theguardian--2020-07-28--'We just keep fighting': behind an urgent, inspiring film about the ACLU

If there was ever any doubt that Donald Trump would cement a campaign heralded by calling Mexicans rapists into policy , it was dispelled on 27 January 2017 , when , to cap his first week in office , the president issued an executive order barring entrance from a slew of Muslim-majority countries .
The so-called “ Muslim travel ban ” immediately roiled the country ’ s airports , as travelers were detained and families indefinitely separated in the midnight hours after the ban ’ s announcement .
At the same time , protesters gathered outside the federal courthouse in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from The Fight , a new documentary on the American Civil Liberties Union ( ACLU ) , a crowd cheered as lawyers got to messy , long-haul business of going to judicial war .
Actor Kerry Washington , most recently of Hulu ’ s Little Fires Everywhere and a producer on The Fight , watched on TV as the deputy director of the ACLU ’ s Immigrants Rights Project , Lee Gelernt , exited the courthouse to chants of “ ACLU !
ACLU !
” and declared a temporary victory : those detained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be deported .
Gelernt ’ s breathless recounting of the injunction ’ s relief had the feel of a post-championship court-side interview , and it caught Washington ’ s eye .
“ They are going to be on the frontlines of all the most important battles that we ’ re going to be facing to defend our civil rights and civil liberties , ” she recalled thinking to the Guardian .
“ Who ’ s going to be in the trenches with these guys capturing this war movie that ’ s unfolding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crowd at the Brooklyn courthouse that night was Elyse Steinberg , a documentary film-maker captivated by the same determined exhilaration on Gelernt ’ s face .
“ When Lee got his victory and he emerged from the steps and I saw him with his fists raised high , ” she told the Guardian , “ I just felt like this is the film that we needed to make .
We needed to be with the ACLU and the lawyers in this epic battle for civil liberties that was going to be raging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the three and half years since Steinberg stood outside the courthouse , the ACLU has held the legal line against the civil rights assaults of the Trump administration , work that The Fight depicts as variously harried and routine for the Manhattan-based team of lawyers and deeply consequential for the clients they represent .
The Fight , co-directed by Steinberg , Josh Kriegman and Eli Despres follows four pivotal court cases central to combatting the Trump administration ’ s racist , Maga-exclusive agenda : the separation of migrant families at the southern US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of children without their parents ; a policy which allowed the Office of Refugee Resettlement to deny abortion access to an undocumented woman detained by Ice ; the addition of a citizenship question to the decennial US census ; and the blanket ban of transgender people from serving in the US military .
In each case , The Fight reveals the work of an ACLU attorney , particularly under an administration whose policies are often enacted without regard for bureaucratic chaos , to be mostly a scramble : hustling through briefs , cramming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argument , hungrily reading just-downloaded PDFs .
The moments of mundane work dilemmas – Gelernt finding a single workable outlet at Starbucks to charge his dying phone , the LGBT & HIV project attorney Joshua Block fussing with uncooperative Microsoft Word dictation , the voting rights lawyer Dale Ho accidentally misreading a consequential decision or saying goodnight to his kids during another long day on the road – paint a fuller picture of the work .
They take the ACLU staff “ from being these larger than life Avengers legal superheroes , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being husbands and wives and moms and dads , regular folks who have figured out how to use their talent for good in the world ” , said Washington .
The unglamorousness of the hustle , or of the reproductive rights lawyer Brigitte Amiri ’ s celebratory “ train wine ” on the Amtrak back to New York after a favorable hearing , contrast sharply with the stakes of the court cases at hand .
“ If I ’ m not going to be a civil rights lawyer right now , in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as he worked on a census decision which , had it been in favor of the administration , would have inaccurately skewed fair representation in Congress and federal funding for a decade to come .
Amiri ’ s case – in which the federal government unlawfully barred an unidentified , undocumented asylum claimant for obtaining an abortion was “ a harbinger of things to come ” , she told the Guardian , as it preceded several states passing abortion restrictions or outright bans in 2019 .
The Trump era has rebranded the ACLU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defender of civil liberties , from the nation ’ s premier public-interest law firm into an explicitly progressive organization , a primary beneficiary of grassroots donations for the # resistance ; the organization raised $ 79m from over a million donors between Trump ’ s election and February 2017 .
But the pivot has raised renewed questions about the organization ’ s ideological commitments ; The Fight touches briefly on the group ’ s contentious history as ardent defenders of the first amendment , such as its famous defense of neo-Nazis ’ right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the 1970s – a decision which set a half-century of precedent for free speech protections of protests , cost it thousands of members and raised questions about the lengths to which a blanket commitment to free speech withstood on-the-ground scrutiny .
As the crew filmed , a state branch of the organization sued the city of Charlottesville , Virginia , in August 2017 to allow the white supremacist Unite the Right to be held downtown .
The subsequent violence , in which a car plowed into a crowd of counter-demonstrators and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reckoning for the ACLU .
The filmmakers captured , in part , internal discussion to revise its free speech for all policy for those carrying weapons .
The traumatic shadow of Charlottesville looms large , as does the grueling slog of the administration ’ s fourth year , but all three directors said the process of filming was ultimately hopeful .
The film , said Washington , is a reminder that even given Covid-19 circumstances , which has rendered some of the scarring conflicts of just two years ago unfathomably distant , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s happening ” and viewers can “ get in the fight by filling out your census ” .
“ Fill out your census and vote and show up – donate your time , donate your money , be part of the solution at a time when it ’ s truly needed , ” she added .
The work on the ground continues : if the census question felt like incredibly high stakes in 2019 , then opposing the suppressive chaos of elections in a pandemic ( such as the massively curtailed polling locations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Georgia and Wisconsin primary elections ) feels like “ an everything-is-on-the-line moment ” , Ho told the Guardian , “ because if people don ’ t feel safe voting in November , we ’ re not going to have a free and fair election ” .
“ We ’ re doing everything we can to make sure people can vote safely and no one feels like they have to make a choice between protecting their health and exercising their right to vote , ” Ho said , a pandemic update on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the film : “ All I ’ ve ever known how to do was fight and so we just keep fighting , ” she says , knee deep in the scramble to maintain reproductive rights access for the most marginalized in America .
“ And even though we ’ re tired and even though it ’ s exhausting and it ’ s maddening , it ’ s what we do.
” • None The Fight is released digitally in the US and UK on 31 July

If there was ever any doubt that Donald Trump would cement a campaign heralded by calling Mexicans rapists into policy, it was dispelled on 27 January 2017, when, to cap his first week in office, the president issued an executive order barring entrance from a slew of Muslim-majority countries. The so-called “Muslim travel ban” immediately roiled the country’s airports, as travelers were detained and families indefinitely separated in the midnight hours after the ban’s announcement. At the same time, protesters gathered outside the federal courthouse in Brooklyn; as depicted in early scenes from The Fight, a new documentary on the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), a crowd cheered as lawyers got to messy, long-haul business of going to judicial war.
Actor Kerry Washington, most recently of Hulu’s Little Fires Everywhere and a producer on The Fight, watched on TV as the deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants Rights Project, Lee Gelernt, exited the courthouse to chants of “ACLU! ACLU!” and declared a temporary victory: those detained by the new administration in airports would not be deported. Gelernt’s breathless recounting of the injunction’s relief had the feel of a post-championship court-side interview, and it caught Washington’s eye. “They are going to be on the frontlines of all the most important battles that we’re going to be facing to defend our civil rights and civil liberties,” she recalled thinking to the Guardian. “Who’s going to be in the trenches with these guys capturing this war movie that’s unfolding in front of us?”
In the crowd at the Brooklyn courthouse that night was Elyse Steinberg, a documentary film-maker captivated by the same determined exhilaration on Gelernt’s face. “When Lee got his victory and he emerged from the steps and I saw him with his fists raised high,” she told the Guardian, “I just felt like this is the film that we needed to make. We needed to be with the ACLU and the lawyers in this epic battle for civil liberties that was going to be raging for the next four years.”
In the three and half years since Steinberg stood outside the courthouse, the ACLU has held the legal line against the civil rights assaults of the Trump administration, work that The Fight depicts as variously harried and routine for the Manhattan-based team of lawyers and deeply consequential for the clients they represent. The Fight, co-directed by Steinberg, Josh Kriegman and Eli Despres follows four pivotal court cases central to combatting the Trump administration’s racist, Maga-exclusive agenda: the separation of migrant families at the southern US border and the horrific, indefinite detention of children without their parents; a policy which allowed the Office of Refugee Resettlement to deny abortion access to an undocumented woman detained by Ice; the addition of a citizenship question to the decennial US census; and the blanket ban of transgender people from serving in the US military.
In each case, The Fight reveals the work of an ACLU attorney, particularly under an administration whose policies are often enacted without regard for bureaucratic chaos, to be mostly a scramble: hustling through briefs, cramming in a hotel room the night before argument, hungrily reading just-downloaded PDFs. The moments of mundane work dilemmas – Gelernt finding a single workable outlet at Starbucks to charge his dying phone, the LGBT & HIV project attorney Joshua Block fussing with uncooperative Microsoft Word dictation, the voting rights lawyer Dale Ho accidentally misreading a consequential decision or saying goodnight to his kids during another long day on the road – paint a fuller picture of the work. They take the ACLU staff “from being these larger than life Avengers legal superheroes, which is what they are, to also being husbands and wives and moms and dads, regular folks who have figured out how to use their talent for good in the world”, said Washington.
The unglamorousness of the hustle, or of the reproductive rights lawyer Brigitte Amiri’s celebratory “train wine” on the Amtrak back to New York after a favorable hearing, contrast sharply with the stakes of the court cases at hand. “If I’m not going to be a civil rights lawyer right now, in this moment, then…when?” says Ho as he worked on a census decision which, had it been in favor of the administration, would have inaccurately skewed fair representation in Congress and federal funding for a decade to come. Amiri’s case – in which the federal government unlawfully barred an unidentified, undocumented asylum claimant for obtaining an abortion was “a harbinger of things to come”, she told the Guardian, as it preceded several states passing abortion restrictions or outright bans in 2019.
Kerry Washington, Elyse Steinberg, Josh Kriegman, Brigitte Amiri and Eli Despres at Sundance film festival 2020 Photograph: REX/Shutterstock
The Trump era has rebranded the ACLU, founded in 1920 as a non-partisan defender of civil liberties, from the nation’s premier public-interest law firm into an explicitly progressive organization, a primary beneficiary of grassroots donations for the #resistance; the organization raised $79m from over a million donors between Trump’s election and February 2017. But the pivot has raised renewed questions about the organization’s ideological commitments; The Fight touches briefly on the group’s contentious history as ardent defenders of the first amendment, such as its famous defense of neo-Nazis’ right to march through downtown Skokie, Illinois, in the 1970s – a decision which set a half-century of precedent for free speech protections of protests, cost it thousands of members and raised questions about the lengths to which a blanket commitment to free speech withstood on-the-ground scrutiny.
As the crew filmed, a state branch of the organization sued the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017 to allow the white supremacist Unite the Right to be held downtown. The subsequent violence, in which a car plowed into a crowd of counter-demonstrators and killed 32-year-old Heather Heyer, launched a reckoning for the ACLU. The filmmakers captured, in part, internal discussion to revise its free speech for all policy for those carrying weapons.
The traumatic shadow of Charlottesville looms large, as does the grueling slog of the administration’s fourth year, but all three directors said the process of filming was ultimately hopeful. The film, said Washington, is a reminder that even given Covid-19 circumstances, which has rendered some of the scarring conflicts of just two years ago unfathomably distant, “the fight is possible, it’s happening” and viewers can “get in the fight by filling out your census”.
“Fill out your census and vote and show up – donate your time, donate your money, be part of the solution at a time when it’s truly needed,” she added.
The work on the ground continues: if the census question felt like incredibly high stakes in 2019, then opposing the suppressive chaos of elections in a pandemic (such as the massively curtailed polling locations, especially in majority-black areas, in the Georgia and Wisconsin primary elections) feels like “an everything-is-on-the-line moment”, Ho told the Guardian, “because if people don’t feel safe voting in November, we’re not going to have a free and fair election”.
“We’re doing everything we can to make sure people can vote safely and no one feels like they have to make a choice between protecting their health and exercising their right to vote,” Ho said, a pandemic update on the mantra of relentlessness offered by Amiri in the film: “All I’ve ever known how to do was fight and so we just keep fighting,” she says, knee deep in the scramble to maintain reproductive rights access for the most marginalized in America. “And even though we’re tired and even though it’s exhausting and it’s maddening, it’s what we do.”


theguardian--2020-07-28--'A bigger tent message': Larry Hogan on Trump and his own White House ambitions

Whether or not Donald Trump wins re-election in November , Maryland ’ s governor , Larry Hogan , predicts the Republican party will finally do some soul searching .
That ’ s the core of the thinking behind Hogan , a popular two-term Republican governor in a reliably Democratic state , strongly floating the idea of running for president himself .
“ A big part of what I ’ ve been focusing on for six years is a kind of a bigger tent message and avoiding the divisive rhetoric and avoiding the extremes of either party , ” Hogan told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why I ’ ve been so successful as a Republican in one of the bluest states in the country and have had the ability to reach a lot of swing voters and constituencies that Republicans have had a [ hard ] time reaching.
” Hogan considered a White House run this year , but he would have had to beat a Republican president with an iron grip on the party .
In 2024 , however , Trump will not be a factor .
Hogan is not the only name being floated .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Haley , the secretary of state , Mike Pompeo , Senators Ted Cruz , Josh Hawley and Tom Cotton , Governors Greg Abbott and Ron DeSantis and Vice-President Mike Pence are all in the mix too .
But Hogan is the one most eager to highlight his disagreements with the president , openly admitting that Trump ’ s circle is “ not very happy with me at the moment ” .
As chairman of the bipartisan National Governors Association ( NGA ) , he has issued worried statements about Trump ’ s handling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he has criticized Trump ’ s response to the pandemic .
At the same time , he has checked the boxes any statewide politician does ahead of a White House run .
He has visited early primary states .
He has chaired the NGA .
He has reached high approval levels in his state .
And he has written a book , laying out his background and knocking the current president .
Still Standing comes out on Tuesday .
It details how Hogan thought about challenging Trump this year .
He does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open to running in 2024 , which is usually as far as any potential candidate goes this far out from an election .
But he does keep some distance from other anti-Trump Republicans , such as the increasingly prominent Lincoln Project .
Asked about the former Ohio governor John Kasich , a prominent member of the anti-Trump wing of the Republican party who is expected to participate in the Democratic national convention , Hogan demurred .
“ I ’ ve got to continue to govern my state in the middle of a pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collapse in our lifetime and I ’ ve got a job as governor of Maryland until January of 2023 , ” he said .
“ So I ’ m in a different place than John Kasich .
I mean , I haven ’ t spoken to him about it so I don ’ t know what his position is .
But he ’ s certainly a Republican who ’ s frustrated with the direction of the party.
” Hogan ’ s view is that if Trump wins , the GOP will try to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters .
And if Trump loses , the GOP will try to take a more expansive approach to attracting voters .
Hogan points to the 2018 midterms , where the GOP lost governor ’ s mansions , state legislatures and the US House .
After the 2012 presidential election , the Republican National Committee drafted an autopsy that recommended roughly the same thing – tone down the inflammatory rhetoric , don ’ t demonize minority groups .
Trump won in 2016 by using inflammatory rhetoric and warning about illegal migrants flooding American society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will consider being more inclusive as 2024 draws near .
“ Well , ” he says , “ I ’ m not a political pundit .
I can just tell you what I ’ ve seen for me and I can tell you what ought to happen .
But we ’ ll find out in about 100 days or so after the November election .
“ It ’ ll be the start of a discussion about what ’ s going to happen between now and 2024 .
I ’ ll be one and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one that ’ ll be arguing for a Republican party that ’ s going to be more inclusive and taking a harder look at trying to grow the party and be back to the way it used to be.
” It ’ s possible that a clash between Trump and Hogan is imminent .
Trump has mentioned Baltimore as a city to which he plans to send federal law enforcement officers .
In Portland , Oregon , federal agents have only provoked more conflict between protesters seeking policing reform and law enforcement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been peaceful , so there will be no reason to send agents and if they do come , there will be no clashes .
“ Well , there aren ’ t any issues in Baltimore , ” he says .
“ We have some murder and crime issues but as far as protests I ’ m very proud of the people of Baltimore that people are protesting very peacefully .
“ We ’ re probably better than any major city in America in terms of not having violence .
”

Whether or not Donald Trump wins re-election in November, Maryland’s governor, Larry Hogan, predicts the Republican party will finally do some soul searching.
That’s the core of the thinking behind Hogan, a popular two-term Republican governor in a reliably Democratic state, strongly floating the idea of running for president himself.
“A big part of what I’ve been focusing on for six years is a kind of a bigger tent message and avoiding the divisive rhetoric and avoiding the extremes of either party,” Hogan told the Guardian.
“That’s why I’ve been so successful as a Republican in one of the bluest states in the country and have had the ability to reach a lot of swing voters and constituencies that Republicans have had a [hard] time reaching.”
Hogan considered a White House run this year, but he would have had to beat a Republican president with an iron grip on the party. In 2024, however, Trump will not be a factor.
I’ll be one and maybe I’ll be the only one that’ll be arguing for a Republican party that’s going to be more inclusive
Hogan is not the only name being floated. The former ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley, the secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, Senators Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley and Tom Cotton, Governors Greg Abbott and Ron DeSantis and Vice-President Mike Pence are all in the mix too.
But Hogan is the one most eager to highlight his disagreements with the president, openly admitting that Trump’s circle is “not very happy with me at the moment”.
As chairman of the bipartisan National Governors Association (NGA), he has issued worried statements about Trump’s handling of coronavirus relief funds. In general, he has criticized Trump’s response to the pandemic.
At the same time, he has checked the boxes any statewide politician does ahead of a White House run. He has visited early primary states. He has chaired the NGA. He has reached high approval levels in his state. And he has written a book, laying out his background and knocking the current president. Still Standing comes out on Tuesday. It details how Hogan thought about challenging Trump this year.
He does not hesitate to admit that he is open to running in 2024, which is usually as far as any potential candidate goes this far out from an election. But he does keep some distance from other anti-Trump Republicans, such as the increasingly prominent Lincoln Project.
Asked about the former Ohio governor John Kasich, a prominent member of the anti-Trump wing of the Republican party who is expected to participate in the Democratic national convention, Hogan demurred.
“I’ve got to continue to govern my state in the middle of a pandemic in the middle of the worst economic collapse in our lifetime and I’ve got a job as governor of Maryland until January of 2023,” he said.
“So I’m in a different place than John Kasich. I mean, I haven’t spoken to him about it so I don’t know what his position is. But he’s certainly a Republican who’s frustrated with the direction of the party.”
Hogan and the White House adviser Ivanka Trump tour Coastal Sunbelt Produce in Laurel, Maryland, in May. Photograph: Andrew Harnik/AP
Hogan’s view is that if Trump wins, the GOP will try to take a more expansive approach to attracting voters. And if Trump loses, the GOP will try to take a more expansive approach to attracting voters.
Hogan points to the 2018 midterms, where the GOP lost governor’s mansions, state legislatures and the US House.
After the 2012 presidential election, the Republican National Committee drafted an autopsy that recommended roughly the same thing – tone down the inflammatory rhetoric, don’t demonize minority groups. Trump won in 2016 by using inflammatory rhetoric and warning about illegal migrants flooding American society, but Hogan maintains that the GOP will consider being more inclusive as 2024 draws near.
“Well,” he says, “I’m not a political pundit. I can just tell you what I’ve seen for me and I can tell you what ought to happen. But we’ll find out in about 100 days or so after the November election.
“It’ll be the start of a discussion about what’s going to happen between now and 2024. I’ll be one and maybe I’ll be the only one that’ll be arguing for a Republican party that’s going to be more inclusive and taking a harder look at trying to grow the party and be back to the way it used to be.”
It’s possible that a clash between Trump and Hogan is imminent. Trump has mentioned Baltimore as a city to which he plans to send federal law enforcement officers.
In Portland, Oregon, federal agents have only provoked more conflict between protesters seeking policing reform and law enforcement. Optimistically, Hogan says protests in Baltimore have been peaceful, so there will be no reason to send agents and if they do come, there will be no clashes.
“Well, there aren’t any issues in Baltimore,” he says. “We have some murder and crime issues but as far as protests I’m very proud of the people of Baltimore that people are protesting very peacefully.
“We’re probably better than any major city in America in terms of not having violence.”


theguardian--2020-07-28--Mrs America's Uzo Aduba: 'It's worth examining the shortcomings of our feminist heroes'

Shirley Chisholm was a woman of many firsts .
She was the first black woman elected to Congress , the first black candidate to seek the presidency , and the first woman , full-stop , to participate in a US presidential debate .
She introduced more than 50 pieces of legislation , most championing racial , economic and gender equality , and is often credited as paving the way for Barack Obama .
In doing so , she occupied a space that many black women recognise : the solitary seat as the only such face at the table .
Uzo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acclaimed new FX series Mrs America , says that this was a key factor in bringing this formidable politician to life .
“ That feeling of being the ‘ only ’ , ” she says , speaking via Zoom with a warm smile on her face .
“ It was important to get that right.
” It ’ s certainly something Aduba can relate to .
The 39-year-old made history in 2015 as the first female actor to win both a drama and comedy Emmy for the same role – the part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orange Is the New Black .
“ It was an honour to represent Chisholm , ” she says , “ because she ’ s not often portrayed .
I just wanted to get her humanity.
” The humanity of the much-mythologised feminists of the 1970s is a central part of the series , which spotlights the aims and the internal struggles of the activists who fought to pass the Equal Rights Amendment – as well as the conservatives who opposed it , led by staunch anti-feminist Phyllis Schlafly .
A lauded ensemble cast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cate Blanchett as Schlafly , Rose Byrne as Gloria Steinem and Tracey Ullman as Betty Friedan , author of The Feminine Mystique .
It ’ s the third episode of Mrs America that focuses on lesser-known congresswoman Chisholm ’ s failed bid for the presidential nomination at the 1972 Democratic National Convention .
With historical figures being increasingly scrutinised and recontextualised in the wake of the George Floyd protests and the removal of various Confederate symbols , Aduba believes it is important to keep a level head with what may be more heroic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view .
“ Whether in the UK or the US , ” she says , “ revisionist history can be very powerful in completely erasing someone ’ s imperfections and faults .
It ’ s worth examining the shortcomings of our feminist heroes .
That doesn ’ t make what they did within the movement less important .
It just recognises where their blind spots were and encourages us to know and do better.
” Chisholm is the latest in a long line of strong female roles for Aduba .
Last year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biopic about Virginia Walden Ford , a single mother who fought for the creation of a school scholarship programme for low-income students in the early 2000s .
Aduba first came to prominence via her critically acclaimed role as Warren in Orange Is the New Black , a character who started out as comic relief and , with time and skill , became increasingly layered and complex .
Like Mrs America , Orange had a solid female ensemble cast and several women behind the scenes .
It ’ s a constant theme in Aduba @ @ @ @ @ @ @ career : her mother , who emigrated from Nigeria to Boston , was “ the foundation ” of her portrayal of Chisholm , who was born in New York but went to live with her grandmother in Barbados at the age of five .
“ There was a scene where Shirley was talking about growing up in the West Indies , ” recalls Aduba .
“ It said almost verbatim what my mother used to say .
She would say , ‘ It wasn ’ t until I moved to America that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black.
’ ” But Aduba ’ s mother did her best to insulate her from the limitations placed on black women in the US : success was not to be viewed as an exception , but rather as an expectation .
It comes as no surprise to hear this .
Aduba speaks purposefully , as if she appreciates the weight of her words .
At times it ’ s like watching a keynote speech , peppered with perfected impressions of an archetypal African mother .
“ Growing up , ” she continues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear sense of self , in terms of ‘ I can do anything , anything is possible.
’ And then I stepped into the world and was met with a very different idea about who [ society ] thinks I am versus who I believe myself to be.
” In this world , she would find herself under pressure to change her name or her appearance .
For example , in many African cultures , a gap tooth – such as the one she has – is considered a sign of beauty or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fit in with the accepted definition of a “ Hollywood smile ” .
Having spent years learning to love her teeth , the whole process had to start again when she began her career in showbiz .
She mentions a meeting she had with an agent , who came to a show of hers hoping to work with her .
“ She ’ s like , ‘ So what are we doing about that gap ?
Are we keeping it ?
’ As if we both had gaps , and we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , trying to figure out if we ’ re going to call Tim tonight and ask him to the dance !
” Aduba resolved to keep it , declined to work with the agent , and vowed never to bend to the arbitrary rules of her industry .
“ This business is so liquid , ” she says .
“ To be shapeshifting , it ’ s like trying to catch the wind .
You ’ re never gon na do it.
” Indeed , with film slowly diversifying , difference is gradually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The intricacies of Chisholm ’ s Mrs America episode have been roundly praised by critics , which is partly down to its director , Amma Asante .
In a recent interview , Aduba said Asante was likely the second woman of colour she ’ d worked with in a directorial capacity .
White directors directing white actors depicting the stories of other white people – generally men – is the default .
Black women in film rarely have the same experience , which made a marked difference in how Aduba depicted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ You can ’ t contextualise race and racism , ” she says .
“ You have to have lived it to understand the feeling of it .
So there ’ s not been some sort of substitution for Amma to understand – she doesn ’ t have to craft something , she just knows what I ’ m talking about because she is having the same experience as a black woman in the world .
That was really nice.
” This proximity lends itself well to the episode , in which thorny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most painful element of Chisholm ’ s story is how she was let down on all fronts , with her loyalty to both her race and her gender continuously questioned – so she was never fully trusted by either black men or white women .
“ I thought that was done really well , ” she says , “ because nobody was exempt .
It would have been very easy to place it squarely on the shoulders of the [ feminist ] second wave.
” Despite Chisholm being a founding member of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Congressional Black Caucus , both endorsed her white male opponent , George McGovern .
Black male politicians pressured her to drop out of the race , with her longtime supporter Ron Dellums questioning whether she was “ the candidate for blacks , or just for women ” .
These discussions around how black women can be let down within their own communities are not easily had .
It is often seen as divisive , tantamount to airing dirty laundry .
“ A lot of [ black women ] have been raised with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business outside the family , not having conversations in mixed company .
But I think the harm is sometimes that we ’ re not really even having those conversations inside the home .
Because our black men are constantly under attack , we ’ re keen to have that conversation , to the detriment of [ black women ] speaking about our own lives being under attack.
” These attacks on black men and women have become a global talking point .
Protests have raged on across every US state and across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Hollywood included .
When I ask Aduba if she feels optimistic about the future , she says change is inevitable , in part due to the demonstrations but also because of a generation who are holding institutions to account in ways never seen before – at times without even needing to leave their rooms .
In early June , she and her fellow Orange is the New Black castmates teamed up for an hour-long livestream about anti-racism and police reform .
“ That is what ’ s going to be the power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That is going to bring the industry either willingly with us , or kicking and screaming .
And it doesn ’ t matter how you come .
Just as long as you come.
” • None Mrs America is on BBC Two on Wednesdays at 9pm and on iPlayer .

Shirley Chisholm was a woman of many firsts. She was the first black woman elected to Congress, the first black candidate to seek the presidency, and the first woman, full-stop, to participate in a US presidential debate. She introduced more than 50 pieces of legislation, most championing racial, economic and gender equality, and is often credited as paving the way for Barack Obama. In doing so, she occupied a space that many black women recognise: the solitary seat as the only such face at the table.
Uzo Aduba, who plays Chisholm in the acclaimed new FX series Mrs America, says that this was a key factor in bringing this formidable politician to life. “That feeling of being the ‘only’,” she says, speaking via Zoom with a warm smile on her face. “It was important to get that right.”
It’s certainly something Aduba can relate to. The 39-year-old made history in 2015 as the first female actor to win both a drama and comedy Emmy for the same role – the part of Suzanne “Crazy Eyes” Warren in Orange Is the New Black. “It was an honour to represent Chisholm,” she says, “because she’s not often portrayed. I just wanted to get her humanity.”
The humanity of the much-mythologised feminists of the 1970s is a central part of the series, which spotlights the aims and the internal struggles of the activists who fought to pass the Equal Rights Amendment – as well as the conservatives who opposed it, led by staunch anti-feminist Phyllis Schlafly. A lauded ensemble cast boasts Hollywood giants and household names: Cate Blanchett as Schlafly, Rose Byrne as Gloria Steinem and Tracey Ullman as Betty Friedan, author of The Feminine Mystique.
‘Showbusiness is so liquid’ … Aduba in early March. Photograph: Adela Loconte/Rolling Stone/Rex/Shutterstock
It’s the third episode of Mrs America that focuses on lesser-known congresswoman Chisholm’s failed bid for the presidential nomination at the 1972 Democratic National Convention. With historical figures being increasingly scrutinised and recontextualised in the wake of the George Floyd protests and the removal of various Confederate symbols, Aduba believes it is important to keep a level head with what may be more heroic figures, and not take a rose-tinted view.
“Whether in the UK or the US,” she says, “revisionist history can be very powerful in completely erasing someone’s imperfections and faults. It’s worth examining the shortcomings of our feminist heroes. That doesn’t make what they did within the movement less important. It just recognises where their blind spots were and encourages us to know and do better.”
Chisholm is the latest in a long line of strong female roles for Aduba. Last year, she starred in Miss Virginia, a biopic about Virginia Walden Ford, a single mother who fought for the creation of a school scholarship programme for low-income students in the early 2000s. Aduba first came to prominence via her critically acclaimed role as Warren in Orange Is the New Black, a character who started out as comic relief and, with time and skill, became increasingly layered and complex. Like Mrs America, Orange had a solid female ensemble cast and several women behind the scenes.
It’s a constant theme in Aduba’s life as well as her career: her mother, who emigrated from Nigeria to Boston, was “the foundation” of her portrayal of Chisholm, who was born in New York but went to live with her grandmother in Barbados at the age of five. “There was a scene where Shirley was talking about growing up in the West Indies,” recalls Aduba. “It said almost verbatim what my mother used to say. She would say, ‘It wasn’t until I moved to America that I discovered there was something wrong with being black.’”
Shirley Chisholm announces her entry for Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1972. Photograph: Don Hogan Charles/Getty Images
But Aduba’s mother did her best to insulate her from the limitations placed on black women in the US: success was not to be viewed as an exception, but rather as an expectation. It comes as no surprise to hear this. Aduba speaks purposefully, as if she appreciates the weight of her words. At times it’s like watching a keynote speech, peppered with perfected impressions of an archetypal African mother. “Growing up,” she continues, “I had a very solid, clear sense of self, in terms of ‘I can do anything, anything is possible.’ And then I stepped into the world and was met with a very different idea about who [society] thinks I am versus who I believe myself to be.”
In this world, she would find herself under pressure to change her name or her appearance. For example, in many African cultures, a gap tooth – such as the one she has – is considered a sign of beauty or wisdom, but it didn’t fit in with the accepted definition of a “Hollywood smile”. Having spent years learning to love her teeth, the whole process had to start again when she began her career in showbiz. She mentions a meeting she had with an agent, who came to a show of hers hoping to work with her.
“She’s like, ‘So what are we doing about that gap? Are we keeping it?’ As if we both had gaps, and we’re braiding our hair at a slumber party, trying to figure out if we’re going to call Tim tonight and ask him to the dance!” Aduba resolved to keep it, declined to work with the agent, and vowed never to bend to the arbitrary rules of her industry. “This business is so liquid,” she says. “To be shapeshifting, it’s like trying to catch the wind. You’re never gonna do it.”
Indeed, with film slowly diversifying, difference is gradually being understood as an asset to storytelling. The intricacies of Chisholm’s Mrs America episode have been roundly praised by critics, which is partly down to its director, Amma Asante. In a recent interview, Aduba said Asante was likely the second woman of colour she’d worked with in a directorial capacity. White directors directing white actors depicting the stories of other white people – generally men – is the default. Black women in film rarely have the same experience, which made a marked difference in how Aduba depicted the “misogynoir” that Chisholm faced.
‘I wanted to get her humanity’ … Aduba as Chisholm in Mrs America. Photograph: Sabrina Lantos/AP
“You can’t contextualise race and racism,” she says. “You have to have lived it to understand the feeling of it. So there’s not been some sort of substitution for Amma to understand – she doesn’t have to craft something, she just knows what I’m talking about because she is having the same experience as a black woman in the world. That was really nice.”
This proximity lends itself well to the episode, in which thorny intraracial issues are deftly portrayed. The most painful element of Chisholm’s story is how she was let down on all fronts, with her loyalty to both her race and her gender continuously questioned – so she was never fully trusted by either black men or white women. “I thought that was done really well,” she says, “because nobody was exempt. It would have been very easy to place it squarely on the shoulders of the [feminist] second wave.”
Despite Chisholm being a founding member of the National Women’s Political Caucus and the Congressional Black Caucus, both endorsed her white male opponent, George McGovern. Black male politicians pressured her to drop out of the race, with her longtime supporter Ron Dellums questioning whether she was “the candidate for blacks, or just for women”. These discussions around how black women can be let down within their own communities are not easily had. It is often seen as divisive, tantamount to airing dirty laundry.
“A lot of [black women] have been raised with this idea of not talking about family business outside the family, not having conversations in mixed company. But I think the harm is sometimes that we’re not really even having those conversations inside the home. Because our black men are constantly under attack, we’re keen to have that conversation, to the detriment of [black women] speaking about our own lives being under attack.”
Breakout role … as ‘Crazy Eyes’ in Orange Is the New Black. Photograph: KC Bailey/Netflix
These attacks on black men and women have become a global talking point. Protests have raged on across every US state and across the world, taking aim at every industry, Hollywood included. When I ask Aduba if she feels optimistic about the future, she says change is inevitable, in part due to the demonstrations but also because of a generation who are holding institutions to account in ways never seen before – at times without even needing to leave their rooms. In early June, she and her fellow Orange is the New Black castmates teamed up for an hour-long livestream about anti-racism and police reform.
“That is what’s going to be the power shift,” she says. “That is going to bring the industry either willingly with us, or kicking and screaming. And it doesn’t matter how you come. Just as long as you come.”


theguardian--2020-07-28--Attorney general will defend aggressive US response to Portland protests

The US attorney general , William Barr , will defend the aggressive federal law enforcement response to civil unrest in America in a highly anticipated hearing on Tuesday , arguing that “ violent rioters and anarchists have hijacked legitimate protests ” sparked by George Floyd ’ s death at the hands of Minneapolis police .
Barr will tell members of the House judiciary committee that the violence taking place in Portland , Oregon , and other cities is disconnected from the death of Floyd , which he described as a “ horrible “ event that prompted a necessary national reckoning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement .
“ Largely absent from these scenes of destruction are even superficial attempts by the rioters to connect their actions to George Floyd ’ s death or any legitimate call for reform , ” Barr will say of the Portland protests , according to a copy of his prepared remarks released by the justice department on Monday .
Barr will also touch on other controversies that have shadowed his tenure , including his handling of the investigation into Trump campaign ties to Russia , which he derisively refers to as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to his prepared remarks , Barr will try to differentiate recent protests in cities like Portland and Seattle and the demonstrations that erupted following the death of George Floyd in May .
The attorney general will acknowledge to lawmakers that Floyd ’ s death struck a chord in the Black community because it reinforced concerns that African Americans are treated differently by police .
But he will also condemn Americans who he says have responded inappropriately to Floyd ’ s death through what he said was rioting and anarchy .
Civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were accused of whisking people away in unmarked cars without probable cause .
The US agents , drawn mainly from border patrol , were dispatched to the city by Donald Trump ostensibly to protect the courthouse .
But they have succeeded in inflaming the situation .
Washington DC was stunned in June when peaceful protesters were violently cleared from the streets by federal officers using teargas ahead of a photo op by Trump in front of a church , where Barr had accompanied him .
The attorney general has defended as necessary the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal with the situation , but the department ’ s internal watchdog has opened investigations into use of force and other tactics by agents in both cities .
The hearing on Tuesday marks Barr ’ s first appearance before the House judiciary committee , bringing him face-to-face with a panel that voted last year to hold him in contempt and is holding hearings on what Democrats allege is politicization of the justice department under his watch .
It comes during a tumultuous stretch in which Barr has taken a series of actions cheered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other critics .
Barr makes reference in his prepared statement to that antagonistic relationship , saying that “ many of the Democrats on this committee have attempted to discredit me by conjuring up a narrative that I am simply the president ’ s factotum who disposes of criminal cases according to his instructions .
Judging from the letter inviting me to this hearing , that appears to be your agenda today.
” Beyond the federal response to the demonstrations , Barr is also expected to be pressed in detail about his intervention in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mueller ’ s Russia investigation .
The hearing will provide Barr with a forum to offer his most detailed account to date for his actions in the criminal cases , which he has said were taken in the interests of justice and without political pressure .
Those include the justice department ’ s decision to drop the prosecution of former Trump administration national security adviser Michael Flynn ( a request now tied up in court ) and his firing last month of the top federal prosecutor in Manhattan , whose office oversaw investigations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also pushed for a more lenient sentence for Trump ’ s ally Roger Stone , prompting the entire trial team ’ s departure .
That decision was at the center of a separate hearing before the same committee last month , when one of the prosecutors alleged that politics from justice department leadership had influenced the handling of the sentence .
In the past , Barr has said that Flynn , who pleaded guilty as part of Mueller ’ s investigation into lying to the FBI , should never have been charged and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – also charged in the Mueller investigation – was excessive .
Barr ’ s opening statement does not delve into the details of the case , though he will insist that Trump has not attempted to interfere in those decisions and has “ played a role properly and traditionally played by presidents ” .

The US attorney general, William Barr, will defend the aggressive federal law enforcement response to civil unrest in America in a highly anticipated hearing on Tuesday, arguing that “violent rioters and anarchists have hijacked legitimate protests” sparked by George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police.
Barr will tell members of the House judiciary committee that the violence taking place in Portland, Oregon, and other cities is disconnected from the death of Floyd, which he described as a “horrible“ event that prompted a necessary national reckoning on the relationship between Black men and law enforcement.
“Largely absent from these scenes of destruction are even superficial attempts by the rioters to connect their actions to George Floyd’s death or any legitimate call for reform,” Barr will say of the Portland protests, according to a copy of his prepared remarks released by the justice department on Monday.
Barr will also touch on other controversies that have shadowed his tenure, including his handling of the investigation into Trump campaign ties to Russia, which he derisively refers to as “the bogus ‘Russiagate’ scandal”.
According to his prepared remarks, Barr will try to differentiate recent protests in cities like Portland and Seattle and the demonstrations that erupted following the death of George Floyd in May.
The attorney general will acknowledge to lawmakers that Floyd’s death struck a chord in the Black community because it reinforced concerns that African Americans are treated differently by police. But he will also condemn Americans who he says have responded inappropriately to Floyd’s death through what he said was rioting and anarchy.
Civil unrest escalated in Portland after federal agents were accused of whisking people away in unmarked cars without probable cause. The US agents, drawn mainly from border patrol, were dispatched to the city by Donald Trump ostensibly to protect the courthouse. But they have succeeded in inflaming the situation.
Washington DC was stunned in June when peaceful protesters were violently cleared from the streets by federal officers using teargas ahead of a photo op by Trump in front of a church, where Barr had accompanied him.
The attorney general has defended as necessary the broad use of law enforcement power to deal with the situation, but the department’s internal watchdog has opened investigations into use of force and other tactics by agents in both cities.
The hearing on Tuesday marks Barr’s first appearance before the House judiciary committee, bringing him face-to-face with a panel that voted last year to hold him in contempt and is holding hearings on what Democrats allege is politicization of the justice department under his watch. It comes during a tumultuous stretch in which Barr has taken a series of actions cheered by Trump but condemned by Democrats and other critics.
Barr makes reference in his prepared statement to that antagonistic relationship, saying that “many of the Democrats on this committee have attempted to discredit me by conjuring up a narrative that I am simply the president’s factotum who disposes of criminal cases according to his instructions. Judging from the letter inviting me to this hearing, that appears to be your agenda today.”
Beyond the federal response to the demonstrations, Barr is also expected to be pressed in detail about his intervention in criminal cases arising from special counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia investigation.
The hearing will provide Barr with a forum to offer his most detailed account to date for his actions in the criminal cases, which he has said were taken in the interests of justice and without political pressure.
Those include the justice department’s decision to drop the prosecution of former Trump administration national security adviser Michael Flynn (a request now tied up in court) and his firing last month of the top federal prosecutor in Manhattan, whose office oversaw investigations into allies of the president.
Barr also pushed for a more lenient sentence for Trump’s ally Roger Stone, prompting the entire trial team’s departure. That decision was at the center of a separate hearing before the same committee last month, when one of the prosecutors alleged that politics from justice department leadership had influenced the handling of the sentence.
In the past, Barr has said that Flynn, who pleaded guilty as part of Mueller’s investigation into lying to the FBI, should never have been charged and that the original sentencing recommendation for Stone – also charged in the Mueller investigation – was excessive. Barr’s opening statement does not delve into the details of the case, though he will insist that Trump has not attempted to interfere in those decisions and has “played a role properly and traditionally played by presidents”.


theguardian--2020-07-28--Trump's national security adviser tests positive for coronavirus

The national security adviser , Robert O ’ Brien , has tested positive for the coronavirus , but the White House insisted there was “ no risk ” of Donald Trump being exposed .
However , O ’ Brien recently returned from a trip to Europe where he was photographed , without wearing a mask or social distancing , with several foreign officials , including his UK counterpart , Mark Sedwill ; the UK ambassador to France , Edward Llewellyn ; and the French national security adviser , Emmanuel Bonne .
Several White House staffers have fallen sick from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but O ’ Brien is highest-level administration official so far to have tested positive .
“ He has mild symptoms and has been self-isolating and working from a secure location off site .
There is no risk of exposure to the president or the vice-president .
The work of the national security council continues uninterrupted , ” the White House said in a statement .
CNN cited officials as saying O ’ Brien abruptly left the White House last Thursday and has been working from home since then .
According to the report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling national security council staff he had tested positive , and some found out only from news reports on Monday .
It is unclear when O ’ Brien last had a meeting with the president .
Their most recent public appearance together was during a visit to US Southern Command in Miami on 10 July .
O ’ Brien was hired as national security adviser in September , despite having relatively light foreign policy experience , and has taken a low-profile approach to the job , certainly compared to his immediate predecessor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tense atmosphere in Washington , as Republicans prepared to unveil their latest stimulus and relief proposals and Donald Trump digested new polling showing disapproval of his handling of the pandemic and leads in key states for his challenger , Joe Biden .
O ’ Brien is Donald Trump ’ s fourth national security adviser , a role naturally requiring close contact with the president .
According to CNN , O ’ Brien was on White House grounds last Thursday , raising questions about potential exposure .
It was also reported that White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s test via press reports .
Citing anonymous sources , Bloomberg News reported that O ’ Brien came down with the virus after a family event and was “ isolating at home while still running the NSC [ national security council ] , doing most of his work by phone ” .
But CNN reported that O ’ Brien recently went to Europe with staffers and reporters and said “ multiple pictures released from the trip showed O ’ Brien neither practicing social distancing nor wearing a mask ” .
The news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refusal to consistently wear a face mask in public , despite mounting evidence that masks help mitigate the spread of coronavirus .
The president strongly urged Americans to wear masks for the first time last week , but he has since been seen in public not wearing a mask .
Pressure was also mounting on Republicans in Congress on Monday , to finalise a new aid package and spare millions of Americans who have lost their jobs in the pandemic from enduring dire hardship when $ 600-a-week additional unemployment benefits expire on Friday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” just four days away , Republican leaders have indicated that they will unveil a $ 1tn aid package agreed with the White House .
But bitter partisan negotiations lie ahead , with a measure likely to pass only at the 11th hour .
House Democrats , who passed a $ 3tn package in May , have accused Republicans of dithering and object to replacing the $ 600 weekly benefits , which they want to extend , with a more complicated formula based on 70 % of wages .
That calculation could in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 200 a week .
Democrats are also unhappy about liability protections likely to be included in the Republican package that insulate employers from being sued by workers who contract coronavirus .
The negotiations come at a febrile time .
Last week 1.4 million Americans filed new unemployment claims , joining a pool of more than 30 million out of work .
As the political crisis on Capitol Hill comes to a head , there is no sign of the public health crisis abating .
According to the Covid Tracking project , 4.2m confirmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US with the death toll close to 140,000 .
Johns Hopkins University puts the death toll closer to 150,000 .
The death rate across the states has exceeded 1,000 people a day over the past week , although on Sunday a figure of 558 was recorded .
The infection rate is continuing to surge alarmingly , particularly in the south .
Louisiana , Mississippi and Alabama are all showing steep upward trajectories and many states have been forced to rein back on reopening their economies after the virus caused havoc in health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 400,000 confirmed cases and has surpassed the tally in New York , a previous center of the contagion .
California , struggling with a resurgence of its own , has recorded the most cases .
Despite the prevalence of disease in Florida the vice-president , Mike Pence , was scheduled to visit Miami on Monday , to highlight phase three trials for a vaccine .
The political fallout of the pandemic remains intense , both at state level and for the White House , where Donald Trump is dealing with the consequences of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impacts of the pandemic in the world .
With fewer than 100 days to go before the presidential election , Joe Biden now holds a commanding lead in the polls .
A new NBC News/Marist poll released on Monday underlined the danger of the current moment for Trump .
It gave Biden a seven-point lead in the vital swing state of North Carolina , increasingly seen as a bellwether in presidential elections .
Among registered voters in the state , Biden was supported by 51 % to Trump ’ s 44 % .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ far-reaching implications for millions .
Democrats have warned that any reduction in financial help to the unemployed could herald a wave of evictions as households struggle to meet rent .
On Sunday , the Trump adviser Larry Kudlow pledged on CNN ’ s State of the Union that a moratorium on housing evictions , which has expired , will be extended .

Joan E Greve and Julian Borger in Washington and Ed Pilkington in New York

The national security adviser, Robert O’Brien, has tested positive for the coronavirus, but the White House insisted there was “no risk” of Donald Trump being exposed.
However, O’Brien recently returned from a trip to Europe where he was photographed, without wearing a mask or social distancing, with several foreign officials, including his UK counterpart, Mark Sedwill; the UK ambassador to France, Edward Llewellyn; and the French national security adviser, Emmanuel Bonne.
Several White House staffers have fallen sick from the disease over the past few months, but O’Brien is highest-level administration official so far to have tested positive.
“He has mild symptoms and has been self-isolating and working from a secure location off site. There is no risk of exposure to the president or the vice-president. The work of the national security council continues uninterrupted,” the White House said in a statement.
CNN cited officials as saying O’Brien abruptly left the White House last Thursday and has been working from home since then. According to the report, there was no email sent out telling national security council staff he had tested positive, and some found out only from news reports on Monday.
It is unclear when O’Brien last had a meeting with the president. Their most recent public appearance together was during a visit to US Southern Command in Miami on 10 July.
O’Brien was hired as national security adviser in September, despite having relatively light foreign policy experience, and has taken a low-profile approach to the job, certainly compared to his immediate predecessor, John Bolton.
The news stirred a tense atmosphere in Washington, as Republicans prepared to unveil their latest stimulus and relief proposals and Donald Trump digested new polling showing disapproval of his handling of the pandemic and leads in key states for his challenger, Joe Biden.
O’Brien is Donald Trump’s fourth national security adviser, a role naturally requiring close contact with the president. According to CNN, O’Brien was on White House grounds last Thursday, raising questions about potential exposure. It was also reported that White House staffers only learned of O’Brien’s test via press reports.
Citing anonymous sources, Bloomberg News reported that O’Brien came down with the virus after a family event and was “isolating at home while still running the NSC [national security council], doing most of his work by phone”.
But CNN reported that O’Brien recently went to Europe with staffers and reporters and said “multiple pictures released from the trip showed O’Brien neither practicing social distancing nor wearing a mask”.
The news will intensify scrutiny over Trump’s refusal to consistently wear a face mask in public, despite mounting evidence that masks help mitigate the spread of coronavirus. The president strongly urged Americans to wear masks for the first time last week, but he has since been seen in public not wearing a mask.
Pressure was also mounting on Republicans in Congress on Monday, to finalise a new aid package and spare millions of Americans who have lost their jobs in the pandemic from enduring dire hardship when $600-a-week additional unemployment benefits expire on Friday.
With the so-called “income cliff” just four days away, Republican leaders have indicated that they will unveil a $1tn aid package agreed with the White House. But bitter partisan negotiations lie ahead, with a measure likely to pass only at the 11th hour.
House Democrats, who passed a $3tn package in May, have accused Republicans of dithering and object to replacing the $600 weekly benefits, which they want to extend, with a more complicated formula based on 70% of wages. That calculation could in effect see support reduced to about $200 a week.
Democrats are also unhappy about liability protections likely to be included in the Republican package that insulate employers from being sued by workers who contract coronavirus.
The negotiations come at a febrile time. Last week 1.4 million Americans filed new unemployment claims, joining a pool of more than 30 million out of work.
As the political crisis on Capitol Hill comes to a head, there is no sign of the public health crisis abating. According to the Covid Tracking project, 4.2m confirmed cases of coronavirus have been recorded in the US with the death toll close to 140,000. Johns Hopkins University puts the death toll closer to 150,000.
The death rate across the states has exceeded 1,000 people a day over the past week, although on Sunday a figure of 558 was recorded.
The infection rate is continuing to surge alarmingly, particularly in the south. Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama are all showing steep upward trajectories and many states have been forced to rein back on reopening their economies after the virus caused havoc in health systems.
Florida now has more than 400,000 confirmed cases and has surpassed the tally in New York, a previous center of the contagion. California, struggling with a resurgence of its own, has recorded the most cases.
Despite the prevalence of disease in Florida the vice-president, Mike Pence, was scheduled to visit Miami on Monday, to highlight phase three trials for a vaccine.
The political fallout of the pandemic remains intense, both at state level and for the White House, where Donald Trump is dealing with the consequences of having presided over one of the worst impacts of the pandemic in the world. With fewer than 100 days to go before the presidential election, Joe Biden now holds a commanding lead in the polls.
A new NBC News/Marist poll released on Monday underlined the danger of the current moment for Trump. It gave Biden a seven-point lead in the vital swing state of North Carolina, increasingly seen as a bellwether in presidential elections. Among registered voters in the state, Biden was supported by 51% to Trump’s 44%.
Congressional horse trading over aid could have far-reaching implications for millions. Democrats have warned that any reduction in financial help to the unemployed could herald a wave of evictions as households struggle to meet rent.
On Sunday, the Trump adviser Larry Kudlow pledged on CNN’s State of the Union that a moratorium on housing evictions, which has expired, will be extended.


theguardian--2020-07-28--Does Melania Trump's revamp of the White House Rose Garden have a hidden agenda? | Arwa Mahdawi

Say what you like about Melania Trump , she has done an incredible amount during her time in the White House .
She renovated the bowling alley ; she revamped the Red Room ; she broke ground on a private tennis pavilion .
Now , the indefatigable first lady is trying her hand at horticulture : on Monday , Trump announced that she is overseeing a renovation of the White House Rose Garden .
“ Planting a garden involves hard work and hope in the possibility of a bright future , ” she explained .
More than 150,000 Americans have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nowhere near under control in the US .
Nearly half of adult Americans are jobless and 28 million are facing eviction .
Heavily armed citizen militias are patrolling US cities and protesters are facing off against federal troops in Portland , Oregon .
The US is a huge bin fire and Trump is weeding while it burns .
Is the woman completely tone-deaf or is there a strategy behind her sudden passion for gardening ?
One school of thought is that she has looked at the 2020 election polls , realises her days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is rapidly legacy-building – or , perhaps more accurately , legacy-plagiarising .
The image-obsessed Trumps have not exactly been subtle about their attempts to portray the first lady as a latter-day Jackie Kennedy , with Donald Trump once announcing : “ We have our own Jackie O – it ’ s called Melania , Melania T. ” Trump – or , as her husband likes to call her , “ it ” – has already mimicked Jackie O ’ s fashion choices , but now she is appropriating her floral ones : a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the rose garden will be restored to the design first implemented during the Kennedy administration .
The first lady ’ s attempts to restore the past seem to be working , albeit not in the way she may have intended – shortly after the rose garden renovations were announced , “ Marie Antoinette ” started trending on Twitter .
While Melania T may be attempting to channel Jackie O , it looks as though she can ’ t help giving off strong Marie A vibes .

Say what you like about Melania Trump, she has done an incredible amount during her time in the White House. She renovated the bowling alley she revamped the Red Room, she broke ground on a private tennis pavilion. Now, the indefatigable first lady is trying her hand at horticulture: on Monday, Trump announced that she is overseeing a renovation of the White House Rose Garden. “Planting a garden involves hard work and hope in the possibility of a bright future,” she explained.
More than 150,000 Americans have died with Covid-19 and the pandemic is nowhere near under control in the US. Nearly half of adult Americans are jobless and 28 million are facing eviction. Heavily armed citizen militias are patrolling US cities and protesters are facing off against federal troops in Portland, Oregon. The US is a huge bin fire and Trump is weeding while it burns. Is the woman completely tone-deaf or is there a strategy behind her sudden passion for gardening?
One school of thought is that she has looked at the 2020 election polls, realises her days at the White House are numbered and is rapidly legacy-building – or, perhaps more accurately, legacy-plagiarising. The image-obsessed Trumps have not exactly been subtle about their attempts to portray the first lady as a latter-day Jackie Kennedy, with Donald Trump once announcing: “We have our own Jackie O – it’s called Melania, Melania T.”
Trump – or, as her husband likes to call her, “it” – has already mimicked Jackie O’s fashion choices, but now she is appropriating her floral ones: a White House statement about the plans noted that the rose garden will be restored to the design first implemented during the Kennedy administration.
The first lady’s attempts to restore the past seem to be working, albeit not in the way she may have intended – shortly after the rose garden renovations were announced, “Marie Antoinette” started trending on Twitter. While Melania T may be attempting to channel Jackie O, it looks as though she can’t help giving off strong Marie A vibes.


theguardian--2020-07-27--'These are his people': inside the elite border patrol unit Trump sent to Portland

In January 2011 , James Tomsheck , then a top internal affairs investigator inside US Customs and Border Protection , attended a meeting of about 100 senior CBP leaders in a hotel in Irvington , Virginia .
Amid the sanitized splendor of the hotel ballroom , he vividly recalls hearing the nation ’ s then highest-ranking border patrol agent , David Aguilar , laying out his vision for the future .
Border patrol , the former CBP deputy commissioner said , was to become the “ marine corps of the US federal law enforcement community ” .
Another leading CBP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ required to adhere to the same constitutional restraints on the use of force as other law enforcers .
“ We are not cops , ” he said .
Fast forward to this month , when Tomsheck absorbed with mounting foreboding the images of federal officers – led by border patrol agents – wielding teargas and flash bangs against protesters in Portland , Oregon .
As news circulated of demonstrators being shot in the face with “ less lethal ” munitions , and of unidentified masked agents in camouflage strong-arming civilians into unmarked vans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expressed by his bosses almost a decade ago – of border patrol becoming a nationwide militarized force operating outside constitutional constraints – was becoming real .
“ Border patrol has always seen itself as a militarized force , and that aspiration is now being enabled by the current administration , ” Tomsheck told the Guardian .
On Thursday , Trump ramped up his threat to send border patrol agents into US cities to tackle what he claims is an epidemic of violence and anarchy sweeping urban areas .
He told Fox News he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers , warning : “ We ’ ll go into all of the cities , any of the cities .
We ’ re ready.
” Trump has made what he depicts as crime-ridden inner cities under the control of incompetent Democratic mayors a running theme of his hyper-partisan presidency since its inception .
He famously invoked “ American carnage ” in his 2017 inauguration speech .
By dispatching federal agents to Portland , and potentially rolling out the exercise to other cities such as Chicago , New York and Albuquerque , the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political reality .
That he should have selected the US border patrol as the lead agency in his new reality-TV bid to seize control of civilian streets is especially alarming to those who are familiar with the agency ’ s track record .
The most comprehensive tally of its fatal abuses , recorded by the Southern Border Community Coalition , has found at least 111 people have died as the result of an encounter with a border agent since 2010 .
Tomsheck investigated numerous cases of what he concluded to be inappropriate use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during his time at CBP internal affairs from 2006 to 2014 .
“ Time and time again I saw incidents unfold where people – always Latinos , almost always Mexican citizens – lost their lives at the hands of border patrol agents.
” In the same period , the Bush administration drastically expanded the border patrol , almost doubling the number of agents to its current 20,000 and boosting its budget from $ 1.5bn in 2006 towards the $ 5bn it is today .
The CBP now prides itself at being what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s largest law enforcement organizations ” .
While the size and scope of the agency has mushroomed , its accountability has lagged behind .
Daniel Martinez , a sociologist at the University of Arizona , analyzed how abuse complaints are handled and found that the body acts with relative impunity .
His research led him to the conclusion there is “ a culture of cruelty towards migrants and border crossers that dehumanizes and demeans border crossers .
So to see border agents who have already been desensitized by the mistreatment of immigrants redirected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is very concerning.
” More concerning still is that the federal officers deployed in Portland , ostensibly to protect federal property , were spearheaded by an elite unit , the border patrol tactical unit .
Better known as Bortac , it is a quasi-militarised outfit equivalent to the Navy Seals .
Todd Miller , the author of Empire of Borders , has dubbed Bortac as “ the robocops of US border patrol ” .
Operating largely in secret , Bortac agents are trained for Swat-style raids on organized gangs smuggling immigrants or drugs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan , as well as in many Latin American countries .
Their frontline role in Portland was controversial because they have no apparent training in crowd control or the policing of protests .
It built upon the Trump administration ’ s decision in February to dispatch Bortac into the US interior to work alongside Ice immigration officers in apprehending undocumented immigrants in Democratically-controlled “ sanctuary cities ” .
Jenn Budd spent six years working as a senior border patrol agent until 2001 when she blew the whistle on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drugs .
She was offered promotion in exchange for her silence on the subject , but resigned in disgust .
In her years as an agent she got to know Bortac well .
She remembers them as the “ biggest guys , like the jocks in a football team .
They live in tight groups like the Navy Seals , spending their time in military-style training.
” In Budd ’ s experience , Bortac agents are among “ the most violent and racist in all law enforcement ” .
The quasi-military nature of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percolating into their state of mind .
“ They don ’ t exist within the realm of civilian law enforcement , ” Budd said .
“ They view people they encounter in the military sense as enemy combatants , meaning they have virtually no rights.
” That strain of extra-judicial aggression runs through everything Bortac does , Budd said .
“ They don ’ t do normal vehicle stops .
They will rip drivers from their seat , throw him against the side , put him in handcuffs – the same tactics you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Portland.
” Under the rules of the border patrol they are allowed to operate within 100 miles of any US border , including those with Mexico and Canada as well as both coasts .
As a result , their writ covers almost two-thirds of the population of the country – some 200 million people – and embraces nine of the nation ’ s 10 largest cities , many of which Trump is now targeting .
Inside the 100-mile zone , border patrol agents are to some degree free of constitutional restraints that apply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can set up checkpoints up to 100 miles from the border , as they have at Gila Bend and Casa Grande in Arizona , ” Tod Miller said .
“ They consciously operate as though they were above the fourth amendment prohibitions on unreasonable search and seizures , though civil rights groups fiercely contest that.
” Two other aspects of the culture of border patrol are relevant to the current furor over their mobilization in inner cities .
Racism and Donald Trump .
Racism has plagued the institution for decades .
Jenn Budd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service in 1995 her Spanish instructor blithely informed her that Latino migrants were referenced within the agency as “ tonks ” and “ wetbacks ” .
“ There ’ s a prevailing view that all migrants are criminals , and that if you stop someone in their vehicle who looks Latino and speaks Spanish , they are probably criminal too , ” she said .
Last year ProPublica exposed a secret Facebook group for current and former border patrol agents whose posts were riddled with violent , racist and sexist language including jokes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posts exhorted agents to throw a “ burrito at these bitches ” , referring to Democratic congresswomen calling for an investigation of border facility abuses .
The Intercept went on to reveal that both the current chief of border patrol , Rodney Scott , and his predecessor Carla Provost , were among the group ’ s almost 9,500 members – almost half the entire force .
While the Facebook group was hidden from public view , there has been no attempt to obscure the passionate , almost obsessive , support that border patrol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then Republican presidential candidate received a boost to his bid for his party ’ s nomination when the union representing border patrol agents endorsed him .
Since then , the relationship has grown ever tighter .
Border patrol has enthusiastically followed Trump ’ s executive orders , even when they mired the agency deep in controversy such as when its agents removed infants from their mothers ’ arms under Trump ’ s 2018 policy of family separation .
The National Border Patrol Council , the agents ’ union , is in lock-step with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on its Twitter feed , all but three are retweets of Trump ’ s personal or campaign messages .
In a video statement embedded on the feed , the union ’ s president , Brandon Judd , declares that “ President Trump is the right candidate for the safety and security of this great nation , not Joe Biden .
Please join me in supporting President Trump.
” The Trump-border patrol partnership bears all the hallmarks of a classic quid pro quo .
On one side of the deal , the border patrol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supports his pitch for re-election .
On his side , Trump has repeatedly pushed for more resources for the agency and for its staff union , and is now actively promoting the fulfillment of its dream of becoming a militarized presence on America ’ s streets .
Under his presidency , the brutalized and violent politics of the border are being extended across the nation .
“ Trump has ratcheted up political ties to border patrol to another level , ” Miller said .
“ He based his whole 2016 campaign around this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ core of his 2020 re-election bid .
These are his people .
”

In January 2011, James Tomsheck, then a top internal affairs investigator inside US Customs and Border Protection, attended a meeting of about 100 senior CBP leaders in a hotel in Irvington, Virginia.
Amid the sanitized splendor of the hotel ballroom, he vividly recalls hearing the nation’s then highest-ranking border patrol agent, David Aguilar, laying out his vision for the future. Border patrol, the former CBP deputy commissioner said, was to become the “marine corps of the US federal law enforcement community”.
Another leading CBP figure remarked that border agents were not required to adhere to the same constitutional restraints on the use of force as other law enforcers. “We are not cops,” he said.
Fast forward to this month, when Tomsheck absorbed with mounting foreboding the images of federal officers – led by border patrol agents – wielding teargas and flash bangs against protesters in Portland, Oregon.
As news circulated of demonstrators being shot in the face with “less lethal” munitions, and of unidentified masked agents in camouflage strong-arming civilians into unmarked vans, the nightmare scenario Tomsheck had heard expressed by his bosses almost a decade ago – of border patrol becoming a nationwide militarized force operating outside constitutional constraints – was becoming real.
“Border patrol has always seen itself as a militarized force, and that aspiration is now being enabled by the current administration,” Tomsheck told the Guardian.
On Thursday, Trump ramped up his threat to send border patrol agents into US cities to tackle what he claims is an epidemic of violence and anarchy sweeping urban areas. He told Fox News he was prepared to send in 75,000 federal officers, warning: “We’ll go into all of the cities, any of the cities. We’re ready.”
Protesters hold cellphone lights as they gather at the justice center and courthouse as feds attempt to intervene after weeks of protests in Portland. Photograph: Amy Harris/REX/Shutterstock
Trump has made what he depicts as crime-ridden inner cities under the control of incompetent Democratic mayors a running theme of his hyper-partisan presidency since its inception. He famously invoked “American carnage” in his 2017 inauguration speech.
By dispatching federal agents to Portland, and potentially rolling out the exercise to other cities such as Chicago, New York and Albuquerque, the US president has turned his dystopian oratory into political reality.
That he should have selected the US border patrol as the lead agency in his new reality-TV bid to seize control of civilian streets is especially alarming to those who are familiar with the agency’s track record. The most comprehensive tally of its fatal abuses, recorded by the Southern Border Community Coalition, has found at least 111 people have died as the result of an encounter with a border agent since 2010.
Tomsheck investigated numerous cases of what he concluded to be inappropriate use of lethal force resulting in needless death during his time at CBP internal affairs from 2006 to 2014. “Time and time again I saw incidents unfold where people – always Latinos, almost always Mexican citizens – lost their lives at the hands of border patrol agents.”
In the same period, the Bush administration drastically expanded the border patrol, almost doubling the number of agents to its current 20,000 and boosting its budget from $1.5bn in 2006 towards the $5bn it is today. The CBP now prides itself at being what it calls “one of the world’s largest law enforcement organizations”.
01:57 Portland protests: why Trump has sent in federal agents – video report
While the size and scope of the agency has mushroomed, its accountability has lagged behind. Daniel Martinez, a sociologist at the University of Arizona, analyzed how abuse complaints are handled and found that the body acts with relative impunity.
His research led him to the conclusion there is “a culture of cruelty towards migrants and border crossers that dehumanizes and demeans border crossers. So to see border agents who have already been desensitized by the mistreatment of immigrants redirected to engaging with protesters in the interior is very concerning.”
A border patrol agent detains an undocumented immigrant near a section of privately-built border wall under construction on 11 December 2019 near Mission, Texas. Photograph: John Moore/Getty Images
More concerning still is that the federal officers deployed in Portland, ostensibly to protect federal property, were spearheaded by an elite unit, the border patrol tactical unit. Better known as Bortac, it is a quasi-militarised outfit which some have said is to the border patrol what the the Navy Seals are to the military.
Todd Miller, the author of Empire of Borders, has dubbed Bortac as “the robocops of US border patrol”.
Operating largely in secret, Bortac agents are trained for Swat-style raids on organized gangs smuggling immigrants or drugs across the US border. They have been deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as in many Latin American countries.
Their frontline role in Portland was controversial because they have no apparent training in crowd control or the policing of protests. It built upon the Trump administration’s decision in February to dispatch Bortac into the US interior to work alongside Ice immigration officers in apprehending undocumented immigrants in Democratically-controlled “sanctuary cities”.
Jenn Budd spent six years working as a senior border patrol agent until 2001 when she blew the whistle on a station chief who was himself smuggling drugs. She was offered promotion in exchange for her silence on the subject, but resigned in disgust.
In her years as an agent she got to know Bortac well. She remembers them as the “biggest guys, like the jocks in a football team. They live in tight groups like the Navy Seals, spending their time in military-style training.”
In Budd’s experience, Bortac agents are among “the most violent and racist in all law enforcement”.
The quasi-military nature of the unit goes beyond their training, percolating into their state of mind. “They don’t exist within the realm of civilian law enforcement,” Budd said. “They view people they encounter in the military sense as enemy combatants, meaning they have virtually no rights.”
That strain of extra-judicial aggression runs through everything Bortac does, Budd said. “They don’t do normal vehicle stops. They will rip drivers from their seat, throw him against the side, put him in handcuffs – the same tactics you are now seeing Bortac agents use in Portland.”
Under the rules of the border patrol they are allowed to operate within 100 miles of any US border, including those with Mexico and Canada as well as both coasts. As a result, their writ covers almost two-thirds of the population of the country – some 200 million people – and embraces nine of the nation’s 10 largest cities, many of which Trump is now targeting.
Inside the 100-mile zone, border patrol agents are to some degree free of constitutional restraints that apply to other law enforcers. “They can set up checkpoints up to 100 miles from the border, as they have at Gila Bend and Casa Grande in Arizona,” Tod Miller said. “They consciously operate as though they were above the fourth amendment prohibitions on unreasonable search and seizures, though civil rights groups fiercely contest that.”
Two other aspects of the culture of border patrol are relevant to the current furor over their mobilization in inner cities. Racism and Donald Trump.
Racism has plagued the institution for decades. Jenn Budd recalled that when she signed up for service in 1995 her Spanish instructor blithely informed her that Latino migrants were referenced within the agency as “tonks” and “wetbacks”.
“There’s a prevailing view that all migrants are criminals, and that if you stop someone in their vehicle who looks Latino and speaks Spanish, they are probably criminal too,” she said.
Last year ProPublica exposed a secret Facebook group for current and former border patrol agents whose posts were riddled with violent, racist and sexist language including jokes about migrant deaths. One of the posts exhorted agents to throw a “burrito at these bitches”, referring to Democratic congresswomen calling for an investigation of border facility abuses.
The Intercept went on to reveal that both the current chief of border patrol, Rodney Scott, and his predecessor Carla Provost, were among the group’s almost 9,500 members – almost half the entire force.
While the Facebook group was hidden from public view, there has been no attempt to obscure the passionate, almost obsessive, support that border patrol offers Trump. In March 2016 the then Republican presidential candidate received a boost to his bid for his party’s nomination when the union representing border patrol agents endorsed him.
The US-Mexico border fence is seen at sunset on 22 July 2018 in Nogales, Arizona. Photograph: John Moore/Getty Images
Since then, the relationship has grown ever tighter. Border patrol has enthusiastically followed Trump’s executive orders, even when they mired the agency deep in controversy such as when its agents removed infants from their mothers’ arms under Trump’s 2018 policy of family separation.
The National Border Patrol Council, the agents’ union, is in lock-step with Trump. Of the top 20 posts on its Twitter feed, all but three are retweets of Trump’s personal or campaign messages.
In a video statement embedded on the feed, the union’s president, Brandon Judd, declares that “President Trump is the right candidate for the safety and security of this great nation, not Joe Biden. Please join me in supporting President Trump.”
The Trump-border patrol partnership bears all the hallmarks of a classic quid pro quo. On one side of the deal, the border patrol union lavishes praise on the president and supports his pitch for re-election.
On his side, Trump has repeatedly pushed for more resources for the agency and for its staff union, and is now actively promoting the fulfillment of its dream of becoming a militarized presence on America’s streets. Under his presidency, the brutalized and violent politics of the border are being extended across the nation.
“Trump has ratcheted up political ties to border patrol to another level,” Miller said. “He based his whole 2016 campaign around this, and it is now at the core of his 2020 re-election bid. These are his people.”


theguardian--2020-07-28--A moving ‘Amazing Grace’ performance for Congressman John Lewis – video

US lawmakers were visibly moved while singer Wintley Phipps delivered his performance of 'Amazing Grace ' in the Capitol Rotunda @ @ @ @ @ Lewis .
A Democratic member from Atlanta since 1987 , Lewis endured numerous beatings and @ @ @ @ @ against segregation and for racial justice .
He died on 17 July of pancreatic cancer @ @ @ @ @ Lewis : voice of civil rights leader rings out one final time at lying-in-state

US lawmakers were visibly moved while singer Wintley Phipps delivered his performance of 'Amazing Grace' in the Capitol Rotunda for the late congressman John Lewis. A Democratic member from Atlanta since 1987, Lewis endured numerous beatings and arrests in his lifelong fight against segregation and for racial justice. He died on 17 July of pancreatic cancer at age 80