shareblue--2020-01-17--Susan Collins dethrones Mitch McConnell as most unpopular senator in US

In a dramatic drop that could signal trouble for her reelection bid in 2020 , Sen. Susan Collins ( R-ME ) is now the most unpopular senator in America , according to Morning Consult 's tracking poll of Senate popularity .
More than half of her constituents , or 52 % , now have an unfavorable view of Collins .
That 's 2 points higher than Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , who held the title of most unpopular senator in the country until Collins dethroned him .
Collins ' 52 % unpopularity rating marks a 4-point increase since September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conducted its survey on senators ' popularity .
Her decline in popularity is even starker when you compare it to her approval rating from three years ago , when Morning Consult began tracking senators ' approval ratings .
Back in January 2017 , 67 % of Mainers approved of Collins , with just 27 % disapproving .
Collins ' decline in popularity comes as she backed Brett Kavanaugh 's nomination to the Supreme Court , even after he was credibly accused of sexual assault .
It also comes as she has fallen in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impeachment trial , now saying she does not want to see new evidence that backs up the House 's charges against Trump .
Collins is n't the only Republican up for reelection in 2020 whose approval rating has dropped .
Sen. Joni Ernst ( R-IA ) is now the third most unpopular senator in the country , with 42 % of her constituents disapproving of her job performance .
Sens .
Cory Gardner ( R-CO ) and Martha McSally ( R-AZ ) are now tied for 6th most unpopular .
Gardner has come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as has McSally — an unelected senator who was appointed to her job after losing to Democrat Kyrsten Sinema in 2018 .
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

In a dramatic drop that could signal trouble for her reelection bid in 2020, Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) is now the most unpopular senator in America, according to Morning Consult’s tracking poll of Senate popularity.
More than half of her constituents, or 52%, now have an unfavorable view of Collins. That’s 2 points higher than Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who held the title of most unpopular senator in the country until Collins dethroned him.
Collins’ 52% unpopularity rating marks a 4-point increase since September 2019, the last time Morning Consult conducted its survey on senators’ popularity.
Her decline in popularity is even starker when you compare it to her approval rating from three years ago, when Morning Consult began tracking senators’ approval ratings.
Back in January 2017, 67% of Mainers approved of Collins, with just 27% disapproving.
Collins’ decline in popularity comes as she backed Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to the Supreme Court, even after he was credibly accused of sexual assault.
It also comes as she has fallen in line with Republicans in Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, now saying she does not want to see new evidence that backs up the House’s charges against Trump.
Collins isn’t the only Republican up for reelection in 2020 whose approval rating has dropped.
Sen. Joni Ernst (R-IA) is now the third most unpopular senator in the country, with 42% of her constituents disapproving of her job performance.
Sens. Cory Gardner (R-CO) and Martha McSally (R-AZ) are now tied for 6th most unpopular.
Gardner has come under fire for his embrace of Trump, as has McSally — an unelected senator who was appointed to her job after losing to Democrat Kyrsten Sinema in 2018.
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.


shareblue--2020-01-18--Civil rights groups battle Trump in court to block legally dubious Census data grab

The U.S. Supreme Court decided a citizenship question wo n't be on this spring 's census form , but that does n't mean the fight over it has ended in courtrooms across the country .
In Maryland , civil rights groups are trying to block an order from Donald Trump to gather citizenship data through administrative records .
In New York , other civil rights groups are seeking sanctions against Trump administration attorneys for not turning over documents related to the citizenship question 's origins .
Democratic lawmakers in the District of Columbia are fighting for similar documents , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep immigrants living in the country illegally from being counted during the process that determines the number of congressional seats each state gets .
All of the lawsuits touch on whether the number of citizens , instead of the total population , will be used for redistricting or apportionment — the process of divvying up congressional seats among the states after the 2020 census .
Opponents say doing so would dilute the influence of minorities and Democrats , which they argue was the true intent of the Trump administration 's desire to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place .
The U.S. Constitution specifies that congressional districts should be based on how many people — not citizens — live there .
But the legal requirements are murkier for state legislative districts .
`` The country is changing demographically , and people in power believe that the only way to stay in power is to disadvantage minority voters , '' said Andrea Senteno , an attorney for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund , one of the civil rights groups that sued Trump in the Maryland case .
`` What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of that .
It 's really about political power in the long term . ''
Supporters of the question say the United States should know how many citizens there are .
`` It 's important for us as a country to know how many people are citizens , '' U.S. Rep. Jody Hice , a Republican from Georgia , said last week during a congressional hearing .
Last June , the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the Trump administration from adding a citizenship question to the 2020 census .
The administration had said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement of a law that protects minority voters ' access to the ballot box .
But the high court said the administration 's justification for the question `` seems to have been contrived . ''
Opponents argued it would intimidate immigrants , Hispanics , and others from participating in the once-a-decade head count that determines how $ 1.5 trillion in federal spending is allocated and how many congressional seats each state gets .
House Democrats investigating the citizenship question 's origins said a Trump transition adviser was in contact with an influential Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the citizenship question was being drafted in 2017 .
Hofeller , who died in 2018 , advocated using voting-age citizens , instead of the total population , as the population base for redistricting .
In documents that surfaced after his death , he acknowledged his intent was to help Republicans and non-Hispanic whites .
In the District of Columbia , Democratic lawmakers sued Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Attorney General William Barr for refusing to provide information for their investigation .
The lawmakers say they need documents being withheld to determine whether Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ census from partisan political interference .
In New York , civil rights groups that helped win the Supreme Court case are seeking sanctions against Trump administration attorneys , saying they hid Hofeller 's role in concocting the citizenship question .
After the Supreme Court blocked the question , Trump issued an executive order for the Census Bureau to gather citizenship information through administrative records from federal agencies and the 50 states .
Gathering the citizenship data would give the states the option to design districts using voter-age citizen numbers instead of the total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order .
A short time later , civil rights groups sued in federal court in Maryland , claiming the citizenship-data gathering was motivated by `` a racially discriminatory scheme '' to reduce the political power of Latinos and increase the representation of non-Latino whites . ''
The civil rights groups said in court papers last week that members of the Trump administration `` conspired to reduce the political power of people of color '' by following Hofeller 's recommendation .
In Alabama , state officials and Republican U.S .
Congressman Mo Brooks sued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country illegally from being counted when determining congressional seats for each state .
Their 2018 lawsuit claims Alabama stands to lose a seat if people living in the country illegally are included , diluting the state 's representation in the Electoral College .
Even though the citizenship question wo n't be on the 2020 questionnaire , its opponents said plenty of damage has already been done .
But Census Bureau director Steven Dillingham said last month in an interview with The Associated Press that he does n't think the fight over citizenship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question is over .
We have experienced litigation , but I do n't think there 's any legacy to that , '' Dillingham said .
`` We want to make sure that we reach everyone and that everyone gets counted . ''

The U.S. Supreme Court decided a citizenship question won’t be on this spring’s census form, but that doesn’t mean the fight over it has ended in courtrooms across the country.
In Maryland, civil rights groups are trying to block an order from Donald Trump to gather citizenship data through administrative records. In New York, other civil rights groups are seeking sanctions against Trump administration attorneys for not turning over documents related to the citizenship question’s origins. Democratic lawmakers in the District of Columbia are fighting for similar documents, and Alabama officials are suing the Census Bureau to keep immigrants living in the country illegally from being counted during the process that determines the number of congressional seats each state gets.
All of the lawsuits touch on whether the number of citizens, instead of the total population, will be used for redistricting or apportionment — the process of divvying up congressional seats among the states after the 2020 census. Opponents say doing so would dilute the influence of minorities and Democrats, which they argue was the true intent of the Trump administration’s desire to add a citizenship question in the first place.
The U.S. Constitution specifies that congressional districts should be based on how many people — not citizens — live there. But the legal requirements are murkier for state legislative districts.
“The country is changing demographically, and people in power believe that the only way to stay in power is to disadvantage minority voters,” said Andrea Senteno, an attorney for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, one of the civil rights groups that sued Trump in the Maryland case. “What we’re seeing now is a reflection of that. It’s really about political power in the long term.”
Supporters of the question say the United States should know how many citizens there are.
“It’s important for us as a country to know how many people are citizens,” U.S. Rep. Jody Hice, a Republican from Georgia, said last week during a congressional hearing.
Last June, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the Trump administration from adding a citizenship question to the 2020 census. The administration had said the question was being added to aid in enforcement of a law that protects minority voters’ access to the ballot box. But the high court said the administration’s justification for the question “seems to have been contrived.”
Opponents argued it would intimidate immigrants, Hispanics, and others from participating in the once-a-decade head count that determines how $1.5 trillion in federal spending is allocated and how many congressional seats each state gets.
House Democrats investigating the citizenship question’s origins said a Trump transition adviser was in contact with an influential Republican redistricting guru, Thomas Hofeller, when the citizenship question was being drafted in 2017. Hofeller, who died in 2018, advocated using voting-age citizens, instead of the total population, as the population base for redistricting. In documents that surfaced after his death, he acknowledged his intent was to help Republicans and non-Hispanic whites.
In the District of Columbia, Democratic lawmakers sued Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Attorney General William Barr for refusing to provide information for their investigation. The lawmakers say they need documents being withheld to determine whether Congress should take emergency action to protect the census from partisan political interference.
In New York, civil rights groups that helped win the Supreme Court case are seeking sanctions against Trump administration attorneys, saying they hid Hofeller’s role in concocting the citizenship question.
After the Supreme Court blocked the question, Trump issued an executive order for the Census Bureau to gather citizenship information through administrative records from federal agencies and the 50 states.
Gathering the citizenship data would give the states the option to design districts using voter-age citizen numbers instead of the total population, Trump said in his July order. A short time later, civil rights groups sued in federal court in Maryland, claiming the citizenship-data gathering was motivated by “a racially discriminatory scheme” to reduce the political power of Latinos and increase the representation of non-Latino whites.”
The civil rights groups said in court papers last week that members of the Trump administration “conspired to reduce the political power of people of color” by following Hofeller’s recommendation.
In Alabama, state officials and Republican U.S. Congressman Mo Brooks sued the Census Bureau to exclude people in the country illegally from being counted when determining congressional seats for each state. Their 2018 lawsuit claims Alabama stands to lose a seat if people living in the country illegally are included, diluting the state’s representation in the Electoral College.
Even though the citizenship question won’t be on the 2020 questionnaire, its opponents said plenty of damage has already been done. But Census Bureau director Steven Dillingham said last month in an interview with The Associated Press that he doesn’t think the fight over citizenship will diminish participation.
“The citizenship question is over. We have experienced litigation, but I don’t think there’s any legacy to that,” Dillingham said. “We want to make sure that we reach everyone and that everyone gets counted.”


shareblue--2020-01-18--Puerto Ricans new to Florida could swing state to Democrats in 2020

When Martha Santiago moved to Polk County , Florida , from Puerto Rico in 1979 to teach in one of the county 's first bilingual schools , there were two certainties .
One was that oranges were an economic engine in the county that is wedged between Tampa and Orlando .
The other was that orange picking and other agricultural labor was done mostly by undocumented workers from Mexico .
Forty years later , Santiago is now Polk 's first Hispanic county commissioner .
The fragrant citrus blossoms have been replaced by sprawling stucco subdivisions , and the Hispanic registered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with Puerto Ricans — who are U.S. citizens — driving the increase .
That transformation is a clear measure of the change in number , and the change in character of Florida ’ s Hispanic vote .
One of the most important issues in the 2020 election will be whether those changes will ratify Florida ’ s status as a swing state and show the power of the Hispanic vote in Democratic politics or vote for Donald Trump .
`` In Puerto Rico , politics are very important for the people .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about , '' said Santiago , a Republican who supports Trump .
In Polk County , the Hispanic registered voter population has grown from 19,000 in 2006 to 65,000 in 2018 — 15 % of the total and of up from only 3 % in 1980 .
By 2018 , Hispanics made up 23 % of the county 's 700,000 residents — which means the number of potential voters is likely to increase in 2020 .
Traditionally , Puerto Ricans on the mainland have been considered stalwart Democrats .
But as Santiago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unexpected Puerto Rican support of Rick Scott in the 2016 U.S. Senate race — such generalizations may not hold in 2020 .
`` That ’ s one of the big questions that everyone wonders about Florida : what impact will the Hispanic vote have ? ''
said Jens Manuel Krogstad , an analyst at the Pew Research Center who studies the political engagement of Latinos in the U.S. `` What is the Hispanic vote and is there a Hispanic vote ?
I say that because Hispanics are diverse in a lot of ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Especially in Florida . ''
The Trump campaign is aggressively courting the Hispanic vote , especially religious conservatives , in Florida .
Mike Pence will visit central Florida next week , and Trump held a rally January 3 at a Latino megachurch in the state .
Democratic candidates have been focused on early voting states and have not campaigned heavily yet in Florida .
But Democratic-aligned voter registration group have been blanketing Polk County , and the I-4 corridor , hoping to sign up tens of thousands of new voters .
On a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Hispanic Federation stood inside an old arcade mall in downtown Haines City , holding one end of a red ribbon .
Her team of a half-dozen people clustered around the ribbon , with another organizer from the group holding the opposite end of the ribbon .
`` Cortalo , '' she said , to applause .
It 's Spanish for cut it , and a woman snipped the ribbon with scissors .
It was the opening of the Hispanic Federation 's Polk County voter outreach office , but they 'd already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ribbon-cutting .
Between Nov. 18 and Dec. 10 , the group had registered 915 voters at bodegas , libraries , and outside of government offices .
Their goal : 1,500 by the end of the year .
Chapa , who is Mexican , commutes west to Polk from Orlando .
She 's taken note of Puerto Ricans who have registered recently — many have moved to Florida since Hurricane Maria devastated the island in 2017 .
Some first moved to the Orlando area , but are headed to Polk to settle down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mainland after Hurricane Maria ripped through the island .
`` It makes sense because housing 's cheaper , '' she said , grabbing an orange clipboard and a stack of voter registration forms .
An hour later , she stood outside the Polk County Tax Collector 's office .
With a big smile , she asked those walking out of the office if they were registered to vote in both English and Spanish .
More often than not , people responded in Spanish .
Many said they 'd already registered to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the clipboard , saying they needed to update their address .
Chapa signed up another Puerto Rican on the day she opened the federation 's field office .
David Serrano , a 49-year-old laborer , grinned when asked about Trump while filling out his change of address form .
`` I hate people who hate people , '' he said .
`` He 's not my type of person . ''
He said he will be voting in the 2020 election , and Chapa pointed out that he was registered as NPA — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because Florida 's a closed primary state , he wo n't be able to vote in the primary unless he changes his party affiliation .
NPA voters can cast ballots in the general election .
Serrano said he 'd deal with it later and walked off .
According to the Florida Secretary of State , there were about 107,600 newly registered Hispanic voters in 2019 .
A majority — 46 % — were registered as NPA .
Thirty-three percent registered as Democrats , and 18 % as Republicans .
Chapa is concerned about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lots of Puerto Ricans registering as NPAs , which means predicting which way those voters will lean in a hotly contested year is virtually impossible .
`` They ca n't fully participate in the process , '' she said , shaking her head .
`` That affects the election . ''
Maria Morales , a 56-year-old teacher , was one of those who changed her address with Chapa .
Morales recently moved from Orlando to the small Polk County community of Davenport .
She 's Puerto Rican , and came to the mainland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the hurricane and what her grown son went through in the aftermath , her voice cracks .
`` He said , Mom , get me out of here , '' she recounted .
Many settled in Florida , including Morales ' son .
When asked about Trump 's handling of the hurricane — he was highly critical of Puerto Rico ’ s government , saying it was corrupt — and whether it would affect her vote in 2020 , Morales shrugged .
`` I really do n't know yet , '' she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , and thinks he 's done a good job with the economy .
She also `` kind of agrees with him '' on the issue of Puerto Rican corruption .
However , she 's open to voting for a Democratic candidate .
Trouble is , she ca n't quite identify who 's who in the crowded field .
`` Biden ? ''
she mused .
`` Is that the old man with the gray hair ? ''
Florida Democrats have vowed to register 200,000 voters before the 2020 primary , and said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 million on the effort .
Former gubernatorial candidate Andrew Gillum , a Democrat , created a new group called Bring It Home Florida , and aims to register a million voters .
It 's unclear how much Republicans will spend on vote-getting efforts .
But according to the Florida Division of Elections , between January and September 2019 ( the latest month data is available ) , Republicans registered a net 23,084 new voters in the state , compared to 10,731 Democrats .
Daniel Smith , the chairman of the political science @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said there have been some key differences in Puerto Rican voting patterns compared to other Hispanic groups .
Compared with other Hispanic groups in Florida , Puerto Ricans have weaker voter turnout .
He analyzed Florida precincts that had at least 100 Puerto Rican-born registered voters who voted in the 2016 general election .
Of the more than 180,000 Puerto Rican-born voters in his database , only 112,000 of them , or 62 % , voted in 2016 — a far lower rate than Cuban born voters , he said .
That same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ naturalized citizens in his database turned out to vote — a roughly 75 % turnout .
In 2018 , Puerto Ricans voter turnout was soft , which distressed Democrats .
Former Gov .
Rick Scott ran for Senate in that year .
He visited the island multiple times after Maria , and his careful attention to the island seemed to pay off .
Analysis of some heavily Puerto Rican precincts in Osceola County showed that Scott secured hundreds more votes than fellow GOP candidate Ron DeSantis , who was running for governor the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hispanic voters are not a monolith .
We 're not all Democrats . ''

When Martha Santiago moved to Polk County, Florida, from Puerto Rico in 1979 to teach in one of the county’s first bilingual schools, there were two certainties.
One was that oranges were an economic engine in the county that is wedged between Tampa and Orlando. The other was that orange picking and other agricultural labor was done mostly by undocumented workers from Mexico.
Forty years later, Santiago is now Polk’s first Hispanic county commissioner. The fragrant citrus blossoms have been replaced by sprawling stucco subdivisions, and the Hispanic registered voter population in Polk County has boomed, with Puerto Ricans — who are U.S. citizens — driving the increase.
That transformation is a clear measure of the change in number, and the change in character of Florida’s Hispanic vote. One of the most important issues in the 2020 election will be whether those changes will ratify Florida’s status as a swing state and show the power of the Hispanic vote in Democratic politics or vote for Donald Trump.
“In Puerto Rico, politics are very important for the people. It’s the number one thing people talk about,” said Santiago, a Republican who supports Trump.
In Polk County, the Hispanic registered voter population has grown from 19,000 in 2006 to 65,000 in 2018 — 15% of the total and of up from only 3% in 1980. By 2018, Hispanics made up 23% of the county’s 700,000 residents — which means the number of potential voters is likely to increase in 2020.
Traditionally, Puerto Ricans on the mainland have been considered stalwart Democrats. But as Santiago proves — and as shown by the unexpected Puerto Rican support of Rick Scott in the 2016 U.S. Senate race — such generalizations may not hold in 2020.
“That’s one of the big questions that everyone wonders about Florida: what impact will the Hispanic vote have?” said Jens Manuel Krogstad, an analyst at the Pew Research Center who studies the political engagement of Latinos in the U.S. “What is the Hispanic vote and is there a Hispanic vote? I say that because Hispanics are diverse in a lot of ways, including in their political views. Especially in Florida.”
The Trump campaign is aggressively courting the Hispanic vote, especially religious conservatives, in Florida. Mike Pence will visit central Florida next week, and Trump held a rally January 3 at a Latino megachurch in the state.
Democratic candidates have been focused on early voting states and have not campaigned heavily yet in Florida. But Democratic-aligned voter registration group have been blanketing Polk County, and the I-4 corridor, hoping to sign up tens of thousands of new voters.
On a recent December day, Maria Jose Chapa of the Hispanic Federation stood inside an old arcade mall in downtown Haines City, holding one end of a red ribbon. Her team of a half-dozen people clustered around the ribbon, with another organizer from the group holding the opposite end of the ribbon.
“Cortalo,” she said, to applause. It’s Spanish for cut it, and a woman snipped the ribbon with scissors.
It was the opening of the Hispanic Federation’s Polk County voter outreach office, but they’d already been on the ground prior to the ribbon-cutting. Between Nov. 18 and Dec. 10, the group had registered 915 voters at bodegas, libraries, and outside of government offices. Their goal: 1,500 by the end of the year.
Chapa, who is Mexican, commutes west to Polk from Orlando. She’s taken note of Puerto Ricans who have registered recently — many have moved to Florida since Hurricane Maria devastated the island in 2017. Some first moved to the Orlando area, but are headed to Polk to settle down. An estimated 400,000 Puerto Ricans moved to the mainland after Hurricane Maria ripped through the island.
“It makes sense because housing’s cheaper,” she said, grabbing an orange clipboard and a stack of voter registration forms.
An hour later, she stood outside the Polk County Tax Collector’s office. With a big smile, she asked those walking out of the office if they were registered to vote in both English and Spanish.
More often than not, people responded in Spanish. Many said they’d already registered to vote, while others paused and reached for the clipboard, saying they needed to update their address.
Chapa signed up another Puerto Rican on the day she opened the federation’s field office. David Serrano, a 49-year-old laborer, grinned when asked about Trump while filling out his change of address form.
“I hate people who hate people,” he said. “He’s not my type of person.”
He said he will be voting in the 2020 election, and Chapa pointed out that he was registered as NPA — no party affiliation, which means that because Florida’s a closed primary state, he won’t be able to vote in the primary unless he changes his party affiliation. NPA voters can cast ballots in the general election.
Serrano said he’d deal with it later and walked off.
According to the Florida Secretary of State, there were about 107,600 newly registered Hispanic voters in 2019. A majority — 46% — were registered as NPA. Thirty-three percent registered as Democrats, and 18% as Republicans.
Chapa is concerned about those voters; she said she sees lots of Puerto Ricans registering as NPAs, which means predicting which way those voters will lean in a hotly contested year is virtually impossible.
“They can’t fully participate in the process,” she said, shaking her head. “That affects the election.”
Maria Morales, a 56-year-old teacher, was one of those who changed her address with Chapa. Morales recently moved from Orlando to the small Polk County community of Davenport. She’s Puerto Rican, and came to the mainland four years ago. When she speaks of the hurricane and what her grown son went through in the aftermath, her voice cracks.
“He said, Mom, get me out of here,” she recounted. Many settled in Florida, including Morales’ son.
When asked about Trump’s handling of the hurricane — he was highly critical of Puerto Rico’s government, saying it was corrupt — and whether it would affect her vote in 2020, Morales shrugged.
“I really don’t know yet,” she said.
Morales voted for Trump in 2016, and thinks he’s done a good job with the economy. She also “kind of agrees with him” on the issue of Puerto Rican corruption. However, she’s open to voting for a Democratic candidate. Trouble is, she can’t quite identify who’s who in the crowded field.
“Biden?” she mused. “Is that the old man with the gray hair?”
Florida Democrats have vowed to register 200,000 voters before the 2020 primary, and said in March that they would spend $2 million on the effort. Former gubernatorial candidate Andrew Gillum, a Democrat, created a new group called Bring It Home Florida, and aims to register a million voters.
It’s unclear how much Republicans will spend on vote-getting efforts. But according to the Florida Division of Elections, between January and September 2019 (the latest month data is available), Republicans registered a net 23,084 new voters in the state, compared to 10,731 Democrats.
Daniel Smith, the chairman of the political science department at the University of Florida, said there have been some key differences in Puerto Rican voting patterns compared to other Hispanic groups.
Compared with other Hispanic groups in Florida, Puerto Ricans have weaker voter turnout. He analyzed Florida precincts that had at least 100 Puerto Rican-born registered voters who voted in the 2016 general election.
Of the more than 180,000 Puerto Rican-born voters in his database, only 112,000 of them, or 62%, voted in 2016 — a far lower rate than Cuban born voters, he said. That same year, 242,000 of the 325,000 Cuban-born naturalized citizens in his database turned out to vote — a roughly 75% turnout.
In 2018, Puerto Ricans voter turnout was soft, which distressed Democrats.
Former Gov. Rick Scott ran for Senate in that year. He visited the island multiple times after Maria, and his careful attention to the island seemed to pay off. Analysis of some heavily Puerto Rican precincts in Osceola County showed that Scott secured hundreds more votes than fellow GOP candidate Ron DeSantis, who was running for governor the same year.
Said Chapa: “Hispanic voters are not a monolith. We’re not all Democrats.”


shareblue--2020-01-19--Earth had its hottest decade on record in 2010s

The decade that just ended was by far the hottest ever measured on Earth , capped off by the second-warmest year on record , two U.S. agencies reported Wednesday .
And scientists said they see no end to the way man-made climate change keeps shattering records .
“ If you think you 've heard this story before , you have n't seen anything yet , ” Gavin Schmidt , director of NASA ’ s Goddard Institute for Space Studies , said at the close of a decade plagued by raging wildfires , melting ice and extreme weather that researchers have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Earth as a whole is probably the hottest it has been during the Holocene — the past 11,500 years or so — meaning this could be the warmest period since the dawn of civilization .
But scientists ' estimates of ancient global temperatures , based on tree rings , ice cores and other telltale signs , are not precise enough to say that with certainty .
The 2010s averaged 58.4 degrees Fahrenheit ( 14.7 degrees Celsius ) worldwide , or 1.4 degrees ( 0.8 C ) higher than the 20th century average @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( one-fifth of a degree C ) warmer than the previous decade , which had been the hottest on record , according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration .
The decade had eight of the 10 hottest years on record .
The only other years in the top 10 were 2005 and 1998 .
NASA and NOAA also calculated that 2019 was the second-hottest year in the 140 years of record-keeping .
Five other global teams of monitoring scientists agreed , based on temperature readings taken on Earth 's surface , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the hottest year on record to the third-hottest .
Several scientists said the coming years will be even hotter , knocking these years out of the record books .
“ This is going to be part of what we see every year until we stabilize greenhouse gases ” from the burning of coal , oil and gas , Schmidt said .
“ It ’ s sobering to think that we might be breaking global temperature records in quick succession , ” said Georgia Tech climate scientist Kim Cobb .
“ 2020 is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and I fear what the rest of the year will bring to our doorsteps.
” NASA 's Schmidt said that overall , Earth is now about 1.2 degrees C ( nearly 2.2 F ) hotter since the beginning of the industrial age , a number that is important because in 2015 global leaders adopted a goal of preventing 1.5 C ( 2.7 F ) of warming since the rise of big industry in the mid- to late 1800s .
He said that shows the global goal can ’ t be achieved .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the warming since the dawn of industry slightly lower . )
“ We have strong human-induced global warming , ” said Friederike Otto , a climate scientist at the University of Oxford .
“ What we observe here is exactly what our physical understanding tells us to expect and there is no other explanation.
” Other explanations that rely on natural causes — extra heat from the sun , more reflection of sunlight because of volcanic particles in atmosphere , and just random climate variations — “ are all much too small to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University climate scientist Michael Oppenheimer said .
Scientists said the the decade-long data is more telling than the year-to-year measurements , where natural variations such as El Nino , the periodic warming of the Pacific Ocean , come into play .
“ Human-caused climate change is responsible for the long-term warming — it ’ s responsible for why the 2010s were warmer than 2000s , which were warmer than the 1990s , etc.
, ” Texas A & M University climate scientist Andrew Dessler said in an email .
“ But humans are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 2015 or why 2019 was warmer than 2018.
” NOAA said the average global temperature in 2019 was 58.7 degrees ( 14.85 C ) , or just a few hundredths of a degree behind 2016 , when the world got extra heat from El Nino .
That ’ s 1.71 degrees ( 0.95 C ) higher than the 20th century average and 2.08 degrees ( 1.16 C ) warmer than the late 19th century .
Parts of Europe , Asia , Australia , Africa and South America had record-high temperatures in 2019 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and New Mexico , NOAA said .
Alaska was 6.2 degrees warmer than average , at 32.2 F. It was the first time in recorded history that Alaska 's average annual temperature was above freezing .
The United States , which had only its 34th-warmest year , was nevertheless hit by 14 weather disasters that caused $ 1 billion or more in damage last year , according to NOAA .
Globally the past five years stand out as the hottest five on record , nearly 1.7 degrees ( 0.9 C ) warmer than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year Earth was cooler than the 20th century average was 1976 , before Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg , French President Emmanuel Macron and Donald Trump Jr. were born .
If you want to know what this means for people and the world , just look at wildfire-stricken Australia , Schmidt and others said .
Global warming is already being seen in heat waves , ice sheet melt , more wildfires , stronger storms , flood-inducing downpours and accelerating sea level rise , said Hans-Otto Portner , who heads the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the impact of climate change .
Sea ice both in the Arctic and Antarctic reached their second-lowest levels in 40 years of monitoring , NOAA reported .
Dr. Renee Salas , a Boston emergency room physician and Harvard professor who studies climate change ’ s effects on health , said “ these temperatures are not just statistics but have names and stories , ” mentioning a construction worker and an elderly man with no air conditioning who were her patients this summer .
“ The planet has a fever , '' Salas said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symptom .
”

The decade that just ended was by far the hottest ever measured on Earth, capped off by the second-warmest year on record, two U.S. agencies reported Wednesday. And scientists said they see no end to the way man-made climate change keeps shattering records.
“If you think you’ve heard this story before, you haven’t seen anything yet,” Gavin Schmidt, director of NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies, said at the close of a decade plagued by raging wildfires, melting ice and extreme weather that researchers have repeatedly tied to human activity.
Schmidt said Earth as a whole is probably the hottest it has been during the Holocene — the past 11,500 years or so — meaning this could be the warmest period since the dawn of civilization. But scientists’ estimates of ancient global temperatures, based on tree rings, ice cores and other telltale signs, are not precise enough to say that with certainty.
The 2010s averaged 58.4 degrees Fahrenheit (14.7 degrees Celsius) worldwide, or 1.4 degrees (0.8 C) higher than the 20th century average and more than one-third of a degree (one-fifth of a degree C) warmer than the previous decade, which had been the hottest on record, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
The decade had eight of the 10 hottest years on record. The only other years in the top 10 were 2005 and 1998.
NASA and NOAA also calculated that 2019 was the second-hottest year in the 140 years of record-keeping. Five other global teams of monitoring scientists agreed, based on temperature readings taken on Earth’s surface, while various satellite-based measurements said it was anywhere from the hottest year on record to the third-hottest.
Several scientists said the coming years will be even hotter, knocking these years out of the record books.
“This is going to be part of what we see every year until we stabilize greenhouse gases” from the burning of coal, oil and gas, Schmidt said.
“It’s sobering to think that we might be breaking global temperature records in quick succession,” said Georgia Tech climate scientist Kim Cobb. “2020 is off to a horrifying climate start, and I fear what the rest of the year will bring to our doorsteps.”
NASA’s Schmidt said that overall, Earth is now about 1.2 degrees C (nearly 2.2 F) hotter since the beginning of the industrial age, a number that is important because in 2015 global leaders adopted a goal of preventing 1.5 C (2.7 F) of warming since the rise of big industry in the mid- to late 1800s. He said that shows the global goal can’t be achieved. (NOAA and the World Meteorological Organization put the warming since the dawn of industry slightly lower.)
“We have strong human-induced global warming,” said Friederike Otto, a climate scientist at the University of Oxford. “What we observe here is exactly what our physical understanding tells us to expect and there is no other explanation.”
Other explanations that rely on natural causes — extra heat from the sun, more reflection of sunlight because of volcanic particles in atmosphere, and just random climate variations — “are all much too small to explain the long-term trend,” Princeton University climate scientist Michael Oppenheimer said.
Scientists said the the decade-long data is more telling than the year-to-year measurements, where natural variations such as El Nino, the periodic warming of the Pacific Ocean, come into play.
“Human-caused climate change is responsible for the long-term warming — it’s responsible for why the 2010s were warmer than 2000s, which were warmer than the 1990s, etc.,” Texas A&M University climate scientist Andrew Dessler said in an email. “But humans are not responsible for why 2016 was warmer than 2015 or why 2019 was warmer than 2018.”
NOAA said the average global temperature in 2019 was 58.7 degrees (14.85 C), or just a few hundredths of a degree behind 2016, when the world got extra heat from El Nino. That’s 1.71 degrees (0.95 C) higher than the 20th century average and 2.08 degrees (1.16 C) warmer than the late 19th century.
Parts of Europe, Asia, Australia, Africa and South America had record-high temperatures in 2019, as did Alaska, New Zealand and New Mexico, NOAA said. Alaska was 6.2 degrees warmer than average, at 32.2 F. It was the first time in recorded history that Alaska’s average annual temperature was above freezing.
The United States, which had only its 34th-warmest year, was nevertheless hit by 14 weather disasters that caused $1 billion or more in damage last year, according to NOAA.
Globally the past five years stand out as the hottest five on record, nearly 1.7 degrees (0.9 C) warmer than the 20th century average. The last year Earth was cooler than the 20th century average was 1976, before Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg, French President Emmanuel Macron and Donald Trump Jr. were born.
If you want to know what this means for people and the world, just look at wildfire-stricken Australia, Schmidt and others said.
Global warming is already being seen in heat waves, ice sheet melt, more wildfires, stronger storms, flood-inducing downpours and accelerating sea level rise, said Hans-Otto Portner, who heads the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change team that looks at the impact of climate change.
Sea ice both in the Arctic and Antarctic reached their second-lowest levels in 40 years of monitoring, NOAA reported.
Dr. Renee Salas, a Boston emergency room physician and Harvard professor who studies climate change’s effects on health, said “these temperatures are not just statistics but have names and stories,” mentioning a construction worker and an elderly man with no air conditioning who were her patients this summer.
“The planet has a fever,” Salas said, “and that’s its symptom.”


shareblue--2020-01-19--Former felons could help flip Wisconsin blue in 2020

When Quentin Blackburn was sent to prison for his first felony conviction in the 1990s , the consequences were clear : he could no longer vote or possess a firearm .
It wasn ’ t until last month that the 48-year-old Milwaukee man found out his right to vote was restored when he finished serving his most recent sentence seven months earlier .
`` It 's new news to me , '' said Blackburn , who went to prison for drug crimes and now works as a packer in a factory that makes cleaning wipes and other products .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gun possession .
... Once you 're stripped from your rights to vote or carry a firearm or whatever it 's for the duration , you know ? ''
Community activists believe there are thousands of former prisoners like Blackburn across Wisconsin who could be voting but did n't know it — people whose ballots could be a factor next year in a state known for deciding elections by the narrowest of margins .
Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in Wisconsin by fewer than 23,000 votes in 2016 , helping him clinch the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's reelection strategy for 2020 , one of three in the Midwest that are prime territory for groups — pro-Trump or against him — trying to mobilize anyone who ’ s eligible to cast a ballot .
For EX-Prisoners Organizing , or EXPO , a statewide group of former prisoners , that means fanning out across Wisconsin in an effort to register some 7,000 people before the fall election .
From canvassing neighborhoods to holding events at prisons and putting flyers on cars outside community corrections offices , EXPO is trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to turn out in 2020 .
The presidential election will top the November ballot but several other critical state and local races — including legislative and judicial offices — will also be decided .
Their work also could affect turnout among African Americans in Wisconsin , which dropped between the 2012 and 2016 elections at a level greater than the national average , a shift that — along with Trump 's improved performance with white voters — factored into his win .
According to the American Civil Liberties Union , one out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Wisconsin is `` disfranchised , '' or ineligible to vote due to a felony conviction , compared to one out of 50 Wisconsin voters .
African Americans comprise 5 % of Wisconsin ’ s voting age population , the ACLU says .
`` Trump won this state by less than 1 percentage point , so we have to care about this , '' said Jerome Dillard , the group 's state director , who is African American and said he regularly meets former prisoners who believe they could be sent back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Milwaukee , where Democrats will hold their party 's nominating convention in July , is home to about two-thirds of Wisconsin 's black population .
It 's among the most segregated metro areas in the country , with white residents largely living in suburbs or in trendy neighborhoods along Lake Michigan while black residents are concentrated on the west and northwest sides where there are fewer jobs , more poverty and high rates of crime and incarceration .
`` I have never seen a black community in this shape like here in Milwaukee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mississippi , Texas , Georgia , and I 've never seen such hopelessness , '' said Sylvester Jackson , a former prisoner who works as an organizer with EXPO .
`` The black community here is like it 's in a smog of pain and despair . ''
About two dozen states have extended voting rights to convicted felons since 1997 , according to The Sentencing Project , which advocates for changes in the U.S. criminal justice system .
At the same time , there have been efforts that critics say are aimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
States that have removed bans on voting in recent years include Florida , Virginia , and — just last month — Kentucky , where the new Democratic Gov .
Andy Beshear restored rights to vote and hold public office to over 140,000 people .
In Wisconsin , EXPO is trying to change the law to allow ex-prisoners to begin voting when they leave prison , rather than when they complete their entire sentence , including parole .
Yet in Wisconsin late last year a judge also ordered up to 209,000 registered voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have moved away .
This was a victory for conservatives who called for removing the names of people who didn ’ t respond to a mailing within 30 days .
In Florida , where a ballot measure restored voting rights for up to 1.5 million people last year , a legal battle erupted over a Republican effort to require some convicts to pay their full fines and fees before voting .
GOP lawmakers there argue that offenders should first have to repay their victims or their full debt to society .
In Wisconsin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have people removed from the voting rolls says it 's working to ensure that there are `` clean and fair elections . ''
The GOP is focused on having accurate voter rolls , said Bob Spindell , a Republican member of the Wisconsin Election Commission , and low turnout among black Democratic voters in 2016 was due to a lack of enthusiasm for candidate Hillary Clinton .
`` I have not seen any suppression of the black vote in Milwaukee , '' Spindell said .
`` If there 's a problem , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Even once voting rights are available , turnout among former prisoners has been `` modest , '' said Nicole Porter , director of advocacy for The Sentencing Project .
However , `` In districts or states where the vote is very close , encouraging voter participation among any constituency or voting block is really important , '' Porter said .
`` That may impact the election . ''
Still , EXPO organizers know they have a difficult task ahead .
Some people they are trying to reach went to prison before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 18 , so voting is unfamiliar .
Others may have been raised in families or environments where voting wasn ’ t a regular occurrence .
And once out of prison , many people are struggling to just find a job and a place to live , Jackson said .
But being in prison also helps politicize some people , Porter said .
They leave prison changed people , and even if they can ’ t vote , they want to participate through political activism .
EXPO is hoping to leverage those people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to family and friends and get them to participate .
Blackburn , an African American who learned he could vote while attending a community meal at a Milwaukee church , said it was `` great news '' that he will be able to cast a ballot against Trump , whom he believes is a racist who has divided the country .
He said he regretted not being able to vote for Barack Obama for president , and that he planned to talk with his friends and family about participating in 2020 .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was like something was stripped from me , '' he said .
`` I felt like I did n't matter , you know , in a sense .
So now I can vote now .
It 's good news .
I 'm happy . ''

When Quentin Blackburn was sent to prison for his first felony conviction in the 1990s, the consequences were clear: he could no longer vote or possess a firearm. It wasn’t until last month that the 48-year-old Milwaukee man found out his right to vote was restored when he finished serving his most recent sentence seven months earlier.
“It’s new news to me,” said Blackburn, who went to prison for drug crimes and now works as a packer in a factory that makes cleaning wipes and other products. “I thought it was pretty much like gun possession. … Once you’re stripped from your rights to vote or carry a firearm or whatever it’s for the duration, you know?”
Community activists believe there are thousands of former prisoners like Blackburn across Wisconsin who could be voting but didn’t know it — people whose ballots could be a factor next year in a state known for deciding elections by the narrowest of margins. Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in Wisconsin by fewer than 23,000 votes in 2016, helping him clinch the presidency. The state factors heavily into Trump’s reelection strategy for 2020, one of three in the Midwest that are prime territory for groups — pro-Trump or against him — trying to mobilize anyone who’s eligible to cast a ballot.
For EX-Prisoners Organizing, or EXPO, a statewide group of former prisoners, that means fanning out across Wisconsin in an effort to register some 7,000 people before the fall election. From canvassing neighborhoods to holding events at prisons and putting flyers on cars outside community corrections offices, EXPO is trying to educate people about their rights and get them to turn out in 2020. The presidential election will top the November ballot but several other critical state and local races — including legislative and judicial offices — will also be decided.
Their work also could affect turnout among African Americans in Wisconsin, which dropped between the 2012 and 2016 elections at a level greater than the national average, a shift that — along with Trump’s improved performance with white voters — factored into his win. According to the American Civil Liberties Union, one out of nine African Americans of voting age in Wisconsin is “disfranchised,” or ineligible to vote due to a felony conviction, compared to one out of 50 Wisconsin voters. African Americans comprise 5% of Wisconsin’s voting age population, the ACLU says.
“Trump won this state by less than 1 percentage point, so we have to care about this,” said Jerome Dillard, the group’s state director, who is African American and said he regularly meets former prisoners who believe they could be sent back to prison just for registering to vote.
Milwaukee, where Democrats will hold their party’s nominating convention in July, is home to about two-thirds of Wisconsin’s black population. It’s among the most segregated metro areas in the country, with white residents largely living in suburbs or in trendy neighborhoods along Lake Michigan while black residents are concentrated on the west and northwest sides where there are fewer jobs, more poverty and high rates of crime and incarceration.
“I have never seen a black community in this shape like here in Milwaukee. I’ve been through Illinois, Mississippi, Texas, Georgia, and I’ve never seen such hopelessness,” said Sylvester Jackson, a former prisoner who works as an organizer with EXPO. “The black community here is like it’s in a smog of pain and despair.”
About two dozen states have extended voting rights to convicted felons since 1997, according to The Sentencing Project, which advocates for changes in the U.S. criminal justice system. At the same time, there have been efforts that critics say are aimed at tightening voter rights or voting rolls.
States that have removed bans on voting in recent years include Florida, Virginia, and — just last month — Kentucky, where the new Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear restored rights to vote and hold public office to over 140,000 people. In Wisconsin, EXPO is trying to change the law to allow ex-prisoners to begin voting when they leave prison, rather than when they complete their entire sentence, including parole.
Yet in Wisconsin late last year a judge also ordered up to 209,000 registered voters removed from the rolls because they may have moved away. This was a victory for conservatives who called for removing the names of people who didn’t respond to a mailing within 30 days. In Florida, where a ballot measure restored voting rights for up to 1.5 million people last year, a legal battle erupted over a Republican effort to require some convicts to pay their full fines and fees before voting. GOP lawmakers there argue that offenders should first have to repay their victims or their full debt to society.
In Wisconsin, the conservative law firm that sued to have people removed from the voting rolls says it’s working to ensure that there are “clean and fair elections.”
The GOP is focused on having accurate voter rolls, said Bob Spindell, a Republican member of the Wisconsin Election Commission, and low turnout among black Democratic voters in 2016 was due to a lack of enthusiasm for candidate Hillary Clinton.
“I have not seen any suppression of the black vote in Milwaukee,” Spindell said. “If there’s a problem, I would say it’s the candidate.”
Even once voting rights are available, turnout among former prisoners has been “modest,” said Nicole Porter, director of advocacy for The Sentencing Project.
However, “In districts or states where the vote is very close, encouraging voter participation among any constituency or voting block is really important,” Porter said. “That may impact the election.”
Still, EXPO organizers know they have a difficult task ahead. Some people they are trying to reach went to prison before they even hit the legal voting age of 18, so voting is unfamiliar. Others may have been raised in families or environments where voting wasn’t a regular occurrence. And once out of prison, many people are struggling to just find a job and a place to live, Jackson said.
But being in prison also helps politicize some people, Porter said. They leave prison changed people, and even if they can’t vote, they want to participate through political activism. EXPO is hoping to leverage those people as well, asking them to talk to family and friends and get them to participate.
Blackburn, an African American who learned he could vote while attending a community meal at a Milwaukee church, said it was “great news” that he will be able to cast a ballot against Trump, whom he believes is a racist who has divided the country. He said he regretted not being able to vote for Barack Obama for president, and that he planned to talk with his friends and family about participating in 2020.
“When I became a felon, it was like something was stripped from me,” he said. “I felt like I didn’t matter, you know, in a sense. So now I can vote now. It’s good news. I’m happy.”


shareblue--2020-01-20--GOP senator hides from constituents for 791 days straight

It has been nearly 800 days since Republican Sen. Cory Gardner held an in-person town hall with his Colorado constituents , with no indication he will hold one anytime soon .
Gardner is a top target of Democrats hoping to gain control of the Senate in 2020 , and he is facing reelection in a state that backed Hillary Clinton in 2016 and elected Democrats to every statewide position in 2018 .
According to the Colorado Times Recorder , Gardner last held a town hall on Nov. 20 , 2017 , which was 791 days ago .
A Monday New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upcoming town halls listed on his Facebook page .
Gardner is avoiding his constituents despite facing a high-profile reelection in roughly 10 months .
Gardner 's approval rating in the state is only 37 % , with a slightly higher percentage of Coloradans disapproving of his job performance ( 40 % ) , according to a recent Morning Consult poll .
Gardner is regularly listed as one of the most vulnerable Republicans in the country .
Even a local television reporter mocked Gardner 's reclusiveness , chiding him for `` hiding '' from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trial looms .
`` Coloradans deserve better than a senator who wo n't hold town halls or answer basic questions . ''
David Pourshoushtari , spokesperson for the Colorado Democratic Party , said in an email .
`` Instead of being honest with his constituents , Senator Gardner has spent months hiding and wo n't say whether he supports a fair trial that includes all of the evidence and firsthand witnesses or whether Trump 's conduct with Ukraine was appropriate . ''
The Gardner campaign did not immediately respond to a request for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold a 53-47 majority , but endangered incumbents including Gardner , Sens .
Martha McSally ( AZ ) , Susan Collins ( ME ) , and Thom Tillis ( NC ) offer Democrats hope that voters will flip the Senate in 2020 like their House counterparts did in 2018 .
Gardner 's lengthy absence has begun to frustrate Republicans in Colorado .
Herb Glasser , a 54-year-old public accountant , told the Times that he has been `` unhappy '' with Gardner for quite some time , but still plans on supporting him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choice , '' Glasser said , describing himself to the outlet as a `` true conservative . ''
Dick Wadhams , a veteran Colorado Republican operative , had similar complaints , lamenting Gardner 's team , which he said `` keeps him locked up in a fortress . ''
Progressives in the state have taken a different approach to Gardner 's perpetual absence .
The group Indivisible Front Range Resistance ( IFFR ) created its own `` Cardboard Cory , '' a lifesize cardboard cutout of the senator , for residents to ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cory '' made his debut on Feb. 24 , 2017 , at Byers Middle School in Denver , IFFR leader Katie Farnan said during a phone interview .
At that event , 1,500 residents crowded into a gymnasium to ask the cardboard cutout questions , since Gardner himself refused to hold a town hall .
Events continued long after that first appearance , thanks in part to the enthusiasm of groups like Progress Now Colorado , Farnan said .
By August of 2017 , `` Cardboard Cory '' had hosted roughly 30 events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four public town halls for the fall of that year .
The final one was on Nov. 20 , 2017 , in Pueblo .
While the senator has avoided town halls since then , Farnan estimated `` Cardboard Cory '' had participated in `` 250 events , maybe even more '' around the state .
The cutout is so popular that the group has purchased about 11 of them , both to replace damaged ones and to share copies with like-minded groups around the state .
`` Cardboard Cory '' even has his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ followers .
When asked if she anticipated Gardner participating in any more town halls before election day , Farnan was skeptical .
`` I do n't think that 's his strategy , '' she said , although she was baffled at why he would continue hiding .
`` The dynamics have changed , '' since Gardner won in 2014 , she said , mentioning a shift in voter registration numbers .
According to the Colorado Sun , the state had almost 24,000 more registered Republicans than Democrats in 2014 .
At the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans , outnumbering them by more than 67,000 voters .
In 2014 , Gardner won by less than 50,000 votes .
`` If he does n't come out and speak , I do n't see how he grows his base '' and wins , Farnan said .
`` How 's he going to get new voters ? ''
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

It has been nearly 800 days since Republican Sen. Cory Gardner held an in-person town hall with his Colorado constituents, with no indication he will hold one anytime soon.
Gardner is a top target of Democrats hoping to gain control of the Senate in 2020, and he is facing reelection in a state that backed Hillary Clinton in 2016 and elected Democrats to every statewide position in 2018.
According to the Colorado Times Recorder, Gardner last held a town hall on Nov. 20, 2017, which was 791 days ago. A Monday New York Times report noted Gardner has no upcoming town halls listed on his Facebook page.
Gardner is avoiding his constituents despite facing a high-profile reelection in roughly 10 months. Gardner’s approval rating in the state is only 37%, with a slightly higher percentage of Coloradans disapproving of his job performance (40%), according to a recent Morning Consult poll. Gardner is regularly listed as one of the most vulnerable Republicans in the country.
Even a local television reporter mocked Gardner’s reclusiveness, chiding him for “hiding” from the press as Donald Trump’s impeachment trial looms.
“Coloradans deserve better than a senator who won’t hold town halls or answer basic questions.” David Pourshoushtari, spokesperson for the Colorado Democratic Party, said in an email. “Instead of being honest with his constituents, Senator Gardner has spent months hiding and won’t say whether he supports a fair trial that includes all of the evidence and firsthand witnesses or whether Trump’s conduct with Ukraine was appropriate.”
The Gardner campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
At the moment, Republicans hold a 53-47 majority, but endangered incumbents including Gardner, Sens. Martha McSally (AZ), Susan Collins (ME), and Thom Tillis (NC) offer Democrats hope that voters will flip the Senate in 2020 like their House counterparts did in 2018.
Gardner’s lengthy absence has begun to frustrate Republicans in Colorado.
Herb Glasser, a 54-year-old public accountant, told the Times that he has been “unhappy” with Gardner for quite some time, but still plans on supporting him in 2020.
“We have no choice,” Glasser said, describing himself to the outlet as a “true conservative.”
Dick Wadhams, a veteran Colorado Republican operative, had similar complaints, lamenting Gardner’s team, which he said “keeps him locked up in a fortress.”
Progressives in the state have taken a different approach to Gardner’s perpetual absence.
The group Indivisible Front Range Resistance (IFRR) created its own “Cardboard Cory,” a lifesize cardboard cutout of the senator, for residents to ask questions at various events.
“Cardboard Cory” made his debut on Feb. 24, 2017, at Byers Middle School in Denver, IFRR leader Katie Farnan said during a phone interview. At that event, 1,500 residents crowded into a gymnasium to ask the cardboard cutout questions, since Gardner himself refused to hold a town hall.
Events continued long after that first appearance, thanks in part to the enthusiasm of groups like Progress Now Colorado, Farnan said. By August of 2017, “Cardboard Cory” had hosted roughly 30 events, until the flesh-and-blood senator finally announced four public town halls for the fall of that year. The final one was on Nov. 20, 2017, in Pueblo.
While the senator has avoided town halls since then, Farnan estimated “Cardboard Cory” had participated in “250 events, maybe even more” around the state. The cutout is so popular that the group has purchased about 11 of them, both to replace damaged ones and to share copies with like-minded groups around the state. “Cardboard Cory” even has his own Twitter account with more than 3,100 followers.
When asked if she anticipated Gardner participating in any more town halls before election day, Farnan was skeptical.
“I don’t think that’s his strategy,” she said, although she was baffled at why he would continue hiding.
“The dynamics have changed,” since Gardner won in 2014, she said, mentioning a shift in voter registration numbers. According to the Colorado Sun, the state had almost 24,000 more registered Republicans than Democrats in 2014. At the end of 2019, registered Democrats overtook registered Republicans, outnumbering them by more than 67,000 voters.
In 2014, Gardner won by less than 50,000 votes.
“If he doesn’t come out and speak, I don’t see how he grows his base” and wins, Farnan said.
“How’s he going to get new voters?”
Correction: A previous version of this story incorrectly referred to the Indivisible Front Range Resistance as IFFR. It has since been corrected to IFRR.
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.


shareblue--2020-01-20--Kellyanne Conway says impeaching Trump not part of MLK's 'vision'

Kellyanne Conway , Donald Trump 's White House counselor , claimed on Monday that Trump 's impeachment ran counter to the `` vision '' of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. After asserting that Trump `` agrees with many of the things that Dr. Martin Luther King stood for '' such as `` unity and equality , '' Conway argued that it was not `` within Dr. King 's vision to have Americans dragged through a process where the president is not going to be removed from office , is not being charged with bribery , extortion , high crimes or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that anybody who cares about 'and justice for all ' on today or any day of the year will appreciate the fact that the president now will have a full throttle defense on the facts , '' Conway said .
Trump 's record and rhetoric has been largely the opposite of King 's .
King spoke of the `` Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief '' that love `` is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality . ''
Trump has pushed to ban Muslims from entering the country .
King marched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state capitol in Montgomery to push for voting rights .
The Trump administration convened a voter suppression commission and is currently fighting a bill to restore the Voting Rights Act .
King protested in Chicago to demand fair housing laws .
The Trump administration has fought to roll back fair housing protections .
King 's legendary 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and freedom called for a livable $ 2 federal minimum wage .
Today , that would amount to less that the proposed $ 15 minimum wage that Trump 's administration says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hurt workers . ''
King fought against the nation 's massive Pentagon budget , saying , `` A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death . ''
Trump has bragged of bringing the defense budget to record levels , saying he `` accomplished the military [ sic ] . ''
Even on impeachment , it appears King took a different view from the Trump administration .
While King , who was assassinated in 1968 , obviously never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get Ukraine to dig up dirt on his political opponents , a 1952 essay praising theologian Reinhold Niebuhr and his views on `` ethical dualism '' sheds some light on King 's views on ethics and democracy .
`` Democracy anticipates in its normal operation the right of the individual to criticize the rules .
Impeachment is the final expression of this right , '' King explained .
King is not the first historical figure the Trump administration has tried to appropriate for his defense team .
He has repeatedly argued that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wanted the House of Representatives to impeach him for his alleged abuse of power and obstruction .
After signing a presidential proclamation endorsing King 's concept of a `` Beloved Community '' of love and brotherhood for all — and also lobbing a series of insults at journalists and Democratic politicians — Trump also attempted to wrap himself in the mantle of MLK on Monday .
`` So appropriate that today is also MLK jr DAY .
African-American Unemployment is the LOWEST in the history of our Country , by far , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Poverty , Youth , and Employment numbers , ever .
Great ! ''
While black unemployment is indeed at a low , fact-checkers have said much of the credit for that goes to the economic growth that started under Barack Obama and have also noted that the racial wealth gap is getting worse under Trump .
A recent survey found 83 % of black Americans believe Trump to be racist and the same percentage believe Trump has made racism worse since taking office .
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation .

Kellyanne Conway, Donald Trump’s White House counselor, claimed on Monday that Trump’s impeachment ran counter to the “vision” of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
After asserting that Trump “agrees with many of the things that Dr. Martin Luther King stood for” such as “unity and equality,” Conway argued that it was not “within Dr. King’s vision to have Americans dragged through a process where the president is not going to be removed from office, is not being charged with bribery, extortion, high crimes or misdemeanors.”
“And I think that anybody who cares about ‘and justice for all’ on today or any day of the year will appreciate the fact that the president now will have a full throttle defense on the facts,” Conway said.
Trump’s record and rhetoric has been largely the opposite of King’s.
King spoke of the “Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief” that love “is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.” Trump has pushed to ban Muslims from entering the country.
King marched from Selma, Alabama, to the state capitol in Montgomery to push for voting rights. The Trump administration convened a voter suppression commission and is currently fighting a bill to restore the Voting Rights Act.
King protested in Chicago to demand fair housing laws. The Trump administration has fought to roll back fair housing protections.
King’s legendary 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and freedom called for a livable $2 federal minimum wage. Today, that would amount to less that the proposed $15 minimum wage that Trump’s administration says “would reverse this economic progress and hurt workers.”
King fought against the nation’s massive Pentagon budget, saying, “A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.” Trump has bragged of bringing the defense budget to record levels, saying he “accomplished the military [sic].”
Even on impeachment, it appears King took a different view from the Trump administration. While King, who was assassinated in 1968, obviously never took a position on Trump’s attempt to get Ukraine to dig up dirt on his political opponents, a 1952 essay praising theologian Reinhold Niebuhr and his views on “ethical dualism” sheds some light on King’s views on ethics and democracy.
“Democracy anticipates in its normal operation the right of the individual to criticize the rules. Impeachment is the final expression of this right,” King explained.
King is not the first historical figure the Trump administration has tried to appropriate for his defense team. He has repeatedly argued that the nation’s founders would not have wanted the House of Representatives to impeach him for his alleged abuse of power and obstruction.
After signing a presidential proclamation endorsing King’s concept of a “Beloved Community” of love and brotherhood for all — and also lobbing a series of insults at journalists and Democratic politicians — Trump also attempted to wrap himself in the mantle of MLK on Monday.
“So appropriate that today is also MLK jr DAY. African-American Unemployment is the LOWEST in the history of our Country, by far,” he said. “Also, best Poverty, Youth, and Employment numbers, ever. Great!”
While black unemployment is indeed at a low, fact-checkers have said much of the credit for that goes to the economic growth that started under Barack Obama and have also noted that the racial wealth gap is getting worse under Trump.
A recent survey found 83% of black Americans believe Trump to be racist and the same percentage believe Trump has made racism worse since taking office.
Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.


shareblue--2020-01-20--How the Senate impeachment trial might affect the Democratic primary

Presidential politics move fast .
What we 're watching heading into a new week on the 2020 campaign : With voting to begin in just two weeks , the sprint to the Iowa caucuses is decidedly complicated by the beginning of Donald Trump 's historic impeachment trial in the Senate .
The proceedings will prevent the two leading progressive candidates , Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , from spending as much time in the kickoff caucus state as they 'd like , giving an advantage to moderate rivals Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg .
At the same time , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ united front after a dispute over gender threatened to splinter the left .
Taken together , the evolving dynamics add yet another layer of uncertainty to the already unsettled Democratic primary fight at a critical moment .
How excited are black voters about these Democrats ?
The week opens with Martin Luther King Jr. Day , and a spotlight on the Democratic Party 's critical relationship with African American voters .
The party 's best-known black candidates , Kamala Harris and Cory Booker , have already been knocked out the race .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dominant advantage over the rest of the field among black voters , but the ultimate Democratic nominee will not only need to win black voters in the primary , he or she will need to convince them to turn out in greater numbers in 2020 than they did in 2016 .
The Associated Press be talking to plenty of African American leaders and watching how the candidates are received at multiple forums dedicated to King and racial justice across various states , including Iowa and South Carolina .
History is being written in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's impeachment trial on Tuesday .
While the proceedings are not expected to lead to the Republican president 's removal , they could play a major role in the first voting contest of the Democratic Party 's primary season .
Four Senate Democrats running for president , Amy Klobuchar , Michael Bennet , Sanders , and Warren , are required to attend each day of the trial , which will severely limit their ability to rally supporters on the ground in Iowa .
Will it hurt them ?
Will it ultimately help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will it diminish the importance of Iowa 's Feb. 3 caucuses ?
Can Trump peel off any Bernie bros ?
All of a sudden , Republicans , led by Trump , are deeply concerned about whether Sanders is being treated fairly by the Democratic Party .
Perpetuating a conservative conspiracy theory , the president claimed last week that establishment Democrats `` are rigging the election '' against Sanders by forcing him to stay in Washington for the impeachment trial just two weeks before the Iowa caucuses .
The conspiracy ignores the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the same position as Sanders .
It 's laughable to think Trump and GOP leaders are genuinely concerned about Sanders , but it 's not quite so crazy to imagine some disaffected Sanders supporters ultimately supporting Trump this fall , or sitting out the election altogether , if Sanders does n't emerge as the Democratic nominee .
In a general election that may come down to razor-thin margins in a handful of swing states , it would n't take many angry Sanders supporters to make a real impact .
Less than a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between Warren and Sanders was shattered with a `` he said , she said '' dispute tinged with sexism .
The liberal leaders have avoided any further public criticism of each other since the Jan. 14 debate , but tensions remain , particularly among their most passionate supporters .
Democrats can not afford any permanent divisions in their energized left wing if they hope to defeat Trump in the fall .
And rank-and-file primary voters have little appetite for Democrat-on-Democrat violence .
That makes the Sanders-Warren rift a critical dynamic to watch moving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it was no secret that many female supporters of Hillary Clinton had been nursing a years-long grudge against Sanders .
They blamed him for not working hard enough to help the party 's first female nominee after their divisive 2016 primary battle .
Sanders did n't do himself any favors with those voters on Sunday when he described gender ( and age ) as a political `` problem . ''
It was an inarticulate answer at best to a dangerous question that Sanders should have been better prepared to answer .
Given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helping Democrats in the Trump era , Sanders and his party need to do better .
Democrats have yet to prove they can assemble a coalition capable of defeating Trump .
And on the eve of the Iowa caucuses , the party is facing new questions about its leading candidates ' standing with women , African Americans and far-left activists .
It 's risky to assume that Trump 's turbulent presidency alone will be enough to bring everyone together behind the Democratic nominee in November .
That makes the delicate discussions over gender @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more dangerous .

Presidential politics move fast. What we’re watching heading into a new week on the 2020 campaign:
Days to Iowa caucuses: 14
Days to general election: 288
The narrative
With voting to begin in just two weeks, the sprint to the Iowa caucuses is decidedly complicated by the beginning of Donald Trump’s historic impeachment trial in the Senate. The proceedings will prevent the two leading progressive candidates, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, from spending as much time in the kickoff caucus state as they’d like, giving an advantage to moderate rivals Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg. At the same time, the progressive movement is struggling to project a united front after a dispute over gender threatened to splinter the left. Taken together, the evolving dynamics add yet another layer of uncertainty to the already unsettled Democratic primary fight at a critical moment.
The big questions
How excited are black voters about these Democrats?
The week opens with Martin Luther King Jr. Day, and a spotlight on the Democratic Party’s critical relationship with African American voters. The party’s best-known black candidates, Kamala Harris and Cory Booker, have already been knocked out the race. On paper, Joe Biden has maintained a dominant advantage over the rest of the field among black voters, but the ultimate Democratic nominee will not only need to win black voters in the primary, he or she will need to convince them to turn out in greater numbers in 2020 than they did in 2016. The Associated Press be talking to plenty of African American leaders and watching how the candidates are received at multiple forums dedicated to King and racial justice across various states, including Iowa and South Carolina.
Will impeachment change the primary?
History is being written in Washington this week as the Senate begins Trump’s impeachment trial on Tuesday. While the proceedings are not expected to lead to the Republican president’s removal, they could play a major role in the first voting contest of the Democratic Party’s primary season. Four Senate Democrats running for president, Amy Klobuchar, Michael Bennet, Sanders, and Warren, are required to attend each day of the trial, which will severely limit their ability to rally supporters on the ground in Iowa. Will it hurt them? Will it ultimately help Biden and Buttigieg? And stepping back, will it diminish the importance of Iowa’s Feb. 3 caucuses?
Can Trump peel off any Bernie bros?
All of a sudden, Republicans, led by Trump, are deeply concerned about whether Sanders is being treated fairly by the Democratic Party. Perpetuating a conservative conspiracy theory, the president claimed last week that establishment Democrats “are rigging the election” against Sanders by forcing him to stay in Washington for the impeachment trial just two weeks before the Iowa caucuses. The conspiracy ignores the fact that Warren, Klobuchar and Bennet are in the same position as Sanders. It’s laughable to think Trump and GOP leaders are genuinely concerned about Sanders, but it’s not quite so crazy to imagine some disaffected Sanders supporters ultimately supporting Trump this fall, or sitting out the election altogether, if Sanders doesn’t emerge as the Democratic nominee. In a general election that may come down to razor-thin margins in a handful of swing states, it wouldn’t take many angry Sanders supporters to make a real impact.
Will the unity illusion hold?
Less than a week has passed since the progressive alliance between Warren and Sanders was shattered with a “he said, she said” dispute tinged with sexism. The liberal leaders have avoided any further public criticism of each other since the Jan. 14 debate, but tensions remain, particularly among their most passionate supporters. Democrats cannot afford any permanent divisions in their energized left wing if they hope to defeat Trump in the fall. And rank-and-file primary voters have little appetite for Democrat-on-Democrat violence. That makes the Sanders-Warren rift a critical dynamic to watch moving forward.
Does Bernie have a woman problem?
Even before the Warren accusation, it was no secret that many female supporters of Hillary Clinton had been nursing a years-long grudge against Sanders. They blamed him for not working hard enough to help the party’s first female nominee after their divisive 2016 primary battle. Sanders didn’t do himself any favors with those voters on Sunday when he described gender (and age) as a political “problem.” It was an inarticulate answer at best to a dangerous question that Sanders should have been better prepared to answer. Given the decisive role women have played in helping Democrats in the Trump era, Sanders and his party need to do better.
The final thought
Democrats have yet to prove they can assemble a coalition capable of defeating Trump. And on the eve of the Iowa caucuses, the party is facing new questions about its leading candidates’ standing with women, African Americans and far-left activists. It’s risky to assume that Trump’s turbulent presidency alone will be enough to bring everyone together behind the Democratic nominee in November. That makes the delicate discussions over gender and race playing out now all the more dangerous.


shareblue--2020-01-20--GOP is working to block voters in Texas, Ohio, and more ahead of 2020

Democrats believe they have a shot at making gains this year in Republican-dominated Texas , including winning control of one house of the Legislature for the first time in nearly two decades .
Persuading voters is n't their only challenge .
Voting and registration rules crafted by Republicans in recent years also could prove to be a big obstacle .
In a state that 's growing rapidly in population and diversity , officials have closed hundreds of polling places , taken steps toward removing thousands of registered voters from the rolls , imposed strict voter identification requirements , and made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sites on college campuses — all in the name of election integrity .
`` The bottom line in Texas is Republicans are scared to death of demographic changes , '' said Anthony Gutierrez , executive director of Common Cause in Texas , `` and are doing anything and everything they can think of to keep those changing demographics from affecting elections . ''
Nationally , Democrats say strict voter ID laws , purging of voter rolls , reduction in polling places , limits on early voting , and other restrictive steps are Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counter that they are merely trying to maintain the integrity of elections and close off potential avenues for voter fraud .
It 's an argument playing out across the country , and one that is leading to lawsuits in numerous battleground states .
In North Carolina , litigation over a voter ID requirement passed by Republicans has created uncertainty over whether it will be in place for the November elections .
In Georgia and Wisconsin , voter advocacy groups have sued over efforts to revoke the registrations of voters who have not participated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Democrats are suing over a ban on mobile polling places .
Attention on state efforts to expand or restrict voting access has been heightened since 2013 , when the U.S. Supreme Court eliminated some key protections of the Voting Rights Act .
Before that ruling , Texas was among nine states with a history of racial discrimination that needed clearance from the federal government before making significant changes to their voting laws .
All nine now have laws that ask voters to show IDs at polling places , laws that often have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Texas law , for example , allows a handgun license to vote , but not a college ID .
Voter roll purging also has accelerated in some states in recent years .
Election administrators are supposed to remove people who have died or moved out of their voting jurisdiction , or in some places have failed to vote during the last several elections .
How those purges are done is at the heart of legal battles across the country .
Georgia officials removed 313,000 people from voter rolls last year .
Fair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams , who has become a major voter rights advocate nationally , has been pushing to have about 120,000 of them restored .
Fights over access to balloting on college campuses , restoring the right to vote for felons and whether interest groups should be allowed to collect voters ' completed ballots are playing out in numerous states .
If voting restrictions reduce turnout , they can make the difference in races decided by narrow margins .
Many of these fights are playing out in Texas , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one that has been a Republican stronghold for much of this century .
New arrivals from other states , an expanding Hispanic population and urban centers with an increasing leftward tilt have given Democrats hope that they can rise from the political graveyard .
Yet in recent elections , Texas has had among the lowest voter turnout rates in the country .
In 2016 , with a presidential race on the ballot , barely half of registered voters participated .
There was a surge of voting — by non-presidential year standards — in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close to unseating GOP Sen. Ted Cruz .
Last year , a variety of civil rights and voter advocacy groups opposed efforts from the Republican-controlled state government that could have had a chilling effect on voting .
A judge forced the acting secretary of state to drop an effort to call into question the citizenship of 95,000 voters in a step toward removing them from voter rolls .
The list of possible non-citizen voters turned out to be full of errors .
The Legislature ultimately rejected a bill that would have made it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a voter registration form — even by accident .
Opponents say it could have stopped voter registration campaigns in their tracks .
But its sponsor , Republican state Sen. Brian Hughes , said bad information entered by voters on their registration forms is a problem that 's known but not often prosecuted , largely because it 's a lower-level offense .
`` I understand folks try to characterize this as being something else , '' Hughes said .
`` But this is simply about making sure the rules are fair and that people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Legislature has adopted other restrictions , including a 2017 ban on straight-ticket voting , a process in which voters can opt to have their ballot marked for all candidates of one party .
Common Cause 's Gutierrez said the ban can have an out-sized effect in major cities where the ballot has dozens of candidates .
If voters have to wade through every office , it could create excessively long wait times on Election Day , discouraging voters , he said .
That 's especially true if the state or counties have closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that used to have to submit voting law changes to the federal government closed nearly 1,700 polling places from 2012 to 2018 , according to a report issued last year by the Leadership Conference Education Fund .
Of those , 750 were in Texas , where a law that allows counties to test countywide voting centers also lets them close existing sites .
The story lines are similar in other states .
The leadership fund , a civil rights organization , is monitoring bills in legislatures this year to impose more voter ID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actions to remove voters from the rolls .
It 's all part of a pattern that goes back to Reconstruction after the Civil War , said LaShawn Warren , the fund 's senior vice president for campaigns and programs .
`` You have advancements and you have efforts to undermine the advancements , '' she said .

Democrats believe they have a shot at making gains this year in Republican-dominated Texas, including winning control of one house of the Legislature for the first time in nearly two decades.
Persuading voters isn’t their only challenge. Voting and registration rules crafted by Republicans in recent years also could prove to be a big obstacle.
In a state that’s growing rapidly in population and diversity, officials have closed hundreds of polling places, taken steps toward removing thousands of registered voters from the rolls, imposed strict voter identification requirements, and made it more expensive to put early voting sites on college campuses — all in the name of election integrity.
“The bottom line in Texas is Republicans are scared to death of demographic changes,” said Anthony Gutierrez, executive director of Common Cause in Texas, “and are doing anything and everything they can think of to keep those changing demographics from affecting elections.”
Nationally, Democrats say strict voter ID laws, purging of voter rolls, reduction in polling places, limits on early voting, and other restrictive steps are Republican attempts to suppress their voters. Republicans counter that they are merely trying to maintain the integrity of elections and close off potential avenues for voter fraud.
It’s an argument playing out across the country, and one that is leading to lawsuits in numerous battleground states.
In North Carolina, litigation over a voter ID requirement passed by Republicans has created uncertainty over whether it will be in place for the November elections. In Georgia and Wisconsin, voter advocacy groups have sued over efforts to revoke the registrations of voters who have not participated in recent elections. And in Texas, Democrats are suing over a ban on mobile polling places.
Attention on state efforts to expand or restrict voting access has been heightened since 2013, when the U.S. Supreme Court eliminated some key protections of the Voting Rights Act. Before that ruling, Texas was among nine states with a history of racial discrimination that needed clearance from the federal government before making significant changes to their voting laws.
All nine now have laws that ask voters to show IDs at polling places, laws that often have led to confusion on Election Day. The Texas law, for example, allows a handgun license to vote, but not a college ID.
Voter roll purging also has accelerated in some states in recent years. Election administrators are supposed to remove people who have died or moved out of their voting jurisdiction, or in some places have failed to vote during the last several elections. How those purges are done is at the heart of legal battles across the country.
Georgia officials removed 313,000 people from voter rolls last year. Fair Fight Action, a group founded by 2018 Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, who has become a major voter rights advocate nationally, has been pushing to have about 120,000 of them restored.
Fights over access to balloting on college campuses, restoring the right to vote for felons and whether interest groups should be allowed to collect voters’ completed ballots are playing out in numerous states.
If voting restrictions reduce turnout, they can make the difference in races decided by narrow margins.
Many of these fights are playing out in Texas, the nation’s second most populous state and one that has been a Republican stronghold for much of this century. New arrivals from other states, an expanding Hispanic population and urban centers with an increasing leftward tilt have given Democrats hope that they can rise from the political graveyard.
Yet in recent elections, Texas has had among the lowest voter turnout rates in the country. In 2016, with a presidential race on the ballot, barely half of registered voters participated. There was a surge of voting — by non-presidential year standards — in 2018, when Democrat Beto O’Rourke came close to unseating GOP Sen. Ted Cruz.
Last year, a variety of civil rights and voter advocacy groups opposed efforts from the Republican-controlled state government that could have had a chilling effect on voting. A judge forced the acting secretary of state to drop an effort to call into question the citizenship of 95,000 voters in a step toward removing them from voter rolls. The list of possible non-citizen voters turned out to be full of errors.
The Legislature ultimately rejected a bill that would have made it a felony to put incorrect information on a voter registration form — even by accident. Opponents say it could have stopped voter registration campaigns in their tracks. But its sponsor, Republican state Sen. Brian Hughes, said bad information entered by voters on their registration forms is a problem that’s known but not often prosecuted, largely because it’s a lower-level offense.
“I understand folks try to characterize this as being something else,” Hughes said. “But this is simply about making sure the rules are fair and that people follow the rules.”
The Texas Legislature has adopted other restrictions, including a 2017 ban on straight-ticket voting, a process in which voters can opt to have their ballot marked for all candidates of one party. Common Cause’s Gutierrez said the ban can have an out-sized effect in major cities where the ballot has dozens of candidates. If voters have to wade through every office, it could create excessively long wait times on Election Day, discouraging voters, he said.
That’s especially true if the state or counties have closed traditional polling places. States and counties that used to have to submit voting law changes to the federal government closed nearly 1,700 polling places from 2012 to 2018, according to a report issued last year by the Leadership Conference Education Fund. Of those, 750 were in Texas, where a law that allows counties to test countywide voting centers also lets them close existing sites.
The story lines are similar in other states. The leadership fund, a civil rights organization, is monitoring bills in legislatures this year to impose more voter ID requirements as well as state and local actions to remove voters from the rolls. It’s all part of a pattern that goes back to Reconstruction after the Civil War, said LaShawn Warren, the fund’s senior vice president for campaigns and programs.
“You have advancements and you have efforts to undermine the advancements,” she said.