washingtonmonthly--2020-11-02--The Real Housekeepers of Beirut

The Real Housekeepers of Beirut

Josephine Adotey took a steak knife from the kitchen drawer .
The housemaid walked to her cot , sat down , and placed the knife to her chest .
The apartment was quiet .
Her employers were asleep .
The Ghana native couldn ’ t take another moment .
Upon moving to the Middle Eastern country , an employer made her work 20 hours a day , sleep on the kitchen floor , and starve–for $ 200 a month .
He tried to rape her–and threatened to kill her and hide her body if she told anyone .
Adotey quit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse .
When she boiled milk too hot , Madame threw it in her face .
When Adotey spoke to the kids , Madame accused her of “ infecting them with African diseases.
” One day , after consuming nothing but contaminated water for two weeks , she was on the verge of collapse .
Having lost 44 pounds , she snuck leftover potatoes from the fridge .
Her boss caught her , denied here the scraps , shattered glass on the floor , and demanded Adotey clean it with her bare feet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Madame said she couldn ’ t–she had “ bought her.
” “ We Africans , they see us as animals .
We are not human , ” says the 33-year-old , who I met at my friend ’ s home outside Beirut .
Adotey had left her previous employers and was happily working for the kind family .
But she ’ s still haunted by that first year .
“ I feel like this is more than slavery … Now , they just polish it and put a little money there to feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you are under slavery.
” At least 400,000 migrant domestic workers work in Lebanon , according to This is Lebanon–a nonprofit dedicated to getting maids out of abusive situations .
They come from African and Asian countries , like Ethiopia , Kenya , and the Philippines , desperate for money to send to their families .
They do everything from scrub toilets and bathe the elderly , mop floors and raise children .
Many Lebanese treat their maids with respect and consider them part of the family , such as my friends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
There ’ s one reason they get away with it : the Lebanese government refuses to protect migrant domestic workers .
Instead , Lebanon uses kafala .
It ’ s a sponsorship system that legally ties maids to employers , which can facilitate dangerous working conditions .
For years , advocates have begged politicians to end kafala .
In September , Minister of Labor Lamia Yammine announced a new unified contract for maids .
But on October 30 , Lebanon ’ s top administrative court suspended that contract .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear it doesn ’ t want to be responsible for these women ’ s lives .
That lack of responsibility has come with dire consequences .
In 2017 , about two maids died each week , according to Lebanese General Security figures .
Advocates say it ’ s mostly from botched escape attempts , like jumping from balconies .
Others commit suicide , are murdered , or starved .
No matter what , the cause is ruled a suicide .
On March 14 , Faustina Tay was found dead .
The Ghanaian maid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but a news outlet later revealed suggesting her employers may have been involved .
“ Faustina is our George Floyd .
And every week , two George Floyds die , ” said Patricia Pradhan , a caseworker with This is Lebanon .
( She uses this pseudonym for fear of reprisals . )
“ In Lebanon , Black lives don ’ t matter.
” Actually , to Lebanese leaders , no lives appear to matter , immigrant and native Lebanese .
On Aug. 4 , a massive explosion in Beirut killed 191 people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was caused by nearly 3,000 tons of ammonium nitrate , which the government allowed to be stored on the seaport .
The blast exemplified the government ’ s negligence .
In the last year , while politicians have enriched themselves , Lebanon has entered its worst economic crisis in modern history .
Banks have run out of money , the Lebanese lira lost more than 80 percent of its value , and the United Nations estimates 55 percent of the population is trapped in poverty .
Consequently , maids have been working for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or dumped outside embassies .
At least seven have committed suicide since March , according to local media outlets .
Ironically , the U.S. is in the midst of a Black Lives Matter movement .
Perhaps they can use this moment to finally show what ’ s happening in Lebanon and advocate for change .
Constance hugged her husband and 1-year-old twins .
She didn ’ t want to leave them .
But work in Ghana was sparse , and the 21-year-old needed to feed her family .
So , she found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fly her in and employ her .
Constance landed in Beirut and went straight to the agency .
They ran lab tests and found she was pregnant .
“ Can I go home to have the baby ?
” she asked .
The answer was no .
She could either pay them back for bringing her to Lebanon–or get an abortion .
With nothing in her pocket , she had no choice .
“ They didn ’ t let me go , so I have to accept them to save my life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her last name for privacy .
“ My dad is a pastor ; this is not allowed in my house .
So my soul is not happy still .
I ’ m just praying for forgiveness.
” Constance lost her rights the moment she arrived in Beirut .
That ’ s because Article 7 of Lebanon ’ s labor code specifically excludes migrant domestic workers .
So , they ’ re denied labor protections , like minimum wage , rest hours , or overtime compensation .
Instead , the country uses kafala–which emerged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lebanon , Jordan , and the Gulf States .
Under kafala , maids can only enter the country if they ’ re sponsored by an employer or agency .
There are approximately 800 agencies in Lebanon , not including illegal ones .
They work with recruiters in Asia and Africa to target poor girls , promise them fair treatment , and lure them to Lebanon .
The employer ’ s name must be written on the maid ’ s passport–meaning she can ’ t quit or leave Lebanon without their permission .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her to the general security , who will issue a retention order .
If an employer dislikes their maid , they can return her to the agency .
“ Some of these agents are–the majority are actually just people traffickers , ” Patricia says .
“ They ’ re trading in human flesh .
Every Lebanese woman knows that if she takes her worker back to the agent , the worker will be beaten back into submission.
” The abuse , though , usually takes place inside the home .
Amnesty International has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to work long hours , denied rest days , verbally abused , and sexually assaulted .
Lebanon has a contract for maids–requiring an eight-hour workday and one weekly rest day .
But it ’ s largely ignored .
It ’ s important to note many families treat their maids with dignity .
Some buy them cell phones , health insurance , clothes–and include them at the dinner table .
Moreover , it makes sense for Lebanese to have maids .
The country hardly has daycare facilities or nursing homes–and families with children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with leaders refusing to legally protect them , all maids can rely on is their employer ’ s goodwill .
“ We Do Not Talk About Racism ” On Oct. 17 , 2019 , millions of Lebanese began an uprising against their government .
For more than a year , protesters have accused politicians of denying them basic needs–like clean water , trash collection , and job opportunities .
Last fall , the mass demonstrations shut down schools , banks , and businesses–causing an economic blow .
Then , coronavirus hit .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further .
This is Lebanon–which has a Facebook page that maids can message for help–says since the pandemic began , about 30 maids have messaged for help each day .
Their main complaint is working for no pay .
For years , there have been failed attempts to help these women .
Countries like Ethiopia put travel bans on Lebanon–but thousands of women are still trafficked in .
Maids tried to create unions–but were arrested as a result Dian Hadar , an Amnesty International campaigner in Lebanon , has been interviewing abused maids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When Lebanon ’ s minister of labor issued a new unified contract for maids , Haidar had a glimmer of hope .
That is until the government changed its mind .
“ The Lebanese government has proven that it can not protect nor fulfill the rights of any of the people living in Lebanon — be them Lebanese or migrants or refugees , ” Haidar said .
“ Kafala has to come to an end .
It ’ s not acceptable for this abusive migration system to take place … migrant domestic workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions , they have to be protected by labor laws.
” Melani McAlister , a professor of American studies and international affairs at George Washington University , believes Americans could help influence change .
First , they must realize “ Black Lives Matters ” is not just a domestic issue .
“ Of course , people will often think about the thing that is closest to them .
But you can see how , then , the connections become obvious when you say , ‘ okay black lives matter in Cleveland , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they also matter in Beirut , ” McAlister says .
“ Black meaning people with black skin–but it also means people who are racially oppressed in all kinds of situations.
” In 2012 , a video of a Lebanese man dragging his maid by the hair and beating her in Beirut was broadcast on national TV .
Lebanese people were outraged–but nothing was done .
Two days later , the woman hanged herself .
Fast forward to today .
The millennials who started the Lebanese revolution won ’ t stand for that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs to protests that read “ End Kafala.
” Girl Up Lebanon , an organization that advocates for gender equality , even began a change.org petition to end the sponsorship system .
“ In Lebanon , we don ’ t have this conversation .
We do not talk about racism , ” said Rym Badran , the 17-year-old founder of Girl Up Lebanon .
“ So the Black Lives Matters movement really opened our eyes and gave us this opportunity to talk about what is happening in our country.
” What if these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most influential country in the world ?
After George Floyd ’ s death , American activists vowed to no longer turn a blind eye to black oppression .
Can they call on ending the kafala system–one of the greatest injustices in the world ?
If they don ’ t , I fear no one will .

Josephine Adotey took a steak knife from the kitchen drawer.
The housemaid walked to her cot, sat down, and placed the knife to her chest. The apartment was quiet. Her employers were asleep. The Ghana native couldn’t take another moment.
Upon moving to the Middle Eastern country, an employer made her work 20 hours a day, sleep on the kitchen floor, and starve–for $200 a month. He tried to rape her–and threatened to kill her and hide her body if she told anyone.
Adotey quit and found a new employer who was worse. When she boiled milk too hot, Madame threw it in her face. When Adotey spoke to the kids, Madame accused her of “infecting them with African diseases.” One day, after consuming nothing but contaminated water for two weeks, she was on the verge of collapse. Having lost 44 pounds, she snuck leftover potatoes from the fridge. Her boss caught her, denied here the scraps, shattered glass on the floor, and demanded Adotey clean it with her bare feet. Adotey tried to quit, but Madame said she couldn’t–she had “bought her.”
“We Africans, they see us as animals. We are not human,” says the 33-year-old, who I met at my friend’s home outside Beirut. Adotey had left her previous employers and was happily working for the kind family. But she’s still haunted by that first year. “I feel like this is more than slavery … Now, they just polish it and put a little money there to feel like you are working. But no, you are under slavery.”
At least 400,000 migrant domestic workers work in Lebanon, according to This is Lebanon–a nonprofit dedicated to getting maids out of abusive situations. They come from African and Asian countries, like Ethiopia, Kenya, and the Philippines, desperate for money to send to their families. They do everything from scrub toilets and bathe the elderly, mop floors and raise children. Many Lebanese treat their maids with respect and consider them part of the family, such as my friends. Others overwork, starve and abuse them. There’s one reason they get away with it: the Lebanese government refuses to protect migrant domestic workers.
Instead, Lebanon uses kafala. It’s a sponsorship system that legally ties maids to employers, which can facilitate dangerous working conditions. For years, advocates have begged politicians to end kafala. In September, Minister of Labor Lamia Yammine announced a new unified contract for maids. But on October 30, Lebanon’s top administrative court suspended that contract. It was hardly a surprise–the government has made it clear it doesn’t want to be responsible for these women’s lives.
That lack of responsibility has come with dire consequences. In 2017, about two maids died each week, according to Lebanese General Security figures. Advocates say it’s mostly from botched escape attempts, like jumping from balconies. Others commit suicide, are murdered, or starved. No matter what, the cause is ruled a suicide. On March 14, Faustina Tay was found dead. The Ghanaian maid’s death certificate said suicide, but a news outlet later revealed suggesting her employers may have been involved.
“Faustina is our George Floyd. And every week, two George Floyds die,” said Patricia Pradhan, a caseworker with This is Lebanon. (She uses this pseudonym for fear of reprisals.) “In Lebanon, Black lives don’t matter.”
Actually, to Lebanese leaders, no lives appear to matter, immigrant and native Lebanese. On Aug. 4, a massive explosion in Beirut killed 191 people and injured more than 6,000. It was caused by nearly 3,000 tons of ammonium nitrate, which the government allowed to be stored on the seaport.
The blast exemplified the government’s negligence. In the last year, while politicians have enriched themselves, Lebanon has entered its worst economic crisis in modern history. Banks have run out of money, the Lebanese lira lost more than 80 percent of its value, and the United Nations estimates 55 percent of the population is trapped in poverty.
Consequently, maids have been working for no pay, stuck in abusive households, or dumped outside embassies. At least seven have committed suicide since March, according to local media outlets. Ironically, the U.S. is in the midst of a Black Lives Matter movement. Perhaps they can use this moment to finally show what’s happening in Lebanon and advocate for change.
TRADING IN HUMAN FLESH
Constance hugged her husband and 1-year-old twins. She didn’t want to leave them. But work in Ghana was sparse, and the 21-year-old needed to feed her family. So, she found a maid agency in Lebanon that agreed to fly her in and employ her.
Constance landed in Beirut and went straight to the agency. They ran lab tests and found she was pregnant.
“Can I go home to have the baby?” she asked. The answer was no. She could either pay them back for bringing her to Lebanon–or get an abortion. With nothing in her pocket, she had no choice.
“They didn’t let me go, so I have to accept them to save my life,” said Constance, who withheld her last name for privacy. “My dad is a pastor; this is not allowed in my house. So my soul is not happy still. I’m just praying for forgiveness.”
Constance lost her rights the moment she arrived in Beirut. That’s because Article 7 of Lebanon’s labor code specifically excludes migrant domestic workers. So, they’re denied labor protections, like minimum wage, rest hours, or overtime compensation. Instead, the country uses kafala–which emerged in the 1950s and still exists in Lebanon, Jordan, and the Gulf States.
Under kafala, maids can only enter the country if they’re sponsored by an employer or agency. There are approximately 800 agencies in Lebanon, not including illegal ones. They work with recruiters in Asia and Africa to target poor girls, promise them fair treatment, and lure them to Lebanon.
The employer’s name must be written on the maid’s passport–meaning she can’t quit or leave Lebanon without their permission. If she tries, her boss can report her to the general security, who will issue a retention order.
If an employer dislikes their maid, they can return her to the agency. “Some of these agents are–the majority are actually just people traffickers,” Patricia says. “They’re trading in human flesh. Every Lebanese woman knows that if she takes her worker back to the agent, the worker will be beaten back into submission.”
The abuse, though, usually takes place inside the home. Amnesty International has issued extensive reports of maids in Lebanon forced to work long hours, denied rest days, verbally abused, and sexually assaulted. Lebanon has a contract for maids–requiring an eight-hour workday and one weekly rest day. But it’s largely ignored.
It’s important to note many families treat their maids with dignity. Some buy them cell phones, health insurance, clothes–and include them at the dinner table. Moreover, it makes sense for Lebanese to have maids. The country hardly has daycare facilities or nursing homes–and families with children and elderly parents need help.
But with leaders refusing to legally protect them, all maids can rely on is their employer’s goodwill.
“We Do Not Talk About Racism”
On Oct. 17, 2019, millions of Lebanese began an uprising against their government. For more than a year, protesters have accused politicians of denying them basic needs–like clean water, trash collection, and job opportunities. Last fall, the mass demonstrations shut down schools, banks, and businesses–causing an economic blow.
Then, coronavirus hit. The government enforced a lockdown–plummeting the economy even further. This is Lebanon–which has a Facebook page that maids can message for help–says since the pandemic began, about 30 maids have messaged for help each day. Their main complaint is working for no pay.
For years, there have been failed attempts to help these women. Countries like Ethiopia put travel bans on Lebanon–but thousands of women are still trafficked in. Maids tried to create unions–but were arrested as a result .
Dian Hadar, an Amnesty International campaigner in Lebanon, has been interviewing abused maids and advocating to end kafala for years . When Lebanon’s minister of labor issued a new unified contract for maids, Haidar had a glimmer of hope. That is until the government changed its mind.
“The Lebanese government has proven that it cannot protect nor fulfill the rights of any of the people living in Lebanon — be them Lebanese or migrants or refugees,” Haidar said. “Kafala has to come to an end. It’s not acceptable for this abusive migration system to take place … migrant domestic workers have to come under just and fair conditions, they have to be protected by labor laws.”
Melani McAlister, a professor of American studies and international affairs at George Washington University, believes Americans could help influence change. First, they must realize “Black Lives Matters” is not just a domestic issue.
“Of course, people will often think about the thing that is closest to them. But you can see how, then, the connections become obvious when you say, ‘okay black lives matter in Cleveland, and black lives also matter in Congo, and they also matter in Beirut,” McAlister says. “Black meaning people with black skin–but it also means people who are racially oppressed in all kinds of situations.”
In 2012, a video of a Lebanese man dragging his maid by the hair and beating her in Beirut was broadcast on national TV. Lebanese people were outraged–but nothing was done. Two days later, the woman hanged herself.
Fast forward to today. The millennials who started the Lebanese revolution won’t stand for that kind of treatment. Many have brought signs to protests that read “End Kafala.” Girl Up Lebanon, an organization that advocates for gender equality, even began a change.org petition to end the sponsorship system.
“In Lebanon, we don’t have this conversation. We do not talk about racism,” said Rym Badran, the 17-year-old founder of Girl Up Lebanon. “So the Black Lives Matters movement really opened our eyes and gave us this opportunity to talk about what is happening in our country.”
What if these young revolutionaries had the support of the most influential country in the world? After George Floyd’s death, American activists vowed to no longer turn a blind eye to black oppression. Can they call on ending the kafala system–one of the greatest injustices in the world? If they don’t, I fear no one will.


washingtonmonthly--2020-11-01--When it Comes to Big Pharma, Montana Senator Has a Split Personality

On the campaign trail in Montana , Republican Senator Steve Daines frequently spotlights his efforts to lower the costs of prescription drugs .
In a tight Senate race against popular Democratic governor Steve Bullock , he has emphasized his support for the Prescription Pricing for the People Act .
Daines was one of six Republicans on the committee who voted to advance the bill out of the Senate Finance Committee last July which was introduced by Chuck Grassley ( R-Iowa ) , the Senate finance chairman , and Ron Wyden ( D-Ore ) , its ranking member .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with the support of all 13 Democrats .
The Montana senator sent a mailer to over 150,000 Montanans , highlighting his support , touting its features , including lowering out-of-pocket costs for Medicare beneficiaries ; and fighting to “ hold those responsible for negotiating drug prices accountable.
” He ’ s also highlighted his support for the Grassley-Wyden bill in press releases , on his Senate website , and throughout his campaign .
In one ad , Daines noted he was “ taking on Big Pharma to lower prescription drug prices.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a breakthrough prescription drug bill that will help our seniors , saving a hundred billion dollars , ” Daines said during an August debate against Bullock .
“ Now , this bill is feared by Big Pharma .
I can tell you that .
We got it passed.
” But the bill has stalled in the Senate because it lacks support from Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell .
And Daines has been tight-lipped about his support for the Prescription Pricing for the People Act ’ s successor and competitor—the Lower Costs , More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ More Cures Act is a watered-down version of the bipartisan Grassley-Wyden bill .
It has drawn zero Democratic sponsors and is preferred by the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America ( PhRMA , for short ) , the powerful pharmaceutical trade group that lobbies Washington on behalf of drug companies .
PhRMA spent over $ 29 million on lobbying in 2019 , making it the fourth-highest spending lobby in the country .
Despite joining the Lower Costs , More Cures Act as a co-sponsor in July 2020 , months after its introduction in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the bill , never issuing a press release about his support or mentioning it on his campaign website .
Aside from Daines , none of the Republicans who supported the Grassley-Wyden bill sponsored the legislation .
Before endorsing the Lower Costs , More Cures Act , Daines , and his affiliated PACs received large donations from big pharmaceutical companies , a majority of which came before his sponsorship of the bill .
He and his PACs accepted close to $ 120,00 this election cycle from pharmaceutical manufacturers , including $ 10,000 each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Merck and Co. , and Pfizer Inc. PhRMA itself gave him $ 6,000 , the sixth-largest donation by the group to a Senate Republican .
The industry has climbed into Daines ’ top 15 industry contributors this year , launching ahead of more typical players in Montana , such as the mining industry , the livestock industry , and the crop production and processing industry .
Daines ranks eighth among sitting Senators in pharmaceutical contributions and fifth among Republicans .
Paul Herrnson , a campaign finance expert at the University of Connecticut , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate race likely made Daines a target for Big Pharma .
Most recent polling shows Daines just slightly ahead of Bullock , and more than $ 118 million has been poured into the state , making it the most expensive in Montana ’ s history .
“ If you create and cultivate a relationship with a powerful politician during a campaign , they ’ re likely to remember that , ” Herrnson said .
“ This dynamic is probably playing out very strongly in the Montana race.
” A majority of the pharmaceutical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came in the year between his vote for Grassley-Wyden and his sponsorship of the more feeble GOP bill .
Campaign finance experts emphasized that no causation can be inferred between the donations and Daines ’ position .
But they said Daines ’ increased contributions from pharmaceutical PACs and his endorsement of the Lower Costs , More Cares Act should raise eyebrows .
“ That timeline is really very striking , ” said Brendan Fischer , the director of federal reform at the Campaign Legal Center .
“ It would certainly appear that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ target for political contributions and lobbying .
It seemed that the Pharma industry ’ s contributions and lobbying efforts had some level of success.
” Daines ’ campaign did not respond to requests for comment .
“ Steve Daines is desperately trying to paper over his record of looking out for Big Pharma , ” Montana Democratic Party spokesperson Christina Wilkes told me in a statement .
“ But when push comes to shove , he will always side with his corporate donors over hard-working Montanans.
” Drug policy reform has become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whose members must weigh the popularity of lowering drug prices with their free-market ideology .
And the Grassley-Wyden bill , according to Center for American Progress Health Policy managing director Maura Calsyn , is a modest proposal mostly aimed at insulating seniors .
The bill would provide an out-of-pocket cap for prescription drug prices for Medicare beneficiaries at $ 3,100 for seniors .
Additionally , the bill tries to combat price gouging by imposing rebate requirements .
Under the bill , companies that raise the price of drugs authorized under Medicare Part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services , and Part D , which covers prescription drugs at a rate higher than inflation would be subject to the rebate .
The Congressional Budget Office estimated the bill would save taxpayers roughly $ 100 billion over the next decade and save beneficiaries $ 27 billion in costs .
While Republicans like Grassley supported the bill , conservative opponents argued the rebates were tantamount to price controls .
PhRMA argued the bill would siphon money from research and development efforts .
Calsyn said this messaging is effective politically but demonstrably false .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee members who voted against Grassley-Wyden , introduced the Lower Costs , More Cares Act , to the Senate in December 2019 .
The GOP bill does not include the inflation rebates and has not been scored by the CBO .
Calsyn argued the GOP bill might actually cause prices to further increase for those on private insurance .
“ Restructuring that Part D piece , it saves Medicare beneficiaries out of pocket costs , ” Calsyn said .
“ But it actually could cost money overall because , by insulating seniors from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies have a lot more incentive to raise the prices.
” The Lower Costs , More Cures Act has been supported by the Chamber of Commerce , the conservative American Action Network .
It has even drawn some limited praise from PhRMA , which argued it “ does more to begin to address patient affordability ” than the Grassley-Wyden bill .
Both the Chamber and PhRMA came out strongly against Grassley-Wyden .
“ PhRMA continues to support a balanced package that lowers costs for patients at the pharmacy counter and doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a spokesperson for PhRMA House Democrats , for their part , have passed a bill that goes farther than either bill , allowing the federal government to directly negotiate the price of hundreds of drugs through Medicare , extending those negotiated prices to those on private insurance , imposing a $ 2,000 cap on out-of-pocket costs , and creating a maximum launch price for negotiated drugs .

On the campaign trail in Montana, Republican Senator Steve Daines frequently spotlights his efforts to lower the costs of prescription drugs. In a tight Senate race against popular Democratic governor Steve Bullock, he has emphasized his support for the Prescription Pricing for the People Act. Daines was one of six Republicans on the committee who voted to advance the bill out of the Senate Finance Committee last July which was introduced by Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), the Senate finance chairman, and Ron Wyden (D-Ore), its ranking member. It was passed by the committee 19 to 9, with the support of all 13 Democrats.
The Montana senator sent a mailer to over 150,000 Montanans, highlighting his support, touting its features, including lowering out-of-pocket costs for Medicare beneficiaries; and fighting to “hold those responsible for negotiating drug prices accountable.” He’s also highlighted his support for the Grassley-Wyden bill in press releases, on his Senate website, and throughout his campaign. In one ad, Daines noted he was “taking on Big Pharma to lower prescription drug prices.”
“We came together and we passed a breakthrough prescription drug bill that will help our seniors, saving a hundred billion dollars,” Daines said during an August debate against Bullock. “Now, this bill is feared by Big Pharma. I can tell you that. We got it passed.”
But the bill has stalled in the Senate because it lacks support from Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. And Daines has been tight-lipped about his support for the Prescription Pricing for the People Act’s successor and competitor—the Lower Costs, More Cures Act.
The Lower Costs, More Cures Act is a watered-down version of the bipartisan Grassley-Wyden bill. It has drawn zero Democratic sponsors and is preferred by the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA, for short), the powerful pharmaceutical trade group that lobbies Washington on behalf of drug companies. PhRMA spent over $29 million on lobbying in 2019, making it the fourth-highest spending lobby in the country.
Despite joining the Lower Costs, More Cures Act as a co-sponsor in July 2020, months after its introduction in December 2019, Daines has avoided talking about the bill, never issuing a press release about his support or mentioning it on his campaign website. Aside from Daines, none of the Republicans who supported the Grassley-Wyden bill sponsored the legislation.
Before endorsing the Lower Costs, More Cures Act, Daines, and his affiliated PACs received large donations from big pharmaceutical companies, a majority of which came before his sponsorship of the bill. He and his PACs accepted close to $120,000 this election cycle from pharmaceutical manufacturers, including $10,000 each from PACs associated with Genentech Inc., Merck and Co., and Pfizer Inc. PhRMA itself gave him $6,000, the sixth-largest donation by the group to a Senate Republican. The industry has climbed into Daines’ top 15 industry contributors this year, launching ahead of more typical players in Montana, such as the mining industry, the livestock industry, and the crop production and processing industry. Daines ranks eighth among sitting Senators in pharmaceutical contributions and fifth among Republicans.
Paul Herrnson, a campaign finance expert at the University of Connecticut, said the high profile of the Montana Senate race likely made Daines a target for Big Pharma. Most recent polling shows Daines just slightly ahead of Bullock, and more than $118 million has been poured into the state, making it the most expensive in Montana’s history. “If you create and cultivate a relationship with a powerful politician during a campaign, they’re likely to remember that,” Herrnson said. “This dynamic is probably playing out very strongly in the Montana race.”
A majority of the pharmaceutical money sent to Daines and his PACs came in the year between his vote for Grassley-Wyden and his sponsorship of the more feeble GOP bill. Campaign finance experts emphasized that no causation can be inferred between the donations and Daines’ position. But they said Daines’ increased contributions from pharmaceutical PACs and his endorsement of the Lower Costs, More Cares Act should raise eyebrows.
“That timeline is really very striking,” said Brendan Fischer, the director of federal reform at the Campaign Legal Center. “It would certainly appear that the Pharma industry saw Steve Daines as a target for political contributions and lobbying. It seemed that the Pharma industry’s contributions and lobbying efforts had some level of success.”
Daines’ campaign did not respond to requests for comment.
“Steve Daines is desperately trying to paper over his record of looking out for Big Pharma,” Montana Democratic Party spokesperson Christina Wilkes told me in a statement. “But when push comes to shove, he will always side with his corporate donors over hard-working Montanans.”
Drug policy reform has become a divisive issue within the Republican Senate Conference, whose members must weigh the popularity of lowering drug prices with their free-market ideology. And the Grassley-Wyden bill, according to Center for American Progress Health Policy managing director Maura Calsyn, is a modest proposal mostly aimed at insulating seniors. The bill would provide an out-of-pocket cap for prescription drug prices for Medicare beneficiaries at $3,100 for seniors. Additionally, the bill tries to combat price gouging by imposing rebate requirements. Under the bill, companies that raise the price of drugs authorized under Medicare Part B, which covers doctor and outpatient services, and Part D, which covers prescription drugs at a rate higher than inflation would be subject to the rebate. The Congressional Budget Office estimated the bill would save taxpayers roughly $100 billion over the next decade and save beneficiaries $27 billion in costs.
While Republicans like Grassley supported the bill, conservative opponents argued the rebates were tantamount to price controls. PhRMA argued the bill would siphon money from research and development efforts. Calsyn said this messaging is effective politically but demonstrably false.
Six Republican senators, including some Finance Committee members who voted against Grassley-Wyden, introduced the Lower Costs, More Cares Act, to the Senate in December 2019. The GOP bill does not include the inflation rebates and has not been scored by the CBO. Calsyn argued the GOP bill might actually cause prices to further increase for those on private insurance.
“Restructuring that Part D piece, it saves Medicare beneficiaries out of pocket costs,” Calsyn said. “But it actually could cost money overall because, by insulating seniors from the prices of the drugs, drug companies have a lot more incentive to raise the prices.”
The Lower Costs, More Cures Act has been supported by the Chamber of Commerce, the conservative American Action Network. It has even drawn some limited praise from PhRMA, which argued it “does more to begin to address patient affordability” than the Grassley-Wyden bill. Both the Chamber and PhRMA came out strongly against Grassley-Wyden. “PhRMA continues to support a balanced package that lowers costs for patients at the pharmacy counter and doesn’t include government price setting,” said a spokesperson for PhRMA.
House Democrats, for their part, have passed a bill that goes farther than either bill, allowing the federal government to directly negotiate the price of hundreds of drugs through Medicare, extending those negotiated prices to those on private insurance, imposing a $2,000 cap on out-of-pocket costs, and creating a maximum launch price for negotiated drugs.


washingtonmonthly--2020-11-01--How to Do Political Organizing in a Pandemic

In high school , Anatole Jenkins wanted to be an architect .
In a sense , he now is .
In 2012 , Jenkins found himself in Las Vegas doing regional organizing for Barack Obama ’ s reelection campaign .
He traded in building blueprints for voter registration datasets and a construction team for an army of volunteers .
He ’ s stayed in the field since .
Today , instead of physical structures , he gets to build a human coalition from the ground-up as National Director of States Organizing for Joe Biden ’ s presidential campaign .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and voters not only to help defeat Donald Trump but to build a diverse coalition for the Democratic Party going forward .
Jenkins was one of eight people to receive the 2020 Rising Star award from Campaign and Elections magazine .
Prior to his role with the Biden campaign , he was the national organizing director for Organizing Together 2020 , a group that brought in staffers from every Democratic primary campaign to build infrastructure for the eventual nominee .
Before that , he served as the national organizing director for Kamala Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a lot of work for someone who is just 29 , and it ’ s been complicated by COVID-19 .
Organizing entails energizing and expanding the base of a candidate , something traditionally done by having volunteers knock on doors and make calls , as well as getting voters to attend rallies—activities that make people realize they are part of something bigger than themselves .
Those synergistic qualities are hard to translate over Zoom .
As a result , organizers have had to shift their methods .
On October 20 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and what it ’ s like organizing during the pandemic .
The following conversation has been edited for length and clarity .
ZH : First off , I ’ m curious to know how you got interested in politics ?
AJ : I got interested in politics because of President Obama .
I saw a Black man who won the Democratic nomination , who was a former community organizer , running a campaign focused on organizing .
My journey was through representation , not just from a racial standpoint but from the standpoint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one which I had never seen .
ZH : Just so I ’ m clear on your timeline , you were an intern for the 2008 campaign , went back to school , and then started professionally organizing for the 2012 Obama reelection campaign .
Is that correct ?
AJ : I was a volunteer on the 2008 campaign , then I started interning for President Obama ’ s political organization after that , and then I started organizing in 2011 for the reelection campaign .
ZH : What about the reelection campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of organizing ?
AJ : It starts with when I was interning for Obama ’ s political team around the 2010 midterms .
I was working for the person who ended up being the deputy national political director for Obama ’ s reelection campaign .
When the campaign was about to begin , he said , “ You can come to headquarters in Chicago and be my assistant , but you already know how to do that .
What you can do is you can go to Nevada and become an organizer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was the best piece of advice that I have ever been given .
I learned more about myself being an organizer than I could have ever expected .
I went back to Nevada in 2014 to be field director for the Nevada State Democratic Party , and many of my 2012 volunteers had become leaders in their community , running for elected office and positions in the state democratic party .
I saw the seeds you can plant in organizing .
ZH : It ’ s clear from what you ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Obama .
Do you have any other organizing role models or heroes ?
AJ : Senator Harris is definitely an organizing role model .
This is a woman who , during her first campaign for public office [ San Francisco district attorney ] , didn ’ t have a table and so brought an ironing board to hand out pamphlets outside of grocery stores and the metro .
When I was her national organizing director in 2019 , I had my first meeting with her and was talking about how we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ win her race .
She looked at me and said , “ All that ’ s fine , but how are we planting seeds ?
” She sees the long-term impact of organizing , and that makes her an organizing role model .
No matter what , with organizing , you have an impact .
ZH : To put her question back to you , what seeds do you feel like you ’ re currently planting ?
AJ : We have put an intentional focus on bringing more people of color , LGBTQ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into positions of leadership in democratic politics .
Those are the types of seeds that I ’ m excited that we ’ ve planted—new folks who will be the future of the party .
ZH : You talked already about bringing new people into the political process—folks from different backgrounds , different races , ethnicities , and sexual orientations .
What lessons have you learned that you think could help the Democratic Party build a broad coalition in the future ?
AJ : We have to do a lot more listening .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead us to where victory is .
In past cycles , we ’ ve often said we want to go into these communities , and we want these folks to become a part of our campaign .
In reality , we need our campaign to become a part of these communities .
If we are listening to the folks locally , then our politics will look the way that it should .
ZH : I want to ask a quick question relating to your time with Hillary Clinton ’ s campaign in 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organizing in Minnesota and now being with Biden ’ s campaign , what do you see as the differences between the two ?
AJ : Barring some of the obvious like COVID , we are taking no voter for granted .
My mantra is you meet people where they are , and COVID has forced us to do a lot more digging to find out where people are .
We have put a huge amount of focus on making sure that we are talking to persuadable voters from start to finish .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we are invested in .
We ’ ve put a huge focus on making sure that we are educating [ voters ] in all of the ways that they can vote .
We also are asking a different question .
This time around , we ’ re asking them to take a look at the guy that ’ s currently in there and then look at the alternative , which is hope for the soul of our nation .
ZH : What difference does the pandemic make ?
What are some methods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been doing ?
AJ : It ’ s a matter of recreating the same community experience that a volunteer normally would have because it ’ s the experience that brings volunteers back .
People will come to the campaign for Joe Biden , but they will come back because of the relationships they ’ ve made .
We ’ ve also provided our teams on the ground with a whole arsenal of tools so they can talk to voters , whether that is via text message or the phone , or online and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different things like online rallies to try and bring new folks in the door .
ZH : It sounds like you have a wide range of activities .
But do you worry that at the end of the day , thanks to the pandemic , you ’ re not covering all the bases ?
AJ : I don ’ t .
The most important thing is having meaningful conversations .
And it turns out that you can actually talk to voters without being in person .
I think we are spending a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are , and some of that happens to be online .
At the same time , we have been doing in-person work where safe , and it makes sense .
For example , we ’ ve opened up voter activation centers in battleground states , which are places where folks can get yard signs and campaign material .
We have our volunteers knocking on doors , dropping off literature , and then calling voters right after that to let them know we left them a piece of literature .
I ’ ll tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up and think about all the stones that we didn ’ t turn and how we can turn them .
ZH : But at the same time there was , for a long time , hesitance to do anything in person from the Biden campaign .
Why the shift now ?
AJ : The safety and health of our staff and volunteers has always been our # 1 priority .
We are doing some in-person activities because we have folks in communities who want to knock on doors where it ’ s safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are providing them with the resources they need while advising them on the health protocols .
ZH : According to a recent Atlantic article , Republicans are recruiting upwards of 50,000 volunteers in battleground states as poll watchers to help “ secure ” elections against voter fraud , a well-documented myth and tactic of voter suppression .
What are some organizing efforts from your campaign to ensure that voters feel safe at the polls ?
AJ : We are building a voter protection operation made of lawyers and folks who want to aid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some of the in-person work we are doing includes helping with line management at polling locations .
We want to have folks out there who can answer questions as folks are waiting in line and make sure that they stay in line .
ZH : Earlier , you talked about the importance of educating voters .
I read what ’ s known within the campaign as the “ Malarkey Factory , ” the campaign ’ s strategy to target and remove disinformation about Biden online .
How do you view your role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
AJ : In organizing , we ’ ve been working to combat disinformation through personal networks .
We have the Vote Joe app , which is an app that helps individuals talk to the folks they personally know who we ’ re targeting and what messages they need to receive .
People struggle to find a trusted news source , but they still trust their brother , their sister , or their friend .
There is no one who is a better validator or surrogate for Kamala Harris and Joe Biden than @ @ @ @ @ @ @

In high school, Anatole Jenkins wanted to be an architect. In a sense, he now is. In 2012, Jenkins found himself in Las Vegas doing regional organizing for Barack Obama’s reelection campaign. He traded in building blueprints for voter registration datasets and a construction team for an army of volunteers. He’s stayed in the field since. Today, instead of physical structures, he gets to build a human coalition from the ground-up as National Director of States Organizing for Joe Biden’s presidential campaign. In his role, he recruits both volunteers and voters not only to help defeat Donald Trump but to build a diverse coalition for the Democratic Party going forward.
Jenkins was one of eight people to receive the 2020 Rising Star award from Campaign and Elections magazine. Prior to his role with the Biden campaign, he was the national organizing director for Organizing Together 2020, a group that brought in staffers from every Democratic primary campaign to build infrastructure for the eventual nominee. Before that, he served as the national organizing director for Kamala Harris during her bid for president.
It’s a lot of work for someone who is just 29, and it’s been complicated by COVID-19. Organizing entails energizing and expanding the base of a candidate, something traditionally done by having volunteers knock on doors and make calls, as well as getting voters to attend rallies—activities that make people realize they are part of something bigger than themselves. Those synergistic qualities are hard to translate over Zoom. As a result, organizers have had to shift their methods.
On October 20, I spoke with Jenkins about his career and what it’s like organizing during the pandemic.
The following conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
ZH: First off, I’m curious to know how you got interested in politics?
AJ: I got interested in politics because of President Obama. I saw a Black man who won the Democratic nomination, who was a former community organizer, running a campaign focused on organizing. My journey was through representation, not just from a racial standpoint but from the standpoint of a different way to campaign, one which I had never seen.
ZH: Just so I’m clear on your timeline, you were an intern for the 2008 campaign, went back to school, and then started professionally organizing for the 2012 Obama reelection campaign. Is that correct?
AJ: I was a volunteer on the 2008 campaign, then I started interning for President Obama’s political organization after that, and then I started organizing in 2011 for the reelection campaign.
ZH: What about the reelection campaign made you decide to make a career out of organizing?
AJ: It starts with when I was interning for Obama’s political team around the 2010 midterms. I was working for the person who ended up being the deputy national political director for Obama’s reelection campaign. When the campaign was about to begin, he said, “You can come to headquarters in Chicago and be my assistant, but you already know how to do that. What you can do is you can go to Nevada and become an organizer and learn how to empower people.” It was the best piece of advice that I have ever been given. I learned more about myself being an organizer than I could have ever expected. I went back to Nevada in 2014 to be field director for the Nevada State Democratic Party, and many of my 2012 volunteers had become leaders in their community, running for elected office and positions in the state democratic party. I saw the seeds you can plant in organizing.
ZH: It’s clear from what you’ve said that you have a role model in Obama. Do you have any other organizing role models or heroes?
AJ: Senator Harris is definitely an organizing role model. This is a woman who, during her first campaign for public office [San Francisco district attorney], didn’t have a table and so brought an ironing board to hand out pamphlets outside of grocery stores and the metro. When I was her national organizing director in 2019, I had my first meeting with her and was talking about how we’re going to organize so she could win her race. She looked at me and said, “All that’s fine, but how are we planting seeds?” She sees the long-term impact of organizing, and that makes her an organizing role model. No matter what, with organizing, you have an impact.
ZH: To put her question back to you, what seeds do you feel like you’re currently planting?
AJ: We have put an intentional focus on bringing more people of color, LGBTQ folks, young folks, and women into positions of leadership in democratic politics. Those are the types of seeds that I’m excited that we’ve planted—new folks who will be the future of the party.
ZH: You talked already about bringing new people into the political process—folks from different backgrounds, different races, ethnicities, and sexual orientations. What lessons have you learned that you think could help the Democratic Party build a broad coalition in the future?
AJ: We have to do a lot more listening. We have to let people on the ground lead us to where victory is. In past cycles, we’ve often said we want to go into these communities, and we want these folks to become a part of our campaign. In reality, we need our campaign to become a part of these communities. If we are listening to the folks locally, then our politics will look the way that it should.
ZH: I want to ask a quick question relating to your time with Hillary Clinton’s campaign in 2016. Having spent time on that campaign organizing in Minnesota and now being with Biden’s campaign, what do you see as the differences between the two?
AJ: Barring some of the obvious like COVID, we are taking no voter for granted. My mantra is you meet people where they are, and COVID has forced us to do a lot more digging to find out where people are. We have put a huge amount of focus on making sure that we are talking to persuadable voters from start to finish. We have a wide map of battleground states that we are invested in. We’ve put a huge focus on making sure that we are educating [voters] in all of the ways that they can vote. We also are asking a different question. This time around, we’re asking them to take a look at the guy that’s currently in there and then look at the alternative, which is hope for the soul of our nation.
ZH: What difference does the pandemic make? What are some methods of virtual outreach that you all have been doing?
AJ: It’s a matter of recreating the same community experience that a volunteer normally would have because it’s the experience that brings volunteers back. People will come to the campaign for Joe Biden, but they will come back because of the relationships they’ve made. We’ve also provided our teams on the ground with a whole arsenal of tools so they can talk to voters, whether that is via text message or the phone, or online and on Facebook. We have tested out different things like online rallies to try and bring new folks in the door.
ZH: It sounds like you have a wide range of activities. But do you worry that at the end of the day, thanks to the pandemic, you’re not covering all the bases?
AJ: I don’t. The most important thing is having meaningful conversations. And it turns out that you can actually talk to voters without being in person. I think we are spending a lot of time naturally meeting people where they are, and some of that happens to be online.
At the same time, we have been doing in-person work where safe, and it makes sense. For example, we’ve opened up voter activation centers in battleground states, which are places where folks can get yard signs and campaign material. We have our volunteers knocking on doors, dropping off literature, and then calling voters right after that to let them know we left them a piece of literature. I’ll tell you that every single morning we wake up and think about all the stones that we didn’t turn and how we can turn them.
ZH: But at the same time there was, for a long time, hesitance to do anything in person from the Biden campaign. Why the shift now?
AJ: The safety and health of our staff and volunteers has always been our #1 priority. We are doing some in-person activities because we have folks in communities who want to knock on doors where it’s safe to do so, and so we are providing them with the resources they need while advising them on the health protocols.
ZH: According to a recent Atlantic article, Republicans are recruiting upwards of 50,000 volunteers in battleground states as poll watchers to help “secure” elections against voter fraud, a well-documented myth and tactic of voter suppression. What are some organizing efforts from your campaign to ensure that voters feel safe at the polls?
AJ: We are building a voter protection operation made of lawyers and folks who want to aid in keeping the vote safe. Also, some of the in-person work we are doing includes helping with line management at polling locations. We want to have folks out there who can answer questions as folks are waiting in line and make sure that they stay in line.
ZH: Earlier, you talked about the importance of educating voters. I read what’s known within the campaign as the “Malarkey Factory,” the campaign’s strategy to target and remove disinformation about Biden online. How do you view your role as an organizer in fighting against disinformation?
AJ: In organizing, we’ve been working to combat disinformation through personal networks. We have the Vote Joe app, which is an app that helps individuals talk to the folks they personally know who we’re targeting and what messages they need to receive. People struggle to find a trusted news source, but they still trust their brother, their sister, or their friend. There is no one who is a better validator or surrogate for Kamala Harris and Joe Biden than the people already in their lives.