and his buddies won that one against the protesters—demonstrating the pleasure he takes in authoritarian victories .
It is also pretty clear that the attorney general has never grappled with the fact that , when it came to the protests against the Vietnam War , he chose the wrong side of history .
Nevertheless , after directing the attacks on a group of peaceful protesters in order to clear the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front of a church ( uninvited ) wielding a Bible , the attorney general was right by his side .
Vanita Gupta , former acting Director of DOJ ’ s Civil Rights Division , has written a piece about what a just Justice Department would do in response to George Floyd ’ s death .
She basically outlined the same processes I discussed about the division ’ s ability to investigate systemic racism and develop consent decrees .
But ultimately , right now we don ’ t have a just Justice Department .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as we continue to work our way through this crisis , the attorney general will not only fail to be part of the solution—he is a major part of the problem .

In the days following the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, this is what our attorney general was doing.
Ifill goes on to give us a bit of a history lesson, including this powerful moment.
So what is our current attorney general doing in the midst of this national crisis? He certainly hasn’t travelled to Minneapolis and, as far as I know, hasn’t spoken to the family of George Floyd.
What Barr has done is blame all of the violence associated with the protests on left-wing extremists, which is a lie. But then, he helped stage what Martin called “the most shameful stunt of Trump’s presidency.”
Attorney General William P. Barr personally ordered law enforcement officials on the ground to extend the perimeter around Lafayette Square in Washington to push back protesters just before President Trump spoke Monday, a Justice Department official said.
No one should be surprised that Barr is one of the biggest proponents of the warrior mentality in this country. After all, he is the one who warned that communities that don’t show enough respect for law enforcement would find themselves without police protection. In an in-depth expose about the attorney general, Mattathias Schwartz provides this summary of Barr’s world view.
As far as what Barr is hoping to do with his canvas, Gerson says he is committed to the “hierarchical” and “authoritarian” premise that “a top-down ordering of society will produce a more moral society.” That isn’t too far away from what Barr himself articulated in a 2019 speech at the University of Notre Dame. In Barr’s view, piety lay at the heart of the founders’ model of self-government, which depended on religious values to restrain human passions. “The founding generation were Christians,” Barr said. Goodness flows from “a transcendent Supreme Being” through “individual morality” to form “the social order.” Reason and experience merely serve to confirm the infallible divine law. That law, he said, is under threat from “militant secularists,” including “so-called progressives,” who call on the state “to mitigate the social costs of personal misconduct and irresponsibility.”
The attorney general’s disgust with anyone who challenges this “top-down ordering of society” goes all the way back to his days as a student at Columbia University.
He joined the Majority Coalition, which organized against student occupiers who had taken over the campus to protest the Vietnam War… On the morning of April 24, 1968, student demonstrators, many of them affiliated with Students for a Democratic Society, stormed Low Memorial Library and took over the offices of Columbia’s president. The protesters were angry that Columbia was building a gymnasium nearby that would have two separate entrances — one for the school community and one for neighborhood residents — and also about the university’s connection with a think tank that did research for the Pentagon. Barr was on the other side, standing shoulder to shoulder with conservatives and athletes to form a blockade around the library. “We interposed ourselves around them,” he told me. “There was a group of S.D.S. students and younger people from Harlem that assembled and tried to break through. And so there was a huge fistfight. Over a dozen people went to the hospital, between the two groups, when they tried to rush through.” He smiled to himself. “They didn’t get through.”
It’s not hard to imagine Barr’s sneer as he shares that account of how he and his buddies won that one against the protesters—demonstrating the pleasure he takes in authoritarian victories. It is also pretty clear that the attorney general has never grappled with the fact that, when it came to the protests against the Vietnam War, he chose the wrong side of history.
Nevertheless, after directing the attacks on a group of peaceful protesters in order to clear the way for Trump’s photo op in front of a church (uninvited) wielding a Bible, the attorney general was right by his side.
Vanita Gupta, former acting Director of DOJ’s Civil Rights Division, has written a piece about what a just Justice Department would do in response to George Floyd’s death. She basically outlined the same processes I discussed about the division’s ability to investigate systemic racism and develop consent decrees. But ultimately, right now we don’t have a just Justice Department.
The Trump administration long ago ceded any moral authority and openly stirs racial hostility and division. Under attorneys general Jeff Sessions and William P. Barr, the department has effectively abandoned the use of pattern and practice investigations. Instead, it has focused on dismantling police reform efforts, gutting existing consent decrees and halting new investigations.
What this tells us is that, as we continue to work our way through this crisis, the attorney general will not only fail to be part of the solution—he is a major part of the problem.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-03--Why Are Student Loan Borrowers Being Kept Out of the Coronavirus Recovery?

The novel coronavirus outbreak has overwhelmed the country ’ s health care system , caused widespread unemployment and furloughs , and shut down major parts of the economy , leaving federal and state lawmakers scrambling to support millions of Americans and small businesses .
Even from the outset of the pandemic , it was clear that the ensuing tumult would exacerbate the nation ’ s pre-existing economic woes and inequities .
Low-income workers in the hospitality , retail , and restaurant industries were more likely to lose their jobs .
African American and Latino communities have been more susceptible to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , quickly recognized that this new reality would also impact the millions of student loan borrowers .
Already , more than 45 million Americans are still paying off their student loans—accumulating a total of more than $ 1.6 trillion of outstanding debt .
That ’ s largely due to the rapidly increasing price of higher education .
Over the last 20 years , college costs have grown at three times the rate of inflation .
The average borrower owes more than $ 37,000 by the time they graduate .
Meanwhile , there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skills employers are looking for and the ones newly minted college graduates have cultivated , making it harder for them to get jobs with which they can pay off their debt .
A global pandemic that has shattered the economy will make that task even more challenging .
That ’ s why Democrats in March put forward a series of proposals to forgive large portions of student debt as part of the first coronavirus recovery package .
House Democrats wanted to forgive $ 30,000 per borrower ( which was never realistic ) while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 10,000 across the board .
The House plan applied only to public loans , while the Senate proposal authorized the Department of Education to make payments on behalf of borrowers with all loan types .
But the ideas were quickly shot down by Republicans .
Instead , the $ 2.2 billion aid package , known as the CARES Act , suspended interest , payments , and involuntary collection for all federal loan borrowers until September 30 .
Thatdoesn ’ t cover every borrower , though ; it excludes those with Federal Family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eight million borrowers will still owe monthly payments on their federal student loans .
“ I ’ m sure everybody could use more money , ” South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham said on Fox News , when asked about the student debt forgiveness proposals .
“ But I don ’ t want to give money to people who have a paycheck .
I want to give money to people who have lost their jobs .
What the hell has that got to do with the virus ?
” The trillions of dollars in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ borrowers and the economy in normal circumstances .
Those with outstanding debt struggle financially while putting off savings , retirement , and major life decisions , like buying a home .
Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , who proposed loan forgiveness even before the pandemic , have said that erasing some of the burden will reduce the wealth gap in America and enable young people to start families and purchase houses .
Moody ’ s has also said that such a move would boost household consumption and investment ; improve business formation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long run .
It acknowledged that it would result in lost revenue , depending on how much debt is forgiven .
“ Student debt cancellation would actually be a boost to the economy , ” said Cody Hounanian said , the policy director for the advocacy group Student Debt Crisis .
In effect , it would free up millions of Americans to stop funneling huge chunks of their earnings into paying off their loans and instead spend that money on buying things and starting businesses and families .
“ We ’ re hoping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what looks like could likely be a pandemic induced recession in the very near future , ” Hounanian added .
The COVID-19 crisis , however , is likely to leave millions of Americans struggling to pay off student loan debt even deeper in the hole .
A national forbearance on payments and interest doesn ’ t solve that issue , it only prolongs it .
“ If you ’ re just suspending payments and waiving interest , then you ’ re not actually doing anything about the core of the problem , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the Center for Responsibly Lending ( CRL ) .
“ Even if you ’ re not making a monthly payment [ you still feel ] the effects of student debt on your access to credit , on your mental health , or your job prospects .
Student loan borrowers are going to come out of this crisis worse off.
” Americans agree .
According to a May 12 Chesapeake Beach Consulting poll commissioned by CRL , more than 60 percent of Americans support permanently reducing student loan debt by $ 20,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of Democrats support such loan relief , whereas roughly 49 percent of Republicans do .
That may be a positive sign .
The coronavirus outbreak has already gotten Republicans to recognize the importance of a number of social programs and liberal ideas , such as free testing , stimulus checks , and other benefits allotted to Americans in need .
Increasingly , GOP voters may start to recognize the hindrance student loan debt has been to letting young people start their lives , especially as it begins to affect them personally .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in those voters putting more pressure on their elected representatives .
It already has : In late April , Republican Congresswoman Elise Stefanik of New York put forward a bill that would extend CARES Act protections to the borrowers left out of the original bill .
Still , the GOP is far from where it needs to be .
The party remains adamantly resistant to any form of loan relief .
After two failed pandemic-related attempts to address debt relief in Congress—first in the CARES Act , then in the second stimulus package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again .
On May 12 , they proposed a measure to include $ 10,000 in student loan relief for borrowers who were “ economically distressed ” before the pandemic hit , meaning they made less than they owed before President Donald Trump declared a national emergency , and extend the suspension of payments to September 2021 .
Originally , the lawmakers wanted all borrowers to get the $ 10,000 forgiveness but balked after the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that would have cost $ 250-300 billion , more than Democrats initially expected .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , recently said he supports $ 10,000 in loan relief across the board and proposed a $ 750 billion student loan plan focused on income-driven repayment if he ’ s elected .
He also called for full debt relief for borrowers who graduate from a public college or university and whose family earns less than $ 125,000 per year .
Even $ 10,000 in universal reliefwould make a significant impact .
Approximately 40 percent of U.S. borrowers would have all their loans canceled , according to a CRL analysis .
Of all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ default , 78 percent would then have less than $ 40,000 in debt left .
The bill , which passed the House on May 15 and is now awaiting a Senate vote , is expected to meet sharp resistance from Senate Republicans and the White House .
But if Trump and the GOP are serious about wanting to restart the economy , a significant step would be to remove the single biggest barrier keeping millions of Americans from engaging in economic activity .
“ Student debt cancellation is connected to an increase in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s also connected to an increase in jobs , something that ’ s so important right now when we see unemployment rates skyrocketing.
” Forgiving student loan debt may be costly .
It will surely cost the government in the short term , but it may also save our economy in the long term .
That ’ s a price worth paying .

The novel coronavirus outbreak has overwhelmed the country’s health care system, caused widespread unemployment and furloughs, and shut down major parts of the economy, leaving federal and state lawmakers scrambling to support millions of Americans and small businesses.
Even from the outset of the pandemic, it was clear that the ensuing tumult would exacerbate the nation’s pre-existing economic woes and inequities. Low-income workers in the hospitality, retail, and restaurant industries were more likely to lose their jobs. African American and Latino communities have been more susceptible to infection.
Democrats in Congress quickly recognized that this new reality would also impact the millions of student loan borrowers. Already, more than 45 million Americans are still paying off their student loans—accumulating a total of more than $1.6 trillion of outstanding debt. That’s largely due to the rapidly increasing price of higher education. Over the last 20 years, college costs have grown at three times the rate of inflation. The average borrower owes more than $37,000 by the time they graduate.
Meanwhile, there’s been a growing mismatch between the skills employers are looking for and the ones newly minted college graduates have cultivated, making it harder for them to get jobs with which they can pay off their debt.
A global pandemic that has shattered the economy will make that task even more challenging.
That’s why Democrats in March put forward a series of proposals to forgive large portions of student debt as part of the first coronavirus recovery package. House Democrats wanted to forgive $30,000 per borrower (which was never realistic) while Senate Democrats presented a plan to forgive $10,000 across the board. The House plan applied only to public loans, while the Senate proposal authorized the Department of Education to make payments on behalf of borrowers with all loan types.
But the ideas were quickly shot down by Republicans. Instead, the $2.2 billion aid package, known as the CARES Act, suspended interest, payments, and involuntary collection for all federal loan borrowers until September 30. That doesn’t cover every borrower, though; it excludes those with Federal Family Education Loans and Perkins Loans, meaning eight million borrowers still owe monthly payments on their federal student loans.
“I’m sure everybody could use more money,” South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham said on Fox News, when asked about the student debt forgiveness proposals. “But I don’t want to give money to people who have a paycheck. I want to give money to people who have lost their jobs. What the hell has that got to do with the virus?”
Turns out, quite a bit.
The trillions of dollars in student loan debt has widespread effects on borrowers and the economy in normal circumstances. Those with outstanding debt struggle financially while putting off savings, retirement, and major life decisions, like buying a home.
Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, who proposed loan forgiveness even before the pandemic, have said that erasing some of the burden will reduce the wealth gap in America and enable young people to start families and purchase houses. Moody’s has further said that such a move would boost household consumption and investment; improve business formation; and increase home ownership in the long run.
“Student debt cancellation would actually be a boost to the economy,” said Cody Hounanian, the policy director for the advocacy group Student Debt Crisis. In effect, it would free up millions of Americans to stop funneling huge chunks of their earnings into paying off their loans and instead spend that money on buying things and starting businesses and families. “We’re hoping that student debt cancellation will help mitigate what looks like could likely be a pandemic induced recession in the very near future,” Hounanian added.
In other words, the COVID-19 crisis is likely to leave millions of Americans struggling to pay off student loan debt even deeper in the hole. A national forbearance on payments and interest doesn’t solve that issue, it only prolongs it.
“If you’re just suspending payments and waiving interest, then you’re not actually doing anything about the core of the problem,” said Ashley Harrington, the federal advocacy director of the Center for Responsibly Lending (CRL). “Even if you’re not making a monthly payment [you still feel] the effects of student debt on your access to credit, on your mental health, or your job prospects. Student loan borrowers are going to come out of this crisis worse off.”
Americans agree. According to a May 12 Chesapeake Beach Consulting poll commissioned by CRL, more than 60 percent of Americans support permanently reducing student loan debt by $20,000 during the coronavirus crisis. Roughly 78 percent of Democrats support such loan relief, as do roughly 49 percent of Republicans.
That may be a positive sign. The coronavirus outbreak has already gotten Republicans to recognize the importance of a number of social programs and liberal ideas, such as free testing, stimulus checks, and other benefits allotted to Americans in need. Increasingly, GOP voters may start to recognize the hindrance student loan debt has been to letting young people start their lives, especially if it begins to affect them personally.
That, in turn, could result in those voters putting more pressure on their elected representatives. In fact, it already has: In late April, Republican Congresswoman Elise Stefanik of New York put forward a bill that would extend CARES Act protections to the borrowers left out of the original bill. Still, the GOP is far from where it needs to be. The party remains adamantly resistant to any form of loan relief.
After two failed pandemic-related attempts to address debt relief in Congress—first in the CARES Act, then in the second stimulus package, the HEROES Act—House Democrats are trying again.
On May 12, they proposed a measure to include $10,000 in student loan relief for borrowers who were “economically distressed” before the pandemic hit, meaning they made less than they owed before President Donald Trump declared a national emergency, and extend the suspension of payments to September 2021. Originally, the lawmakers wanted all borrowers to get the $10,000 debt forgiveness, but they balked after the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that would have cost $250-300 billion, more than Democrats initially expected.
Former Vice President Joe Biden, however, recently said he supports $10,000 in loan relief across the board and proposed a $750 billion student loan plan focused on income-driven repayment if he’s elected. He also called for full debt relief for borrowers who graduate from a public college or university and whose family earns less than $125,000 per year.
Even $10,000 in universal relief would make a significant impact. Approximately 40 percent of U.S. borrowers would have all their loans canceled, according to a CRL analysis. Of all the borrowers who are currently delinquent or in default, 78 percent would then have less than $40,000 in debt left.
The bill, which passed the House on May 15 and is now awaiting a Senate vote, is expected to meet sharp resistance from Senate Republicans and the White House. But if Trump and the GOP are serious about wanting to restart the economy, a significant step would be to remove the single biggest barrier keeping millions of Americans from engaging in economic activity.
“Student debt cancellation is connected to an increase in GDP,” Hounanian said. “It’s also connected to an increase in jobs, something that’s so important right now when we see unemployment rates skyrocketing.”
Forgiving student loan debt may be expensive. It will surely cost the government in the short term, but it may also save our economy in the long term. That’s a price worth paying.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-03--Will Trump’s Enablers Ever Stop the Monster They Created?

Less than a week ago , the president launched an attack on social media for fact-checking one of his tweets .
Trump claimed that it was a violation of free speech .
Nothing captures the dangers we face from this presidency better than that reaction , followed days later by scenes like this one in Kansas City in which a protester was maced and arrested for saying things that offended police officers .
I ’ m sure Trump would laud those officers for “ dominating ” the scene .
The president may be backing off his threat to use the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traveling dangerously close to a complete unraveling of our democracy .
Former intelligence officials are sounding the alarm .
The scenes have been disturbingly familiar to CIA analysts accustomed to monitoring scenes of societal unraveling abroad — the massing of protesters , the ensuing crackdowns and the awkwardly staged displays of strength by a leader determined to project authority .
In interviews and posts on social media in recent days , current and former U.S. intelligence officials have expressed dismay at the similarity between events at home and the signs of decline or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in other nations .
“ I ’ ve seen this kind of violence , ” said Gail Helt , a former CIA analyst responsible for tracking developments in China and Southeast Asia .
“ This is what autocrats do .
This is what happens in countries before a collapse .
It really does unnerve me.
” The question becomes , who will stop Trump when/if he escalates his autocratic tendencies in the run-up to the election in November ?
Can the country afford to wait and let voters decide ?
What we know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the country—Attorney General Bill Barr—will not only fail to take action , he has demonstrated that he is one of the president ’ s chief enablers .
Congressional Republicans made it clear that they won ’ t hold Trump accountable when they refused to remove him from office or even call witnesses in his impeachment trial .
Following Trump ’ s latest threats , Majority Leader Mitch McConnell proved that he will go to any lengths to protect the president when he blocked a resolution condemning Trump ’ s actions against peaceful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggested that there were good people on both sides of the confrontation between neo-Nazis and protesters in Charlottesville , there is a chorus of conservatives who are speaking up .
Former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen issued a dire warning .
I remain confident in the professionalism of our men and women in uniform .
They will serve with skill and with compassion .
They will obey lawful orders .
But I am less confident in the soundness of the orders they will be given by this commander in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the conditions on our streets , as bad as they are , have risen to the level that justifies a heavy reliance on military troops .
Certainly , we have not crossed the threshold that would make it appropriate to invoke the provisions of the Insurrection Act .
Furthermore , I am deeply worried that as they execute their orders , the members of our military will be co-opted for political purposes .
James Miller resigned from his position on the Defense Science Board as a result of Secretary Mark Esper ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stunt of “ using tear gas and rubber bullets—not for the sake of safety , but to clear a path for a presidential photo op.
” On a more general level , even conservative George Will says that both Trump and his congressional enablers must be removed .
Adding their voice to the Never Trumpers , members of the George W. Bush administration have formed a super PAC to defeat the president and elect Joe Biden .
Those kinds of actions from conservatives would have been unthinkable prior to Trump ’ s presidency—which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our current situation .
The problem , however , is that none of these people actually have the power to stop Donald Trump and those who do have made it clear that they refuse to use it .
As Jennifer Rubin points out , “ it takes a village to raise a monster.
” That is exactly what Trump ’ s enablers are doing .
This whole fiasco of a presidency should have been over a long time ago because our founders gave us the tools to stop it .
The fact that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even more than what the president might do in the coming months .

Less than a week ago, the president launched an attack on social media for fact-checking one of his tweets. Trump claimed that it was a violation of free speech. Nothing captures the dangers we face from this presidency better than that reaction, followed days later by scenes like this one in Kansas City in which a protester was maced and arrested for saying things that offended police officers.
I’m sure Trump would laud those officers for “dominating” the scene.
The president may be backing off his threat to use the military against protesters, but we are traveling dangerously close to a complete unraveling of our democracy. Former intelligence officials are sounding the alarm.
The scenes have been disturbingly familiar to CIA analysts accustomed to monitoring scenes of societal unraveling abroad — the massing of protesters, the ensuing crackdowns and the awkwardly staged displays of strength by a leader determined to project authority. In interviews and posts on social media in recent days, current and former U.S. intelligence officials have expressed dismay at the similarity between events at home and the signs of decline or democratic regression they were trained to detect in other nations. “I’ve seen this kind of violence,” said Gail Helt, a former CIA analyst responsible for tracking developments in China and Southeast Asia. “This is what autocrats do. This is what happens in countries before a collapse. It really does unnerve me.”
The question becomes, who will stop Trump when/if he escalates his autocratic tendencies in the run-up to the election in November? Can the country afford to wait and let voters decide?
What we know is that the chief law enforcement officer in the country—Attorney General Bill Barr—will not only fail to take action, he has demonstrated that he is one of the president’s chief enablers. Congressional Republicans made it clear that they won’t hold Trump accountable when they refused to remove him from office or even call witnesses in his impeachment trial. Following Trump’s latest threats, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell proved that he will go to any lengths to protect the president when he blocked a resolution condemning Trump’s actions against peaceful protesters.
As we saw when Trump suggested that there were good people on both sides of the confrontation between neo-Nazis and protesters in Charlottesville, there is a chorus of conservatives who are speaking up. Former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen issued a dire warning.
I remain confident in the professionalism of our men and women in uniform. They will serve with skill and with compassion. They will obey lawful orders. But I am less confident in the soundness of the orders they will be given by this commander in chief, and I am not convinced that the conditions on our streets, as bad as they are, have risen to the level that justifies a heavy reliance on military troops. Certainly, we have not crossed the threshold that would make it appropriate to invoke the provisions of the Insurrection Act. Furthermore, I am deeply worried that as they execute their orders, the members of our military will be co-opted for political purposes.
James Miller resigned from his position on the Defense Science Board as a result of Secretary Mark Esper’s complicity in the president’s stunt of “using tear gas and rubber bullets—not for the sake of safety, but to clear a path for a presidential photo op.”
On a more general level, even conservative George Will says that both Trump and his congressional enablers must be removed. Adding their voice to the Never Trumpers, members of the George W. Bush administration have formed a super PAC to defeat the president and elect Joe Biden. Those kinds of actions from conservatives would have been unthinkable prior to Trump’s presidency—which tells you something about the seriousness of our current situation.
The problem, however, is that none of these people actually have the power to stop Donald Trump and those who do have made it clear that they refuse to use it. As Jennifer Rubin points out, “it takes a village to raise a monster.” That is exactly what Trump’s enablers are doing. This whole fiasco of a presidency should have been over a long time ago because our founders gave us the tools to stop it. The fact that that hasn’t happened frightens me even more than what the president might do in the coming months.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-03--Is Trump Turning the GOP Convention Into His Next Debacle?

For their 2020 presidential national convention , the Democrats chose Milwaukee , Wisconsin while the Republicans chose Charlotte , North Carolina .
A lot of thought went into these selections , but one of the key considerations for both parties was the competitiveness of the hosting states .
Among states that Hillary Clinton came close to winning in 2016 , Wisconsin ranks either second or third .
Only Michigan was closer in terms of overall votes , and only Michigan and Pennsylvania were closer in terms of overall percentage .
North Carolina was 6th in percentage ( Trump +3.7 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 173,315 ) .
Both states have shown recent swing , with Obama carrying Wisconsin twice and North Carolina in 2008 .
Holding a multi-day political convention in a competitive state can give a party an edge .
It ’ s not only a gigantic local advertisement , it ’ s a great opportunity to organize for the general election .
All other things being equal , it ’ s a good idea to chose a convention site that has at least the potential to flip or secure a state in your column .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ would want to hold their convention in New York City for exactly this reason .
So , the two parties made sensible decisions for 2020 , but the COVID-19 pandemic has complicated their plans .
It ’ s not clear that it will be safe to hold a four-day indoor rally with more than 10,000 attendees .
The Democrats are working with Milwaukee and appear to be remaining flexible in their approach , but Donald Trump is determined to hold a traditional event ; he gave the Democratic governor of North Carolina an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Charlotte if there were any restrictions like a requirement that people wear masks or socially distance within the arena .
After Governor Roy Cooper refused to give him those assurances , Trump announced on Tuesday night that he would pull out of the contract and find another location for the Republican National Convention .
It may not be so simple for Trump to pull this off .
Charlotte won a competitive bidding process and has already been awarded money for security .
There are a bunch of contracts , and many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Trump ’ s whim .
For this reason , some people believe that the business elements of the convention will still take place in Charlotte but that some other arena will be found for the pageantry .
Florida , Georgia and Tennessee are possible locations for the latter event .
Wherever it is , it will have to be a Republican-run state that doesn ’ t care about either the health of the party delegates or the implications of having people from every state and territory come together during a pandemic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they came from .
Florida has hosted quite a few national conventions , but it ’ s fallen out of favor due to the risk of scheduling such a critical event there in the heart of hurricane season .
Georgia could be a very competitive state , so it might make more sense than Tennessee .
With President Trump , nothing seems to proceed normally , so a split convention would just be one more thing on a long list of novelties .
I don ’ t think he can back down now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so I guess we ’ ll find out whether he can figure out a way to have the kind of celebration he wants .
Considering the logistics involved and the short timeline , it will be a miracle if this doesn ’ t become a debacle .
And , even if he can find a willing host and get all the guests hotel rooms , he ’ ll have to convince them to show up and expose themselves to COVID-19 .
Finally , he ’ ll have to hope the outbreak doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result , which seems highly unlikely .
I ’ m beginning to understand why Trump ’ s parents shipped him off to military school .

For their 2020 presidential national convention, the Democrats chose Milwaukee, Wisconsin while the Republicans chose Charlotte, North Carolina. A lot of thought went into these selections, but one of the key considerations for both parties was the competitiveness of the hosting states. Among states that Hillary Clinton came close to winning in 2016, Wisconsin ranks either second or third. Only Michigan was closer in terms of overall votes, and only Michigan and Pennsylvania were closer in terms of overall percentage. North Carolina was 6th in percentage (Trump +3.7) and and 12th in vote margin (173,315). Both states have shown recent swing, with Obama carrying Wisconsin twice and North Carolina in 2008.
Holding a multi-day political convention in a competitive state can give a party an edge. It’s not only a gigantic local advertisement, it’s a great opportunity to organize for the general election. All other things being equal, it’s a good idea to chose a convention site that has at least the potential to flip or secure a state in your column. I never really understood why either party would want to hold their convention in New York City for exactly this reason.
So, the two parties made sensible decisions for 2020, but the COVID-19 pandemic has complicated their plans. It’s not clear that it will be safe to hold a four-day indoor rally with more than 10,000 attendees. The Democrats are working with Milwaukee and appear to be remaining flexible in their approach, but Donald Trump is determined to hold a traditional event; he gave the Democratic governor of North Carolina an ultimatum that he would pull the convention from Charlotte if there were any restrictions like a requirement that people wear masks or socially distance within the arena. After Governor Roy Cooper refused to give him those assurances, Trump announced on Tuesday night that he would pull out of the contract and find another location for the Republican National Convention.
It may not be so simple for Trump to pull this off. Charlotte won a competitive bidding process and has already been awarded money for security. There are a bunch of contracts, and many of them probably cannot be voided simply on Trump’s whim. For this reason, some people believe that the business elements of the convention will still take place in Charlotte but that some other arena will be found for the pageantry.
Florida, Georgia and Tennessee are possible locations for the latter event. Wherever it is, it will have to be a Republican-run state that doesn’t care about either the health of the party delegates or the implications of having people from every state and territory come together during a pandemic and then disperse the virus back to where they came from.
Florida has hosted quite a few national conventions, but it’s fallen out of favor due to the risk of scheduling such a critical event there in the heart of hurricane season. Georgia could be a very competitive state, so it might make more sense than Tennessee.
With President Trump, nothing seems to proceed normally, so a split convention would just be one more thing on a long list of novelties. I don’t think he can back down now and have the full convention in Charlotte, so I guess we’ll find out whether he can figure out a way to have the kind of celebration he wants. Considering the logistics involved and the short timeline, it will be a miracle if this doesn’t become a debacle. And, even if he can find a willing host and get all the guests hotel rooms, he’ll have to convince them to show up and expose themselves to COVID-19.
Finally, he’ll have to hope the outbreak doesn’t flare up everywhere as a result, which seems highly unlikely.
I’m beginning to understand why Trump’s parents shipped him off to military school.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-04--The Voices of Protesters Are Being Heard in Minnesota

Just as we are seeing from around the country , protests over the killing of George Floyd continue in Minnesota .
I thought it might be helpful to share some good news about how all of this is making a difference .
Several institutions in my home state are taking the necessary steps in the process of bringing justice for both Floyd and his family .
First of all , Minnesota State Attorney General Keith Ellison has taken over the case against the four police officers who were involved in Floyd ’ s death .
Gov .
Tim Walz announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortly after the Hennepin County prosecutor said he had asked Ellison to “ assist ” in the investigation , two days after 10 members representing Minneapolis in the state House asked Walz in a letter to transfer the case to Ellison .
“ Unfortunately , our constituents , especially constituents of color , have lost faith in the ability of Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman to fairly and impartially investigate and prosecute these cases , ” the letter said .
Perhaps more importantly , the Minnesota Human Rights Department has opened an investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minneapolis Police Department .
The Minnesota Department of Human Rights will launch an investigation into the Minneapolis Police Department after filing a civil rights charge related to the death of George Floyd , who died while being pinned to the street by police last week .
The probe , announced Tuesday by Gov .
Tim Walz , will look at Minneapolis police policies and procedures over the past 10 years to determine whether the department has engaged in discriminatory practices toward people of color… [ Human Rights Commissioner ] Lucero said this will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ department .
First , the state Human Rights Department will work with city leaders to try to make some quick changes , she said .
There will also be a longer process to potentially reach a consent decree , which can be enforced by the courts , Lucero said .
“ This is not a report .
This is something that will result in court action and require change , ” she said .
Several major institutions have cut ties to the Minneapolis Police Department , including the University of Minnesota , Minneapolis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Park Board .
Finally , as the public begins to acknowledge the role of the Minneapolis Police Federation in failing to hold officers accountable for the kinds of abuses that led to the death of George Floyd , calls for the resignation of the federation ’ s president are intensifying .
One in particular stands out .
None of this guarantees the kind of change that is necessary in order to fix the problems with the Minneapolis Police Department or ensure justice for George Floyd .
But they are all significant steps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endemic nature of the problem , it is clear that none of this would be happening without thousands of voices being raised in protest .
So in the words of Ella Baker , “ we who believe in freedom can not rest until it comes .
”

Just as we are seeing from around the country, protests over the killing of George Floyd continue in Minnesota.
I thought it might be helpful to share some good news about how all of this is making a difference. Several institutions in my home state are taking the necessary steps in the process of bringing justice for both Floyd and his family.
First of all, Minnesota State Attorney General Keith Ellison has taken over the case against the four police officers who were involved in Floyd’s death.
Gov. Tim Walz announced Ellison’s appointment as lead prosecutor shortly after the Hennepin County prosecutor said he had asked Ellison to “assist” in the investigation, two days after 10 members representing Minneapolis in the state House asked Walz in a letter to transfer the case to Ellison. “Unfortunately, our constituents, especially constituents of color, have lost faith in the ability of Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman to fairly and impartially investigate and prosecute these cases,” the letter said.
Ellison isn’t wasting any time.
Perhaps more importantly, the Minnesota Human Rights Department has opened an investigation into possible civil rights violations in the Minneapolis Police Department.
The Minnesota Department of Human Rights will launch an investigation into the Minneapolis Police Department after filing a civil rights charge related to the death of George Floyd, who died while being pinned to the street by police last week. The probe, announced Tuesday by Gov. Tim Walz, will look at Minneapolis police policies and procedures over the past 10 years to determine whether the department has engaged in discriminatory practices toward people of color… [Human Rights Commissioner] Lucero said this will differ from past examinations of the police department. First, the state Human Rights Department will work with city leaders to try to make some quick changes, she said. There will also be a longer process to potentially reach a consent decree, which can be enforced by the courts, Lucero said. “This is not a report. This is something that will result in court action and require change,” she said.
Several major institutions have cut ties to the Minneapolis Police Department, including the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis Public Schools, and the city’s Park Board.
Finally, as the public begins to acknowledge the role of the Minneapolis Police Federation in failing to hold officers accountable for the kinds of abuses that led to the death of George Floyd, calls for the resignation of the federation’s president are intensifying. One in particular stands out.
None of this guarantees the kind of change that is necessary in order to fix the problems with the Minneapolis Police Department or ensure justice for George Floyd. But they are all significant steps in the right direction.
Given the endemic nature of the problem, it is clear that none of this would be happening without thousands of voices being raised in protest. So in the words of Ella Baker, “we who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.”


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-04--The Marshmallow Test Donald Trump Is Failing

Fifty years ago , in a now-classic experiment , Stanford University psychologist Walter Mischel and his colleagues presented preschoolers with a plate of treats and a dilemma : Have one marshmallow now or wait 20 minutes and get two marshmallows later .
The kids who managed to wait ( despite a plateful of temptation in front of them ) turned out to be generally more successful than their more impatient peers .
Their grades were better , their SAT scores were higher , they were healthier and socially better-adjusted .
The experiment set off an explosion of scholarship on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and “ grit.
” It ’ s one reason “ self-mastery ” and “ self-control ” are part of almost every kindergartener ’ s curriculum today .
America is now facing something like a national Marshmallow Test .
Many states are pushing to reopen their economies , despite plentiful evidence that the COVID-19 pandemic is far from over .
As summer beckons and restrictions loosen , citizens must judge just how far they ’ ll reach for a taste of pre-pandemic normalcy , whether it ’ s a trip to the salon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a night out at the theater .
More challenging , people will have to maintain in the discipline of social distancing until the virus is genuinely under control .
It might be tantalizing to forego some of the summer ’ s most sought-after activities—like a trip to the beach—but the most abstemious countries will have greater rewards down the line .
No doubt , those that persevere in taming the virus will claim the prize of lasting economic stability .
President Donald Trump , however , would have us all eat our “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return to pre-pandemic life .
He would risk igniting a second wave of infection , along with the needless sacrifice of thousands more lives and a squandered chance to lay the foundation for a durable post-pandemic economy .
Worse than the preschooler who succumbs to a single marshmallow , Trump would stuff his face and then smash the plate .
Since the start of the coronavirus outbreak , Trump ’ s impatience has hampered efforts to slow the virus ’ s spread and encouraged Americans ’ restlessness under quarantine .
Barely two weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he said he hoped to see “ packed churches ” by Easter and started urging the return of professional sports with full stadiums .
As cases mounted a month later , Trump tweeted to “ liberate ” three states from lockdown restrictions , encouraging rebellions against governors ’ efforts to stop the spread of infection .
Then , in late May , as U.S. deaths edged toward the ominous threshold of 100,000 , Trump called on churches to hold in-person services despite state bans on mass gatherings , declaring them “ essential.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ menacing right-wing misinformation machine by repeatedly insisting that the virus is “ going to go away.
” He has systematically undermined his own top scientists and is now ignoring them altogether .
Dr. Anthony Fauci , one of the most prominent members of the White House coronavirus task force , reportedly hasn ’ t spoken to Trump in two weeks .
All of these comments and actions have delayed the day when true normalcy will arrive , if not sabotaged it altogether .
For one thing , his impatience now threatens to undo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Thanks in part to the foment of anti-lockdown protesters tacitly endorsed by Trump , governors are under increasing political pressure to reopen quickly—perhaps too soon .
Public health officials have repeatedly warned against the lifting of restrictions prematurely , especially when many states still lack the testing and contact tracing infrastructure necessary to tamp down inevitable outbreaks .
Adding to these worries is the possibility of a new wave , sparked by this week ’ s mass protests and the gatherings over Memorial Day weekend .
The worst-case scenario , scientists say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this fall in combination with the seasonal flu .
The coming months , as ousted vaccine official Rick Bright recently told Congress , could be the “ darkest winter in modern history.
” Nevertheless , states are vaulting over the federal government ’ s metrics for safe reopening in a race to restart their economies .
As of June 3 , 16 states were reporting a rise in new infections , a number that ’ s likely to tick upward .
Throughout his presidency , Trump has shown a penchant for quick fixes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short-term appetites of his base , no matter how much it hurts the country ’ s long-term welfare .
Rather than tackle immigration reform , Trump opted for the cheap optics of “ building a wall , ” a colossal waste of tax-payer money .
Rather than negotiate a sensible agreement with China over its unfair trade practices , he levied a series of ill-considered tariffs and set off a trade war that has put U.S.-China relations on its worst footing in decades .
And instead of investing in the painstaking work of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scapegoated the World Health Organization and repeatedly touted an anti-malaria drug that doesn ’ t treat the disease and is now shown to increase the likelihood of death .
The next few months will pose a crucial test of our national resolve and set the country ’ s trajectory for years to come .
Americans need a leader who is honest about the difficulties that lie ahead , undaunted by the scale of the task , and willing to do take on the arduous job of navigating the nation ’ s recovery .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ exact opposite of Trump .
In his speech announcing the moon shot , President John F. Kennedy famously said that “ We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things , not because they are easy , but because they are hard.
” Rebuilding a post-pandemic America will likely be the hardest task the nation has ever had to face .
Unlike the moon shot , with its aspiration and glamour , the goal will be the simple restoration of a life with some semblance to what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profound megalomania , impulsiveness , and defective character is what got us where we are today .
If we are to have any shot at a real recovery , he needs to go .

Fifty years ago, in a now-classic experiment, Stanford University psychologist Walter Mischel and his colleagues presented preschoolers with a plate of treats and a dilemma: They could have one marshmallow now or wait 20 minutes and get two marshmallows later.
The kids who managed to wait (despite a plateful of temptation in front of them) turned out to be generally more successful than their more impatient peers. Their grades were better, their SAT scores were higher, they were healthier and socially better-adjusted. The experiment set off an explosion of scholarship on the benefits of delayed gratification, perseverance, and “grit.” It’s one reason “self-mastery” and “self-control” are part of almost every kindergartener’s curriculum today.
America is now facing something like a national Marshmallow Test. Many states are pushing to reopen their economies, even with plentiful evidence that the COVID-19 pandemic is far from over. As summer beckons and restrictions loosen, citizens will have to judge just how far they’ll reach for a taste of pre-pandemic normalcy, whether it’s a trip to the salon, a carefree cookout with friends, or a night out at the theater. More challenging, people will have to maintain the discipline of social distancing until the virus is genuinely under control. It might be tantalizing to forego some of the summer’s most sought-after activities—like a trip to the beach—but the most abstemious countries will have greater rewards down the line. No doubt, those that persevere in taming the virus will claim the prize of lasting economic stability.
President Donald Trump, however, would have us all eat our “one marshmallow now” with a reckless return to pre-pandemic life. He would risk igniting a second wave of infection, which would entail the needless sacrifice of thousands of more lives and a squandered chance to lay the foundation for a durable post-pandemic economy. Worse than the preschooler who succumbs to a single marshmallow, Trump would stuff his face and then smash the plate.
Since the start of the coronavirus outbreak, Trump has hampered efforts to slow the virus’s spread and encouraged Americans’ restlessness under quarantine. Barely two weeks after declaring a national emergency in mid-March, he said he hoped to see “packed churches” by Easter and started urging the return of professional sports with full stadiums. As cases mounted a month later, Trump tweeted to “liberate” three states from lockdown restrictions, encouraging rebellions against governors’ efforts to stop the spread of infection. Then, in late May, as U.S. deaths edged toward the ominous threshold of 100,000, Trump called on churches to hold in-person services, contradicting state bans on mass gatherings, declaring them “essential.”
Consistently, he has fed the menacing right-wing misinformation machine by repeatedly insisting that the virus is “going to go away.” He has systematically undermined his own top scientists and is now ignoring them altogether. Dr. Anthony Fauci, one of the most prominent members of the White House coronavirus task force, reportedly hasn’t spoken to Trump in two weeks. All of these comments and actions have delayed the day when true normalcy will arrive, if not sabotaged it altogether.
For one thing, Trump’s impatience now threatens to undo the measures of the last ten weeks. Thanks in part to the foment of anti-lockdown protesters tacitly endorsed by Trump, governors are under increasing political pressure to reopen quickly—perhaps too soon.
Public health officials have repeatedly warned against the lifting of restrictions prematurely, especially when many states still lack the testing and contact tracing infrastructure necessary to tamp down inevitable outbreaks. Adding to these worries is the possibility of a new wave, sparked by this week’s mass protests and the gatherings over Memorial Day weekend. The worst-case scenario, scientists say, is a resurgence of the virus this fall in combination with the seasonal flu. The coming months, as ousted vaccine official Rick Bright recently told Congress, could be the “darkest winter in modern history.” Nevertheless, states are vaulting over the federal government’s metrics for a safe reopening in a race to restart their economies. As of June 3, 16 states were reporting a rise in new infections, a number that’s likely to tick upward.
Throughout his presidency, Trump has shown a penchant for quick fixes and slapdash policies aimed at satisfying the short-term appetites of his base, no matter how much it hurts the country’s long-term welfare. Rather than tackle immigration reform, Trump opted for the cheap optics of “building a wall,” a colossal waste of tax-payer money. Rather than negotiate a sensible agreement with China over its unfair trade practices, he levied a series of ill-considered tariffs and set off a trade war that has put U.S.-China relations on its worst footing in decades. And instead of investing in the painstaking work of tamping down COVID-19, he’s scapegoated the World Health Organization and repeatedly touted an anti-malaria drug that doesn’t treat the disease and is now shown to increase the likelihood of death.
The next few months will pose a crucial test of our national resolve and set the country’s trajectory for years to come. Americans need a leader who is honest about the difficulties that lie ahead, undaunted by the scale of the task, and willing to do take on the arduous job of navigating the nation’s recovery. In other words, they need the exact opposite of Trump.
In his speech announcing the moon shot, President John F. Kennedy famously said: “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard.” Rebuilding a post-pandemic America will be one of the hardest tasks the nation has ever had to face. Unlike the moon shot, with its aspiration and glamour, the goal will be the simple restoration of a life with some semblance to what we had before.
Trump’s profound megalomania, impulsiveness, and defective character is what got us where we are today. If we are to have any shot at a real recovery, he needs to go.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-04--Why It’s Important That Drew Brees Apologized

I guess I need to help Quin Hilyer out a bit , because he has the strange opinion that NFL quarterback Drew Brees did “ nothing wrong ” when he said that teammates who kneel during the national anthem are “ disrespecting the flag of the United States of America or our country.
” “ I will never agree with anybody disrespecting the flag of the United States of America or our country .
Let me just tell you what I see , what I feel , when the national anthem is played and when I look at the flag @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my two grandfathers who fought for this country during World War II , one in the Army and one in the Marine Corps , both risking their lives to protect our country and to try to make our country and this world a better place .
So every time I stand with my hand over my heart looking at that flag and singing the national anthem , that ’ s what I think about .
And in many cases , it brings me to tears thinking about all that ’ s been sacrificed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but for that matter , those throughout the civil rights movements of the ’ 60s and all that has been endured by so many people up until this point .
And is everything right with our country right now ?
No , it ’ s not .
We still have a long way to go .
But I think what you do by standing there and showing respect to the flag with your hand over your heart is it shows unity .
It shows that we are all in this together , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we are all part of the solution.
” The first indication that Brees made some kind of error came in the withering responses he received from his teammates , few of whom have ever knelt during the anthem .
The second indication is that he quickly issued an apology .
When I read what Brees said , I didn ’ t think it was intended to be mean or disrespectful , and I thought he was honestly expressing why it upsets him when people don ’ t stand for the anthem .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he talked about the military service of his grandfathers and all the sacrifices people have made , including in the Civil Rights Movement , to make this country better .
What he said wasn ’ t disgraceful , but it relied on a flawed premise .
The premise is that kneeling during the anthem is a show of disrespect for the flag .
Now , the Star-Spangled Banner is a flag , but it ’ s also a song .
It ’ s distinct from the Pledge of Allegiance , which asks us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stripes .
The national anthem doesn ’ t have this requirement .
It ’ s customary to stand during the anthem , but unless you ’ re an Olympic athlete , there ’ s usually no flag involved .
I suppose Brees is accustomed to looking at a flag on the Jumbotron or something , but there ’ s simply no straight line connection between the anthem and the flag .
It would make a kind of sense to say that kneelers are disrespecting the anthem , but not the flag .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The anthem has nothing directly to do with the military even though it ’ s a song about a battle .
During the anthem , it ’ s natural to think of the people who have fought to protect this country , but a person could just as easily think about Abraham Lincoln or Louis Armstrong .
Am I disrespecting Pops if I kneel during the anthem ?
As for disrespecting the country , this is only true to the extent that you believe that criticism is the same as disrespect .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to call attention to something being wrong .
For those who think it ’ s a solemn occasion where protest or dissent is inappropriate , that ’ s an honest opinion .
A lot of people acknowledge that this sentiment is so widespread that it renders kneeling ineffective or even counterproductive as a tactic .
But Brees wasn ’ t talking about the tactic .
He was endorsing the view that kneeling disrespects the flag , the military , and the country .
For some , it ’ s not possible to separate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important .
If the intent is to call attention to police violence against black people , then the disrespect is at worst inadvertent .
It ’ s certainly not the point .
Marques Colston explained the problem with the remarks quite well : “ I saw something today from a former teammate that I couldn ’ t ignore .
Drew , I had a ton of respect for you as a teammate on the field .
But as a man , a black man , and a father your comments today cut deep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or perspective – but because it continues to be so dismissive and insensitive to others.
” Now , there ’ s a certain risk here that people are being dismissive and insensitive to the feelings of Drew Brees and people who think like him .
Communication should be a two-way street .
It ’ s important for people to understand that for some , any distraction or disruption of the national anthem is deeply hurtful and that this pain has no necessarily malign component .
Where Brees failed is his inability to provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nowhere did [ Brees ] denounce the kneelers .
He said he didn ’ t agree with them , explained why , hailed the civil rights movement , and urged unity .
That ’ s not an affront ; it ’ s an opinion framed in constructive terms , whether or not one agrees with it .
For the majority of people that long have expressed disagreement with the kneelers , the point has been not to object to Kaepernick ’ s cause , but to his chosen means of expressing it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but in positive terms of his own , not in condemnation of others .
For this to be accurate , we ’ d have to agree that disrespecting the flag , the country , and the military service of our veterans is not viewed negatively by most people .
You can call Brees ’ s comments a soft condemnation if you like , but you can ’ t say they were no condemnation at all .
Brees was asked if he ’ d be okay if NFL players resume kneeling during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall , and he said ‘ no.
’ And his reason was not that it was a poor tactic or an inappropriate tactic .
He affirmed all the criticisms that have been made on so-called patriotic grounds , as if the kneelers are disloyal or traitorous .
There ’ s a reason Brees apologized , and it ’ s because he realized that what he said was disrespectful .

I guess I need to help Quin Hilyer out a bit, because he has the strange opinion that NFL quarterback Drew Brees did “nothing wrong” when he said that teammates who kneel during the national anthem are “disrespecting the flag of the United States of America or our country.”
“I will never agree with anybody disrespecting the flag of the United States of America or our country. Let me just tell you what I see, what I feel, when the national anthem is played and when I look at the flag of the United States. I envision my two grandfathers who fought for this country during World War II, one in the Army and one in the Marine Corps, both risking their lives to protect our country and to try to make our country and this world a better place. So every time I stand with my hand over my heart looking at that flag and singing the national anthem, that’s what I think about. And in many cases, it brings me to tears thinking about all that’s been sacrificed. Not just those in the military, but for that matter, those throughout the civil rights movements of the ’60s and all that has been endured by so many people up until this point. And is everything right with our country right now? No, it’s not. We still have a long way to go. But I think what you do by standing there and showing respect to the flag with your hand over your heart is it shows unity. It shows that we are all in this together, we can all do better, and that we are all part of the solution.”
The first indication that Brees made some kind of error came in the withering responses he received from his teammates, few of whom have ever knelt during the anthem. The second indication is that he quickly issued an apology.
When I read what Brees said, I didn’t think it was intended to be mean or disrespectful, and I thought he was honestly expressing why it upsets him when people don’t stand for the anthem. I understood the emotions he described when he talked about the military service of his grandfathers and all the sacrifices people have made, including in the Civil Rights Movement, to make this country better. What he said wasn’t disgraceful, but it relied on a flawed premise.
The premise is that kneeling during the anthem is a show of disrespect for the flag. Now, the Star-Spangled Banner is a flag, but it’s also a song. It’s distinct from the Pledge of Allegiance, which asks us to ally ourselves with the Stars and Stripes. The national anthem doesn’t have this requirement. It’s customary to stand during the anthem, but unless you’re an Olympic athlete, there’s usually no flag involved. I suppose Brees is accustomed to looking at a flag on the Jumbotron or something, but there’s simply no straight line connection between the anthem and the flag. It would make a kind of sense to say that kneelers are disrespecting the anthem, but not the flag.
This is also true of the military. The anthem has nothing directly to do with the military even though it’s a song about a battle. During the anthem, it’s natural to think of the people who have fought to protect this country, but a person could just as easily think about Abraham Lincoln or Louis Armstrong. Am I disrespecting Pops if I kneel during the anthem?
As for disrespecting the country, this is only true to the extent that you believe that criticism is the same as disrespect. The point of kneeling during the anthem is to call attention to something being wrong. For those who think it’s a solemn occasion where protest or dissent is inappropriate, that’s an honest opinion. A lot of people acknowledge that this sentiment is so widespread that it renders kneeling ineffective or even counterproductive as a tactic. But Brees wasn’t talking about the tactic. He was endorsing the view that kneeling disrespects the flag, the military, and the country.
For some, it’s not possible to separate these things, but intent is still important. If the intent is to call attention to police violence against black people, then the disrespect is at worst inadvertent. It’s certainly not the point.
Marques Colston explained the problem with the remarks quite well: “I saw something today from a former teammate that I couldn’t ignore. Drew, I had a ton of respect for you as a teammate on the field. But as a man, a black man, and a father your comments today cut deep. Not because you have an opinion or perspective – but because it continues to be so dismissive and insensitive to others.”
Now, there’s a certain risk here that people are being dismissive and insensitive to the feelings of Drew Brees and people who think like him. Communication should be a two-way street. It’s important for people to understand that for some, any distraction or disruption of the national anthem is deeply hurtful and that this pain has no necessarily malign component. Where Brees failed is his inability to provide this courtesy to the other side.
Hillyer makes the same mistake:
Nowhere did [Brees] denounce the kneelers. He said he didn’t agree with them, explained why, hailed the civil rights movement, and urged unity. That’s not an affront; it’s an opinion framed in constructive terms, whether or not one agrees with it. For the majority of people that long have expressed disagreement with the kneelers, the point has been not to object to Kaepernick’s cause, but to his chosen means of expressing it. That’s what Brees did here, but in positive terms of his own, not in condemnation of others.
For this to be accurate, we’d have to agree that disrespecting the flag, the country, and the military service of our veterans is not viewed negatively by most people. You can call Brees’s comments a soft condemnation if you like, but you can’t say they were no condemnation at all.
Brees was asked if he’d be okay if NFL players resume kneeling during the anthem when the season begins in the fall, and he said ‘no.’ And his reason was not that it was a poor tactic or an inappropriate tactic. He affirmed all the criticisms that have been made on so-called patriotic grounds, as if the kneelers are disloyal or traitorous.
There’s a reason Brees apologized, and it’s because he realized that what he said was disrespectful.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-04--How Protesters Responded to Trump’s Exercise in Domination

On Monday night , Donald Trump told the nation ’ s governors that they would look like jerks if they didn ’ t use force to dominate protesters .
Later that day , his unidentified security forces attacked peaceful protesters with tear gas and rubber bullets so that he could stage a photo op in front of a church .
Those security forces have now multiplied and increased the perimeter around the White House .
So how did that attempt to dominate protesters work ?
On Tuesday , the numbers grew .
And by Wednesday , this was happening : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That scene was repeated in several other cities .
What ’ s up with all of that ?
David Frum took a walk around Washington , DC Wednesday night and tweeted what he saw .
He correctly noted that the whole point of Trump ’ s “ domination exercise ” was to instill fear .
But here ’ s what he wrote about the people in that video singing “ Lean on Me.
” I was reminded of something Hamden Rice wrote a few years ago titled , “ Most of you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did.
” He explained what the Civil Rights Movement was really about .
It was that white people , mostly white men , occasionally went berserk , and grabbed random black people , usually men , and lynched them .
You all know about lynching .
But you may forget or not know that white people also randomly beat black people , and the black people could not fight back , for fear of even worse punishment .
This constant low level dread of atavistic violence is what kept the system running .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrifying for black people .
What did Martin Luther King and other civil rights leaders do to challenge that reign of terror ?
They told us : Whatever you are most afraid of doing vis-a-vis white people , go do it .
Go ahead down to city hall and try to register to vote , even if they say no , even if they take your name down .
Go ahead sit at that lunch counter .
Sue the local school board .
All things that most black people would have said back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raving insane and would get you killed .
If we do it all together , we ’ ll be okay .
They made black people experience the worst of the worst , collectively , that white people could dish out , and discover that it wasn ’ t that bad… Once people had been beaten , had dogs sicced on them , had fire hoses sprayed on them , and been thrown in jail , you know what happened ?
That , my friends , is what ended the terrorism of the south @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggest that the violence unleashed on protesters lately is the equivalent of what those brave souls faced back in the 60s .
But we ’ ve all witnessed attempts by people in both the White House and police departments to intimidate protesters with batons , tasers , tear gas , and rubber bullets .
In response , not only did the numbers grow , but these magnificent young people started singing and dancing .
That is precisely how they can ensure that the dominators lose .

On Monday night, Donald Trump told the nation’s governors that they would look like jerks if they didn’t use force to dominate protesters. Later that day, his unidentified security forces attacked peaceful protesters with tear gas and rubber bullets so that he could stage a photo op in front of a church. Those security forces have now multiplied and increased the perimeter around the White House.
So how did that attempt to dominate protesters work? On Tuesday, the numbers grew. And by Wednesday, this was happening:
Something similar was going on in Minneapolis.
That scene was repeated in several other cities. What’s up with all of that?
David Frum took a walk around Washington, DC Wednesday night and tweeted what he saw. He correctly noted that the whole point of Trump’s “domination exercise” was to instill fear. But here’s what he wrote about the people in that video singing “Lean on Me.”
What you are hearing is people singing, “We are not afraid of you. We are not afraid of your tear gas, and your no-insignia Trump paramilitary, and your upside-down Bible photo op, and your crazy lies about mob vandalism of the Lincoln Memorial. In fact …we know, YOU are afraid of US.”
I was reminded of something Hamden Rice wrote a few years ago titled, “Most of you have no idea what Martin Luther King did.” He explained what the Civil Rights Movement was really about.
It was that white people, mostly white men, occasionally went berserk, and grabbed random black people, usually men, and lynched them. You all know about lynching. But you may forget or not know that white people also randomly beat black people, and the black people could not fight back, for fear of even worse punishment. This constant low level dread of atavistic violence is what kept the system running. It made life miserable, stressful and terrifying for black people.
What did Martin Luther King and other civil rights leaders do to challenge that reign of terror?
They told us: Whatever you are most afraid of doing vis-a-vis white people, go do it. Go ahead down to city hall and try to register to vote, even if they say no, even if they take your name down. Go ahead sit at that lunch counter. Sue the local school board. All things that most black people would have said back then, without exaggeration, were stark raving insane and would get you killed. If we do it all together, we’ll be okay. They made black people experience the worst of the worst, collectively, that white people could dish out, and discover that it wasn’t that bad… Once people had been beaten, had dogs sicced on them, had fire hoses sprayed on them, and been thrown in jail, you know what happened? These magnificent young black people began singing freedom songs in jail. That, my friends, is what ended the terrorism of the south.
I’m not going to suggest that the violence unleashed on protesters lately is the equivalent of what those brave souls faced back in the 60s. But we’ve all witnessed attempts by people in both the White House and police departments to intimidate protesters with batons, tasers, tear gas, and rubber bullets. In response, not only did the numbers grow, but these magnificent young people started singing and dancing. That is precisely how they can ensure that the dominators lose.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-05--The Walk of Shame for Republican Senators

A few months ago , Senate Republicans had the chance to rid the White House of the stench emanating from a lawless president .
Of course , all but one of them took a pass .
After Trump took a deeper dive into fascism by sending troops to attack peaceful protesters while threatening to deploy the U.S. military against American citizens , reporter Kasie Hunt asked them to respond .
It was a veritable walk of shame .
The one exception was Senator Lisa Murkowski , who said that what she saw didn ’ t represent the America she knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ohio reporters to complain about the words Trump used .
Here is Hunt ’ s full exchange with Senator Mike Lee .
In summary , what we heard is either silence or inane statements like “ violence is scary.
” There are , however , two Republican Senators who seem to be vying for the position of fascist-in-waiting .
When asked if the actions taken by the White House were an abuse of power , Senator Ted Cruz responded : “ By the protesters , yes.
” Even though the people he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went on to praise the president ’ s actions and referred to the protesters as terrorists .
But in a contest over who is running to be the next fascist-in-chief , Senator Tom Cotton left Cruz in the dust .
He began with this tweet on Monday .
That turned into a full-blown op-ed that was published by the New York Times .
And of course , the president retweeted it .
Given that Cotton got a law degree from Harvard and served in the U.S. Army , he should know that what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inflammatory , but racist , which is why there has been a groundswell of response from former military leaders to condemn the president ’ s threat .
In summary , what we have from Senate Republicans in response to the president ’ s latest foray into fascism are : • A contest over who is the fascist-in-waiting If these senators fail to stand up for our constitutional rights as citizens of this democracy , their names “ will be tied to [ Trump ’ s ] with a cord of steel and for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Adam Schiff said at the Senate impeachment trial .
I recognize that most of these politicians are immune to that kind of shame .
But history won ’ t be concerned about their psyches .
It will be noted that they betrayed America .

A few months ago, Senate Republicans had the chance to rid the White House of the stench emanating from a lawless president. Of course, all but one of them took a pass. After Trump took a deeper dive into fascism by sending troops to attack peaceful protesters while threatening to deploy the U.S. military against American citizens, reporter Kasie Hunt asked them to respond. It was a veritable walk of shame.
The one exception was Senator Lisa Murkowski, who said that what she saw didn’t represent the America she knows. Senator Rob Portman followed up with Ohio reporters to complain about the words Trump used. Here is Hunt’s full exchange with Senator Mike Lee.
In summary, what we heard is either silence or inane statements like “violence is scary.”
There are, however, two Republican Senators who seem to be vying for the position of fascist-in-waiting. When asked if the actions taken by the White House were an abuse of power, Senator Ted Cruz responded: “By the protesters, yes.” Even though the people he was talking about were demonstrating peacefully, Cruz went on to praise the president’s actions and referred to the protesters as terrorists.
But in a contest over who is running to be the next fascist-in-chief, Senator Tom Cotton left Cruz in the dust. He began with this tweet on Monday.
That turned into a full-blown op-ed that was published by the New York Times. And of course, the president retweeted it.
Given that Cotton got a law degree from Harvard and served in the U.S. Army, he should know that what he’s recommending is not only inflammatory, but racist, which is why there has been a groundswell of response from former military leaders to condemn the president’s threat.
In summary, what we have from Senate Republicans in response to the president’s latest foray into fascism are:
Silence Pearl-clutching platitudes A contest over who is the fascist-in-waiting
If these senators fail to stand up for our constitutional rights as citizens of this democracy, their names “will be tied to [Trump’s] with a cord of steel and for all of history,” as Representative Adam Schiff said at the Senate impeachment trial. I recognize that most of these politicians are immune to that kind of shame. But history won’t be concerned about their psyches. It will be noted that they betrayed America.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-05--Will the Pandemic Cost Teachers Their Pensions?

There have been countless headlines about the American education system ’ s struggles to educate 50 million students under quarantine .
But there ’ s another , troubling consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic for the nation ’ s students : the disruption of policymakers ’ efforts to improve the financial plight of public-school teachers .
A raft of research leaves no doubt that quality teachers are the biggest contributor in schools to student success .
As we learned from walkouts by tens of thousands of teachers in the past two years , educators are severely underpaid in much of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education budgets because of the virus outbreak , teachers face even grimmer prospects .
Teacher pay hikes have already been shelved in Florida , Georgia , and Tennessee .
Hawaii ’ s governor is proposing to cut teachers ’ salaries by 20 percent .
And the nation ’ s 3.3-million teachers are at risk of COVID-19 irreparably damaging the states ’ already troubled teacher pension systems .
Unless policymakers act right away , the COVID-19 crisis will relegate the teaching profession in many parts of the country to near-subsistence status for years to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 Americans working as a public-school teacher , that could have devastating consequences for the nation ’ s economic recovery .
It cost roughly $ 740 billion to educate America ’ s 50 million public school students last year , the National Center for Education Statistics has found , including some $ 260 billion for teacher salaries ( the average teacher salary was $ 62,760 in 2018 ) .
States and school districts put another $ 60 billion in teacher pension plans , on top of teachers ’ own contributions , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The problem is that only about 30 percent of state and district retirement contributions pay the predicted cost of supporting retired teachers .
The other 70 percent— $ 42 billion dollars a year—is spent backfilling massive shortfalls in the funds needed to pay all future promised pension benefits .
According to the Equable Institute , a non-profit research organization , those deficits—known as unfunded liabilities—skyrocketed from about $ 250 million in 2007 , before the Great Recession , to more than $ 650 billion in 2018 , as state pension boards , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enact pension reforms and kicked those obligations down the road to fund other priorities and balance state budgets .
The impact on education budgets has been striking .
The share of state public school spending on teacher pensions rose from 7.5 percent nationally in 2001 to 9.3 percent in 2009 , the height of the recession , according to a recently released Equable study .
By 2018 , however , pension spending consumed 14.4 percent of state education spending—even as policymakers in many states cut future retirement benefits .
That ’ s billions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ payments .
Teachers have paid a heavy price .
Robert Costrell of the University of Arkansas has calculated that the nation ’ s school districts spent an average of $ 1,312 per student for teacher retirement benefits in 2018 , up from $ 530 in 2004 , an increase of some $ 39 billion or nearly $ 12,000 per teacher .
If that money went into teacher salaries , the average U.S. teacher ’ s pay would increase by nearly 20 percent .
Disconcertingly , only about 20 percent of teachers stay in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full pension benefits .
Roughly half of teachers will leave before they vest , the point at which they are entitled to their employers ’ contribution to their retirement benefits .
In 16 states , teachers don ’ t vest until they ’ ve spent a decade in the classroom .
Pension-less attrition hurts teachers of color disproportionately , since they tend to work in more challenging settings with higher teacher turnover rates .
The problem is compounded by the fact that nearly 40 percent of public-school teachers are not enrolled in social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not choose to participate in the federal system The good news is there are steps states could take now to avoid the same mistakes they made after the Great Recession .
These moves would leave teacher pension systems in better shape when the economy rebounds , and eventually could put more money in teachers ’ pockets .
The first is to adopt more reasonable assumptions about future investment returns .
States like New York and South Dakota have largely avoided shortfalls that way .
South Dakota assumes a 6.5 percent return on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ average of 7.2 percent .
Predicted returns of between five and six percent would be even more prudent in today ’ s turbulent economy .
The more realistic states are about investment returns , the less likely they are to miss their revenue targets and put pension systems deeper in debt .
States would also help themselves by recognizing that the current workforce is more mobile and that teachers are less likely to stay in education , much less start and finish their careers in a single state ’ s classrooms .
South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portability , permitting teachers to take a large portion of their employers ’ contributions with them if they move out of state , keeping teachers on a path to retirement security .
Michigan addresses the portability problem by giving teachers the option of putting retirement money in a professionally managed , 401 ( k ) -style personal retirement account .
Ultimately , it ’ s going to take a lot of cash to pay down the states ’ $ 650 billion in teacher pension legacy liabilities , money that ’ s going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aftermath of the pandemic .
Still , states ’ failure to enact reforms in the aftermath of the 2007-08 economic crisis more than doubled the unfunded liabilities in teacher pension systems , helping put the profession in the parlous position it ’ s in today .
The states owe it to the nation ’ s teachers—and their students—to do better this time .

There have been countless headlines about the American education system’s struggles to educate 50 million students under quarantine. But there’s another, troubling consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic for the nation’s students: the disruption of policymakers’ efforts to improve the financial plight of public-school teachers.
A raft of research leaves no doubt that quality teachers are the biggest contributor in schools to student success. As we learned from walkouts by tens of thousands of teachers in the past two years, educators are severely underpaid in much of the country.
Now, with states slashing education budgets because of the virus outbreak, teachers face even grimmer prospects. Teacher pay hikes have already been shelved in Florida, Georgia, and Tennessee. Hawaii’s governor is proposing to cut teachers’ salaries by 20 percent. And the nation’s 3.3-million teachers are at risk of COVID-19 irreparably damaging the states’ already troubled teacher pension systems.
Unless policymakers act right away, the COVID-19 crisis will relegate the teaching profession in many parts of the country to near-subsistence status for years to come. And with one in every 100 Americans working as a public-school teacher, that could have devastating consequences for the nation’s economic recovery.
It cost roughly $740 billion to educate America’s 50 million public school students last year, the National Center for Education Statistics has found, including some $260 billion for teacher salaries (the average teacher salary was $62,760 in 2018). States and school districts put another $60 billion in teacher pension plans, on top of teachers’ own contributions, according to Boston College’s Public Plans Database.
The problem is that only about 30 percent of state and district retirement contributions pay the predicted cost of supporting retired teachers. The other 70 percent—$42 billion dollars a year—is spent backfilling massive shortfalls in the funds needed to pay all future promised pension benefits.
According to the Equable Institute, a non-profit research organization, those deficits—known as unfunded liabilities—skyrocketed from about $250 million in 2007, before the Great Recession, to more than $650 billion in 2018, as state pension boards, governors, and state legislators failed to enact pension reforms and kicked those obligations down the road to fund other priorities and balance state budgets.
The impact on education budgets has been striking. The share of state public school spending on teacher pensions rose from 7.5 percent nationally in 2001 to 9.3 percent in 2009, the height of the recession, according to a recently released Equable study. By 2018, however, pension spending consumed 14.4 percent of state education spending—even as policymakers in many states cut future retirement benefits. That’s billions of additional dollars locked up in pension payments.
Teachers have paid a heavy price. Robert Costrell of the University of Arkansas has calculated that the nation’s school districts spent an average of $1,312 per student for teacher retirement benefits in 2018, up from $530 in 2004, an increase of some $39 billion or nearly $12,000 per teacher. If that money went into teacher salaries, the average U.S. teacher’s pay would increase by nearly 20 percent.
Disconcertingly, only about 20 percent of teachers stay in their jobs long enough to receive their full pension benefits. Roughly half of teachers will leave before they vest, the point at which they are entitled to their employers’ contribution to their retirement benefits. In 16 states, teachers don’t vest until they’ve spent a decade in the classroom.
Pension-less attrition hurts teachers of color disproportionately, since they tend to work in more challenging settings with higher teacher turnover rates. The problem is compounded by the fact that nearly 40 percent of public-school teachers are not enrolled in social security because their state or school district did not choose to participate in the federal system
The good news is there are steps states could take now to avoid the same mistakes they made after the Great Recession. These moves would leave teacher pension systems in better shape when the economy rebounds, and eventually could put more money in teachers’ pockets.
The first is to adopt more reasonable assumptions about future investment returns. States like New York and South Dakota have largely avoided shortfalls that way. South Dakota assumes a 6.5 percent return on pension investments, well below the national average of 7.2 percent. Predicted returns of between five and six percent would be even more prudent in today’s turbulent economy. The more realistic states are about investment returns, the less likely they are to miss their revenue targets and put pension systems deeper in debt.
States would also help themselves by recognizing that the current workforce is more mobile and that teachers are less likely to stay in education, much less start and finish their careers in a single state’s classrooms. South Dakota provides a high degree of pension portability, permitting teachers to take a large portion of their employers’ contributions with them if they move out of state, keeping teachers on a path to retirement security. Michigan addresses the portability problem by giving teachers the option of putting retirement money in a professionally managed, 401(k)-style personal retirement account.
Ultimately, it’s going to take a lot of cash to pay down the states’ $650 billion in teacher pension legacy liabilities, money that’s going to be hard to come by in the aftermath of the pandemic.
Still, states’ failure to enact reforms in the aftermath of the 2007-08 economic crisis more than doubled the unfunded liabilities in teacher pension systems, helping put the profession in the parlous position it’s in today. The states owe it to the nation’s teachers—and their students—to do better this time.