shareblue--2020-11-27--GOP lawmakers around the country are refusing to follow rules about masks

Many Republican lawmakers in states where coronavirus cases and hospitalizations have surged are not only rejecting statewide mask mandates .
They 're also resisting rules requiring them in their own capitols .
Efforts to require lawmakers and staff to wear masks have received a cool reception even in statehouses that have seen outbreaks of the virus or where Republican governors have issued statewide mandates .
It 's echoing a partisan divide nationwide over a simple step that health experts say is proven to help keep others safe .
`` We 're supposed to be modeling for our constituents and for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Arkansas state Sen. Stephanie Flowers , a Democrat in the majority-Republican Legislature who proposed a rule requiring senators to wear a mask or risk losing their per diem payments .
`` You 've got the governor asking everyone to wear a mask and socially distance .
It 's not like I 'm asking for something nobody has heard of . ''
Many legislatures are still planning and drafting rules for their 2021 legislative sessions , while four chambers approved rules requiring masks for sessions this year , according to the National Conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationwide have tested positive for the virus and four have died from COVID-19 since the pandemic began , according to figures compiled by the Associated Press .
After at least four dozen Mississippi lawmakers tested positive in the largest outbreak in a legislature , masks were encouraged but not required for lawmakers .
Missouri 's Legislature postponed a special session focused on virus relief after a COVID-19 outbreak among lawmakers , and a Tennessee lawmaker said she wo n't be able to spend Thanksgiving with her mother after attending a hearing where legislators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warn the public is taking their cue from elected officials at a time those officials are trying to restrict or discourage indoor gatherings that are fueling a rapid rise in cases .
`` We know it works , but if political leaders do n't stand behind their public health officials and say we need to do this , a significant portion of the public may not follow , '' said Dr. Jeffrey Levi , professor of health policy at George Washington University .
Legislatures have taken steps to try to limit the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others meeting in larger venues to allow more spacing .
Arkansas ' House , for example , met in a basketball arena for two sessions last spring but will return to the Capitol next year .
Twelve Arkansas lawmakers have tested positive for the virus over the past month , the second-largest known outbreak in a state legislature .
The latest outbreak began after lawmakers convened at the Capitol for budget hearings last month .
The budget panel had adopted a mask rule that did n't require lawmakers to wear them when speaking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if they were at least six feet away from other people .
Flowers has diabetes , which puts her at a higher risk of complications from the virus .
She pulled down her proposal for a stricter rule in the Senate to make changes based on concerns raised about the measure and plans to bring a reworked version back when lawmakers convene in January .
House Speaker Matthew Shepherd said he expected that chamber to take up a version similar to the Joint Budget Committee 's rule .
Republican Sen. Trent Garner called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ draconian '' and said the Legislature should be held to the same standard as the statewide mask mandate GOP Gov .
Asa Hutchinson signed earlier this year .
`` We do n't need to create a 'tell on each other ' rule when it comes to public safety , '' Garner said .
Tennessee Democratic state Rep. Gloria Johnson tweeted last week she would no longer have Thanksgiving dinner with her mother after attending a legislative meeting with Republican members who were n't wearing masks .
`` We are n't having a big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ due to COVID , but I was going to eat with her at a distance , '' Johnson wrote , adding that being around her legislative colleague for two days will now mean she 'll `` leave her food on the steps . ''
House and Senate leaders in Oklahoma announced plans to impose a mask mandate for employees who work inside the Capitol after two lawmakers tested positive this month .
But legislative leaders acknowledged that individual legislators could n't be forced to wear masks .
An outbreak among Missouri state senators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal coronavirus aid has n't spurred a requirement for lawmakers there to wear masks either .
Republican senators were photographed not wearing masks during a caucus retreat with GOP Gov .
Mike Parsons .
`` Senators have been encouraged to wear masks and many have done so as they move around through public spaces , '' Senate President Pro Tem Dave Schatz said .
`` It is , however , ultimately up to each individual to make that decision . ''
The fight among lawmakers in some states goes beyond mask rules to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their capitols .
In Minnesota last week , Democrats in the state Senate demanded that the chamber 's majority leader resign from his leadership post after he and other Senate Republicans failed to notify their Democratic colleagues and others of a potential COVID-19 outbreak among the GOP ranks .
Pennsylvania 's House has had a mask rule for its members in place since June , but a couple dozen of the chamber 's most conservative Republicans have routinely ignored the mandate , and their party 's leaders have not enforced it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ had filed a complaint with the state Health Department for unsafe working conditions over the issue .
House Republicans in Ohio have also rejected efforts to require that lawmakers wear masks at the Statehouse , and a statewide mask mandate issued by GOP Gov .
Mike DeWine has n't been enforced on them either .
The debate in state capitols is mirroring that among lawmakers in Washington .
Masks are required in the U.S. House , but not in the U.S. Senate .
Senators of both parties regularly take off their masks to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practice that 's received some pushback from Democrats .
Sen. Sherrod Brown , an Ohio Democrat , interrupted a floor speech last week to ask Sen. Dan Sullivan , an Alaska Republican , to put on his mask as he presided over the Senate , noting that he could be exposing staff nearby .
`` I do n't wear a mask when I am speaking , like most senators , '' Sullivan responded , snapping that he would put the mask on but that `` I do n't need your instruction . ''

Many Republican lawmakers in states where coronavirus cases and hospitalizations have surged are not only rejecting statewide mask mandates. They’re also resisting rules requiring them in their own capitols.
Efforts to require lawmakers and staff to wear masks have received a cool reception even in statehouses that have seen outbreaks of the virus or where Republican governors have issued statewide mandates. It’s echoing a partisan divide nationwide over a simple step that health experts say is proven to help keep others safe.
“We’re supposed to be modeling for our constituents and for our residents in our state,” said Arkansas state Sen. Stephanie Flowers, a Democrat in the majority-Republican Legislature who proposed a rule requiring senators to wear a mask or risk losing their per diem payments. “You’ve got the governor asking everyone to wear a mask and socially distance. It’s not like I’m asking for something nobody has heard of.”
Many legislatures are still planning and drafting rules for their 2021 legislative sessions, while four chambers approved rules requiring masks for sessions this year, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.
Nearly 200 legislators nationwide have tested positive for the virus and four have died from COVID-19 since the pandemic began, according to figures compiled by the Associated Press. After at least four dozen Mississippi lawmakers tested positive in the largest outbreak in a legislature, masks were encouraged but not required for lawmakers.
Missouri’s Legislature postponed a special session focused on virus relief after a COVID-19 outbreak among lawmakers, and a Tennessee lawmaker said she won’t be able to spend Thanksgiving with her mother after attending a hearing where legislators weren’t wearing masks.
Health experts warn the public is taking their cue from elected officials at a time those officials are trying to restrict or discourage indoor gatherings that are fueling a rapid rise in cases.
“We know it works, but if political leaders don’t stand behind their public health officials and say we need to do this, a significant portion of the public may not follow,” said Dr. Jeffrey Levi, professor of health policy at George Washington University.
Legislatures have taken steps to try to limit the virus, with some allowing remote voting and others meeting in larger venues to allow more spacing. Arkansas’ House, for example, met in a basketball arena for two sessions last spring but will return to the Capitol next year.
Twelve Arkansas lawmakers have tested positive for the virus over the past month, the second-largest known outbreak in a state legislature.
The latest outbreak began after lawmakers convened at the Capitol for budget hearings last month. The budget panel had adopted a mask rule that didn’t require lawmakers to wear them when speaking into a microphone, drinking, or if they were at least six feet away from other people.
Flowers has diabetes, which puts her at a higher risk of complications from the virus. She pulled down her proposal for a stricter rule in the Senate to make changes based on concerns raised about the measure and plans to bring a reworked version back when lawmakers convene in January. House Speaker Matthew Shepherd said he expected that chamber to take up a version similar to the Joint Budget Committee’s rule.
Republican Sen. Trent Garner called Flowers’ proposal and its penalties “draconian” and said the Legislature should be held to the same standard as the statewide mask mandate GOP Gov. Asa Hutchinson signed earlier this year.
“We don’t need to create a ‘tell on each other’ rule when it comes to public safety,” Garner said.
Tennessee Democratic state Rep. Gloria Johnson tweeted last week she would no longer have Thanksgiving dinner with her mother after attending a legislative meeting with Republican members who weren’t wearing masks.
“We aren’t having a big family Thanksgiving dinner (with) mom due to COVID, but I was going to eat with her at a distance,” Johnson wrote, adding that being around her legislative colleague for two days will now mean she’ll “leave her food on the steps.”
House and Senate leaders in Oklahoma announced plans to impose a mask mandate for employees who work inside the Capitol after two lawmakers tested positive this month. But legislative leaders acknowledged that individual legislators couldn’t be forced to wear masks.
An outbreak among Missouri state senators that postponed a special session focused on federal coronavirus aid hasn’t spurred a requirement for lawmakers there to wear masks either. Republican senators were photographed not wearing masks during a caucus retreat with GOP Gov. Mike Parsons.
“Senators have been encouraged to wear masks and many have done so as they move around through public spaces,” Senate President Pro Tem Dave Schatz said. “It is, however, ultimately up to each individual to make that decision.”
The fight among lawmakers in some states goes beyond mask rules to whether information is being withheld about outbreaks in their capitols. In Minnesota last week, Democrats in the state Senate demanded that the chamber’s majority leader resign from his leadership post after he and other Senate Republicans failed to notify their Democratic colleagues and others of a potential COVID-19 outbreak among the GOP ranks.
Pennsylvania’s House has had a mask rule for its members in place since June, but a couple dozen of the chamber’s most conservative Republicans have routinely ignored the mandate, and their party’s leaders have not enforced it. A Democratic lawmaker last week tweeted she had filed a complaint with the state Health Department for unsafe working conditions over the issue.
House Republicans in Ohio have also rejected efforts to require that lawmakers wear masks at the Statehouse, and a statewide mask mandate issued by GOP Gov. Mike DeWine hasn’t been enforced on them either.
The debate in state capitols is mirroring that among lawmakers in Washington. Masks are required in the U.S. House, but not in the U.S. Senate. Senators of both parties regularly take off their masks to speak on the Senate floor, a practice that’s received some pushback from Democrats.
Sen. Sherrod Brown, an Ohio Democrat, interrupted a floor speech last week to ask Sen. Dan Sullivan, an Alaska Republican, to put on his mask as he presided over the Senate, noting that he could be exposing staff nearby.
“I don’t wear a mask when I am speaking, like most senators,” Sullivan responded, snapping that he would put the mask on but that “I don’t need your instruction.”


shareblue--2020-11-27--Trump campaign's last-ditch 'outreach' to LGBTQ voters failed spectacularly

New post-election polling shows that the so-called LGBTQ voter outreach effort of Donald Trump 's 2020 presidential campaign , called `` Trump Pride , '' failed hard with its intended audience .
The survey results , released by the GLAAD , an organization that monitors the media for discrimination in coverage , show that 81 % of all LGBTQ voters chose Joe Biden for president compared to 14 % who voted for Donald Trump .
Among first-time LGBTQ voters , the percentage was even higher , with 86 % of their votes going to Biden versus 10 % for Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on LGBTQ equality are worlds apart .
Trump has spent the past four years attacking LGBTQ equality in the courts and throughout federal agencies and opposing pro-equality bills .
Biden has promised to prioritize the Equality Act , a federal bill prohibiting anti-LGBTQ discrimination , in his first 100 days in office and has said he would immediately work to reverse anti-LGBTQ Trump administration rules .
The Trump campaign officially announced its LGBTQ outreach program in August .
Trump Pride events were held in battleground states including Florida , Arizona , and Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no mention of LGBTQ people , and the events themselves usually lacked substance on issues of importance to the LGBTQ community , particularly on those of importance to transgender people .
The events featured speakers who defined support for the LGBTQ community as having personal friendships with individual LGBTQ people .
At one such event in October in Tampa , Trump 's daughter Tiffany said , : `` I have friends of mine who reach and say , 'How can they make up stories ?
How would you support your father ?
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' '' The younger Trump did not explain how her father has politically supported LGBTQ people and stuck to platitudes about love and unity .
`` There should be love for all .
One love .
Openly love .
Come on , we 're all people .
We 're all humans , right ? ''
she said .
A few weeks before the election , Trump 's son Eric responded to a question from Fox News host Ainsley Earhart about a type of hidden Trump voter , specifically an unidentified and avid lesbian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the New York Times in September by Bret Stephens .
`` I 'm telling you , I see it every day , the LGBT community , they are incredible and you should see how they 've come out in full force for my father every single day , '' Trump said .
Stephens ' column made no mention of Trump 's record on LGBTQ rights or his subject 's feelings about it .
Richard Grenell , Trump 's former acting director of national intelligence , who was the lynchpin of the campaign 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's friendships with gay men as evidence of his LGBTQ allyship .
At a Trump Pride event in Minneapolis , he gave as an example Trump 's friendship with Roy Cohn , the ruthless lawyer who worked with Sen. Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s in his hunt for supposed communists in the U.S. government and acted as an adviser to Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan .
Cohn was disbarred in 1986 for dishonesty and fraud .
But according to a source who spoke with Vanity Fair , Trump dropped Cohn as he got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ publicly was liver cancer .
Cohn died in 1986 of AIDS-related health issues .
LGBTQ advocacy groups have questioned whether the Trump campaign 's LGBTQ outreach efforts were sincere or designed to appeal to conservatives who were supportive of LGBTQ rights but otherwise supported Trump .
Regardless of the intention behind the Trump Pride events , LGBTQ voters as a group appear to have been motivated to go to the polls because they cared about substantive policy issues on which Trump 's track record is very poor .
According to the GLAAD poll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , health care , racial justice , and LGBTQ equality were `` the most important issues as they decided to vote . ''
Lucas Acosta , national press secretary for campaigns for the Human Rights Campaign , said in response to the polling , `` We always knew Trump 's last-ditch effort to target LGBTQ voters was doomed from the start because we know the atrocities he 's committed against our community .
For the last four years , Trump and his allies have dehumanized and demeaned LGBTQ people at every opportunity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ change that reality . ''
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

New post-election polling shows that the so-called LGBTQ voter outreach effort of Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential campaign, called “Trump Pride,” failed hard with its intended audience.
The survey results, released by the GLAAD, an organization that monitors the media for discrimination in coverage, show that 81% of all LGBTQ voters chose Joe Biden for president compared to 14% who voted for Donald Trump. Among first-time LGBTQ voters, the percentage was even higher, with 86% of their votes going to Biden versus 10% for Trump.
Trump’s and Biden’s records on LGBTQ equality are worlds apart.
Trump has spent the past four years attacking LGBTQ equality in the courts and throughout federal agencies and opposing pro-equality bills.
Biden has promised to prioritize the Equality Act, a federal bill prohibiting anti-LGBTQ discrimination, in his first 100 days in office and has said he would immediately work to reverse anti-LGBTQ Trump administration rules.
The Trump campaign officially announced its LGBTQ outreach program in August. Trump Pride events were held in battleground states including Florida, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. Trump Pride event announcements often made no mention of LGBTQ people, and the events themselves usually lacked substance on issues of importance to the LGBTQ community, particularly on those of importance to transgender people.
The events featured speakers who defined support for the LGBTQ community as having personal friendships with individual LGBTQ people.
At one such event in October in Tampa, Trump’s daughter Tiffany said,: “I have friends of mine who reach and say, ‘How can they make up stories? How would you support your father? We know your best friends are gay.'”
The younger Trump did not explain how her father has politically supported LGBTQ people and stuck to platitudes about love and unity.
“There should be love for all. One love. Openly love. Come on, we’re all people. We’re all humans, right?” she said.
A few weeks before the election, Trump’s son Eric responded to a question from Fox News host Ainsley Earhart about a type of hidden Trump voter, specifically an unidentified and avid lesbian Trump supporter described in a column in the New York Times in September by Bret Stephens.
“I’m telling you, I see it every day, the LGBT community, they are incredible and you should see how they’ve come out in full force for my father every single day,” Trump said.
Stephens’ column made no mention of Trump’s record on LGBTQ rights or his subject’s feelings about it.
Richard Grenell, Trump’s former acting director of national intelligence, who was the lynchpin of the campaign’s LGBTQ outreach efforts, boasted of Trump’s friendships with gay men as evidence of his LGBTQ allyship. At a Trump Pride event in Minneapolis, he gave as an example Trump’s friendship with Roy Cohn, the ruthless lawyer who worked with Sen. Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s in his hunt for supposed communists in the U.S. government and acted as an adviser to Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. Cohn was disbarred in 1986 for dishonesty and fraud.
But according to a source who spoke with Vanity Fair, Trump dropped Cohn as he got progressively more ill with what he insisted publicly was liver cancer. Cohn died in 1986 of AIDS-related health issues.
LGBTQ advocacy groups have questioned whether the Trump campaign’s LGBTQ outreach efforts were sincere or designed to appeal to conservatives who were supportive of LGBTQ rights but otherwise supported Trump.
Regardless of the intention behind the Trump Pride events, LGBTQ voters as a group appear to have been motivated to go to the polls because they cared about substantive policy issues on which Trump’s track record is very poor. According to the GLAAD poll, LGBTQ voters said the COVID-19 response, health care, racial justice, and LGBTQ equality were “the most important issues as they decided to vote.”
Lucas Acosta, national press secretary for campaigns for the Human Rights Campaign, said in response to the polling, “We always knew Trump’s last-ditch effort to target LGBTQ voters was doomed from the start because we know the atrocities he’s committed against our community. For the last four years, Trump and his allies have dehumanized and demeaned LGBTQ people at every opportunity. Their October epiphany was never going to change that reality.”
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.


shareblue--2020-11-28--Incoming congresswoman who loves QAnon wants to carry her handgun in the Capitol

A firearms-toting congresswoman-elect who owns a gun-themed restaurant in Rifle , Colorado , has already asked Capitol Police about carrying her weapon on Capitol grounds , her office has acknowledged .
If she does so , she apparently wo n't be alone .
The practice is allowed for lawmakers , with some limitations , under decades-old congressional regulations .
The public is barred from carrying weapons in the Capitol , its grounds and office buildings .
Republican Lauren Boebert , 33 , was elected this month from a conservative western Colorado district after gaining notice as a brash pro-gun activist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hip .
In an upset last June , she defeated five-term Rep. Scott Tipton for the GOP nomination , in part by claiming he was n't an ardent enough backer of Donald Trump .
Boebert asked Capitol Police officials about carrying her weapon when she and other House freshmen taking office in January were in town recently for orientation programs , according to two congressional officials .
Both people — a Democrat and a Republican — spoke on condition of anonymity to describe her request .
Aides to Boebert , whom Trump endorsed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` never bow down to the establishment in Congress , '' did not make her available for an interview .
`` This was a private discussion and inquiry about what the rules are , and as a result the Congresswoman-Elect wo n't be going on the record , '' Boebert aide Laura Carno said in an email last week .
The inquiries by Boebert , who runs Shooters Grill , come as guns remain a passionate issue for both parties , fueled by images of demonstrations by armed Trump supporters , conservative pushes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent years ' mass shootings .
Even so , prospects for significantly changing federal gun laws seem scant as a new , narrowly divided Congress takes office in January alongside President-elect Joe Biden .
Capitol Police spokeswoman Eva Malecki did not respond to a reporter 's questions about the department 's communications with Boebert and the number of lawmakers who carry firearms .
The agency 's officials did not answer directly when Democrats on the House Committee on Administration asked in 2018 how many lawmakers carry firearms in the Capitol .
The officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 've `` been made aware '' of inquiries about carrying weapons .
`` There is no standing requirement '' that lawmakers notify them when they carry a firearm in the Capitol , the officials wrote .
Regulations require safe storage of weapons , but `` that responsibility resides with the Member , '' they said .
A 1967 regulation says no federal or District of Columbia laws restricting firearms `` shall prohibit any Member of Congress from maintaining firearms within the confines of his office '' or `` from transporting within Capitol grounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lawmakers may not bring weapons into the House chamber and other nearby areas , the regulations say , according to a letter Rep. Jared Huffman ( D-CA ) wrote in 2018 .
Aides can carry lawmakers ' weapons for them on the Capitol complex , he wrote .
In his letter to House Sergeant at Arms Paul Irving , Huffman summarized the regulations after being briefed on them by Irving .
An opponent of letting members of Congress carry guns on Capitol grounds , Huffman abandoned a 2018 effort to halt the practice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said in an interview that he would n't try again this year due to continued resistance .
Huffman said the loophole for lawmakers , adopted after a summer of racial unrest in American cities , is outdated and risky .
He said members and their staffs carry firearms around the Capitol `` all the time , '' though he mentioned no names .
He said lawmakers keep guns in their publicly accessible offices , though building entry has been limited due to COVID-19 .
`` Members could have a loaded AK-47 sitting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything about it , '' Huffman said .
He also said , with lawmakers exempted from passing through screening devices throughout the Capitol campus , `` no one checks '' to make sure they 're not bringing guns onto the House floor .
Rep. Thomas Massie ( R-KY ) , chairman of the House Second Amendment Caucus , justified letting lawmakers carry weapons .
He cited the 2017 shooting spree when a gunman wounded Rep. Steve Scalise ( R-LA ) and four other people as they practiced baseball in nearby Alexandria , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave the Capitol property , you are a target , '' Massie said .
Also supporting Boebert is Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene ( R-GA ) , like Boebert a hard-right conservative with a penchant for attracting publicity .
Greene , like Boebert , has expressed support for QAnon conspiracy theories , though both have tried distancing themselves from the unfounded beliefs .
`` Not only do I support members of Congress carrying a firearm , I believe every American has that right . ''
Greene said in a statement .
`` I will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ free zones . ''
Police periodically arrest people caught trying to bring firearms into the Capitol and its buildings .
In 1999 , Corey Lewandowski — then a congressional aide and later a manager of Trump 's 2016 presidential campaign — was arrested when what court records called a loaded pistol was found in a laundry bag he was bringing into a House office building .
Misdemeanor charges were dismissed .
The Capitol Police protect the complex with over 2,300 officers and civilian employees , according to its website .
Its officers routinely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Capitol .
The regulations letting lawmakers carry guns was written by the Capitol Police Board , which consists of four of Congress ' top law enforcement and administrative officials .

A firearms-toting congresswoman-elect who owns a gun-themed restaurant in Rifle, Colorado, has already asked Capitol Police about carrying her weapon on Capitol grounds, her office has acknowledged. If she does so, she apparently won’t be alone.
The practice is allowed for lawmakers, with some limitations, under decades-old congressional regulations. The public is barred from carrying weapons in the Capitol, its grounds and office buildings.
Republican Lauren Boebert, 33, was elected this month from a conservative western Colorado district after gaining notice as a brash pro-gun activist who straps a Glock pistol to her hip. In an upset last June, she defeated five-term Rep. Scott Tipton for the GOP nomination, in part by claiming he wasn’t an ardent enough backer of Donald Trump.
Boebert asked Capitol Police officials about carrying her weapon when she and other House freshmen taking office in January were in town recently for orientation programs, according to two congressional officials. Both people — a Democrat and a Republican — spoke on condition of anonymity to describe her request.
Aides to Boebert, whom Trump endorsed as “a fighter” who will “never bow down to the establishment in Congress,” did not make her available for an interview.
“This was a private discussion and inquiry about what the rules are, and as a result the Congresswoman-Elect won’t be going on the record,” Boebert aide Laura Carno said in an email last week.
The inquiries by Boebert, who runs Shooters Grill, come as guns remain a passionate issue for both parties, fueled by images of demonstrations by armed Trump supporters, conservative pushes to ease state gun restrictions, and recent years’ mass shootings.
Even so, prospects for significantly changing federal gun laws seem scant as a new, narrowly divided Congress takes office in January alongside President-elect Joe Biden.
Capitol Police spokeswoman Eva Malecki did not respond to a reporter’s questions about the department’s communications with Boebert and the number of lawmakers who carry firearms.
The agency’s officials did not answer directly when Democrats on the House Committee on Administration asked in 2018 how many lawmakers carry firearms in the Capitol. The officials said in a written response that they’ve “been made aware” of inquiries about carrying weapons.
“There is no standing requirement” that lawmakers notify them when they carry a firearm in the Capitol, the officials wrote. Regulations require safe storage of weapons, but “that responsibility resides with the Member,” they said.
A 1967 regulation says no federal or District of Columbia laws restricting firearms “shall prohibit any Member of Congress from maintaining firearms within the confines of his office” or “from transporting within Capitol grounds firearms unloaded and securely wrapped.”
Lawmakers may not bring weapons into the House chamber and other nearby areas, the regulations say, according to a letter Rep. Jared Huffman (D-CA) wrote in 2018. Aides can carry lawmakers’ weapons for them on the Capitol complex, he wrote.
In his letter to House Sergeant at Arms Paul Irving, Huffman summarized the regulations after being briefed on them by Irving. An opponent of letting members of Congress carry guns on Capitol grounds, Huffman abandoned a 2018 effort to halt the practice due to colleagues’ strong opposition and said in an interview that he wouldn’t try again this year due to continued resistance.
Huffman said the loophole for lawmakers, adopted after a summer of racial unrest in American cities, is outdated and risky.
He said members and their staffs carry firearms around the Capitol “all the time,” though he mentioned no names. He said lawmakers keep guns in their publicly accessible offices, though building entry has been limited due to COVID-19.
“Members could have a loaded AK-47 sitting on their desk and no one would ever do anything about it,” Huffman said.
He also said, with lawmakers exempted from passing through screening devices throughout the Capitol campus, “no one checks” to make sure they’re not bringing guns onto the House floor.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), chairman of the House Second Amendment Caucus, justified letting lawmakers carry weapons. He cited the 2017 shooting spree when a gunman wounded Rep. Steve Scalise (R-LA) and four other people as they practiced baseball in nearby Alexandria, Virginia.
“As soon as you leave the Capitol property, you are a target,” Massie said.
Also supporting Boebert is Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA), like Boebert a hard-right conservative with a penchant for attracting publicity. Greene, like Boebert, has expressed support for QAnon conspiracy theories, though both have tried distancing themselves from the unfounded beliefs.
“Not only do I support members of Congress carrying a firearm, I believe every American has that right.” Greene said in a statement. “I will work every day to end ALL gun free zones.”
Police periodically arrest people caught trying to bring firearms into the Capitol and its buildings.
In 1999, Corey Lewandowski — then a congressional aide and later a manager of Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign — was arrested when what court records called a loaded pistol was found in a laundry bag he was bringing into a House office building. Misdemeanor charges were dismissed.
The Capitol Police protect the complex with over 2,300 officers and civilian employees, according to its website. Its officers routinely arrest people caught trying to carry weapons at the Capitol.
The regulations letting lawmakers carry guns was written by the Capitol Police Board, which consists of four of Congress’ top law enforcement and administrative officials.


shareblue--2020-11-28--School closings leave rural students isolated

The midday arrival of a school bus at Cyliss Castillo 's home on the remote edge of a mesa in Cuba , New Mexico , breaks up the long days of boredom and isolation for the high school senior .
The driver hands over food in white plastic bags , collects Castillo 's school assignments , and offers some welcome conversation before setting out for another home .
The closing of classrooms and the switch to remote learning because of the coronavirus have left Castillo and other students in this school district on the sparsely populated fringe of the Navajo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut off from direct human contact and , in many cases , unconnected to the grid .
Like many of his neighbors , Castillo does not have electricity , let alone internet .
It is yet another way in which the pandemic has exposed the gap between the haves and have-nots in the United States .
`` There 's not a lot to do here .
You clean up , pick up trash , or build stuff .
Like , I built that shed right there , '' the 18-year-old Castillo said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Hopefully , hopefully by next semester we 'll be going back into school , '' he said .
`` I do n't like online .
I like to be , you know , in school , learning .
That 's just not me .
I just find it a lot easier and a lot better than just out here , not doing nothing . ''
The Cuba Independent School District , centered in a village of 800 people , has kept the buses running as a way to bring school to students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trailers , campers , and other structures on a vast checkerboard of tribal , federal , and county land .
On their routes , the buses carry school assignments , art supplies , meals , and counselors who check in with students who are struggling with online bullying , abuse , thoughts of suicide , or other problems .
The buses are a lifeline for families in the Cuba school district , of whom nearly half are Hispanic and half are Native American , including many Navajo-speaking English-language learners .
Many do not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with no electricity charge their school-issued laptops with car batteries or at a relative 's house .
One student has sent her laptop on the buses to be charged at school .
This far out , internet service is unavailable or prohibitively expensive .
For students without home internet , the buses bring USB drives loaded with assignments and video lessons from teachers .
Some students like Castillo eventually asked for paper packets because of the difficulty in charging laptops .
With COVID-19 cases spiking in New Mexico to their highest levels yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will begin offering in-person classes again .
The district has a record of adapting to challenges , and a high school graduation rate of 83 % — well above the state average — to show for it .
It has long employed a `` community school '' approach in which social workers , nurses , and teachers help students around the clock , not just during the school day , on the theory that they will do better academically if their home life can be made better .
All students were issued Chromebooks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak .
That made the shift to distance learning easier in March when school buildings shut down .
Other rural districts around the country have likewise been engineering ways to connect with students who are otherwise disengaged during the pandemic .
In San Joaquin , California , about 30 miles west of Fresno , the Golden Plains Unified School District found early in the pandemic that students were out working rather than doing schoolwork .
`` We would have kids call from the fields .
They were picking peaches , '' said Andre @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted only 40 % of high school students were participating in distance learning .
`` Once COVID happened , parents were like , 'Let 's go to work . '
'' To bring students back into the fold , the district reached out to parents by phone to set teacher conferences early in the school year and ordered hundreds of internet hot spots .
It is also delivering school materials and electronic devices to students .
In New Mexico , before the buses set out from Cuba High School each day , about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other staff spend over an hour loading them with milk , produce , prepared meals , toilet paper , and other necessities for the families .
On board one day in late October was head district counselor Victoria Dominguez , who was checking on two students who had suicidal thoughts .
She was bringing one a pair of skateboard shoes .
In the spring , a screening system for messages sent by students flagged one or two a week as showing signs of possible emotional trouble .
Now she is seeing dozens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'm worried for the winter months .
It 's going to get darker .
It 's going to get colder and you ca n't go outside , '' Dominguez said .
As COVID-19 rates spiked , the school switched to making bus deliveries every other day instead of every day .
`` They 'll still get the same amount of food , but they wo n't get the same amount of human contact , '' she said .
Along the bus route , a home is situated every few miles .
The Castillos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a small camper as well .
The road from the high school turned from asphalt to gravel to deeply rutted dirt .
The oak and pine trees gave way to sagebrush and gaunt junipers before the bus came to halt in front of a cluster of houses .
Students poured out to greet the bus driver , Kelly Maestas .
He asked them how they were doing and handed out lunches .
Dominguez went to shoot baskets with some of the older kids .
Among them was 15-year-old Autumn Wilson , a shy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high school last year .
Then school shut down .
Now she ca n't play on the volleyball team anymore .
Dominguez connected her with a therapist on an earlier visit .
Autumn said the sadness over the loss makes it difficult for her to finish schoolwork .
But she finds joy riding horses when her grandfather takes her to the family corral .
And she looks forward to the visits from Maestas , who brought her candy for her birthday .
`` Kelly , he 's really funny to talk to .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can really talk to him , '' she said , `` and you can trust him . ''

The midday arrival of a school bus at Cyliss Castillo’s home on the remote edge of a mesa in Cuba, New Mexico, breaks up the long days of boredom and isolation for the high school senior.
The driver hands over food in white plastic bags, collects Castillo’s school assignments, and offers some welcome conversation before setting out for another home.
The closing of classrooms and the switch to remote learning because of the coronavirus have left Castillo and other students in this school district on the sparsely populated fringe of the Navajo Nation in New Mexico profoundly isolated — cut off from direct human contact and, in many cases, unconnected to the grid.
Like many of his neighbors, Castillo does not have electricity, let alone internet.
It is yet another way in which the pandemic has exposed the gap between the haves and have-nots in the United States.
“There’s not a lot to do here. You clean up, pick up trash, or build stuff. Like, I built that shed right there,” the 18-year-old Castillo said, pointing at a pitched-roof plywood shed.
“Hopefully, hopefully by next semester we’ll be going back into school,” he said. “I don’t like online. I like to be, you know, in school, learning. That’s just not me. I just find it a lot easier and a lot better than just out here, not doing nothing.”
The Cuba Independent School District, centered in a village of 800 people, has kept the buses running as a way to bring school to students who live in widely separated cabins, trailers, campers, and other structures on a vast checkerboard of tribal, federal, and county land.
On their routes, the buses carry school assignments, art supplies, meals, and counselors who check in with students who are struggling with online bullying, abuse, thoughts of suicide, or other problems.
The buses are a lifeline for families in the Cuba school district, of whom nearly half are Hispanic and half are Native American, including many Navajo-speaking English-language learners.
Many do not have running water. Castillo and others with no electricity charge their school-issued laptops with car batteries or at a relative’s house. One student has sent her laptop on the buses to be charged at school. This far out, internet service is unavailable or prohibitively expensive.
For students without home internet, the buses bring USB drives loaded with assignments and video lessons from teachers. Some students like Castillo eventually asked for paper packets because of the difficulty in charging laptops.
With COVID-19 cases spiking in New Mexico to their highest levels yet, it is unclear when the district will begin offering in-person classes again.
The district has a record of adapting to challenges, and a high school graduation rate of 83% — well above the state average — to show for it. It has long employed a “community school” approach in which social workers, nurses, and teachers help students around the clock, not just during the school day, on the theory that they will do better academically if their home life can be made better.
All students were issued Chromebooks in 2019, well before the coronavirus outbreak. That made the shift to distance learning easier in March when school buildings shut down.
Other rural districts around the country have likewise been engineering ways to connect with students who are otherwise disengaged during the pandemic.
In San Joaquin, California, about 30 miles west of Fresno, the Golden Plains Unified School District found early in the pandemic that students were out working rather than doing schoolwork.
“We would have kids call from the fields. They were picking peaches,” said Andre Pecina, an assistant superintendent, who noted only 40% of high school students were participating in distance learning. “Once COVID happened, parents were like, ‘Let’s go to work.'”
To bring students back into the fold, the district reached out to parents by phone to set teacher conferences early in the school year and ordered hundreds of internet hot spots. It is also delivering school materials and electronic devices to students.
In New Mexico, before the buses set out from Cuba High School each day, about 25 cafeteria workers, bus drivers, and other staff spend over an hour loading them with milk, produce, prepared meals, toilet paper, and other necessities for the families.
On board one day in late October was head district counselor Victoria Dominguez, who was checking on two students who had suicidal thoughts. She was bringing one a pair of skateboard shoes. In the spring, a screening system for messages sent by students flagged one or two a week as showing signs of possible emotional trouble. Now she is seeing dozens in a single week.
“I’m worried for the winter months. It’s going to get darker. It’s going to get colder and you can’t go outside,” Dominguez said.
As COVID-19 rates spiked, the school switched to making bus deliveries every other day instead of every day.
“They’ll still get the same amount of food, but they won’t get the same amount of human contact,” she said.
Along the bus route, a home is situated every few miles. The Castillos built their cabin from scratch and use a small camper as well.
The road from the high school turned from asphalt to gravel to deeply rutted dirt. The oak and pine trees gave way to sagebrush and gaunt junipers before the bus came to halt in front of a cluster of houses.
Students poured out to greet the bus driver, Kelly Maestas. He asked them how they were doing and handed out lunches. Dominguez went to shoot baskets with some of the older kids.
Among them was 15-year-old Autumn Wilson, a shy sophomore whose father died after she started high school last year. Then school shut down. Now she can’t play on the volleyball team anymore. Dominguez connected her with a therapist on an earlier visit.
Autumn said the sadness over the loss makes it difficult for her to finish schoolwork. But she finds joy riding horses when her grandfather takes her to the family corral. And she looks forward to the visits from Maestas, who brought her candy for her birthday.
“Kelly, he’s really funny to talk to. And if you’re feeling sad you can really talk to him,” she said, “and you can trust him.”


shareblue--2020-11-29--No one wants to show up for jury duty in the middle of a pandemic

Jury duty notices have set Nicholas Philbrook 's home on edge with worries about him contracting the coronavirus and passing it on to his father-in-law , a cancer survivor with diabetes in his mid-70s who is at higher risk of developing serious complications from COVID-19 .
Philbrook and his wife , Heather Schmidt , of Camarillo , California , have been trying to convince court officials that he should be excused from jury duty because her father lives with them .
But court officials told him that is not a valid reason and he must appear in court early next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you still have to go into a building , you still have to be around a set number of people , '' said Philbrook , 39 , a marketing company editor .
`` In an enclosed space , how safe are you ?
It just does n't feel like a right time still to be doing that kind of stuff on a normal basis . ''
People across the country have similar concerns amid resurgences of the coronavirus , a fact that has derailed plans to resume jury trials in many courthouses for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Within the past month , courts in Hartford , Connecticut , San Diego and Norfolk , Virginia , have had to delay jury selection for trials because too few people responded to jury duty summonses .
The non-response rates are much higher now than they were before the pandemic , court officials say .
Judges in New York City , Indiana , Colorado and Missouri declared mistrials recently because people connected to the trials either tested positive for the virus or had symptoms .
`` What the real question boils down to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that court and sit in a jury trial ?
said Bill Raftery , a senior analyst with the National Center for State Courts .
`` Many courts have been responsive to jurors who have said that they 're not comfortable with coming to court and doing jury duty and therefore offering deferrals simply because of concerns over COVID . ''
Also this month , state court systems in Connecticut , New York and New Jersey and courts in Denver , Colorado , were among those to suspend all jury trials because of rising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials announced that about two dozen U.S. district courts across the county have suspended jury trials and grand jury proceedings because of virus outbreaks and too few people showing up for jury duty .
Courts are under pressure to resume trials because of the case backlogs piling up during the pandemic .
A few courts have held trials in person and by video conference .
Although video conferences may appear to be the best bet , many criminal defense lawyers oppose them because it 's harder to determine witness credibility and to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Christopher Adams , a lawyer in Charleston , South Carolina , and president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers .
`` For almost everybody , there is no compelling need for trials to go forward during the pandemic , '' he said , adding that most courts are not holding jury trials at the moment .
Adams said another concern is how representative juries would be if trials went ahead — the virus ' impact and the level of concern about it across different demographics , such as Black , Latino @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher rates , could affect who feels safe to serve jury duty .
`` What we ca n't allow is to have trials where there 's not a fair cross section of the community represented , '' he said .
But many criminal defense lawyers are pointing to a major issue with not holding trials — defendants who are detained while awaiting trial .
Although jails and prisons across the country have released thousands of low-risk inmates because of concerns about the virus , many people remain locked up in pretrial detention .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Connecticut , offers a glimpse of how the virus can upend proceedings .
In October , 150 people were summoned for jury duty for the trial of Amber Foley , who is fighting child pornography charges and demanding her constitutional right to a speedy trial .
It would be the first criminal trial in Connecticut , in state or federal court , since the pandemic began .
Only about half the potential jurors showed up and many others were excused for various reasons including concerns about COVID-19 .
Only 19 people were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimated to be needed to pick a jury of 12 and one alternate juror .
And then , two court security officers tested positive for the virus , forcing the temporary closure of the courthouse for cleaning and prompting Judge Vanessa Bryant 's law clerk to go into isolation and get tested because of contact with the officers .
Bryant decided last week to postpone Foley 's jury selection until mid-January .
Like judges in other parts of the country , she ruled the interests of public health outweigh those of a speedy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made by the Court , the Court must reluctantly conclude that it is unable to empanel a representative jury from the 200 prospective jurors summoned without jeopardizing the safety of all trial participants , '' Bryant wrote in a ruling .
Federal officials have designated one courtroom for jury trials in each of the three federal courthouses in Connecticut , with an entire second courtroom set aside for jurors to gather for breaks and deliberations .
Some plexiglass has been installed , air circulation systems have been improved and seating arrangements have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ required .
Foley has been free on bail awaiting trial .
Her lawyer , Todd Bussert , argued in court documents that the coronavirus does not trump Foley 's speedy trial rights and other courts around the country have held trials during the pandemic .
He also noted he has two children attending in-person classes in public schools .
`` That schools can operate and remain open ... even when members of their communities test positive for COVID-19 ... belies any hyperbolic assertion seeking to abridge defendants ' rights , '' he wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case had to be postponed last month because too few people showed up for jury duty .
Officials twice summoned 900 people , but only about 40 people showed up each time , KGTV reported .
In Norfolk , Virginia , efforts to resume jury trials during the pandemic stalled recently because roughly nine out of 10 possible jurors were n't showing up in court , The Virginian-Pilot reported .
Failure to report to jury duty is a crime in most places .
Punishment can include fines and , in some cases , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court systems have said they were considering increasing enforcement to improve response rates .
Philbrook , the California man , said he and his wife are trying to get a letter from his father-in-law 's doctor saying his health could be put in jeopardy if Philbrook has to serve jury duty .
Philbrook also is concerned for his own health .
`` You just never know with this virus .
It seems to not care , '' he said .
`` It does n't seem to care how healthy you are or unhealthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people getting it really badly .
That bothers me .
I feel I 'm healthy .
I feel like , OK , if I get it , I should be OK , but I do n't actually know . ''

Jury duty notices have set Nicholas Philbrook’s home on edge with worries about him contracting the coronavirus and passing it on to his father-in-law, a cancer survivor with diabetes in his mid-70s who is at higher risk of developing serious complications from COVID-19.
Philbrook and his wife, Heather Schmidt, of Camarillo, California, have been trying to convince court officials that he should be excused from jury duty because her father lives with them. But court officials told him that is not a valid reason and he must appear in court early next month.
“My main concern is you still have to go into a building, you still have to be around a set number of people,” said Philbrook, 39, a marketing company editor. “In an enclosed space, how safe are you? It just doesn’t feel like a right time still to be doing that kind of stuff on a normal basis.”
People across the country have similar concerns amid resurgences of the coronavirus, a fact that has derailed plans to resume jury trials in many courthouses for the first time since the pandemic started.
Within the past month, courts in Hartford, Connecticut, San Diego and Norfolk, Virginia, have had to delay jury selection for trials because too few people responded to jury duty summonses. The non-response rates are much higher now than they were before the pandemic, court officials say.
Judges in New York City, Indiana, Colorado and Missouri declared mistrials recently because people connected to the trials either tested positive for the virus or had symptoms.
“What the real question boils down to are people willing to show up to that court and sit in a jury trial? said Bill Raftery, a senior analyst with the National Center for State Courts. “Many courts have been responsive to jurors who have said that they’re not comfortable with coming to court and doing jury duty and therefore offering deferrals simply because of concerns over COVID.”
Also this month, state court systems in Connecticut, New York and New Jersey and courts in Denver, Colorado, were among those to suspend all jury trials because of rising virus rates. On Friday, federal officials announced that about two dozen U.S. district courts across the county have suspended jury trials and grand jury proceedings because of virus outbreaks and too few people showing up for jury duty.
Courts are under pressure to resume trials because of the case backlogs piling up during the pandemic.
A few courts have held trials in person and by video conference. Although video conferences may appear to be the best bet, many criminal defense lawyers oppose them because it’s harder to determine witness credibility and to see if jurors are paying attention, said Christopher Adams, a lawyer in Charleston, South Carolina, and president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers.
“For almost everybody, there is no compelling need for trials to go forward during the pandemic,” he said, adding that most courts are not holding jury trials at the moment.
Adams said another concern is how representative juries would be if trials went ahead — the virus’ impact and the level of concern about it across different demographics, such as Black, Latino and elderly populations that are dying at higher rates, could affect who feels safe to serve jury duty.
“What we can’t allow is to have trials where there’s not a fair cross section of the community represented,” he said.
But many criminal defense lawyers are pointing to a major issue with not holding trials — defendants who are detained while awaiting trial. Although jails and prisons across the country have released thousands of low-risk inmates because of concerns about the virus, many people remain locked up in pretrial detention.
A case in federal court in Hartford, Connecticut, offers a glimpse of how the virus can upend proceedings.
In October, 150 people were summoned for jury duty for the trial of Amber Foley, who is fighting child pornography charges and demanding her constitutional right to a speedy trial. It would be the first criminal trial in Connecticut, in state or federal court, since the pandemic began.
Only about half the potential jurors showed up and many others were excused for various reasons including concerns about COVID-19. Only 19 people were left, short of the 31 people estimated to be needed to pick a jury of 12 and one alternate juror.
And then, two court security officers tested positive for the virus, forcing the temporary closure of the courthouse for cleaning and prompting Judge Vanessa Bryant’s law clerk to go into isolation and get tested because of contact with the officers.
Bryant decided last week to postpone Foley’s jury selection until mid-January. Like judges in other parts of the country, she ruled the interests of public health outweigh those of a speedy trial.
“Despite every effort being made by the Court, the Court must reluctantly conclude that it is unable to empanel a representative jury from the 200 prospective jurors summoned without jeopardizing the safety of all trial participants,” Bryant wrote in a ruling.
Federal officials have designated one courtroom for jury trials in each of the three federal courthouses in Connecticut, with an entire second courtroom set aside for jurors to gather for breaks and deliberations. Some plexiglass has been installed, air circulation systems have been improved and seating arrangements have been reconfigured for social distancing. Masks are required.
Foley has been free on bail awaiting trial. Her lawyer, Todd Bussert, argued in court documents that the coronavirus does not trump Foley’s speedy trial rights and other courts around the country have held trials during the pandemic. He also noted he has two children attending in-person classes in public schools.
“That schools can operate and remain open … even when members of their communities test positive for COVID-19 … belies any hyperbolic assertion seeking to abridge defendants’ rights,” he wrote.
In San Diego, a criminal case had to be postponed last month because too few people showed up for jury duty. Officials twice summoned 900 people, but only about 40 people showed up each time, KGTV reported.
In Norfolk, Virginia, efforts to resume jury trials during the pandemic stalled recently because roughly nine out of 10 possible jurors weren’t showing up in court, The Virginian-Pilot reported.
Failure to report to jury duty is a crime in most places. Punishment can include fines and, in some cases, short jail sentences. Officials in some court systems have said they were considering increasing enforcement to improve response rates.
Philbrook, the California man, said he and his wife are trying to get a letter from his father-in-law’s doctor saying his health could be put in jeopardy if Philbrook has to serve jury duty. Philbrook also is concerned for his own health.
“You just never know with this virus. It seems to not care,” he said. “It doesn’t seem to care how healthy you are or unhealthy you are. You hear about healthy people getting it really badly. That bothers me. I feel I’m healthy. I feel like, OK, if I get it, I should be OK, but I don’t actually know.”


shareblue--2020-11-29--Inequality 'baked into' virus testing that most people can't afford

The day after Amanda Serulneck found out she might have been exposed to the coronavirus , she visited a rapid testing center in New Jersey but was turned away because they ran out of tests .
She returned at 7 a.m. the next day .
After she had waited for an hour , officials said they had run out again .
On her third try , Serulneck and her friend called several testing centers before driving for an hour to one with availability .
Lines for free COVID-19 tests stretch for blocks and hours in cities where people feel the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the approaching holidays .
But an increasing number of pop-up clinics promise visitors instant results — at a cost .
Some charge $ 150 or more for a spot at the front of the queue .
While her friend who lacked insurance had to pay $ 125 for the test , Serulneck 's price was only $ 35 .
The real cost came from the two days she had to take off from work , she said .
`` People are just trying to get by , and they ca n't be taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for results , '' said Serulneck , who works at a spa .
`` People need rapid testing to be available and affordable . ''
Dr. Mark Shrime said his work gave him the flexibility to wait in line six hours for a test in New York City last week , but he knows not everyone can do the same .
`` If I 'm an hourly worker , I ca n't take off six hours just so I can get a test so I can go back to work , '' said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid a 14-day quarantine after traveling from Boston .
`` Another option was another place 10 blocks away from me where I could pay 250 bucks to get a rapid test , so the structure that we set up for people to be able to keep themselves safe from COVID baked into those structures is an inequity . ''
Serulneck says it 's been frustrating to watch people do rapid tests so that they can go to parties or travel for the holidays .
`` Some people who need rapid testing to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` It 's not fair .
The majority of people are in my position . ''
As numbers of infection cases climb in the United States and the country faces what health experts say will be a dark winter due to the uncontrolled spread of the virus , the demand for testing becomes greater .
The U.S. has had more than 12 million reported cases and more than 255,000 deaths from the coronavirus since the start of the pandemic .
Social worker Chelsea Collins said she had to pay $ 150 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after she lost her insurance due to the pandemic .
After her husband , a union painter , learned he may have been exposed to COVID-19 last week , she was faced with finding a way to get tested again .
After visiting a free drive-thru testing site at 5:30 a.m. in Scranton , Pennsylvania , on Saturday and waiting about 1½-2 hours for a test , the 32-year-old Collins said she considers herself lucky .
But she thought about those people without the means to get to a testing site not served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a lot of people with families , at the holidays and having to shell out $ 150 because they 're exposed , '' Collins said .
Dan Fulwiler , president and CEO of Esperanza Health Centers in southwest Chicago , said costly rapid testing centers wo n't help the communities that his nonprofit serves .
About 70 % of the center 's clients live in poverty , according to his estimate .
Fulwiler laments the lack of a national testing strategy that 's led to the proliferation of pop-up clinics .
Daily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Spanish word for `` hope '' — from up to 150 in the summer to 400 now .
`` I 'm less worried about predatory pricing than I am concerned about access , '' Fulwiler said .
`` Our clients will walk a mile to get a test for free rather than pay $ 15 here .
A $ 150 test wo n't be an option , and even at $ 30 , they 'll think hard about it . ''
It 's not just the cost and access that are raising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sites could create `` a lot of headaches for those of us who are trying to understand surveillance data , '' said Jaline Gerardin , an epidemiologist and infectious disease monitor who helps compile weekly forecasts of pandemic trends for the Illinois Department of Public Health .
Officials already struggle to interpret reams of data from different tests that can produce different results , said Gerardin , an assistant professor at Northwestern University 's Feinberg School of Medicine .
New sites may not report ethnicity , outbreaks , and income levels necessary to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hispanics and African Americans , she said .
Gerardin says there are three goals of testing : Individuals want to know if they 're infected ; health and government officials want to understand trends and make policy decisions based on those trends ; and test results provide a way to measure mitigation efforts such as quarantines and self-isolation .
Rapid testing may help with mitigation , she said .
`` People who are getting tested less tend to be the same who are disadvantaged , '' she said .
`` I do n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helps a testing infrastructure that is thin and under-resourced . ''
The sites have n't had a discernible impact in New York City , thanks to aggressive testing strategies by Gov .
Andrew Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio , said Maxine Golub , spokesperson for the Institute for Family Health , which serves underserved communities in the New York metropolitan area .
The institute partners with government to set up regular testing sites in areas of need , such as Harlem or parts of the Bronx , Golub said .
But many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Korri Williams , a public school teacher in Virginia , is mulling whether to get a rapid test to give her peace of mind to visit her 78-year-old mother after finding out that co-workers tested positive .
There are limited options for rapid testing in her Williamsburg area , and without symptoms , she worries a test wo n't be covered by her insurance .
`` All of it comes down to economics in the pocketbook at the end of the day , '' she said .
`` It 's not that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you know , sometimes you do n't have that extra $ 100 to go out and get a rapid test . ''
It 's an equity issue , Williams said .
`` I 'm blessed to have a job … but I do feel like it 's one of those things that is afforded to those who have means , '' she added .

The day after Amanda Serulneck found out she might have been exposed to the coronavirus, she visited a rapid testing center in New Jersey but was turned away because they ran out of tests.
She returned at 7 a.m. the next day. After she had waited for an hour, officials said they had run out again. On her third try, Serulneck and her friend called several testing centers before driving for an hour to one with availability.
Lines for free COVID-19 tests stretch for blocks and hours in cities where people feel the dual strain of the coronavirus surge and the approaching holidays. But an increasing number of pop-up clinics promise visitors instant results — at a cost. Some charge $150 or more for a spot at the front of the queue.
While her friend who lacked insurance had to pay $125 for the test, Serulneck’s price was only $35. The real cost came from the two days she had to take off from work, she said.
“People are just trying to get by, and they can’t be taking off work for a week to wait for results,” said Serulneck, who works at a spa. “People need rapid testing to be available and affordable.”
Dr. Mark Shrime said his work gave him the flexibility to wait in line six hours for a test in New York City last week, but he knows not everyone can do the same.
“If I’m an hourly worker, I can’t take off six hours just so I can get a test so I can go back to work,” said Shrime, who needed a test to avoid a 14-day quarantine after traveling from Boston. “Another option was another place 10 blocks away from me where I could pay 250 bucks to get a rapid test, so the structure that we set up for people to be able to keep themselves safe from COVID baked into those structures is an inequity.”
Serulneck says it’s been frustrating to watch people do rapid tests so that they can go to parties or travel for the holidays.
“Some people who need rapid testing to work can’t afford it,” she said. “It’s not fair. The majority of people are in my position.”
As numbers of infection cases climb in the United States and the country faces what health experts say will be a dark winter due to the uncontrolled spread of the virus, the demand for testing becomes greater. The U.S. has had more than 12 million reported cases and more than 255,000 deaths from the coronavirus since the start of the pandemic.
Social worker Chelsea Collins said she had to pay $150 for a test at a drug store after she lost her insurance due to the pandemic. After her husband, a union painter, learned he may have been exposed to COVID-19 last week, she was faced with finding a way to get tested again.
After visiting a free drive-thru testing site at 5:30 a.m. in Scranton, Pennsylvania, on Saturday and waiting about 1½-2 hours for a test, the 32-year-old Collins said she considers herself lucky. But she thought about those people without the means to get to a testing site not served by public transit.
“I feel for a lot of people with families, at the holidays and having to shell out $150 because they’re exposed,” Collins said.
Dan Fulwiler, president and CEO of Esperanza Health Centers in southwest Chicago, said costly rapid testing centers won’t help the communities that his nonprofit serves. About 70% of the center’s clients live in poverty, according to his estimate.
Fulwiler laments the lack of a national testing strategy that’s led to the proliferation of pop-up clinics. Daily demand also has risen at Esperanza — the Spanish word for “hope” — from up to 150 in the summer to 400 now.
“I’m less worried about predatory pricing than I am concerned about access,” Fulwiler said. “Our clients will walk a mile to get a test for free rather than pay $15 here. A $150 test won’t be an option, and even at $30, they’ll think hard about it.”
It’s not just the cost and access that are raising questions about rapid tests.
Rapid testing sites could create “a lot of headaches for those of us who are trying to understand surveillance data,” said Jaline Gerardin, an epidemiologist and infectious disease monitor who helps compile weekly forecasts of pandemic trends for the Illinois Department of Public Health.
Officials already struggle to interpret reams of data from different tests that can produce different results, said Gerardin, an assistant professor at Northwestern University’s Feinberg School of Medicine. New sites may not report ethnicity, outbreaks, and income levels necessary to monitor a pandemic that already disproportionately affects Hispanics and African Americans, she said.
Gerardin says there are three goals of testing: Individuals want to know if they’re infected; health and government officials want to understand trends and make policy decisions based on those trends; and test results provide a way to measure mitigation efforts such as quarantines and self-isolation.
Rapid testing may help with mitigation, she said.
“People who are getting tested less tend to be the same who are disadvantaged,” she said. “I don’t really see how an expensive testing option helps a testing infrastructure that is thin and under-resourced.”
The sites haven’t had a discernible impact in New York City, thanks to aggressive testing strategies by Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio, said Maxine Golub, spokesperson for the Institute for Family Health, which serves underserved communities in the New York metropolitan area.
The institute partners with government to set up regular testing sites in areas of need, such as Harlem or parts of the Bronx, Golub said.
But many people don’t have those options.
Korri Williams, a public school teacher in Virginia, is mulling whether to get a rapid test to give her peace of mind to visit her 78-year-old mother after finding out that co-workers tested positive.
There are limited options for rapid testing in her Williamsburg area, and without symptoms, she worries a test won’t be covered by her insurance.
“All of it comes down to economics in the pocketbook at the end of the day,” she said. “It’s not that I can’t purchase the test. But you know, sometimes you don’t have that extra $100 to go out and get a rapid test.”
It’s an equity issue, Williams said.
“I’m blessed to have a job … but I do feel like it’s one of those things that is afforded to those who have means,” she added.


shareblue--2020-11-30--Conservatives target abortion after picking up seats in state legislatures

While the 2020 presidential election was a glimmer of hope for reproductive health initiatives at the federal level , anti-abortion Republicans picked up seats in state legislatures across the country .
In 2021 , expect to see a flurry of anti-abortion bills designed to eventually get a hearing at a Supreme Court that now has an anti-choice supermajority .
Leading the way is Texas , where the GOP retained its majority in the state Legislature .
The state has a long history of severely restricting abortion , including 2013 's House Bill 2 , a targeted restriction on abortion providers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standards .
Though the Supreme Court eventually struck the law down in 2016 , 21 of Texas ' 40 abortion providers closed in the interim .
Since the 2020 election ended , two major anti-abortion bills have been filed in advance of the next session in the Texas Legislature .
One bill would create a trigger ban , which would automatically make abortion illegal if Roe v. Wade is overturned .
Were that to pass , Texas would join 10 other states with similar laws .
Ohio 's lame-duck Legislature is also pushing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would decrease the state 's current 20-week abortion ban to 12 weeks .
The Guttmacher Institute , which researches abortion policy , notes that there are shorter gestational bans in the United States , but many of those are currently barred from taking effect because of ongoing litigation .
In South Carolina , Republicans expanded their hold on the state Senate .
Anti-abortion GOP Gov .
Henry McMaster has already said he sees this as an opportunity to get a law passed that would ban abortion at six weeks , before many people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Hampshire , the GOP picked up control of both the state House and Senate .
When the Democrats controlled the Legislature , they passed a Reproductive Health Parity Act , which would have required health insurance plans to cover abortion .
The GOP governor , Chris Sununu , vetoed it .
In contrast , conservative state senators pushed a `` born-alive '' bill earlier in 2020 , but it failed to advance .
However , three of the state senators who stopped the push lost their seats in the November 2020 elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the GOP-controlled state Senate will make another attempt .
`` Born-alive '' bills ostensibly protect babies who are born alive after an attempted abortion .
However , there is no evidence that has ever happened , and it is instead used to stigmatize abortions later in pregnancy .
Anti-abortion activists have pushed the bills in several states and at the federal level .
The goal of legislation like this is n't just to restrict abortion in their respective states .
Rather , it 's to create a case that will get to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court that now has a 6-3 supermajority of anti-abortion justices .
Conservatives make no secret of that fact .
It 's been a longstanding practice on the part of states that wish to ban abortion .
After Justice Anthony Kennedy , a swing vote on abortion , stepped down and it was clear he 'd be replaced with an anti-choice hardliner , a number of states passed restrictive laws with the express hope those laws would get a hearing at the Supreme Court .
Those laws are designed to be in violation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precisely so a court case arises .
Laws passed by a few states in 2019 functionally banned abortion before people generally know they 're pregnant , which currently runs afoul of Roe .
Under the Supreme Court prior to Trump , there was a reliable four-justice liberal bloc — Ruth Bader Ginsburg , Sonia Sotomayor , Stephen Breyer , and Elena Kagan — that would vote to uphold abortion access .
Justice Kennedy often served as a swing vote , meaning that cases restricting abortion were n't a slam dunk at the court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the state level , combined with the ascension of Justices Neil Gorsuch , Brett Kavanaugh , and Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court mean that abortion access is more imperiled than ever .
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

While the 2020 presidential election was a glimmer of hope for reproductive health initiatives at the federal level, anti-abortion Republicans picked up seats in state legislatures across the country. In 2021, expect to see a flurry of anti-abortion bills designed to eventually get a hearing at a Supreme Court that now has an anti-choice supermajority.
Leading the way is Texas, where the GOP retained its majority in the state Legislature. The state has a long history of severely restricting abortion, including 2013’s House Bill 2, a targeted restriction on abortion providers that required providers to adhere to unnecessary standards. Though the Supreme Court eventually struck the law down in 2016, 21 of Texas’ 40 abortion providers closed in the interim.
Since the 2020 election ended, two major anti-abortion bills have been filed in advance of the next session in the Texas Legislature. One bill would create a trigger ban, which would automatically make abortion illegal if Roe v. Wade is overturned. Were that to pass, Texas would join 10 other states with similar laws. Ohio’s lame-duck Legislature is also pushing a similar bill.
Another Texas bill would decrease the state’s current 20-week abortion ban to 12 weeks. The Guttmacher Institute, which researches abortion policy, notes that there are shorter gestational bans in the United States, but many of those are currently barred from taking effect because of ongoing litigation.
In South Carolina, Republicans expanded their hold on the state Senate. Anti-abortion GOP Gov. Henry McMaster has already said he sees this as an opportunity to get a law passed that would ban abortion at six weeks, before many people even know they are pregnant.
In New Hampshire, the GOP picked up control of both the state House and Senate. When the Democrats controlled the Legislature, they passed a Reproductive Health Parity Act, which would have required health insurance plans to cover abortion. The GOP governor, Chris Sununu, vetoed it.
In contrast, conservative state senators pushed a “born-alive” bill earlier in 2020, but it failed to advance. However, three of the state senators who stopped the push lost their seats in the November 2020 elections, which means it is likely that the GOP-controlled state Senate will make another attempt.
“Born-alive” bills ostensibly protect babies who are born alive after an attempted abortion. However, there is no evidence that has ever happened, and it is instead used to stigmatize abortions later in pregnancy. Anti-abortion activists have pushed the bills in several states and at the federal level.
The goal of legislation like this isn’t just to restrict abortion in their respective states. Rather, it’s to create a case that will get to the Supreme Court and be heard by a court that now has a 6-3 supermajority of anti-abortion justices.
Conservatives make no secret of that fact. It’s been a longstanding practice on the part of states that wish to ban abortion. After Justice Anthony Kennedy, a swing vote on abortion, stepped down and it was clear he’d be replaced with an anti-choice hardliner, a number of states passed restrictive laws with the express hope those laws would get a hearing at the Supreme Court. Those laws are designed to be in violation of the contours of Roe v. Wade, precisely so a court case arises. Laws passed by a few states in 2019 functionally banned abortion before people generally know they’re pregnant, which currently runs afoul of Roe.
Under the Supreme Court prior to Trump, there was a reliable four-justice liberal bloc — Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, Stephen Breyer, and Elena Kagan — that would vote to uphold abortion access. Justice Kennedy often served as a swing vote, meaning that cases restricting abortion weren’t a slam dunk at the court.
Now, these GOP legislative gains at the state level, combined with the ascension of Justices Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court mean that abortion access is more imperiled than ever.
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.


shareblue--2020-11-30--Supreme Court seems skeptical of Trump's plan to exclude millions from census

The Supreme Court sounded skeptical Monday that Donald Trump could categorically exclude people living in the country illegally from the population count used to allot seats among the states in the House of Representatives .
But it also appeared possible that the justices could avoid a final ruling on the issue until they know how broadly the Trump administration acts in its final days in office and whether the division of House seats is affected .
No president has tried to do what Trump outlined in a memo in July — remove millions of noncitizens from the once-a-decade head count @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many seats each state gets in the House of Representatives , as well as the allocation of some federal funding .
The court , meeting by telephone because of the coronavirus pandemic , heard arguments in its second case in two years related to the 2020 census and immigrants .
The census already is facing novel questions over deadlines , data quality , and politics , including whether the incoming Biden administration would do anything to try to reverse decisions made under Trump .
One possibility outlined by acting Solicitor General Jeffrey Wall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is that Trump might try to leave out of the count people who are in immigration detention or those who have been ordered to leave the country .
But under questioning from Justice Elena Kagan , Wall would not rule out larger categories of immigrants , including those who have protection from deportation under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals programs .
`` We ca n't be certain at this point , and we do n't know what the president will decide to do with respect to that , '' Wall said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several members of the court who said the administration 's argument for broad discretion in deciding whom to exclude is troublesome because `` a lot of the historical evidence and long-standing practice really cuts against your position . ''
The court decided to hear the case on a fast track , based on the administration 's plea for a decision by early January , when Trump is required by law to transmit census numbers to Congress .
The Census Bureau is supposed to send the data to Trump by Dec. 31 .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are not currently on pace to send the report to the president by the year-end statutory deadline . ''
He said census officials told him they hope some data is available in January .
A delay of even three weeks would mean the Census Bureau would be turning in the numbers to a new president .
President-elect Joe Biden takes office on Jan. 20 .
Several conservative justices suggested that the better course for the court would be to avoid ruling immediately on lawsuits filed by New York and other Democratic-led states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's intentions are speculative at this point .
`` Mr. Ho , if the additional information would be beneficial in a few weeks , would n't it be beneficial to actually resolving this case ?
As the questioning seems to suggest , there 's some difficulty in assessing exactly what information will be available and what that information will be , '' Justice Clarence Thomas said to Dale Ho , the American Civil Liberties Union lawyer representing immigration groups .
The court could simply sit on the case in front of it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as premature .
The second option would allow Trump to move forward with his plan and lead inevitably to a new lawsuit .
Trump has a mixed record at the high court on immigration .
The justices upheld his ban on travel to the U.S. by residents of some largely Muslim countries .
But the court shot down his attempt to end the DACA program and blocked his bid to add a citizenship question to the census for the first time in 70 years .

The Supreme Court sounded skeptical Monday that Donald Trump could categorically exclude people living in the country illegally from the population count used to allot seats among the states in the House of Representatives.
But it also appeared possible that the justices could avoid a final ruling on the issue until they know how broadly the Trump administration acts in its final days in office and whether the division of House seats is affected.
No president has tried to do what Trump outlined in a memo in July — remove millions of noncitizens from the once-a-decade head count of the U.S. population that determines how many seats each state gets in the House of Representatives, as well as the allocation of some federal funding.
The court, meeting by telephone because of the coronavirus pandemic, heard arguments in its second case in two years related to the 2020 census and immigrants.
The census already is facing novel questions over deadlines, data quality, and politics, including whether the incoming Biden administration would do anything to try to reverse decisions made under Trump.
One possibility outlined by acting Solicitor General Jeffrey Wall, Trump’s top Supreme Court lawyer, is that Trump might try to leave out of the count people who are in immigration detention or those who have been ordered to leave the country.
But under questioning from Justice Elena Kagan, Wall would not rule out larger categories of immigrants, including those who have protection from deportation under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals programs.
“We can’t be certain at this point, and we don’t know what the president will decide to do with respect to that,” Wall said.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett was among several members of the court who said the administration’s argument for broad discretion in deciding whom to exclude is troublesome because “a lot of the historical evidence and long-standing practice really cuts against your position.”
The court decided to hear the case on a fast track, based on the administration’s plea for a decision by early January, when Trump is required by law to transmit census numbers to Congress. The Census Bureau is supposed to send the data to Trump by Dec. 31.
But Wall told the court Monday, “We are not currently on pace to send the report to the president by the year-end statutory deadline.” He said census officials told him they hope some data is available in January.
A delay of even three weeks would mean the Census Bureau would be turning in the numbers to a new president. President-elect Joe Biden takes office on Jan. 20.
Several conservative justices suggested that the better course for the court would be to avoid ruling immediately on lawsuits filed by New York and other Democratic-led states as well as immigration advocates because Trump’s intentions are speculative at this point.
“Mr. Ho, if the additional information would be beneficial in a few weeks, wouldn’t it be beneficial to actually resolving this case? As the questioning seems to suggest, there’s some difficulty in assessing exactly what information will be available and what that information will be,” Justice Clarence Thomas said to Dale Ho, the American Civil Liberties Union lawyer representing immigration groups.
The court could simply sit on the case in front of it to see what happens, or dismiss it as premature. The second option would allow Trump to move forward with his plan and lead inevitably to a new lawsuit.
Trump has a mixed record at the high court on immigration. The justices upheld his ban on travel to the U.S. by residents of some largely Muslim countries. But the court shot down his attempt to end the DACA program and blocked his bid to add a citizenship question to the census for the first time in 70 years.


shareblue--2020-11-30--Senator who bragged of owning private jet now claims to understand poverty

Sen. Kelly Loeffler ( R-GA ) released a new campaign ad over the weekend , trying to present her as someone who personally understands poverty .
But just months ago , Loeffler — the richest person in the Senate — ran an ad bragging about her private jet .
The new spot features Janelle King , a longtime GOP operative and former deputy director of the Georgia Republican Party ( but identified only as `` founder of Speak Georgia '' in the spot ) , praising Loeffler .
`` It 's so important to have Sen. Loeffler in the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need , more than ever , is a business mind .
We need someone who understands how to not only write paychecks and sign paychecks but how it feels like [ sic ] waiting on that paycheck , '' King asserts .
`` This is the fight for the soul of the country . ''
Loeffler , a millionaire former financial services executive , was appointed to fill a vacant Senate seat last December .
She placed second in a special election earlier this month for the remaining two years of the term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority of votes , she will now face off against Democrat Raphael Warnock in a January runoff .
The attempt to spin her as someone who has lived paycheck-to-paycheck is quite a contrast from her earlier campaign ads and actions .
Back in February , when the Atlanta Journal-Constitution noted her frequent use of her own private jet to travel to and from the nation 's capital , a Loeffler spokesperson claimed that she used the plane `` to best serve Georgians and save taxpayer money . ''
( By July , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Delta . )
In March , she came under fire — and under investigation— for her ethics after it was reported that she sold millions in stocks following a private , senators-only briefing on the growing coronavirus pandemic .
She denied any wrongdoing and the probes were dropped without charges .
In May , she ran a spot boasting of her enormous wealth and playing up her generosity .
`` Kelly Loeffler donated her Senate pay to help Georgia fight coronavirus .
Kelly used her personal plane to bring stranded Georgians home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` And Kelly gave a million dollars to help a Georgia hospital save lives .
Kelly Loeffler is all about Georgia , and it shows , every day . ''
Earlier this month , Loeffler was hit with more ethics complaints after soliciting campaign contributions while inside the Capitol — a violation of federal law .
Her campaign dismissed the allegations against her as a `` frivolous '' distraction .
Loeffler , who has previously called herself a 100 % Donald Trump loyalist who is more conservative than Attila the Hun , makes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this latest ad .
President-elect Joe Biden won Georgia earlier this month by about 12,000 votes .
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-GA) released a new campaign ad over the weekend, trying to present her as someone who personally understands poverty. But just months ago, Loeffler — the richest person in the Senate — ran an ad bragging about her private jet.
The new spot features Janelle King, a longtime GOP operative and former deputy director of the Georgia Republican Party (but identified only as “founder of Speak Georgia” in the spot), praising Loeffler.
“It’s so important to have Sen. Loeffler in the Senate, especially right now. What we need, more than ever, is a business mind. We need someone who understands how to not only write paychecks and sign paychecks but how it feels like [sic] waiting on that paycheck,” King asserts. “This is the fight for the soul of the country.”
Loeffler, a millionaire former financial services executive, was appointed to fill a vacant Senate seat last December. She placed second in a special election earlier this month for the remaining two years of the term, but because no candidate received a majority of votes, she will now face off against Democrat Raphael Warnock in a January runoff.
The attempt to spin her as someone who has lived paycheck-to-paycheck is quite a contrast from her earlier campaign ads and actions.
Back in February, when the Atlanta Journal-Constitution noted her frequent use of her own private jet to travel to and from the nation’s capital, a Loeffler spokesperson claimed that she used the plane “to best serve Georgians and save taxpayer money.” (By July, she was telling Fox News that she flies on Delta.)
In March, she came under fire — and under investigation— for her ethics after it was reported that she sold millions in stocks following a private, senators-only briefing on the growing coronavirus pandemic. She denied any wrongdoing and the probes were dropped without charges.
In May, she ran a spot boasting of her enormous wealth and playing up her generosity.
“Kelly Loeffler donated her Senate pay to help Georgia fight coronavirus. Kelly used her personal plane to bring stranded Georgians home safely,” a narrator said. “And Kelly gave a million dollars to help a Georgia hospital save lives. Kelly Loeffler is all about Georgia, and it shows, every day.”
Earlier this month, Loeffler was hit with more ethics complaints after soliciting campaign contributions while inside the Capitol — a violation of federal law. Her campaign dismissed the allegations against her as a “frivolous” distraction.
Loeffler, who has previously called herself a 100% Donald Trump loyalist who is more conservative than Attila the Hun, makes no mention of Trump or Attila in this latest ad.
President-elect Joe Biden won Georgia earlier this month by about 12,000 votes.
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.