washingtonmonthly--2020-06-24--How China Now Threatens America’s Academic Freedoms

During the height of the 1950s Red Scare , when there were Communists under every bed and spies in every closet , America saw threats to its national security everywhere .
Justifiably , there were purges of those who really sought to sneak state secrets to the Soviets .
War plans and bomb-making schematics were the most important of those confidential documents .
Accusations abounded ; not everyone was guilty .
Fast forward to 2020 , and the new Red Scare is Beijing , not Moscow .
The fear is that China ’ s long reach is not only touching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dominant industries , institutions , plans and , of course , people .
Scientists and researchers are in the crosshairs .
Dr. Charles M. Lieber , the Harvard professor who recently was arrested by U.S. officials for allegedly sending research to China—and lying about it to American authorities—pleaded not guilty on Tuesday .
Lieber was Harvard ’ s chair of Chemistry and Chemical Biology Department and received $ 15 million in U.S. government research grants .
Good work , prestigious position .
It turns out Lieber also was working with Wuhan University and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suspect “ Thousand Talents ” program , which recruits and nurtures key individuals abroad to tap their expertise , networks , research and intellectual property .
Lieber was offered a lot of support by the U.S. government while , it ’ s alleged , he was offering a lot to China .
If Lieber is found guilty , all universities may undergo greater government scrutiny , research oversight and likely even more restrictions on academic freedom .
America ’ s National Security Strategy identifies this moment as one of great power rivalry between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russia , too ) .
In an international political environment where Beijing and Moscow are seen as America ’ s strategic competitors , any technological edge they gain is considered a national security threat .
Those technological advantages exist in the private sector and at tech companies , of course , but basic R & D is mostly done in America ’ s most open and vulnerable institutions : universities .
Weaknesses in the university system were revealed by the recent Varsity Blues admissions ’ scandal that ultimately caught actress Lori Loughlin in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a large cohort into college via corrupt insiders who showed the moneyed how to make end runs around a relatively fair admissions system .
Like Loughlin , China , too , leverages the inherent weaknesses of America ’ s open , trust-based , higher-education system , where intellectual freedom reigns supreme and shared research leads to career advancement and generates knowledge .
China actively exploits this system , breaking into university-research structures that intertwine higher education with government , society , innovation and capital .
The Trump administration is trying to confront these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s students from sensitive American research labs .
Unfortunately , as the administration reverts to Red Scare tactics to prevent the theft of intellectual property and protect secrets on campuses , it is also feeding racist attitudes towards Asians .
It should know better .
America has a bad history of both Asian racism and red-baiting .
During the height of the 1950s Red Scare and Cold War with the Soviets , Sen. Joe McCarthy saw a Communist “ fifth column ” everywhere he looked .
McCarthy ’ s purges destroyed so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actors to playwrights , scientists to politicians .
Everyone was suspect and , in McCarthy ’ s estimation , everyone was guilty .
Cold War hysteria led to broad purges but also , at times , to exposing real spies .
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were a New York couple accused of seeking atomic secrets to pass to the Soviets .
They went to the gas chamber after a rushed trial tinged with anti-Semitism .
A new HBO documentary claims Ethel Rosenberg was innocent , but after the Soviet Union fell , KGB @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America is now in the midst of myriad domestic crises and major geopolitical challenges .
Societal tensions rise as Washington abdicates responsibility for a sane pandemic response , minimizes real economic fallout and justifies market volatility .
The administration ’ s tone-deaf response to America ’ s inherent racial problems adds to domestic strife and opens up new global vulnerabilities .
Domestic problems and international challenges set the stage for a politically threatened administration to exploit Americans ’ real fears .
In this environment and during a presidential election year , it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The case against Lieber is about more than just a university professor trying to make a few extra bucks with a foreign side gig .
Rather , it will set the tone for how paranoid America and the world are about China ’ s intentions .
Does Beijing seek global domination or a peaceful rise ?
What is China willing to do to achieve this goal ?
There will be no simple answers .
While Lieber claims his innocence , the trial and popular jury are still out on the bigger question @ @ @ @ @ @ @

During the height of the 1950s Red Scare, when there were Communists under every bed and spies in every closet, America saw threats to its national security everywhere. Justifiably, there were purges of those who really sought to sneak state secrets to the Soviets. War plans and bomb-making schematics were the most important of those confidential documents. Accusations abounded; not everyone was guilty.
Fast forward to 2020, and the new Red Scare is Beijing, not Moscow. The fear is that China’s long reach is not only touching but grabbing some of America’s dominant industries, institutions, plans and, of course, people. Scientists and researchers are in the crosshairs. Dr. Charles M. Lieber, the Harvard professor who recently was arrested by U.S. officials for allegedly sending research to China—and lying about it to American authorities—pleaded not guilty on Tuesday.
Lieber was Harvard’s chair of Chemistry and Chemical Biology Department and received $15 million in U.S. government research grants. Good work, prestigious position. It turns out Lieber also was working with Wuhan University and a target of China’s deeply suspect “Thousand Talents” program, which recruits and nurtures key individuals abroad to tap their expertise, networks, research and intellectual property. Lieber was offered a lot of support by the U.S. government while, it’s alleged, he was offering a lot to China. If Lieber is found guilty, all universities may undergo greater government scrutiny, research oversight and likely even more restrictions on academic freedom.
America’s National Security Strategy identifies this moment as one of great power rivalry between the United States and China (and Russia, too). In an international political environment where Beijing and Moscow are seen as America’s strategic competitors, any technological edge they gain is considered a national security threat. Those technological advantages exist in the private sector and at tech companies, of course, but basic R&D is mostly done in America’s most open and vulnerable institutions: universities. Weaknesses in the university system were revealed by the recent Varsity Blues admissions’ scandal that ultimately caught actress Lori Loughlin in its net. The scam helped get a large cohort into college via corrupt insiders who showed the moneyed how to make end runs around a relatively fair admissions system. Like Loughlin, China, too, leverages the inherent weaknesses of America’s open, trust-based, higher-education system, where intellectual freedom reigns supreme and shared research leads to career advancement and generates knowledge. China actively exploits this system, breaking into university-research structures that intertwine higher education with government, society, innovation and capital. The Trump administration is trying to confront these actions by wholesale blocking some of China’s students from sensitive American research labs. Unfortunately, as the administration reverts to Red Scare tactics to prevent the theft of intellectual property and protect secrets on campuses, it is also feeding racist attitudes towards Asians. It should know better. America has a bad history of both Asian racism and red-baiting. During the height of the 1950s Red Scare and Cold War with the Soviets, Sen. Joe McCarthy saw a Communist “fifth column” everywhere he looked. McCarthy’s purges destroyed so many individuals and sullied so many more—from actors to playwrights, scientists to politicians. Everyone was suspect and, in McCarthy’s estimation, everyone was guilty. Cold War hysteria led to broad purges but also, at times, to exposing real spies. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were a New York couple accused of seeking atomic secrets to pass to the Soviets. They went to the gas chamber after a rushed trial tinged with anti-Semitism. A new HBO documentary claims Ethel Rosenberg was innocent, but after the Soviet Union fell, KGB documents revealed the Rosenbergs’ guilt. America is now in the midst of myriad domestic crises and major geopolitical challenges. Societal tensions rise as Washington abdicates responsibility for a sane pandemic response, minimizes real economic fallout and justifies market volatility. The administration’s tone-deaf response to America’s inherent racial problems adds to domestic strife and opens up new global vulnerabilities. Domestic problems and international challenges set the stage for a politically threatened administration to exploit Americans’ real fears. In this environment and during a presidential election year, it is raising the red flag about Red China. The case against Lieber is about more than just a university professor trying to make a few extra bucks with a foreign side gig. Rather, it will set the tone for how paranoid America and the world are about China’s intentions. Does Beijing seek global domination or a peaceful rise? What is China willing to do to achieve this goal? There will be no simple answers. While Lieber claims his innocence, the trial and popular jury are still out on the bigger question of China’s global challenge.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-24--Americans Want a President They Can Trust

On Tuesday , the Biden campaign released a video that was made up of clips of the candidate engaged in a listening session with a few small business owners .
That isn ’ t the most emotionally impactful video the campaign has produced , but I was struck by something that happened near the end when Biden asked , “ What do you need most to help you now ?
” The woman who responded got a round of applause from the other participants when she said , “ Clear , consistent language that the American people can trust.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going on with the electorate .
But while that exchange is simply anecdotal , it might capture the heart of what is happening in the lead-up to the November election .
As of June 1st , the fact-checkers at the Washington Post say that Trump has told more than 19,000 lies over the last three and a half years .
Following publication of that number they wrote that false claims and disinformation are the central feature of Trump ’ s presidency .
The president ’ s technique — refined over half a century @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unforgiving : Never admit any error , constantly repeat falsehoods , and have no shame about your tactics… As Trump runs for reelection , his unparalleled reliance on misleading and exaggerated claims has emerged as a defining feature of his boundary-busting presidency… Every action in politics results in a reaction , so the immediate consequence of Trump may be a successor who distinguishes himself from Trump by refusing to engage in hyperbole and falsehoods .
Whenever political pundits draw their assumptions from the previous presidential election , they miss the truth captured by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most consistent things in politics is that , when it comes to presidential elections , the outcome is often a backlash to whatever it was that came to define the previous president .
Nowhere was that more on display than the transition from Barack Obama to Donald Trump .
As the woman in Biden ’ s video captured , Americans are exhausted by the fact that they no longer know who to believe .
Especially for people like small business owners and farmers , they have no idea about how to plan for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trust leads to something Ezra Klein noted on Twitter .
Trumps ’ lies result in failure—and then he lies some more to cover up those failures .
Living through a pandemic has made that even more obvious to many Americans .
This is where Joe Biden ’ s history becomes significant .
Even Republican politicians have said that he ’ s a man you can trust .
That is the power behind ads like this .
After almost four years of Donald Trump , Americans are confused , scared , and exhausted .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they just want someone they can trust .

On Tuesday, the Biden campaign released a video that was made up of clips of the candidate engaged in a listening session with a few small business owners.
That isn’t the most emotionally impactful video the campaign has produced, but I was struck by something that happened near the end when Biden asked, “What do you need most to help you now?” The woman who responded got a round of applause from the other participants when she said, “Clear, consistent language that the American people can trust.”
Political pundits can sometimes overthink what is going on with the electorate. But while that exchange is simply anecdotal, it might capture the heart of what is happening in the lead-up to the November election.
As of June 1st, the fact-checkers at the Washington Post say that Trump has told more than 19,000 lies over the last three and a half years. Following publication of that number they wrote that false claims and disinformation are the central feature of Trump’s presidency.
The president’s technique — refined over half a century in public life — is relentless and unforgiving: Never admit any error, constantly repeat falsehoods, and have no shame about your tactics… As Trump runs for reelection, his unparalleled reliance on misleading and exaggerated claims has emerged as a defining feature of his boundary-busting presidency… Every action in politics results in a reaction, so the immediate consequence of Trump may be a successor who distinguishes himself from Trump by refusing to engage in hyperbole and falsehoods.
Whenever political pundits draw their assumptions from the previous presidential election, they miss the truth captured by that last sentence. One of the most consistent things in politics is that, when it comes to presidential elections, the outcome is often a backlash to whatever it was that came to define the previous president. Nowhere was that more on display than the transition from Barack Obama to Donald Trump.
As the woman in Biden’s video captured, Americans are exhausted by the fact that they no longer know who to believe. Especially for people like small business owners and farmers, they have no idea about how to plan for the future. And the lack of trust leads to something Ezra Klein noted on Twitter.
Trumps’ lies result in failure—and then he lies some more to cover up those failures. Living through a pandemic has made that even more obvious to many Americans.
This is where Joe Biden’s history becomes significant. Even Republican politicians have said that he’s a man you can trust. That is the power behind ads like this.
After almost four years of Donald Trump, Americans are confused, scared, and exhausted. When it comes to a leader, they just want someone they can trust.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-24--Trump Has Destroyed the GOP’s Vote-by-Mail Advantage in Florida

On June 15 , I wrote about President Trump ’ s self-defeating war on vote-by-mail , using Florida as my prime example .
As I noted , the Republican Party has traditionally enjoyed a big advantage in the Sunshine State among voters who use the mail option for casting their ballots , and this helped offset the Democrats ’ edge among those who use early voting centers .
This pattern held true even in 2016 when the Democrats put a major effort into closing the vote-by-mail gap .
According to the Florida Department of State ’ s Division of Elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail compared to 1,053,254 Democrats– a net advantage of 27,554 .
That was important because 1,139,103 Democrats utilized the early voting stations while only 1,026,600 Republicans did so , giving Hillary Clinton a 112,503 vote edge .
This meant that Clinton had about an 85,000 vote advantage when Election Day started , but it would have been over 100,000 if not for vote-by-mail .
Trump ultimately won Florida by about 113,000 votes , meaning that he got about 200,000 more in-person votes on Election Day .
As you can see , Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his vote-by-mail advantage , but it definitely gave him a much needed cushion .
Florida is the largest of the swing states and presidential elections have been consistently close there since 2000 , when the outcome was too close to decide without court intervention .
This is why the battle over fundamentals , the blocking and tackling of the campaigns , is probably more critical in Florida than anywhere else .
Hillary Clinton did a good job in 2016 building a substantial early lead , but it wasn ’ t quite enough .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ too early to give the Biden campaign a report card .
There are four months of work left to do , and they ’ re probably still setting up their early voting teams .
But , because Trump has been waging a political jihad against voting by mail , he ’ s already sabotaged one of the GOP ’ s key advantages : Democrats have opened up a 302,000-voter advantage over Republicans in vote-by-mail enrollment , an edge that could pay big dividends in President Donald Trump ’ s newly adopted must-win state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 1.46 million Democrats have signed up to vote by mail compared to 1.16 million Republicans , according to state Division of Election data released Friday .
By comparison , in 2016 , Democrats held an advantage of about 8,800 in vote-by-mail enrollment .
As noted above , ultimately the GOP got 27,554 more of their registered voters to use mail ballots in 2016 .
They accomplished this despite being slightly behind in applications at this point in the campaign .
But an 8,800 voter disadvantage in June is quite different from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take a herculean effort by Trump ’ s ground team to make up this deficit , and it ’ s probably not possible unless the president quickly and emphatically changes his opposition to vote-by-mail .
In my earlier piece , I suggested that Trump ’ s rhetoric on mail voting might have less impact in Florida than in states like Pennsylvania in Michigan because Floridians have been using the option for years and are used to it .
But I also said , that his fear mongering about the practice was “ like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative circles ” and that “ Trump shouldn ’ t think his numbers won ’ t suffer in Florida to some degree , as well as in every state where mail is an option.
” The evidence on that is already in , thanks to the latest release from the Florida Department of State ’ s Division of Elections .
The New York Times/Siena College survey released on Wednesday has Biden leading nationally by a commanding 50-36 advantage .
Given the present state of the campaign , Trump can hardly afford to commit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But that is exactly what he has done .

On June 15, I wrote about President Trump’s self-defeating war on vote-by-mail, using Florida as my prime example. As I noted, the Republican Party has traditionally enjoyed a big advantage in the Sunshine State among voters who use the mail option for casting their ballots, and this helped offset the Democrats’ edge among those who use early voting centers. This pattern held true even in 2016 when the Democrats put a major effort into closing the vote-by-mail gap.
According to the Florida Department of State’s Division of Elections, 1,080,808 Republicans cast their votes by mail compared to 1,053,254 Democrats– a net advantage of 27,554. That was important because 1,139,103 Democrats utilized the early voting stations while only 1,026,600 Republicans did so, giving Hillary Clinton a 112,503 vote edge. This meant that Clinton had about an 85,000 vote advantage when Election Day started, but it would have been over 100,000 if not for vote-by-mail. Trump ultimately won Florida by about 113,000 votes, meaning that he got about 200,000 more in-person votes on Election Day. As you can see, Trump’s victory wasn’t dependent on his vote-by-mail advantage, but it definitely gave him a much needed cushion.
Florida is the largest of the swing states and presidential elections have been consistently close there since 2000, when the outcome was too close to decide without court intervention. This is why the battle over fundamentals, the blocking and tackling of the campaigns, is probably more critical in Florida than anywhere else. Hillary Clinton did a good job in 2016 building a substantial early lead, but it wasn’t quite enough.
This time around, it’s too early to give the Biden campaign a report card. There are four months of work left to do, and they’re probably still setting up their early voting teams. But, because Trump has been waging a political jihad against voting by mail, he’s already sabotaged one of the GOP’s key advantages:
Democrats have opened up a 302,000-voter advantage over Republicans in vote-by-mail enrollment, an edge that could pay big dividends in President Donald Trump’s newly adopted must-win state. Five months before Election Day, more than 1.46 million Democrats have signed up to vote by mail compared to 1.16 million Republicans, according to state Division of Election data released Friday. By comparison, in 2016, Democrats held an advantage of about 8,800 in vote-by-mail enrollment.
As noted above, ultimately the GOP got 27,554 more of their registered voters to use mail ballots in 2016. They accomplished this despite being slightly behind in applications at this point in the campaign. But an 8,800 voter disadvantage in June is quite different from a 302,000 voter disadvantage. It will take a herculean effort by Trump’s ground team to make up this deficit, and it’s probably not possible unless the president quickly and emphatically changes his opposition to vote-by-mail.
In my earlier piece, I suggested that Trump’s rhetoric on mail voting might have less impact in Florida than in states like Pennsylvania in Michigan because Floridians have been using the option for years and are used to it. But I also said, that his fear mongering about the practice was “like a mental contagion that is ripping through conservative circles” and that “Trump shouldn’t think his numbers won’t suffer in Florida to some degree, as well as in every state where mail is an option.”
The evidence on that is already in, thanks to the latest release from the Florida Department of State’s Division of Elections.
The New York Times/Siena College survey released on Wednesday has Biden leading nationally by a commanding 50-36 advantage. Given the present state of the campaign, Trump can hardly afford to commit massive errors that will impact early voting. But that is exactly what he has done.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-24--Can the Black Lives Matter Movement Inspire a More Inclusive Pride Month?

Pride Month was always going to look different this year—at least , once the pandemic hit .
When the novel coronavirus arrived to America earlier this year , states and municipalities implemented physical-distancing measures to mitigate its spread ; universities sent college students home ; and businesses were forced to furlough or fire millions of employees due to the economic fallout .
Naturally , more than 500 parades and festivals scheduled for June ’ s Pride Month were cancelled in major cities across the world , from New York City and Washington , D.C. , to London and Paris .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ officer Derek Chauvin killed George Floyd , sparking mass protests and riots .
Countless Americans decided to get out of their homes and onto the streets—furious over police brutality and widespread racial injustices .
Quickly , it became apparent that LGBTQ people were playing an outsize role at the protests , where pride flags have been common fixtures .
This makes sense : Gay , lesbian , and transgender individuals have also been victims of systemic oppression .
In the 1960s , for instance , it was common practice for cops to threaten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that was part of what compelled so many in the community to speak out .
On May 29 , four days after Floyd ’ s murder , more than 100 LGBTQ organizations released a joint statement condemning racial violence .
“ We understand what it means to rise up and push back against a culture that tells us we are less than , that our lives don ’ t matter , ” they said .
But while LBGTQ groups have emphatically supported the Black Lives Matter movement , some civil rights activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to stamp out racism within their own community .
“ The statement is great for solidarity , ” said Earl D. Fowlkes , Jr. “ But it ’ s empty if there is no action behind it.
” Fowlkes is the founder of the Center for Black Equity , a nonprofit dedicated to advancing equality for Black LGBTQ people .
One of the biggest obstacles they face , he told me , is not just acceptance in straight society—but in white LGBTQ society .
In 2017 , for instance , Philadelphia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gay bars to take a training course on the city ’ s anti-discrimination laws after there were reports of them denying Black people entry for vague dress codes and bartenders giving preferential treatment to white gay men .
One bar owner was caught on YouTube saying racial slurs .
Unfortunately , stories like these are all too commonplace .
In 2018 , an Atlanta gay bar owner posted on Facebook that “ if the South had won , we would be a hell of a lot better off.
” Fowlkes told me of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a group of Black men were seated at a different section of a D.C. gay bar than the rest of the white patrons .
CBE was contacted about it as a potential discrimination case .
“ It happens all the time , ” he told me .
Yet some queer people are more at-risk than others .
According to the Human Rights Center , Black transgender women face the highest levels of fatal violence within the LGBTQ community—and are less likely to turn to the police for help for fear of revictimization by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organizations now thrusting themselves into the national fight against racism , it ’ s time for them to take a hard look inward .
One of the ways they can start is by refashioning this year ’ s Pride Month in yet another way : by embarking on a long overdue conversation about how anti-Blackness has long manifested within queer spaces .
That might mean a departure from the joyful and triumphant marches in years past—we are still in a pandemic , after all—but it may spur some much-needed progress on an issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1960s , community centers or meet ups didn ’ t exist for LGBTQ people as they do now .
This meant that bars were one of the few , if not the only , spaces where police officers knew they could openly target gays and lesbians .
For a long time , this was simply the way things were .
Police would barge into these establishments to harass and beat up the patrons .
“ Gay people just took it , ” historian Lillian Faderman , author of The Gay Revolution , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off , people who were let go by the police would run off.
” Until , one day , they stopped taking it .
On June 28 , 1969 , a group of police officers showed up at the Stonewall Inn—a gay bar in Greenwich Village , New York—for what they probably thought would be yet another routine night of harassing patrons .
But this night ended differently .
A fight broke out between the cops and everybody else .
More people resisted , others joined in the pushback .
At some point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bar ’ s window , igniting the famed Stonewall Riots .
Who , exactly , threw that first brick remains unknown .
The two main suspects , however , shared something in common : Marsha P. Johnson , a prominent figure during this period , was a Black trans woman .
Sylvia Rivera , who was present at the first fight , was a Latina trans woman .
Witnesses have also described what the majority of the people at Stonewall looked like that night : drag queens or gay men of color .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ were some of the first who resisted brutality and oppression on behalf of the entire LGBTQ community .
Images from that night shocked the nation—and shifted the public consciousness about the treatment of gay people .
Shortly thereafter , a movement was formed .
Over the next few years , more than 1,500 new LGBTQ organizations were created .
Still , it took decades of sustained advocacy to gain traction .
By 1999 , then president Bill Clinton enacted Proclamation 7203 , turning the month of June into a federally recognized holiday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the LGBTQ community continued to make progress—through increased representation in politics and media , through legislative actions , executive orders , and court rulings to protect gays and lesbians from discrimination—its non-white members have often been left behind .
A 2013 study found that while LGBTQ youth are more likely than their straight counterparts to be homeless , and that the bulk of homeless youth are LGBTQ people of color .
Other studies have shown that Black LGBTQ people are more likely to commit suicide .
At the same time , Black queer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A recent study from the Victory Institute found that 77.4 percent of all openly LGBTQ people in elected office are white .
The increased acceptance of white LGBTQ Americans in mainstream society is at least partly due to the fact that the vast majority of media depictions of queer life—which have helped change the culture—have historically been white-centric .
Groundbreaking films that found mass audiences have tended to focus on white gay men , such as The Times of Harvey Milk ( 1984 ) , My Own Private Idaho ( 1991 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Call Me by Your Name ( 2017 ) .
The few films about queer people of color—such as Tongues Untied ( 1989 ) or The Watermelon Woman ( 1996 ) — were only seen by small indie audiences .
In essence , Black LGBTQ people have always been left out of the aesthetic representations that have helped to normalize the white LGBTQ experience .
For this reason , Cleo Manago coined the term “ same-gender loving ” for Black gay men and lesbians in the 1990s as a separate identity , due @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LGBTQ spaces .
Pride Month festivities have been no exception .
Even after the 2015 landmark Supreme Court ruling declaring same-sex marriage a constitutional right , and Pride marches became an established mark of the beginning of the summer in major cosmopolitan cities , many noticed that they seemed awfully white .
Non-white queer people have complained they aren ’ t always as welcomed at Pride events by their white counterparts .
Moreover Pride celebrations have often whitewashed the fact that the early leaders of this movement were people of color , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people felt even more alienated in 2017 , when a proposed addition to the pride flag of brown and Black stripes to represent racial diversity received immediate backlash from white , gay members of the community .
Of course , queer people of color don ’ t just face racism from inside the LGBTQ community .
They have to face it from the rest of the world , too .
Indeed , Black queer people are more susceptible to assault and discrimination and the very forms of bigotry and police brutality that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Just two days after George Floyd ’ s death , a Black trans man named Tony McDade became the third victim of a fatal officer-involved shooting in Florida in the past two months .
That ’ s why Black LGBTQ activists argue that the anti-racism and queer-rights movements are deeply intertwined .
“ We know that queer liberation also means Black liberation , ” Tyrone Hanley , senior policy council for the National Center for Lesbian rights and a black queer man , told me .
“ There is a desperate need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities reinforce white supremacy and anti-blackness.
” That means reimagining Pride Month .
It means placing Black and brown issues at the forefront of the agenda .
It means no longer allowing LGBTQ spaces or marches where queer people of color are invisible , nor ignoring the plight of this vulnerable population .
There are already signs of progress .
Roughly 30,000 people rallied in West Hollywood on Sunday to protest police brutality and systemic racism , with a specific focus on Black LGBTQ people .
The COVID-19 pandemic made this year ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the entire LGBTQ community ’ s commitment to tangible anti-racist action should be what does the trick next year—and every year after that .

Pride Month was always going to look different this year—at least, once the pandemic hit.
When the novel coronavirus arrived to America earlier this year, states and municipalities implemented physical-distancing measures to mitigate its spread; universities sent college students home; and businesses were forced to furlough or fire millions of employees due to the economic fallout. Naturally, more than 500 parades and festivals scheduled for June’s Pride Month were cancelled in major cities across the world, from New York City and Washington, D.C., to London and Paris.
Then, on May 25, police officer Derek Chauvin killed George Floyd, sparking mass protests and riots. Countless Americans decided to get out of their homes and onto the streets—furious over police brutality and widespread racial injustices.
Quickly, it became apparent that LGBTQ people were playing an outsize role at the protests, where pride flags have been common fixtures. This makes sense: Gay, lesbian, and transgender individuals have also been victims of systemic oppression. In the 1960s, for instance, it was common practice for cops to threaten and harass gay bars.
No doubt, that was part of what compelled so many in the community to speak out. On May 29, four days after Floyd’s murder, more than 100 LGBTQ organizations released a joint statement condemning racial violence. “We understand what it means to rise up and push back against a culture that tells us we are less than, that our lives don’t matter,” they said.
But while LBGTQ groups have emphatically supported the Black Lives Matter movement, some civil rights activists argue that they haven’t done enough to stamp out racism within their own community. “The statement is great for solidarity,” said Earl D. Fowlkes, Jr. “But it’s empty if there is no action behind it.”
Fowlkes is the founder of the Center for Black Equity, a nonprofit dedicated to advancing equality for Black LGBTQ people. One of the biggest obstacles they face, he told me, is not just acceptance in straight society—but in white LGBTQ society.
In 2017, for instance, Philadelphia’s Commission on Human Relations ordered 11 gay bars to take a training course on the city’s anti-discrimination laws after there were reports of them denying Black people entry for vague dress codes and bartenders giving preferential treatment to white gay men. One bar owner was caught on YouTube saying racial slurs.
Unfortunately, stories like these are all too commonplace. In 2018, an Atlanta gay bar owner posted on Facebook that “if the South had won, we would be a hell of a lot better off.” Fowlkes told me of an incident from two weeks ago when a group of Black men were seated at a different section of a D.C. gay bar than the rest of the white patrons. CBE was contacted about it as a potential discrimination case. “It happens all the time,” he told me.
Yet some queer people are more at-risk than others. According to the Human Rights Center, Black transgender women face the highest levels of fatal violence within the LGBTQ community—and are less likely to turn to the police for help for fear of revictimization by law enforcement personnel.
But with LGBTQ organizations now thrusting themselves into the national fight against racism, it’s time for them to take a hard look inward.
One of the ways they can start is by refashioning this year’s Pride Month in yet another way: by embarking on a long overdue conversation about how anti-Blackness has long manifested within queer spaces. That might mean a departure from the joyful and triumphant marches in years past—we are still in a pandemic, after all—but it may spur some much-needed progress on an issue that is too often neglected.
In the 1960s, community centers or meet ups didn’t exist for LGBTQ people as they do now. This meant that bars were one of the few, if not the only, spaces where police officers knew they could openly target gays and lesbians.
For a long time, this was simply the way things were. Police would barge into these establishments to harass and beat up the patrons. “Gay people just took it,” historian Lillian Faderman, author of The Gay Revolution, told me. “They would scurry off, people who were let go by the police would run off.”
Until, one day, they stopped taking it.
On June 28, 1969, a group of police officers showed up at the Stonewall Inn—a gay bar in Greenwich Village, New York—for what they probably thought would be yet another routine night of harassing patrons. But this night ended differently. A fight broke out between the cops and everybody else. More people resisted, others joined in the pushback. At some point, someone threw a brick through the bar’s window, igniting the famed Stonewall Riots.
Who, exactly, threw that first brick remains unknown. The two main suspects, however, shared something in common: Marsha P. Johnson, a prominent figure during this period, was a Black trans woman. Sylvia Rivera, who was present at the first fight, was a Latina trans woman. Witnesses have also described what the majority of the people at Stonewall looked like that night: drag queens or gay men of color. In other words, Black LGBTQ people were some of the first who resisted brutality and oppression on behalf of the entire LGBTQ community.
Images from that night shocked the nation—and shifted the public consciousness about the treatment of gay people. Shortly thereafter, a movement was formed. Over the next few years, more than 1,500 new LGBTQ organizations were created. Still, it took decades of sustained advocacy to gain traction. By 1999, then president Bill Clinton enacted Proclamation 7203, turning the month of June into a federally recognized holiday. Pride Month was born.
But as the LGBTQ community continued to make progress—through increased representation in politics and media, through legislative actions, executive orders, and court rulings to protect gays and lesbians from discrimination—its non-white members have often been left behind.
A 2013 study found that while LGBTQ youth are more likely than their straight counterparts to be homeless, and that the bulk of homeless youth are LGBTQ people of color. Other studies have shown that Black LGBTQ people are more likely to commit suicide. At the same time, Black queer people have amassed far less political capital. A recent study from the Victory Institute found that 77.4 percent of all openly LGBTQ people in elected office are white.
The increased acceptance of white LGBTQ Americans in mainstream society is at least partly due to the fact that the vast majority of media depictions of queer life—which have helped change the culture—have historically been white-centric.
Groundbreaking films that found mass audiences have tended to focus on white gay men, such as The Times of Harvey Milk (1984), My Own Private Idaho (1991), Brokeback Mountain (2005), and Call Me by Your Name (2017). The few films about queer people of color—such as Tongues Untied (1989) or The Watermelon Woman (1996)—have generally not been as widely seen. In essence, Black LGBTQ people have always been left out of the aesthetic representations that have helped to normalize the white LGBTQ experience.
For this reason, Cleo Manago coined the term “same-gender loving” for Black gay men and lesbians in the 1990s as a separate identity, due to how isolated many felt in traditional LGBTQ spaces.
Pride Month festivities have been no exception. Even after the 2015 landmark Supreme Court ruling declaring same-sex marriage a constitutional right, and Pride marches became an established mark of the beginning of the summer in major cosmopolitan cities, many noticed that they seemed awfully white.
Non-white queer people have complained they aren’t always as welcomed at Pride events by their white counterparts. Moreover Pride celebrations have often whitewashed the fact that the early leaders of this movement were people of color, such as Johnson and Rivera.
Black LGBTQ people felt even more alienated in 2017, when a proposed addition to the pride flag of brown and Black stripes to represent racial diversity received immediate backlash from white, gay members of the community.
Of course, queer people of color don’t just face racism from inside the LGBTQ community. They have to face it from the rest of the world, too. Indeed, Black queer people are more susceptible to assault and discrimination and the very forms of bigotry and police brutality that the Black Lives Matter movement is fighting against.
Just two days after George Floyd’s death, a Black trans man named Tony McDade became the third victim of a fatal officer-involved shooting in Florida in the past two months. That’s why Black LGBTQ activists argue that the anti-racism and queer-rights movements are deeply intertwined.
“We know that queer liberation also means Black liberation,” Tyrone Hanley, senior policy council for the National Center for Lesbian rights and a black queer man, told me. “There is a desperate need to look inside and re-examine how LGBTQ communities reinforce white supremacy and anti-blackness.”
That means reimagining Pride Month. It means placing Black and brown issues at the forefront of the agenda. It means no longer allowing LGBTQ spaces or marches where queer people of color are invisible, nor ignoring the plight of this vulnerable population.
There are already signs of progress. Roughly 30,000 people rallied in West Hollywood on Sunday to protest police brutality and systemic racism, with a specific focus on Black LGBTQ people.
The COVID-19 pandemic made this year’s Pride Month look different. But the entire LGBTQ community’s commitment to tangible anti-racist action should be what does the trick next year—and every year after that.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-25--The White Evangelical Christians’ Revisionist Civil Rights History

You can rest assured that a major movement is underway in this country when the Mississippi Baptist Convention calls for state leaders to adopt a new state flag , eliminating the inclusion of the confederate flag .
Calls are going out for white evangelicals to join in efforts to support the protests against police brutality and systemic racism .
That is a good thing .
But even among some who are willing to embrace the overall goals , we are witnessing an attempt to co-opt the anti-racist movements of our past .
For example , Joshua Lawson points to verses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on how to live in harmony with our fellow brothers and sisters.
” But he also wants to claim that he is part of a tradition that was at the forefront of former movements on behalf of civil rights in this country .
Lawson is right to suggest that there were white Christian leaders in the abolitionist movement , such as John G. Fee .
But one of the founders of Christian nationalism as we know it today was Robert Lewis Dabney , an anti-abolitionist , who argued that opposing slavery was “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps best known for developing a pro-slavery theology that fused religion with a racialized form of nationalism .
When it comes to the involvement of Christians in the Civil Rights Movement to end Jim Crow , Lawson names Martin Luther King , Jr. , Ralph Abernathy , Fred Shuttlesworth , Hosea Williams , James Lawson , and John Lewis .
It is true that all of them are Christians .
But they also share another thing in common : none of them are white .
Nothing speaks more powerfully to the positioning of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Movement than the letter eight Birmingham ministers wrote in April 1963 titled “ A Call for Unity.
” We the undersigned clergymen are among those who , in January , issued “ An Appeal for Law and Order and Common Sense , ” in dealing with racial problems in Alabama .
We expressed understanding that honest convictions in racial matters could properly be pursued in the courts , but urged that decisions of those courts should in the meantime be peacefully obeyed .
Since that time there had been some evidence of increased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Responsible citizens have undertaken to work on various problems which cause racial friction and unrest .
In Birmingham , recent public events have given indication that we all have opportunity for a new constructive and realistic approach to racial problems .
However , we are now confronted by a series of demonstrations by some of our Negro citizens , directed and led in part by outsiders .
We recognize the natural impatience of people who feel that their hopes are slow in being realized .
But we are convinced that these demonstrations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that statement was released , Martin Luther King , Jr. was arrested and a month later , Sheriff Bull Connor was using fire hoses and dogs against nonviolent protesters in Birmingham .
Five months later , four little girls were killed in the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church .
There was , in fact , no “ new constructive and realistic approach to racial problems ” in Birmingham .
It was that statement from white ministers that inspired Martin Luther King , Jr. ’ s “ Letter from Birmingham Jail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I must make two honest confessions to you , my Christian and Jewish brothers .
First , I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate .
I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro ’ s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen ’ s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner , but the white moderate , who is more devoted to “ order ” than to justice ; who prefers a negative peace which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive peace which is the presence of justice ; who constantly says : “ I agree with you in the goal you seek , but I can not agree with your methods of direct action ” ; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man ’ s freedom ; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a “ more convenient season.
” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than outright rejection .
It was also Martin Luther King , Jr. who , one year later , made the observation that “ Sunday morning is the most segregated hour in America.
” The truth is that , while King lived , the best he got from white evangelicals Christians was distance , and the worst was outright condemnation .
The Civil Rights Movement of the 60s wasn ’ t seen as something to be embraced in the spirit of brother/sisterly love , but as a threat to the established order .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ read or listened to what King had to say , because he winds up sounding an awful lot like those white ministers in Birmingham .
[ The Apostle ] Paul shows the choice is neither to dismiss the cries of the angry nor to condone mob violence or vigilante justice .
The Christian solution is to empathize with those who are hurting and then to have faith in the fixtures of civilized society to discharge justice as best as possible , knowing God will deliver the final justice in the end… All Christians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the words “ black lives matter , ” a statement that is resoundingly true .
What they should not condone , however , is the BLM movement that removes the forgiveness , hope , and peace of the gospel and replaces those core values with continual protest , fear , and anger .
White evangelicals who are willing to open their minds and hearts to the struggle for equality in this country are to be commended .
But a big part of that process is learning from history and not making the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

You can rest assured that a major movement is underway in this country when the Mississippi Baptist Convention calls for state leaders to adopt a new state flag, eliminating the inclusion of the confederate flag. Calls are going out for white evangelicals to join in efforts to support the protests against police brutality and systemic racism. That is a good thing.
But even among some who are willing to embrace the overall goals, we are witnessing an attempt to co-opt the anti-racist movements of our past. For example, Joshua Lawson points to verses in the Bible that provide “instructions on how to live in harmony with our fellow brothers and sisters.” But he also wants to claim that he is part of a tradition that was at the forefront of former movements on behalf of civil rights in this country.
Believers living out Christ’s commands to love God and love their neighbors as themselves led the West’s push to abolish slavery. Christians acting out a sincere application of the gospel were at the forefront of the civil rights movement, a movement steeped in the biblical message of neighborly love.
Lawson is right to suggest that there were white Christian leaders in the abolitionist movement, such as John G. Fee. But one of the founders of Christian nationalism as we know it today was Robert Lewis Dabney, an anti-abolitionist, who argued that opposing slavery was “tantamount to rejecting Christianity.” He is perhaps best known for developing a pro-slavery theology that fused religion with a racialized form of nationalism.
When it comes to the involvement of Christians in the Civil Rights Movement to end Jim Crow, Lawson names Martin Luther King, Jr., Ralph Abernathy, Fred Shuttlesworth, Hosea Williams, James Lawson, and John Lewis. It is true that all of them are Christians. But they also share another thing in common: none of them are white.
Nothing speaks more powerfully to the positioning of white evangelical Christians during the Civil Rights Movement than the letter eight Birmingham ministers wrote in April 1963 titled “A Call for Unity.”
We the undersigned clergymen are among those who, in January, issued “An Appeal for Law and Order and Common Sense,” in dealing with racial problems in Alabama. We expressed understanding that honest convictions in racial matters could properly be pursued in the courts, but urged that decisions of those courts should in the meantime be peacefully obeyed. Since that time there had been some evidence of increased forbearance and a willingness to face facts. Responsible citizens have undertaken to work on various problems which cause racial friction and unrest. In Birmingham, recent public events have given indication that we all have opportunity for a new constructive and realistic approach to racial problems. However, we are now confronted by a series of demonstrations by some of our Negro citizens, directed and led in part by outsiders. We recognize the natural impatience of people who feel that their hopes are slow in being realized. But we are convinced that these demonstrations are unwise and untimely.
The day that statement was released, Martin Luther King, Jr. was arrested and a month later, Sheriff Bull Connor was using fire hoses and dogs against nonviolent protesters in Birmingham. Five months later, four little girls were killed in the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church. There was, in fact, no “new constructive and realistic approach to racial problems” in Birmingham.
It was that statement from white ministers that inspired Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” in which he wrote this.
I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: “I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action”; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man’s freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a “more convenient season.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.
It was also Martin Luther King, Jr. who, one year later, made the observation that “Sunday morning is the most segregated hour in America.”
The truth is that, while King lived, the best he got from white evangelicals Christians was distance, and the worst was outright condemnation. The Civil Rights Movement of the 60s wasn’t seen as something to be embraced in the spirit of brother/sisterly love, but as a threat to the established order.
One has to wonder if Lawson ever actually read or listened to what King had to say, because he winds up sounding an awful lot like those white ministers in Birmingham.
[The Apostle] Paul shows the choice is neither to dismiss the cries of the angry nor to condone mob violence or vigilante justice. The Christian solution is to empathize with those who are hurting and then to have faith in the fixtures of civilized society to discharge justice as best as possible, knowing God will deliver the final justice in the end… All Christians can, with confidence, emphatically say the words “black lives matter,” a statement that is resoundingly true. What they should not condone, however, is the BLM movement that removes the forgiveness, hope, and peace of the gospel and replaces those core values with continual protest, fear, and anger.
White evangelicals who are willing to open their minds and hearts to the struggle for equality in this country are to be commended. But a big part of that process is learning from history and not making the same mistakes as those who came before us.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-25--What Will It Take to End the Culture War?

Writing at the Financial Times , Janen Ganesh posits that conservatives have lost the culture war .
When we talk about the culture war , everyone assumes they know what we mean .
But just to be clear , it is a reference to the attempt by conservatives to preserve the status quo when it comes to racism , sexism , homophobia , and religious bigotry .
The initial round of the culture war was launched when Republicans embraced the so-called “ Southern Strategy ” of speaking in racist dog-whistles to woo the support of southern Democrats after passage of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Clare Malone has written an excellent piece documenting the history of how the Republican Party spent decades making itself white .
Doing so meant tapping into the racist fears of their supporters .
As Katherine Stewart outlined in her book , The Power Worshippers , the next stage of what we call the culture war occurred when Paul Weyrich worked to establish a coalition between Goldwater supporters and Christian nationalists , leading to the election of Ronald Reagan .
Initially , Weyrich joined with leaders like Jerry Falwell , Pat Robertson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attempts to desegregate their schools .
But they eventually had to make adjustments .
What they settled on was the Supreme Court ’ s decision in Roe vs. Wade , which had initially been accepted by white evangelical Christians .
But eventually they were able to make anti-abortion the rallying cry of the culture war .
That was soon expanded to include things like a fight to maintain ( Christian ) prayer in schools and efforts to deny equal rights to gay and lesbian Americans .
The culture war of today includes everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Christmas to McCarthyite efforts to uncover Muslim plots to implement so-called “ sharia law ” in this country .
Before we declare the end of the culture war , it is important to know this history because , as Katherine Stewart notes , it has never really been about culture .
It is not a social or cultural movement .
It is a political movement , and its ultimate goal is power .
It does not seek to add another voice to America ’ s pluralistic democracy but to replace our foundational democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a particular version of Christianity answering to what some adherents call a “ biblical worldview ” that also happens to serve the interests of its plutocratic funders and allied political leaders…This is not a “ culture war.
” It is a political war over the future of democracy .
Let me give you a couple of examples for how that works .
Back in the early 2000s , gays and lesbians were focused on fighting for equal protections in employment .
But in the 2004 election , Karl Rove saw the opportunity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get defense of marriage on as many ballots as possible , assuming that would help George W. Bush win reelection .
Similarly , Steve Bannon ’ s strategy was to inflame fears about immigration and race to propel Donald Trump into office .
The shift Ganesh recognizes is that we are reaching an inflection point in this country where the wedge issues of the culture war might not be sufficient for Republicans to maintain their power .
One way to explain what ’ s happening is to look at a theory developed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of innovation.
” It seeks to explain how , why , and at what rate new ideas and technology spread through cultures .
The process is captured by this graph , with the blue line showing the rate at which people adopt new ideas and the yellow indicating market share .
One way to think about the so-called “ culture war ” is that , on most of these issues , the late majority is in the process of adapting .
Watching the bully-in-chief constantly rant about making America great again is simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the power brokers who manipulate people with the culture war have pretty much given up on governing and embraced grievance politics as their platform , they know that abandoning their current position would rob them of their only base of support .
As a result , they are increasingly reliant on the anti-democratic means of voter suppression and gerrymandering .
In the long term , that is a losing proposition .
But the culture war won ’ t be over until they come up with a new strategy to gain power .

Writing at the Financial Times, Janen Ganesh posits that conservatives have lost the culture war.
In the round, though, “movement conservatism” is most notable for the gap between its political success and actual outcomes, at least in the realm of culture. Its organisational flair, its ecosystem of journals and think tanks, even its elected presidents have stood athwart history, yelling “stop!”, as [William] Buckley suggested. If anything, history sped up. The recent statue-felling is just the outward expression of decades of social change.
When we talk about the culture war, everyone assumes they know what we mean. But just to be clear, it is a reference to the attempt by conservatives to preserve the status quo when it comes to racism, sexism, homophobia, and religious bigotry.
The initial round of the culture war was launched when Republicans embraced the so-called “Southern Strategy” of speaking in racist dog-whistles to woo the support of southern Democrats after passage of the civil rights laws in the 1960s. Clare Malone has written an excellent piece documenting the history of how the Republican Party spent decades making itself white. Doing so meant tapping into the racist fears of their supporters.
As Katherine Stewart outlined in her book, The Power Worshippers, the next stage of what we call the culture war occurred when Paul Weyrich worked to establish a coalition between Goldwater supporters and Christian nationalists, leading to the election of Ronald Reagan. Initially, Weyrich joined with leaders like Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and Bob Jones to fight against federal attempts to desegregate their schools. But they eventually had to make adjustments.
As Weyrich understood, building a new movement around the burning issue of defending the tax advantages of racist schools wasn’t going to be a viable strategy on the national stage. “Stop the tax on segregation” just wasn’t going to inspire the kind of broad-based conservative counterrevolution that Weyrich envisioned. They needed an issue with a more acceptable appeal.
What they settled on was the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe vs. Wade, which had initially been accepted by white evangelical Christians. But eventually they were able to make anti-abortion the rallying cry of the culture war. That was soon expanded to include things like a fight to maintain (Christian) prayer in schools and efforts to deny equal rights to gay and lesbian Americans. The culture war of today includes everything from claiming there is a war on Christmas to McCarthyite efforts to uncover Muslim plots to implement so-called “sharia law” in this country.
Before we declare the end of the culture war, it is important to know this history because, as Katherine Stewart notes, it has never really been about culture.
It is not a social or cultural movement. It is a political movement, and its ultimate goal is power. It does not seek to add another voice to America’s pluralistic democracy but to replace our foundational democratic principles and institutions with a state grounded on a particular version of Christianity answering to what some adherents call a “biblical worldview” that also happens to serve the interests of its plutocratic funders and allied political leaders…This is not a “culture war.” It is a political war over the future of democracy.
Let me give you a couple of examples for how that works. Back in the early 2000s, gays and lesbians were focused on fighting for equal protections in employment. But in the 2004 election, Karl Rove saw the opportunity to inflame the culture war by working to get defense of marriage on as many ballots as possible, assuming that would help George W. Bush win reelection. Similarly, Steve Bannon’s strategy was to inflame fears about immigration and race to propel Donald Trump into office.
The shift Ganesh recognizes is that we are reaching an inflection point in this country where the wedge issues of the culture war might not be sufficient for Republicans to maintain their power. One way to explain what’s happening is to look at a theory developed by Everett Rogers called the “diffusion of innovation.” It seeks to explain how, why, and at what rate new ideas and technology spread through cultures. The process is captured by this graph, with the blue line showing the rate at which people adopt new ideas and the yellow indicating market share.
One way to think about the so-called “culture war” is that, on most of these issues, the late majority is in the process of adapting. Watching the bully-in-chief constantly rant about making America great again is simply speeding up the process.
But because the power brokers who manipulate people with the culture war have pretty much given up on governing and embraced grievance politics as their platform, they know that abandoning their current position would rob them of their only base of support. As a result, they are increasingly reliant on the anti-democratic means of voter suppression and gerrymandering. In the long term, that is a losing proposition. But the culture war won’t be over until they come up with a new strategy to gain power.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-25--How Biden Is (Mostly) Staying Home and Still Winning the Campaign

I get annoyed when the media perpetuate the idea that Joe Biden is hiding in his “ basement ” or his “ cellar ” or a “ bunker.
” He ’ s a 77-year-old man living in the midst of a global pandemic that targets the elderly and takes their lives .
What Biden is doing is spending most of his time at his rather nice suburban home .
It ’ s safer for him but also for his staff and his security detail .
But , as annoying as this narrative is , it ’ s Trump who carries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anvil .
That too , is unfair , since the right thing to do when the Secret Service asks you to head for the bomb shelter is to head for the bomb shelter .
Marc Caputo and Christopher Cadelago of Politico say that Democrats are “ warming ” to Biden ’ s “ bunker strategy.
” It would be a lot more accurate to say that Democrats have noticed that Biden is surging to a gigantic lead in both the national and the battleground polls .
It ’ s possible to find cranks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more , but when the headlines say Biden is ahead by eleven points in Wisconsin and nine in North Carolina , it ’ s hard to be a convincing critic of his strategy .
There isn ’ t much to question anyway .
He could have followed the Andrew Cuomo model and held dueling press conferences with the president , but that was a terrible idea and was rejected for obvious reasons .
Biden doesn ’ t have access to all the data and can not command the appearance of Anthony Fauci or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Zoom is never going to look as good as an appearance at the White House .
Unlike Cuomo , Biden can ’ t actually make any command decisions , so all he ’ d be doing is trolling the president .
Besides , Trump ’ s coronavirus briefings were completely self-injurious , and why would Biden want to distract attention from them ?
It ’ s an article of faith on the right and among Trump ’ s campaign strategists that Biden is past his sell-by date and will make verbal gaffes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spends more time talking to the press .
But it ’ s Trump who struggles to drink a glass of water and walk down a slight incline in leather-soled shoes .
Biden hasn ’ t suggested that we nuke a hurricane or publicly pondered why antibiotics won ’ t kill a virus .
Everything Trump does seems to backfire , and all the bad things he wants people to believe about Biden , they are increasingly believing about him .
Biden isn ’ t hiding in a bunker , but he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are okay with that .

I get annoyed when the media perpetuate the idea that Joe Biden is hiding in his “basement” or his “cellar” or a “bunker.” He’s a 77-year-old man living in the midst of a global pandemic that targets the elderly and takes their lives. What Biden is doing is spending most of his time at his rather nice suburban home. It’s safer for him but also for his staff and his security detail.
But, as annoying as this narrative is, it’s Trump who carries the #BunkerBoy hashtag around like an anvil. That too, is unfair, since the right thing to do when the Secret Service asks you to head for the bomb shelter is to head for the bomb shelter.
Marc Caputo and Christopher Cadelago of Politico say that Democrats are “warming” to Biden’s “bunker strategy.” It would be a lot more accurate to say that Democrats have noticed that Biden is surging to a gigantic lead in both the national and the battleground polls. It’s possible to find cranks who insist he should be leading by more, but when the headlines say Biden is ahead by eleven points in Wisconsin and nine in North Carolina, it’s hard to be a convincing critic of his strategy.
There isn’t much to question anyway. He could have followed the Andrew Cuomo model and held dueling press conferences with the president, but that was a terrible idea and was rejected for obvious reasons. Biden doesn’t have access to all the data and cannot command the appearance of Anthony Fauci or Deborah Birx. Conducting a press conference by Zoom is never going to look as good as an appearance at the White House. Unlike Cuomo, Biden can’t actually make any command decisions, so all he’d be doing is trolling the president. Besides, Trump’s coronavirus briefings were completely self-injurious, and why would Biden want to distract attention from them?
It’s an article of faith on the right and among Trump’s campaign strategists that Biden is past his sell-by date and will make verbal gaffes and otherwise show his age if he spends more time talking to the press. But it’s Trump who struggles to drink a glass of water and walk down a slight incline in leather-soled shoes. Biden hasn’t suggested that we nuke a hurricane or publicly pondered why antibiotics won’t kill a virus. Everything Trump does seems to backfire, and all the bad things he wants people to believe about Biden, they are increasingly believing about him.
Biden isn’t hiding in a bunker, but he’s winning this campaign. Of course Democrats are okay with that.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-25--Why Biden Should Pick Kamala Harris for VP

Joe Biden and his vice-presidential vetting team have their work cut out for them .
They bear the responsibility of choosing a running mate who can garner excitement , advance the progressive agenda , help reverse systemic racism , and appeal to independents and moderate Republicans .
The stakes are immeasurably high : It ’ s hard to fathom what four more years of Donald Trump in the White House would do to our country .
As the pandemic and the mass protests over George Floyd ’ s murder have revealed , the nation is still reeling from centuries of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fragile moment , Biden has an incredible opportunity help heal the country through the selection of his running mate .
Of course , Biden has a delicate needle to thread .
He needs someone who appeals to the black community and can seize on the momentum surrounding the anti-racism movement .
He needs to galvanize support among the liberal army of voters who supported Bernie Sanders or Elizabeth Warren .
At the same time , he can ’ t alienate the moderate voters and Never Trumpers who helped carry the 2018 blue wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman to join him on the ticket .
The good news is , he has an abundance of riches to choose from—whether Elizabeth Warren , Val Demings , Kamala Harris , Susan Rice , or Keisha Lance Bottoms .
All of them would serve with honor and distinction as the nation ’ s first female vice president .
But given the condition of the country—following the brutal killings of not only Floyd but Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor , and Rayshard Brooks—Biden would be wise to choose a qualified black woman .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ directly to the concerns of African Americans who have felt they have not been represented in the halls of power , it could help catapult Biden from his Delaware basement to the Oval Office .
There is one woman who could do this better than the rest : Kamala Harris .
( Full disclosure , I helped her presidential campaign , so my support of Harris runs deep . )
Selecting the Black California senator would not just be “ symbolic , ” as Professor Laurence Tribe suggested this week to the Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former vice president choose Warren .
“ I think African Americans above all would be the first to say they are more interested in results than cosmetics , ” said Tribe .
What Professor Tribe—and much of the media—seem to miss consistently is that Harris isn ’ t merely symbolic .
She has the receipts .
Most recently , she has used her perch as a U.S .
Senator to elevate the concerns of minorities and address them with purposeful and data-driven policy solutions .
For example : • Harris introduced with Rand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 2017 , a bipartisan bail reform bill that encourages states to reform or replace the practice of money bail .
• Harris introduced the Water Affordability Act of 2018 , legislation that would help low-income families across the country pay for rising sewer and water bills .
• Harris and Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal announced the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights Act , the first ever national legislation ensuring the rights and protections of millions of domestic workers—who are largely persons of color .
• Harris and members of the Black Maternal Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address the United States ’ urgent maternal health crisis .
The Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act of 2020 seeks to improve maternal health outcomes of Black women , as well as other high-risk populations , including female veterans , incarcerated women , and Native Americans .
• Harris and Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley proposed the Saving Our Street Act , a bill designed to benefit local institutions , like bodegas or small cafés , with fewer than ten employees , often which are minority owned .
• Last but not certainly not least , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Justice in Policing Act of 2020 to address police brutality .
Harris ’ tenure in the Senate speaks volumes to her values and priorities .
And although progressive legislation like hers has not stood a chance in Trump ’ s Washington , or with Mitch McConnell as Senate Majority Leader , Harris has proven herself as a leader who can take big ideas and swiftly turn them into legislation ripe for a Democratic majority .
By choosing Harris , Biden would signal that he shares the same concerns of Black Americans and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president .
It would also show that he wants someone by his side who can not only beat Trump , but immediately begin cleaning off the stain of his presidency .
Harris ’ lifelong career in public service—from her time as California ’ s attorney general , and her tenure in the U.S. Senate—render her fully qualified and prepared to serve as vice president .
( She ’ s certainly no less qualified than Biden ’ s former boss was at the time he became president . )
Harris ’ s race and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a good number 2 ; it ’ s her skills , values , intelligence , and experience .
But her race and gender make her even more perfect for the moment .
Still , there are plenty of other reasons to believe a Biden-Harris ticket would be successful .
Biden will have prudently chosen a VP that voters can rely on to hit the ground running .
As California ’ s chief law enforcement officer , Harris ran the second largest justice department in the country .
She has significant executive experience running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and making tough decisions .
Harris ’ s readiness appeals to the voters anxious to fix the damage of the Trump administration .
A Biden-Harris ticket also communicates that Biden is comfortable with a fighter .
Since joining the Senate in 2017 , Harris has leveraged her prosecutorial chops on the Senate Judiciary Committee to take on Brett Kavanaugh , Bill Barr , Michael Horowitz , and a host of Trump ’ s other unqualified judicial nominees .
With her razor-sharp and well-proven debate skills , Harris would eviscerate Mike Pence on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s junior , Harris would bring relative youth and energy to the ticket .
For a younger electorate that has only known Barack Obama and Donald Trump , Biden has an uphill battle in inspiring millennials .
Choosing someone significantly younger can help reassure voters who are concerned about Biden ’ s advanced age and want a vice president able to lead in case of an emergency .
Like everyone else on the VP shortlist , Harris doesn ’ t come without some baggage .
Most notably , the progressive coalition has taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , claiming she was too aggressive in pursuing drug charges and long sentencing .
Recently , however , even some of her most vocal progressive detractors , such as Lara Bazelon and Shaun King , have conceded she would serve Biden well as his vice president .
That ’ s because she ’ s worked deliberately in the Senate and on the campaign trail to tackle criminal justice reform .
In fact , Harris knows the criminal justice system ’ s flaws intimately and has made that abundantly clear in her media appearances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began .
If anything , the last few months have solidified that Harris is a smart and shrewd politician who knows how to seize the moment , connect with voters , and advance an agenda .
Of course , we can ’ t ignore the fact that Biden choosing a woman of color as his running mate would mark enormous progress for the country .
With Harris , we have someone who can not only fill that role , but serve as a damn good vice president .
Harris would also bring another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She would reflect the diversity of America .
She attended and graduated from Howard University , a historically black university , and the University of California , Hastings College of Law in San Francisco .
She ’ s the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father .
She talks frequently and lovingly about her own single working-class mother—and the lessons she provided her .
Harris wedded later in life into a biracial marriage with a Jewish entertainment lawyer named Douglas Emhoff .
To even the casual observer , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , genuine relationship .
And though she doesn ’ t have her own children , she ’ s a devoted stepmother to Emhoff ’ s children .
Notably , there ’ s not a whiff of elitism to Harris , despite her professional accomplishments .
She shows ordinary Americans that she is one of us .
That ’ s not nothing : Her warm demeanor can resonate with voters .
She has a knack for using social media to connect with them on a more personal level .
She loves cooking and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a proper tuna melt on Instagram live .
In short , she has a unique ability to draw from her no-nonsense prosecutorial background at noon , while welcoming us into her kitchen at night .
Simply put , Harris is uniquely suited to help Biden by leveraging that warmth , relatability , and diversity of experience to win a coalition of the Black , Latinx , and AAPI vote .
Not to mention , she can help Biden bring in the college-educated white women Hillary Clinton failed to sway .
As we all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s also the most important of any of our lifetimes .
Biden has a slew of great choices in a female running mate .
But as the last several weeks of our national crisis have crystalized , America needs him to pick the best possible option .
Kamala Harris will send an unequivocal message to voters that justice and the integrity of our nation are on the ballot this November .
Perhaps most importantly , Biden can prove with Kamala by his side that he is ready to govern in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this country starts treating black lives like they really do matter .

Joe Biden and his vice-presidential vetting team have their work cut out for them. They bear the responsibility of choosing a running mate who can garner excitement, advance the progressive agenda, help reverse systemic racism, and appeal to independents and moderate Republicans. The stakes are immeasurably high: It’s hard to fathom what four more years of Donald Trump in the White House would do to our country.
As the pandemic and the mass protests over George Floyd’s murder have revealed, the nation is still reeling from centuries of racial injustice and inequities. In this fragile moment, Biden has an incredible opportunity help heal the country through the selection of his running mate.
Of course, Biden has a delicate needle to thread. He needs someone who appeals to the black community and can seize on the momentum surrounding the anti-racism movement. He needs to galvanize support among the liberal army of voters who supported Bernie Sanders or Elizabeth Warren. At the same time, he can’t alienate the moderate voters and Never Trumpers who helped carry the 2018 blue wave.
Biden has already committed to picking a woman to join him on the ticket. The good news is, he has an abundance of riches to choose from—whether Elizabeth Warren, Val Demings, Kamala Harris, Susan Rice, or Keisha Lance Bottoms. All of them would serve with honor and distinction as the nation’s first female vice president.
But given the condition of the country—following the brutal killings of not only Floyd but Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and Rayshard Brooks—Biden would be wise to choose a qualified black woman. Such a pick would not only speak directly to the concerns of African Americans who have felt they have not been represented in the halls of power, it could help catapult Biden from his Delaware basement to the Oval Office.
There is one woman who could do this better than the rest: Kamala Harris. (Full disclosure, I helped her presidential campaign, so my support of Harris runs deep.)
Selecting the Black California senator would not just be “symbolic,” as Professor Laurence Tribe suggested this week to the Washington Post after signing a letter recommending the former vice president choose Warren. “I think African Americans above all would be the first to say they are more interested in results than cosmetics,” said Tribe.
What Professor Tribe—and much of the media—seem to miss consistently is that Harris isn’t merely symbolic. She has the receipts. Most recently, she has used her perch as a U.S. Senator to elevate the concerns of minorities and address them with purposeful and data-driven policy solutions. For example:
Harris introduced with Rand Paul The Pretrial Integrity and Safety Act of 2017 , a bipartisan bail reform bill that encourages states to reform or replace the practice of money bail.
a bipartisan bail reform bill that encourages states to reform or replace the practice of money bail. Harris introduced the Water Affordability Act of 2018, legislation that would help low-income families across the country pay for rising sewer and water bills.
Harris and Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal announced the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights Act, the first ever national legislation ensuring the rights and protections of millions of domestic workers—who are largely persons of color.
Harris and members of the Black Maternal Health Caucus introduced a historic legislative package to address the United States’ urgent maternal health crisis. The Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act of 2020 seeks to improve maternal health outcomes of Black women, as well as other high-risk populations, including female veterans, incarcerated women, and Native Americans.
Harris and Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley proposed the Saving Our Street Act, a bill designed to benefit local institutions, like bodegas or small cafés, with fewer than ten employees, often which are minority owned.
Last but not certainly not least, Harris joined top Congressional Democrats in unveiling the Justice in Policing Act of 2020 to address police brutality.
Harris’ tenure in the Senate speaks volumes to her values and priorities. And although progressive legislation like hers has not stood a chance in Trump’s Washington, or with Mitch McConnell as Senate Majority Leader, Harris has proven herself as a leader who can take big ideas and swiftly turn them into legislation ripe for a Democratic majority.
By choosing Harris, Biden would signal that he shares the same concerns of Black Americans and would be committed to advancing equality as president. It would also show that he wants someone by his side who can not only beat Trump, but immediately begin cleaning off the stain of his presidency.
Harris’ lifelong career in public service—from her time as California’s attorney general, and her tenure in the U.S. Senate—render her fully qualified and prepared to serve as vice president. (She’s certainly no less qualified than Biden’s former boss was at the time he became president.) Harris’s race and gender are not what would make her a good number 2; it’s her skills, values, intelligence, and experience. But her race and gender make her even more perfect for the moment.
Still, there are plenty of other reasons to believe a Biden-Harris ticket would be successful.
Biden will have prudently chosen a VP that voters can rely on to hit the ground running. As California’s chief law enforcement officer, Harris ran the second largest justice department in the country. She has significant executive experience running an agency, managing a budget, and making tough decisions. Harris’s readiness appeals to the voters anxious to fix the damage of the Trump administration.
A Biden-Harris ticket also communicates that Biden is comfortable with a fighter. Since joining the Senate in 2017, Harris has leveraged her prosecutorial chops on the Senate Judiciary Committee to take on Brett Kavanaugh, Bill Barr, Michael Horowitz, and a host of Trump’s other unqualified judicial nominees. With her razor-sharp and well-proven debate skills, Harris would eviscerate Mike Pence on the debate stage.
Twenty years Biden’s junior, Harris would bring relative youth and energy to the ticket. For a younger electorate that has only known Barack Obama and Donald Trump, Biden has an uphill battle in inspiring millennials. Choosing someone significantly younger can help reassure voters who are concerned about Biden’s advanced age and want a vice president able to lead in case of an emergency.
Like everyone else on the VP shortlist, Harris doesn’t come without some baggage. Most notably, the progressive coalition has taken issue with her prosecutorial record in California, claiming she was too aggressive in pursuing drug charges and long sentencing.
Recently, however, even some of her most vocal progressive detractors, such as Lara Bazelon and Shaun King, have conceded she would serve Biden well as his vice president. That’s because she’s worked deliberately in the Senate and on the campaign trail to tackle criminal justice reform. In fact, Harris knows the criminal justice system’s flaws intimately and has made that abundantly clear in her media appearances since the national Black Lives Matter protests began. If anything, the last few months have solidified that Harris is a smart and shrewd politician who knows how to seize the moment, connect with voters, and advance an agenda.
Of course, we can’t ignore the fact that Biden choosing a woman of color as his running mate would mark enormous progress for the country. With Harris, we have someone who can not only fill that role, but serve as a damn good vice president.
Harris would also bring another essential feature to the Biden ticket: She would reflect the diversity of America. She attended and graduated from Howard University, a historically black university, and the University of California, Hastings College of Law in San Francisco. She’s the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father. She talks frequently and lovingly about her own single working-class mother—and the lessons she provided her.
Harris wedded later in life into a biracial marriage with a Jewish entertainment lawyer named Douglas Emhoff. To even the casual observer, it’s clear Harris and Emhoff have a warm, genuine relationship. And though she doesn’t have her own children, she’s a devoted stepmother to Emhoff’s children.
Notably, there’s not a whiff of elitism to Harris, despite her professional accomplishments. She shows ordinary Americans that she is one of us. That’s not nothing: Her warm demeanor can resonate with voters. She has a knack for using social media to connect with them on a more personal level. She loves cooking and even taught Senator Mark Warner how to make a proper tuna melt on Instagram live. In short, she has a unique ability to draw from her no-nonsense prosecutorial background at noon, while welcoming us into her kitchen at night.
Simply put, Harris is uniquely suited to help Biden by leveraging that warmth, relatability, and diversity of experience to win a coalition of the Black, Latinx, and AAPI vote. Not to mention, she can help Biden bring in the college-educated white women Hillary Clinton failed to sway.
As we all know, this is a bizarre election. It’s also the most important of any of our lifetimes. Biden has a slew of great choices in a female running mate. But as the last several weeks of our national crisis have crystalized, America needs him to pick the best possible option.
Kamala Harris will send an unequivocal message to voters that justice and the integrity of our nation are on the ballot this November. Perhaps most importantly, Biden can prove with Kamala by his side that he is ready to govern in a post-Trump era—and committed to making sure this country starts treating black lives like they really do matter.


washingtonmonthly--2020-06-26--Republicans Are Delusional to Hope That Trump Will Change

Trump is now clearly an underdog heading into the November election .
Multiple national polls , including the most recent ones from CNN , CNBC , Fox News , and the New York Times , give Biden a double digit lead over the president .
For those who would say that what really matters is state results , the NYT poll found that Biden has built a nine point advantage across six battleground states .
There is also this to consider .
As Trump goes , so goes Republican hopes for maintaining a majority in the Senate .
Senate Majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican to admit what ’ s happening .
“ Right now , obviously , Trump has a problem with the middle of the electorate , with independents , and they ’ re the people who are undecided in national elections , ” Thune , R-S.D.
, told reporters in the Capitol .
“ I think he can win those back , but it ’ ll probably require not only a message that deals with substance and policy but , I think , a message that conveys , perhaps , a different tone.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a wake-up call for the Trump campaign , Thune said , “ It ’ s a message that there needs to be a — certainly a change in probably strategy as far as the White House ’ s messaging is concerned.
” Thune said Trump could boost Republican Senate candidates if he could “ perform better in terms of his own standing with the voters.
” He said the president is “ in a bit of a low point right now , but as we all know in politics , in a short @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I have always maintained that polls tell us what would happen if the election were to be held today , which is why I agree with Thune—a lot can change over the next four months .
But the senator suggested that Trump needs to change , which frankly , sounds a bit delusional .
Anyone who has been paying attention for the last four years knows that while Trump is occasionally able to give a scripted speech , the reason he craves his campaign rallies is because the adoring fans feed his narcissistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helpings of red meat .
The president has already demonstrated that he is unwilling to give that up—even when lives are on the line during a pandemic .
Senator Thune is one of the Republicans who enabled Trump by voting against his removal from office after this prescient warning from Representative Adam Schiff .
Let ’ s be very clear : Donald Trump is incapable of changing .
If anything is going to alter what the polls are telling us about the outcome of the November election , it will have to come @ @ @ @

Trump is now clearly an underdog heading into the November election. Multiple national polls, including the most recent ones from CNN, CNBC, Fox News, and the New York Times, give Biden a double digit lead over the president. For those who would say that what really matters is state results, the NYT poll found that Biden has built a nine point advantage across six battleground states. There is also this to consider.
As Trump goes, so goes Republican hopes for maintaining a majority in the Senate.
President Trump’s erratic performance in office and his deteriorating standing in the polls is posing a grave threat to his party’s Senate majority, imperiling incumbents in crucial swing states and undermining Republican prospects in one of the few states they had hoped to gain a seat, according to a new poll of registered voters by The New York Times and Siena College.
Senate Majority Whip John Thune is perhaps the first Republican to admit what’s happening.
“Right now, obviously, Trump has a problem with the middle of the electorate, with independents, and they’re the people who are undecided in national elections,” Thune, R-S.D., told reporters in the Capitol. “I think he can win those back, but it’ll probably require not only a message that deals with substance and policy but, I think, a message that conveys, perhaps, a different tone.”.. Asked whether the latest numbers were a wake-up call for the Trump campaign, Thune said, “It’s a message that there needs to be a — certainly a change in probably strategy as far as the White House’s messaging is concerned.” Thune said Trump could boost Republican Senate candidates if he could “perform better in terms of his own standing with the voters.” He said the president is “in a bit of a low point right now, but as we all know in politics, in a short amount of time things can change.”
I have always maintained that polls tell us what would happen if the election were to be held today, which is why I agree with Thune—a lot can change over the next four months. But the senator suggested that Trump needs to change, which frankly, sounds a bit delusional.
Anyone who has been paying attention for the last four years knows that while Trump is occasionally able to give a scripted speech, the reason he craves his campaign rallies is because the adoring fans feed his narcissistic ego when he provides them with huge helpings of red meat. The president has already demonstrated that he is unwilling to give that up—even when lives are on the line during a pandemic.
Senator Thune is one of the Republicans who enabled Trump by voting against his removal from office after this prescient warning from Representative Adam Schiff.
Let’s be very clear: Donald Trump is incapable of changing. If anything is going to alter what the polls are telling us about the outcome of the November election, it will have to come from somewhere else.