theguardian--2020-04-27--Trump plots new election strategy: tie Biden to China – and attack them both

Meet “ Beijing Biden ” , also known as “ Sleepy Joe ” .
According to Donald Trump and his allies , he is both a comrade of “ Crazy Bernie ” and an establishment creature of Washington , whose coziness with China and long history of verbal stumbles make him unfit for the presidency .
This emerging , and at times conflicting , portrait of Joe Biden is part of a recent effort by the Trump campaign to define the presumptive Democratic nominee to its advantage , ahead of a general election that has now been thoroughly reshaped by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toll from the outbreak has passed 50,000 Americans and mass unemployment reaches historic levels , Trump ’ s main case for re-election – a roaring economy – has evaporated .
Instead , he and his team are trying a new strategy : tying his political rival to an old geopolitical foe .
“ China wants Sleepy Joe sooo badly , ” Trump tweeted on 19 April , adding : “ Joe is an easy mark , their DREAM CANDIDATE !
” A campaign email earlier this month hammered the point : “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden is WEAK ON CHINA.
” For weeks , Trump has sought to shift the focus for his administration ’ s erratic response to the crisis by harnessing America ’ s growing hostility toward China , where the virus originated .
To defend himself against criticism of his handling of the outbreak , Trump has repeatedly pointed to a January decision to impose restrictions on travel from China , which he says impeded the virus ’ s spread in the US .
The aggressive push to reframe the election suggests that there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than promoting the president ’ s leadership during the pandemic .
A 57-page attack memo , obtained by Politico , advised Republican candidates to blame China when asked whether the spread of the virus is Trump ’ s fault .
“ Don ’ t defend Trump , other than the China Travel Ban – attack China , ” it states .
Negatively defining a political opponent early in the campaign is a time-honored tactic , employed by Barack Obama against Mitt Romney in 2012 and by George W Bush against John Kerry in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ execute against a well-known former vice president with a long established brand as a folksy pragmatist .
“ This is the time to really set the tone and the narrative , ” said Sam Nunberg , a former Trump campaign adviser .
“ Now is the time to sell the message to voters that Joe Biden is not the blue-collar , moderate from Scranton , Pennsylvania , who Barack Obama put on the ticket .
This is not the Joe Biden you used to know.
” Nunberg said China is only one front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tying him to his former leftist rival Sanders and questioning his mental fitness are seen as equally damaging themes , he said .
Indeed , Trump and his allies continue to gleefully mock Biden ’ s verbal miscues , amplifying them – some deceptively edited or altered – to affirm their charge that the 77-year-old has “ lost his fastball ” .And while Trump encourages Sanders ’ supporters to join his own campaign , Republicans continue to press the case that Biden , perhaps the most moderate of all the Democrats who ran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Democratic socialist agenda .
“ When faced with the choice of President Trump ’ s record of accomplishment or Biden ’ s weak record on China and far-left agenda , the choice for voters is clear , ” Sarah Matthews , deputy press secretary for the Trump campaign , said in a statement .
But a China-centered strategy is risky , complicated in no small part by Trump ’ s own rhetoric .
Though Trump ran for the White House four years ago on a promise to “ get tough ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different posture as president in pursuit of a “ big , beautiful ” trade deal with the world ’ s second-largest economy .
In recent months , he lavished praise on China ’ s leader , Xi Jinping , and echoed Beijing ’ s assertions that it had the virus under control , even as it spread around the world .
The focus also invites deeper scrutiny of Trump ’ s own business dealings in the country .
On Friday , Politico reported Trump owes tens of millions of dollars to the state-owned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estate debt that is due in 2022 .
Democrats , incredulous that Trump would try to claim the upper hand on China , welcomed it as an opportunity to assail his handling of the crisis .
On a press call organized by the Democratic National Committee , Michigan congresswoman Debbie Dingell accused Trump of failing to hold China accountable and for understating the early threat from the virus .
“ His chaotic federal response delayed mitigation efforts for weeks , ” Dingell , a Democrat whose state is among the hardest hit in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His actions have caused confusion and misinformation to spread , and it ’ s made it really hard for our governors and local leaders who are trying to do everything they can.
” The escalating war of words over who is tougher on China was amplified in competing campaign commercials .
The Trump ’ s campaign released an ad earlier this month lashing Biden over his past remarks on China and reprising unfounded corruption accusations against the former vice president and his son .
The message was amplified in an ad from America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which declares that “ for 40 years Joe Biden has been wrong about China.
” The group also launched a standalone website , BeijingBiden.com , populated with content related to Biden ’ s purported “ cozy relationship with China.
” The Biden campaign responded with a blistering ad of its own .
The commercial blames Trump for not holding China to account earlier over its handling of the virus , saying the president “ failed to act ” as the coronavirus spread .
The Democratic super Pac American Bridge is also running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ footage of Trump praising Xi and saying that the president “ gave China his trust ” .
Yet the Trump campaign was targeting Biden long before the race narrowed to a one-on-one contest .
As Biden competed for the nomination , the Trump campaign , with its vast war chest , deployed advertising campaigns against him while attempting to foment discord among Democrats .
And Trump was ultimately impeached over his efforts to pressure Ukraine to open investigations into Biden and his family .
Though Trump rarely pays a political price for taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the new push comes as Trump ’ s support in key battleground states wanes .
Trump ’ s critics hold out faint hope that the election will bring a political reckoning over what they view as his staggering mismanagement of the coronavirus crisis .
“ All re-election campaigns – every single one of them – are a referendum on the incumbent , ” said Rick Wilson , co-founder of the Lincoln Project , a Republican-led effort to defeat Trump .
“ And if Donald Trump had come into this election with peace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very high hill to climb to defeat him .
But he ’ s not .
He is coming into this with plague and depression .
”

Meet “Beijing Biden”, also known as “Sleepy Joe”. According to Donald Trump and his allies, he is both a comrade of “Crazy Bernie” and an establishment creature of Washington, whose coziness with China and long history of verbal stumbles make him unfit for the presidency.
This emerging, and at times conflicting, portrait of Joe Biden is part of a recent effort by the Trump campaign to define the presumptive Democratic nominee to its advantage, ahead of a general election that has now been thoroughly reshaped by the coronavirus pandemic.
As the death toll from the outbreak has passed 50,000 Americans and mass unemployment reaches historic levels, Trump’s main case for re-election – a roaring economy – has evaporated. Instead, he and his team are trying a new strategy: tying his political rival to an old geopolitical foe.
“China wants Sleepy Joe sooo badly,” Trump tweeted on 19 April, adding: “Joe is an easy mark, their DREAM CANDIDATE!” A campaign email earlier this month hammered the point: “I am TOUGH ON CHINA and Sleepy Joe Biden is WEAK ON CHINA.”
For weeks, Trump has sought to shift the focus for his administration’s erratic response to the crisis by harnessing America’s growing hostility toward China, where the virus originated. To defend himself against criticism of his handling of the outbreak, Trump has repeatedly pointed to a January decision to impose restrictions on travel from China, which he says impeded the virus’s spread in the US.
The aggressive push to reframe the election suggests that there is more to be gained by attacking Biden than promoting the president’s leadership during the pandemic.
A 57-page attack memo, obtained by Politico, advised Republican candidates to blame China when asked whether the spread of the virus is Trump’s fault. “Don’t defend Trump, other than the China Travel Ban – attack China,” it states.
Negatively defining a political opponent early in the campaign is a time-honored tactic, employed by Barack Obama against Mitt Romney in 2012 and by George W Bush against John Kerry in 2004. But it is harder to execute against a well-known former vice-president with a long established brand as a folksy pragmatist.
“This is the time to really set the tone and the narrative,” said Sam Nunberg, a former Trump campaign adviser. “Now is the time to sell the message to voters that Joe Biden is not the blue-collar, moderate from Scranton, Pennsylvania, who Barack Obama put on the ticket. This is not the Joe Biden you used to know.”
Nunberg said China is only one front in the personal assault on Biden. Tying him to his former leftist rival Sanders and questioning his mental fitness are seen as equally damaging themes, he said.
Indeed, Trump and his allies continue to gleefully mock Biden’s verbal miscues, amplifying them – some deceptively edited or altered – to affirm their charge that the 77-year-old has “lost his fastball”. And while Trump encourages Sanders’ supporters to join his own campaign, Republicans continue to press the case that Biden, perhaps the most moderate of all the Democrats who ran for president, has embraced the senator’s Democratic socialist agenda.
“When faced with the choice of President Trump’s record of accomplishment or Biden’s weak record on China and far-left agenda, the choice for voters is clear,” Sarah Matthews, deputy press secretary for the Trump campaign, said in a statement.
But a China-centered strategy is risky, complicated in no small part by Trump’s own rhetoric.
Though Trump ran for the White House four years ago on a promise to “get tough” on China, he has struck a different posture as president in pursuit of a “big, beautiful” trade deal with the world’s second-largest economy. In recent months, he lavished praise on China’s leader, Xi Jinping, and echoed Beijing’s assertions that it had the virus under control, even as it spread around the world.
The focus also invites deeper scrutiny of Trump’s own business dealings in the country. On Friday, Politico reported Trump borrowed tens of millions of dollars from the state-owned Bank of China for his share in a New York property development.
Democrats, incredulous that Trump would try to claim the upper hand on China, welcomed it as an opportunity to assail his handling of the crisis.
On a press call organized by the Democratic National Committee, the Michigan congresswoman Debbie Dingell accused Trump of failing to hold China accountable and for understating the early threat from the virus.
“His chaotic federal response delayed mitigation efforts for weeks,” Dingell, a Democrat whose state is among the hardest hit in the country, said on Thursday. His actions have caused confusion and misinformation to spread, and it’s made it really hard for our governors and local leaders who are trying to do everything they can.”
The escalating war of words over who is tougher on China was amplified in competing campaign commercials.
The Trump’s campaign released an ad earlier this month lashing Biden over his past remarks on China and reprising unfounded corruption accusations against the former vice-president and his son.
The message was amplified in an ad from America First, a Super Pac supporting Trump, which declares that “for 40 years Joe Biden has been wrong about China.” The group also launched a standalone website, BeijingBiden.com, populated with content related to Biden’s purported “cozy relationship with China”.
The Biden campaign responded with a blistering ad of its own. The commercial blames Trump for not holding China to account earlier over its handling of the virus, saying the president “failed to act” as the coronavirus spread. The Democratic Super Pac American Bridge is also running ads on the same theme, featuring footage of Trump praising Xi and saying that the president “gave China his trust”.
Yet the Trump campaign was targeting Biden long before the race narrowed to a one-on-one contest.
As Biden competed for the nomination, the Trump campaign, with its vast war chest, deployed advertising campaigns against him while attempting to foment discord among Democrats. And Trump was ultimately impeached over his efforts to pressure Ukraine to open investigations into Biden and his family.
Though Trump rarely pays a political price for taking differing or contradictory positions on an issue, the new push comes as Trump’s support in key battleground states wanes.
Trump’s critics hold out faint hope that the election will bring a political reckoning over what they view as his staggering mismanagement of the coronavirus crisis.
“All re-election campaigns – every single one of them – are a referendum on the incumbent,” said Rick Wilson, co-founder of the Lincoln Project, a Republican-led effort to defeat Trump.
“And if Donald Trump had come into this election with peace and prosperity, it would be a very high hill to climb to defeat him. But he’s not. He is coming into this with plague and depression.”


theguardian--2020-04-27--The US states uniting to combat coronavirus amid leadership vacuum

Groups of American states have banded together to form regional partnerships to battle the coronavirus pandemic .
The new unions , which now encompass 17 states , have potentially far reaching implications for how the US handles the virus and deals with Donald Trump ’ s administration in the process .
California , Oregon and Washington have formed the Western States Pact .
Seven east coast states , stretching from Delaware to Massachusetts , have formed another alliance .
And seven mostly midwestern states – encompassing a vast region that includes Minnesota , Ohio and Kentucky – have created a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised fears – or hopes – that the federal government ’ s grip on America ’ s states will be loosened , perhaps threatening the union itself .
Minnesota ’ s governor , Tim Walz , likened his midwestern alliance to “ sort of a loose Articles of Confederation approach.
” California ’ s governor , Gavin Newsom , has even referred to his state as a “ nation state ” .
The groups coalesced quickly and organically through conversations between states ’ governors , who have been trading notes and ideas on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The motivation was partially in response to a White House that has wavered from taking full responsibility for the US ’ s response to Covid-19 to saying that state governors are essentially responsible for tackling the pandemic .
Oregon ’ s governor , Kate Brown , told the Guardian she had been texting with neighboring governors Jay Inslee in Washington and Newsom in California when the idea emerged .
“ As I started to think through how difficult it was to intentionally – literally – shutter our economy , I thought that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we weren ’ t taking the same steps , that we at least hold hands , that we create a shared framework , ” Brown recalled .
Brown texted the two other governors asking them if they were interested in “ working on a shared framework for reopening their states ’ economies ” .
On 13 April , the three governors announced their Western States Pact .
The coordination between the members of the Western States Pact has gone beyond the governors themselves .
Brown said their chiefs of staff have been sharing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been sharing resources .
“ I think we could say we are aligned in the framework .
We ’ re all carving a path , but we ’ re each taking individual directions in terms of the path , ” Brown said .
Similarly , Illinois ’ governor , JB Pritzker , had been texting and talking on the phone with his fellow midwestern governors .
He had had a conversation with New York ’ s governor , Andrew Cuomo , where Pritzker suggested “ we maybe need to all band together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with six other governors in the midwest , announced a partnership to reopen the regional economy .
The partnership includes both Democratic and Republican governors .
“ I think what we ’ re looking to do is share best ideas first of all , ” Pritzker said in an interview .
Second , he said , they want to make sure they ’ re working together as they go through the phases of reopening their states ’ economies .
Cuomo and a swath of east coast governors have set up their own “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the economy and get people back to work ” .
The uniting idea behind the pacts is to formulate plans for easing restrictions and lockdown orders once the coronavirus threat dissipates .
Those plans so far vary from the Trump administration ’ s recently released guidelines for easing restrictions .
Other governors have formed informal regional alliances .
Maryland ’ s governor , Larry Hogan ; Washington DC ’ s mayor , Muriel Bowser ; and Virginia ’ s governor , Ralph Northam , hold regular calls .
New Hampshire ’ s governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor , Janet Mills ; and Vermont ’ s governor , Phil Scott , have remained in contact throughout the pandemic , although those states aren ’ t in the same formal east coast council with New York and others .
Publicly and privately governors have groused that the Trump administration has been frustratingly inconsistent and unhelpful in directing the federal government to fight the pandemic , pushing states to go at it alone or in the groups they have formed .
Jared Leopold , a Democratic strategist and former communications director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alliances were partially a result of a lack of national leadership .
“ Nature abhors a vacuum and with a vacuum of national leadership on the coronavirus crisis , states are having to fend for themselves , ” Leopold said .
“ That means putting together coalitions however they can.
” Alliances among governors aren ’ t unprecedented in America .
Governors have formed an alliance during the Trump presidency to fight the climate crisis .
Nor do the partnerships mean the moves by each governor are uniform .
Restrictions and executive orders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitmer , are not the same as the ones by Ohio ’ s governor , Mike DeWine .
Pritzker said it made sense that states in the same regions banded together rather than ones far apart .
“ My state is a little bit like Michigan in this sense : we have one big city , a very big city .
And then we have some very small cities and a lot of agricultural territory in Illinois .
Seventy per cent of our landmass is agricultural .
And that ’ s very similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ California ’ s very different .
It ’ s got multiple big cities , many – San Diego , San Francisco , and LA and so on .
These are very big cities .
So that ’ s a different way of thinking than what we would need to do here .
So that ’ s some of the reason that these regional pacts work .
We share a lot of similarities from state to state.
” There are ongoing differences in the regional responses to the pandemic as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Tennessee and South Carolina – have been much more eager to loosen restrictions than other states across the country .
Those states have not set up a formal pact .
Scott Pattison , a former executive director of the National Governors Association , expects that the states in the regional pacts will work together closely as they move forward .
“ I ’ m anticipating that they really do follow through , ” Pattison said .
“ That Washington state won ’ t necessarily take substantive measures without consulting with Oregon and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also to hopefully to create some precedence for effective groupings for the future .
”

Groups of American states have banded together to form regional partnerships to battle the coronavirus pandemic. The new unions, which now encompass 17 states, have potentially far reaching implications for how the US handles the virus and deals with Donald Trump’s administration in the process.
California, Oregon and Washington have formed the Western States Pact. Seven east coast states, stretching from Delaware to Massachusetts, have formed another alliance. And seven mostly midwestern states – encompassing a vast region that includes Minnesota, Ohio and Kentucky – have created a third group.
The development has even raised fears – or hopes – that the federal government’s grip on America’s states will be loosened, perhaps threatening the union itself. Minnesota’s governor, Tim Walz, likened his midwestern alliance to “sort of a loose Articles of Confederation approach.” California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, has even referred to his state as a “nation state”.
The groups coalesced quickly and organically through conversations between states’ governors, who have been trading notes and ideas on how to respond to the pandemic. The motivation was partially in response to a White House that has wavered from taking full responsibility for the US’s response to Covid-19 to saying that state governors are essentially responsible for tackling the pandemic.
Oregon’s governor, Kate Brown, told the Guardian she had been texting with neighboring governors Jay Inslee in Washington and Newsom in California when the idea emerged.
I thought that it would be really good, even if we weren’t taking the same steps, that we at least hold hands, that we create a shared framework Kate Brown, Oregon's governor
“As I started to think through how difficult it was to intentionally – literally – shutter our economy, I thought that it would be really good, even if we weren’t taking the same steps, that we at least hold hands, that we create a shared framework,” Brown recalled.
Brown texted the two other governors asking them if they were interested in “working on a shared framework for reopening their states’ economies”.
On 13 April, the three governors announced their Western States Pact.
The coordination between the members of the Western States Pact has gone beyond the governors themselves. Brown said their chiefs of staff have been sharing strategy. Their directors of public health have been sharing resources.
“I think we could say we are aligned in the framework. We’re all carving a path, but we’re each taking individual directions in terms of the path,” Brown said.
Similarly, Illinois’ governor, JB Pritzker, had been texting and talking on the phone with his fellow midwestern governors. He had had a conversation with New York’s governor, Andrew Cuomo, where Pritzker suggested “we maybe need to all band together”. In mid-April Pritzker, along with six other governors in the midwest, announced a partnership to reopen the regional economy. The partnership includes both Democratic and Republican governors.
“I think what we’re looking to do is share best ideas first of all,” Pritzker said in an interview. Second, he said, they want to make sure they’re working together as they go through the phases of reopening their states’ economies.
Cuomo and a swath of east coast governors have set up their own “multi-state council” to “to restore the economy and get people back to work”.
Andrew Cuomo at a press conference in Albany, New York, on 20 April. Photograph: Michael Brochstein/ZUMA Wire/REX/Shutterstock
The uniting idea behind the pacts is to formulate plans for easing restrictions and lockdown orders once the coronavirus threat dissipates. Those plans so far vary from the Trump administration’s recently released guidelines for easing restrictions.
Other governors have formed informal regional alliances. Maryland’s governor, Larry Hogan; Washington DC’s mayor, Muriel Bowser; and Virginia’s governor, Ralph Northam, hold regular calls. New Hampshire’s governor, Chris Sununu; Maine’s governor, Janet Mills; and Vermont’s governor, Phil Scott, have remained in contact throughout the pandemic, although those states aren’t in the same formal east coast council with New York and others.
Publicly and privately governors have groused that the Trump administration has been frustratingly inconsistent and unhelpful in directing the federal government to fight the pandemic, pushing states to go at it alone or in the groups they have formed.
Jared Leopold, a Democratic strategist and former communications director of the Democratic Governors Association, said the alliances were partially a result of a lack of national leadership.
“Nature abhors a vacuum and with a vacuum of national leadership on the coronavirus crisis, states are having to fend for themselves,” Leopold said. “That means putting together coalitions however they can.”
Alliances among governors aren’t unprecedented in America. Governors have formed an alliance during the Trump presidency to fight the climate crisis. Nor do the partnerships mean the moves by each governor are uniform. Restrictions and executive orders approved by the Michigan governor, Gretchen Whitmer, are not the same as the ones by Ohio’s governor, Mike DeWine.
Pritzker said it made sense that states in the same regions banded together rather than ones far apart.
“My state is a little bit like Michigan in this sense: we have one big city, a very big city. And then we have some very small cities and a lot of agricultural territory in Illinois. Seventy per cent of our landmass is agricultural. And that’s very similar to Indiana and Michigan,” Pritzker said.
We share a lot of similarities from state to state JB Pritzker
“California’s very different. It’s got multiple big cities, many – San Diego, San Francisco, and LA and so on. These are very big cities. So that’s a different way of thinking than what we would need to do here. So that’s some of the reason that these regional pacts work. We share a lot of similarities from state to state.”
There are ongoing differences in the regional responses to the pandemic as well. A few southern states – Georgia, Tennessee and South Carolina – have been much more eager to loosen restrictions than other states across the country. Those states have not set up a formal pact.
Scott Pattison, a former executive director of the National Governors Association, expects that the states in the regional pacts will work together closely as they move forward.
“I’m anticipating that they really do follow through,” Pattison said. “That Washington state won’t necessarily take substantive measures without consulting with Oregon and California – both for this moment but also to hopefully to create some precedence for effective groupings for the future.”


theguardian--2020-04-27--Trump reportedly doesn't have time to get lunch. He might if he quit the self-praise

On Friday , the New York Times accused Donald Trump of spending time eating fries and watching TV during the pandemic , sometimes not arriving at the Oval Office until noon .
As a response , multiple White House officials were rolled out to confirm Trump was working non-stop , so much so that the president sometimes misses his lunch .
Let ’ s make clear that this is not meant to cast shade on lunch-takers .
Quite the contrary : taking lunch is as much a measure of how hard one works as a man ’ s shoe size @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ego is .
But Trump ’ s “ proof ” of his hard work is a bit surprising .
Almost a third of US workers don ’ t get to take a lunch break– and those are just ordinary people , the ones who homeschool their children while working from home if they ’ re lucky enough to have a paycheck , with a salary to reflect that .
Unfortunately for Trump , his routine pales in comparison to other famous leaders ’ schedules .
Margaret Thatcher was memorably said to have slept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George W Bush reportedly arrived at the White House at 6.45am .
Winston Churchill reportedly did a day and a half ’ s work in 24 hours during the second world war , but littered among his working day were multiple naps , cocktails , board games and a few decadent meals .
If his diary proves anything , it ’ s that productive people can take a lunch break and still manage to get things done .
As for Trump , there is no way of proving whether he takes his lunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his productivity from afar .
But it ’ s worth considering that he might be able to take a lunch break if he congratulated himself less .
How much time would he save , you ask ?
Well , roughly however long it takes to say 260,000 words – and that ’ s just during press briefings .
If he quit the self-compliments altogether , he might even have time to start taking naps .

On Friday, the New York Times accused Donald Trump of spending time eating fries and watching TV during the pandemic, sometimes not arriving at the Oval Office until noon. As a response, multiple White House officials were rolled out to confirm Trump was working non-stop, so much so that the president sometimes misses his lunch.
Let’s make clear that this is not meant to cast shade on lunch-takers. Quite the contrary: taking lunch is as much a measure of how hard one works as a man’s shoe size is a measure of how big his ego is.
But Trump’s “proof” of his hard work is a bit surprising. Almost a third of US workers don’t get to take a lunch break– and those are just ordinary people, the ones who homeschool their children while working from home if they’re lucky enough to have a paycheck, with a salary to reflect that.
Unfortunately for Trump, his routine pales in comparison to other famous leaders’ schedules. Margaret Thatcher was memorably said to have slept just four hours a night, while George W Bush reportedly arrived at the White House at 6.45am. Winston Churchill reportedly did a day and a half’s work in 24 hours during the second world war, but littered among his working day were multiple naps, cocktails, board games and a few decadent meals. If his diary proves anything, it’s that productive people can take a lunch break and still manage to get things done.
As for Trump, there is no way of proving whether he takes his lunch, nor is it possible to measure his productivity from afar. But it’s worth considering that he might be able to take a lunch break if he congratulated himself less.
How much time would he save, you ask? Well, roughly however long it takes to say 260,000 words – and that’s just during press briefings. If he quit the self-compliments altogether, he might even have time to start taking naps.


theguardian--2020-04-28--Why has Trump appointed so many judges - and how did he do it?

Trump ’ s focus on judges started back on the 2016 campaign trail Donald Trump made many promises on the campaign trail in 2016 .
He promised to build a border wall and make Mexico pay for it .
He promised to resurrect American industry .
And he promised to fill the courts with conservative judges , understood to mean judges who were skeptical of environmental regulations , who were not enthralled with the legacy of the civil rights era and who took a narrow view of a woman ’ s right to choose .
To combat doubts about his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ step of releasing , while still a candidate , a list of his potential picks for the US supreme court .
The list was curated by the Federalist Society , the country ’ s largest organization of conservative legal activists .
For evangelical Christians and other groups , the list signaled that Trump was a safe White House pick .
Has Trump delivered on his promises on judges ?
As Trump ’ s first term winds down , there is no great border wall , and no resurgent manufacturing sector .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters have been realized , as the president has made good on his promise to fill the federal bench with a new brand of conservative judge – younger , more ideologically committed and less diverse than their peers .
At the circuit court level , Trump has installed 51 judges , or about 30 % of all active judgeships , just one step before the US supreme court .
He is preparing to fill dozens of district court vacancies .
Most significantly of all , Trump has appointed two justices to the supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , out of nine total .
Together these judges wield immense power over who gets to vote , who gets to marry , who has access to healthcare , who carries a gun , who is branded a criminal , who may join a union , who is protected from discrimination and who has permission to discriminate on religious grounds .
Pervasive influence on the federal judiciary is an immense prize , with implications spanning generations , given that federal judgeships are lifetime appointments .
And it is a prize , analysts say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement , creating a powerful bulwark for his own political fortunes .
“ These judges have all been vetted in terms of judicial philosophy , ” said Sheldon Goldman , a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench .
“ All believe in a bench that is not activist in terms of promoting civil libertarian values .
But they ’ re activist judges in terms of promoting the values that are important to them – property rights , pro-business , anti-regulation.
” How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s success at installing top-level judges – he has placed more , faster , than any previous president – has owed to the preparedness of outside groups in taking advantage of Republican control of both the presidency and the US Senate , which is in charge of confirming judges .
Trump also has benefited from dozens of retirements by judges who were appointed by previous Republican presidents .
But his best friend in the effort has been Mitch McConnell , the Senate majority leader , who by blocking nominees under Barack Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump when he took office , more than any of his recent predecessors .
McConnell also held a supreme court seat open for Trump , and he has changed Senate rules to speed the confirmation of Trump judges .
Have Trump ’ s judges made any impact yet ?
While experts advise that it could take five years or more for the full picture to develop of how Trump ’ s judges are changing the courts , and the country , signs are emerging of a potential phase shift .
Formerly reliable progressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reproductive healthcare , while others have greenlighted the Trump administration ’ s most reckless attacks on voting rights and on vulnerable populations , from the disabled to victims of police abuse to asylum seekers .
The supreme court , meanwhile , has consistently sided with Trump administration requests for emergency relief from lower court rulings against executive actions by Trump to create a wealth test for green card applicants , divert Pentagon funding for a border wall , ban transgender individuals from the military and more .
What is at stake in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the health of the judiciary and said many Trump judicial appointees were qualified for their posts .
But he warned of dire consequences if Trump ’ s judges gave in wholly to the president ’ s desire to prosecute his political enemies and destroy the free press .
“ We have a president who has authoritarian instincts , ” said Goldman .
“ We have a president who is rather vindictive .
That ’ s really the big issue now – whether the constitution of the United States , the bill of @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Trump’s focus on judges started back on the 2016 campaign trail
Donald Trump made many promises on the campaign trail in 2016. He promised to build a border wall and make Mexico pay for it. He promised to resurrect American industry.
And he promised to fill the courts with conservative judges, understood to mean judges who were skeptical of environmental regulations, who were not enthralled with the legacy of the civil rights era and who took a narrow view of a woman’s right to choose.
To combat doubts about his conservative credentials, Trump took the unusual step of releasing, while still a candidate, a list of his potential picks for the US supreme court. The list was curated by the Federalist Society, the country’s largest organization of conservative legal activists. For evangelical Christians and other groups, the list signaled that Trump was a safe White House pick.
Has Trump delivered on his promises on judges?
As Trump’s first term winds down, there is no great border wall, and no resurgent manufacturing sector. But the highest hopes of Trump’s evangelical supporters have been realized, as the president has made good on his promise to fill the federal bench with a new brand of conservative judge – younger, more ideologically committed and less diverse than their peers.
At the circuit court level, Trump has installed 51 judges, or about 30% of all active judgeships, just one step before the US supreme court. He is preparing to fill dozens of district court vacancies. Most significantly of all, Trump has appointed two justices to the supreme court, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, out of nine total.
Are the judges powerful?
Together these judges wield immense power over who gets to vote, who gets to marry, who has access to healthcare, who carries a gun, who is branded a criminal, who may join a union, who is protected from discrimination and who has permission to discriminate on religious grounds.
Pervasive influence on the federal judiciary is an immense prize, with implications spanning generations, given that federal judgeships are lifetime appointments. And it is a prize, analysts say, that Trump has handed the conservative movement, creating a powerful bulwark for his own political fortunes.
“These judges have all been vetted in terms of judicial philosophy,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “All believe in a bench that is not activist in terms of promoting civil libertarian values. But they’re activist judges in terms of promoting the values that are important to them – property rights, pro-business, anti-regulation.”
Trump’s best friend in the effort to appoint judges has been Mitch McConnell. Photograph: Tom Brenner/Reuters
How did Trump pick the judges?
Trump’s success at installing top-level judges – he has placed more, faster, than any previous president – has owed to the preparedness of outside groups in taking advantage of Republican control of both the presidency and the US Senate, which is in charge of confirming judges. Trump also has benefited from dozens of retirements by judges who were appointed by previous Republican presidents.
But his best friend in the effort has been Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, who by blocking nominees under Barack Obama helped create 17 appeals court vacancies for Trump when he took office, more than any of his recent predecessors. McConnell also held a supreme court seat open for Trump, and he has changed Senate rules to speed the confirmation of Trump judges.
Have Trump’s judges made any impact yet?
While experts advise that it could take five years or more for the full picture to develop of how Trump’s judges are changing the courts, and the country, signs are emerging of a potential phase shift.
Formerly reliable progressive benches have issued rulings that threaten access to reproductive healthcare, while others have greenlighted the Trump administration’s most reckless attacks on voting rights and on vulnerable populations, from the disabled to victims of police abuse to asylum seekers.
The supreme court, meanwhile, has consistently sided with Trump administration requests for emergency relief from lower court rulings against executive actions by Trump to create a wealth test for green card applicants, divert Pentagon funding for a border wall, ban transgender individuals from the military and more.
What is at stake in these changes?
Goldman expressed general confidence in the health of the judiciary and said many Trump judicial appointees were qualified for their posts. But he warned of dire consequences if Trump’s judges gave in wholly to the president’s desire to prosecute his political enemies and destroy the free press.
“We have a president who has authoritarian instincts,” said Goldman. “We have a president who is rather vindictive. That’s really the big issue now – whether the constitution of the United States, the bill of rights, will survive Trump.”


theguardian--2020-04-27--'The impossible has already happened': what coronavirus can teach us about hope – podcast

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Written by Rebecca Solnit read by Madeleine Maby and produced by Esther Opoku-Gyeni

In the midst of fear and isolation, we are learning that profound, positive change is possible. By Rebecca Solnit
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theguardian--2020-04-28--Trump is unravelling – even his supporters can't ignore it now | Arwa Mahdawi

I don ’ t know what kind of disinfectant Donald Trump has been injecting , but the man does not appear to be well .
The president ’ s lethal medical musing has turned him into ( even more of ) a global laughing stock and the widespread ridicule has clearly bruised his fragile ego .
While Trump has never been a paradigm of calmness or competence , he has become increasingly irate and erratic in recent days .
Now even his diehard supporters seem to be cooling towards him .
Is the “ very stable genius ” starting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president ’ s weekend tweetstorm , which , even by Trumpian standards , was spectacularly unhinged .
On Sunday , Trump lashed out at what he called a “ phony story ” in the New York Times that claimed he spends his days eating junk food and watching TV .
“ I will often be in the Oval Office late into the night & read & see [ in the Times ] that I am angrily eating a hamberger & Diet Coke in my bedroom , ” he tweeted .
“ People @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then deleted the tweet and replaced it with one in which hamburger was spelled correctly .
( This was clearly a challenge for him : he has previously misspelled hamburgers “ hamberders ” . )
It turned out that the hambergers were just an appetiser .
A rant about the “ Noble ” prize , which Trump seems to have confused with the Pulitzer prize , followed .
This was subsequently deleted and replaced with a tweet stating it had all been an exercise in sarcasm .
He is a master of sarcasm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ none of Trump ’ s aides seem able to shut down his Twitter account , they are trying to tone down his daily press briefings .
Trump didn ’ t hold a briefing over the weekend as he normally does , while Monday ’ s event was cancelled and then reinstated .
“ We like to keep reporters on their toes , ” the White House director of strategic communications , Alyssa Farah , tweeted with a winking emoji .
She then deleted the tweet – presumably to keep reporters on their toes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the briefness of Trump ’ s remarks ; instead of treating it like a political rally , he ceded the floor to a number of CEOs .
Trump enjoyed a bump in his ratings last month when he stopped downplaying coronavirus and announced a 15-day plan to slow the virus ’ s spread .
During his brief experiment with coherence , 55 % of Americans said they approved of the way he was handling the crisis and CNN ’ s chief political correspondent , Dana Bash , told viewers Trump “ is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need ” .
The tide now seems to have turned .
Recent polls show that most Americans are unimpressed with Trump ’ s handling of the crisis .
This includes conservatives : a Siena College poll released on Monday found that 56 % of Republican voters in New York say they trust Andrew Cuomo , the state ’ s Democratic governor , to decide how to reopen the state over Trump .
Even Fox News seems to have cooled towards Trumpism ; the network has just cut ties with Diamond & Silk , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been two of Trump ’ s biggest cheerleaders , after they promoted conspiracy theories and disinformation .
Perhaps the only people more incompetent than Trump are the ragtag team of sycophants he has surrounded himself with .
According to Politico , Trump is leaning heavily on Hope Hicks , who he reportedly calls “ Hopey ” , to steer him through the coronavirus crisis .
Hicks , 31 , who was formerly the White House communications director , is one of Trump ’ s most-trusted aides ; according to one tell-all book @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his trousers – while he wore them .
It turns out Hopey is the mastermind who urged Trump to “ act as a frontman ” during the crisis instead of deferring to health experts .
Now that plan has backfired , Hicks – who officially works under boy genius Jared Kushner – is apparently developing a new strategy for Trump .
He had better Hopey this one is a little more effective .

I don’t know what kind of disinfectant Donald Trump has been injecting, but the man does not appear to be well. The president’s lethal medical musing has turned him into (even more of) a global laughing stock and the widespread ridicule has clearly bruised his fragile ego. While Trump has never been a paradigm of calmness or competence, he has become increasingly irate and erratic in recent days. Now even his diehard supporters seem to be cooling towards him. Is the “very stable genius” starting to unravel?
Let’s start with the president’s weekend tweetstorm, which, even by Trumpian standards, was spectacularly unhinged. On Sunday, Trump lashed out at what he called a “phony story” in the New York Times that claimed he spends his days eating junk food and watching TV. “I will often be in the Oval Office late into the night & read & see [in the Times] that I am angrily eating a hamberger & Diet Coke in my bedroom,” he tweeted. “People with me are always stunned.” He then deleted the tweet and replaced it with one in which hamburger was spelled correctly. (This was clearly a challenge for him: he has previously misspelled hamburgers “hamberders”.)
It turned out that the hambergers were just an appetiser. A rant about the “Noble” prize, which Trump seems to have confused with the Pulitzer prize, followed. This was subsequently deleted and replaced with a tweet stating it had all been an exercise in sarcasm. He is a master of sarcasm, as we all know.
02:43 Donald Trump: comments about injecting disinfectant were 'sarcastic' – video
While none of Trump’s aides seem able to shut down his Twitter account, they are trying to tone down his daily press briefings. Trump didn’t hold a briefing over the weekend as he normally does, while Monday’s event was cancelled and then reinstated. “We like to keep reporters on their toes,” the White House director of strategic communications, Alyssa Farah, tweeted with a winking emoji. She then deleted the tweet – presumably to keep reporters on their toes. Monday’s briefing was notable for the briefness of Trump’s remarks; instead of treating it like a political rally, he ceded the floor to a number of CEOs.
Trump enjoyed a bump in his ratings last month when he stopped downplaying coronavirus and announced a 15-day plan to slow the virus’s spread. During his brief experiment with coherence, 55% of Americans said they approved of the way he was handling the crisis and CNN’s chief political correspondent, Dana Bash, told viewers Trump “is being the kind of leader that people need”.
The tide now seems to have turned. Recent polls show that most Americans are unimpressed with Trump’s handling of the crisis. This includes conservatives: a Siena College poll released on Monday found that 56% of Republican voters in New York say they trust Andrew Cuomo, the state’s Democratic governor, to decide how to reopen the state over Trump. Even Fox News seems to have cooled towards Trumpism; the network has just cut ties with Diamond & Silk, a pair of rightwing social-media stars who have been two of Trump’s biggest cheerleaders, after they promoted conspiracy theories and disinformation.
04:42 Who is driving the US protests against coronavirus lockdown? – video explainer
Perhaps the only people more incompetent than Trump are the ragtag team of sycophants he has surrounded himself with. According to Politico, Trump is leaning heavily on Hope Hicks, who he reportedly calls “Hopey”, to steer him through the coronavirus crisis. Hicks, 31, who was formerly the White House communications director, is one of Trump’s most-trusted aides; according to one tell-all book, her duties used to include steaming his trousers – while he wore them. It turns out Hopey is the mastermind who urged Trump to “act as a frontman” during the crisis instead of deferring to health experts. Now that plan has backfired, Hicks – who officially works under boy genius Jared Kushner – is apparently developing a new strategy for Trump. He had better Hopey this one is a little more effective.


theguardian--2020-04-28--My friend's small hiking shop is dying. It's one story of millions | Katie Herzog

Like a lot of people , I ’ ve spent more time talking on the phone over the past couple of months than I have in years .
There ’ s something about disaster that makes us want to hear voices and see faces , when , under normal circumstances , we ’ re rather just text .
Unfortunately , the conversations I ’ m having are mostly dire .
One of my recent calls was to a friend who lives in a small town in the Rockies .
She ’ s got two kids , and so , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hastily constructed living room office , she ’ s now running a daycare where the clients don ’ t pay .
She got her young son a walkie-talkie , and , on the morning we spoke , she ’ d overheard him talking with a friend who lives down the street .
They were making plans to meet in the neighborhood park after everyone else had gone to sleep .
Not even six weeks into quarantine and her five-year-old was already planning his escape .
Wrangling children , however , is now the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be locked in at night ; what she has no control over now is her finances .
Her husband owns a small business : a retail store that sells running shoes , hiking boots , trekking poles and the kind of clothing ( bright , water-wicking ) that people who live in mountain towns think constitutes everyday fashion .
They aren ’ t wealthy , but they ’ ve got five employees and , despite Amazon and Zappos , the store has managed to stay open for 15 years .
In that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than just a place to buy shoes ; they ’ ve made it into one of those “ third spaces ” urban planners talk about – where people meet up and form community of their own .
They organize events and races and group runs where people of all abilities run together and then go out for drinks .
In fact , that ’ s how my friend and her husband met : She was new to town ( and running ) and he stayed at the back of the pack just to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their business , along with so many others , was deemed non-essential by the state government .
My friend doesn ’ t fault state leaders for that – there was an outbreak a few towns over , and it ’ s hard to argue that running shorts are “ essential ” during a pandemic .
But despite immediately pivoting to online sales , she does wonder how much longer they ’ ll be able to stay open .
Just before we spoke , they ’ d had their first zero-dollar day ever .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners .
My friend and her husband qualified for a payment protection program loan through the Small Business Administration ( SBA ) , which is designed to keep people employed ( and off unemployment insurance ) during the crisis .
The deal is , if you keep your employees on the payroll , you don ’ t have to pay it back .
Getting the loan was not a simple process : the SBA distributed the money to banks , which were then supposed to get it to small businesses .
My friends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bank was so late making the application available that by the time it was open , the available PPP money had nearly dried up .
Their Wells Fargo banker actually told my friend that they should seek out a different institution before it was too late , which they were , luckily , able to do through a local banker who shops at their store .
In the end , they received $ 34,000 from the PPP , but considering that the store is closed and online sales are slow , the loan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very much .
It will help pay a portion of the store ’ s rent for the next eight weeks , but the major expense isn ’ t rent or even payroll : it ’ s their vendors .
“ We owe vendors $ 150,000 , which is not a big deal if you can sell your inventory for $ 300,000 , ” she told me .
“ But if the doors are closed , that plan falls apart , and PPP doesn ’ t cover any of those expenses.
” There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They applied for an economic injury disaster loan five weeks ago , but the only response they ’ ve received is an email telling them to expect another email .
Their town is giving out small business loans , but , again , it ’ s not enough to pay off their vendors and keep the business afloat .
Before the pandemic , it seemed like this would probably be the best year for their businesses .
Instead , they may go bankrupt .
This story is being repeated across the US .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s face bankruptcy , some massive corporations are getting relief .
Most PPP loans amounted to less than $ 250,000 , but , according to a report by NPR , the restaurant chains J Alexander ’ s Holdings ( market value : $ 74m ) , Potbelly ( $ 85m ) , and Fiesta Restaurant Group ( $ 189m ) received between $ 10m and $ 15m of taxpayer-funded relief .
Other corporations got just as much .
My friend doesn ’ t want to see these companies go bankrupt or their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why big businesses are getting so much when small businesses like hers received so little .
( Perhaps the answer lies in big banks prioritizing their richest clients . )
Congress has allocated more funding for the PPP ( this time , with fewer loopholes for big business ) , but that will not be enough to prevent the small-business apocalypse .
Rent is still due .
Vendors still need to be paid .
PPP loans , under current regulations , can not fix that .
So , amid all the panic about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well-founded fear about what comes after .
I keep wondering what cities and towns across the US will look if the quarantine goes on much longer .
Maybe the post-Covid future will look like the present , when you can order nearly anything with two-day delivery but can ’ t set foot into most shops .
In Seattle – the city where I worked until I , too , was laid off – normally bustling neighborhoods look almost abandoned .
A few eateries are open for takeout , but more are boarded up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business owners have hired artists to decorate their new plywood fronts with uplifting slogans – “ This too shall pass , ” “ All you need is love … and toilet paper ” – but it doesn ’ t do much to alleviate the sense of disaster .
Without functional bailouts of small businesses , this pandemic and the resulting economic crash could be the end of cities and towns as we know them .
The bars , restaurants , retailers , music venues , art spaces , theatres and coffee shops that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ belly-up ( though Starbucks will probably be just fine ) .
A few “ essential ” corporations will prosper but that ’ s the exception .
Even hospitals are now going under .
Perhaps Amazon will buy up storefronts and install sterile , cashier-less grocery stores and retailers where no one actually interacts .
Post-pandemic , some people might actually prefer it .
While most of us humans will survive the virus , without relief , small businesses may very well not .
The federal government could , in theory , stop this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require a level of investment and competence not seen in years .
In the meantime , as my friend waits for the quarantine to lift , she ’ s quickly losing hope that they will come out the other side of this crisis intact .
“ Even when stores are open , why would people come back ?
” she asked me .
“ They ’ re scared .
I heard Jeff Bezos made $ 24bn since the shutdown started .
Maybe he ’ ll buy us out .
”

Like a lot of people, I’ve spent more time talking on the phone over the past couple of months than I have in years. There’s something about disaster that makes us want to hear voices and see faces, when, under normal circumstances, we’re rather just text.
Unfortunately, the conversations I’m having are mostly dire.
One of my recent calls was to a friend who lives in a small town in the Rockies. She’s got two kids, and so, in addition to working full time from a hastily constructed living room office, she’s now running a daycare where the clients don’t pay. She got her young son a walkie-talkie, and, on the morning we spoke, she’d overheard him talking with a friend who lives down the street. They were making plans to meet in the neighborhood park after everyone else had gone to sleep. Not even six weeks into quarantine and her five-year-old was already planning his escape.
Wrangling children, however, is now the least of her problems. The kids can be locked in at night; what she has no control over now is her finances. Her husband owns a small business: a retail store that sells running shoes, hiking boots, trekking poles and the kind of clothing (bright, water-wicking) that people who live in mountain towns think constitutes everyday fashion. They aren’t wealthy, but they’ve got five employees and, despite Amazon and Zappos, the store has managed to stay open for 15 years. In that time, it’s become more than just a place to buy shoes; they’ve made it into one of those “third spaces” urban planners talk about – where people meet up and form community of their own. They organize events and races and group runs where people of all abilities run together and then go out for drinks. In fact, that’s how my friend and her husband met: She was new to town (and running) and he stayed at the back of the pack just to talk.
When the pandemic hit, their business, along with so many others, was deemed non-essential by the state government. My friend doesn’t fault state leaders for that – there was an outbreak a few towns over, and it’s hard to argue that running shorts are “essential” during a pandemic. But despite immediately pivoting to online sales, she does wonder how much longer they’ll be able to stay open. Just before we spoke, they’d had their first zero-dollar day ever.
There has been some relief for business owners. My friend and her husband qualified for a payment protection program loan through the Small Business Administration (SBA), which is designed to keep people employed (and off unemployment insurance) during the crisis. The deal is, if you keep your employees on the payroll, you don’t have to pay it back.
Getting the loan was not a simple process: the SBA distributed the money to banks, which were then supposed to get it to small businesses. My friends banked at Wells Fargo, and the bank was so late making the application available that by the time it was open, the available PPP money had nearly dried up. Their Wells Fargo banker actually told my friend that they should seek out a different institution before it was too late, which they were, luckily, able to do through a local banker who shops at their store. In the end, they received $34,000 from the PPP, but considering that the store is closed and online sales are slow, the loan doesn’t help the business itself very much. It will help pay a portion of the store’s rent for the next eight weeks, but the major expense isn’t rent or even payroll: it’s their vendors.
“We owe vendors $150,000, which is not a big deal if you can sell your inventory for $300,000,” she told me. “But if the doors are closed, that plan falls apart, and PPP doesn’t cover any of those expenses.”
There are, in theory, other options. They applied for an economic injury disaster loan five weeks ago, but the only response they’ve received is an email telling them to expect another email. Their town is giving out small business loans, but, again, it’s not enough to pay off their vendors and keep the business afloat. Before the pandemic, it seemed like this would probably be the best year for their businesses. Instead, they may go bankrupt.
This story is being repeated across the US. Yet while small businesses like my friend’s face bankruptcy, some massive corporations are getting relief. Most PPP loans amounted to less than $250,000, but, according to a report by NPR, the restaurant chains J Alexander’s Holdings (market value: $74m), Potbelly ($85m), and Fiesta Restaurant Group ($189m) received between $10m and $15m of taxpayer-funded relief. Other corporations got just as much. My friend doesn’t want to see these companies go bankrupt or their employees laid off, but she wonders why big businesses are getting so much when small businesses like hers received so little. (Perhaps the answer lies in big banks prioritizing their richest clients.)
Congress has allocated more funding for the PPP (this time, with fewer loopholes for big business), but that will not be enough to prevent the small-business apocalypse. Rent is still due. Vendors still need to be paid. PPP loans, under current regulations, cannot fix that. So, amid all the panic about the disease itself, there’s well-founded fear about what comes after.
I keep wondering what cities and towns across the US will look if the quarantine goes on much longer. Maybe the post-Covid future will look like the present, when you can order nearly anything with two-day delivery but can’t set foot into most shops. In Seattle – the city where I worked until I, too, was laid off – normally bustling neighborhoods look almost abandoned. A few eateries are open for takeout, but more are boarded up to keep potential looters out. Some business owners have hired artists to decorate their new plywood fronts with uplifting slogans – “This too shall pass,” “All you need is love … and toilet paper” – but it doesn’t do much to alleviate the sense of disaster.
Without functional bailouts of small businesses, this pandemic and the resulting economic crash could be the end of cities and towns as we know them. The bars, restaurants, retailers, music venues, art spaces, theatres and coffee shops that make cities feel vibrant will probably go belly-up (though Starbucks will probably be just fine). A few “essential” corporations will prosper but that’s the exception. Even hospitals are now going under. Perhaps Amazon will buy up storefronts and install sterile, cashier-less grocery stores and retailers where no one actually interacts. Post-pandemic, some people might actually prefer it.
While most of us humans will survive the virus, without relief, small businesses may very well not. The federal government could, in theory, stop this slide into ruin, but that would require a level of investment and competence not seen in years. In the meantime, as my friend waits for the quarantine to lift, she’s quickly losing hope that they will come out the other side of this crisis intact.
“Even when stores are open, why would people come back?” she asked me. “They’re scared. I heard Jeff Bezos made $24bn since the shutdown started. Maybe he’ll buy us out.”


theguardian--2020-04-28--Economic recovery from the Covid-19 crisis will need a balancing act

For a long time , as health spending accounted for an ever-larger share of US GDP , I would joke that health economists were becoming macroeconomists , and that macroeconomists needed to become health economists .
Sadly , the joke is now reality .
The US and the global economy are in the deepest contraction since the Great Depression , owing to lockdowns to mitigate the spread of Covid-19 and prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed .
Citizens are confined to their homes , and only “ essential ” services – food , utilities , health care , police and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the International Monetary Fund ’ s most recent forecast , the US economy will shrink by almost 6 % this year ( compared with a contraction of about 7 % in the eurozone and 5 % in Japan ) .
Private forecasters , meanwhile , foresee an annualised second-quarter decline in the US of as much as 40 % , with a return to growth in the third quarter .
If the government were not spending several trillion dollars to keep businesses afloat , workers on payrolls and incomes at tolerable levels , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , US unemployment has soared to its highest level in more than 70 years .
Fortunately , fears of the virus taking as many as 2.2 million lives in the US ( under a scenario of taking no action ) were quickly dispelled .
Only a few hospitals , in hotspots like New York City , have been temporarily overwhelmed ; with federal and state support , they have accommodated the upsurge in patients .
Tens of thousands have died , and the virus will continue to pose a threat , particularly to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diabetes , respiratory diseases , and heart conditions .
But social distancing at least seems to be paying off , implying fewer hospitalisations and deaths .
And yet , the immense economic toll of the crisis also carries health risks .
Household financial stress tends to lead to increased substance abuse , domestic violence , and even suicide .
Some governments are under increasing pressure from workers , businesses , and others demanding an end to lockdowns .
Several European countries have already begun to reopen their economies , and Donald Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preparing guidelines for doing the same , in consultation with health experts .
Can the health and economic risks be sensibly balanced ?
The risk of returning to work and school will not fall to zero until an effective vaccine has become widely available , or until the population has achieved “ herd immunity ” .
In both cases , that would probably take a year or longer .
Still , there are several ways to reduce the health risks associated with a gradual return to normal economic activity .
For starters , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would ensure that health systems in future hotspots are not overwhelmed , as would new therapeutics that can substantially reduce Covid-19 ’ s most harmful effects on the body .
There is also a clear need for substantially more testing , both for the virus itself , to prevent further community transmission , and for antibodies to determine who already be immune , as well as herd immunity levels .
In California , Gavin Newsom ’ s administration has begun to hire thousands of people to conduct contact tracing of those who test @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raise questions about governmental violations of individual privacy .
Meanwhile , widespread social distancing , continued sheltering in place for the most vulnerable and staggered shifts for essential workers will continue to play a critical role , as will individual safety precautions , such as wearing masks in public and frequent hand washing .
Compliance with such protocols will be easier for some than others : elected officials , firms , workers , and parents will face difficult choices .
Actions taken ( or not taken ) now will produce different results at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of any given response will not be easy to predict .
Pursuing all of the aforementioned pandemic-response measures simultaneously makes sense , but so does an approach that considers the trade-offs .
For example , if antibody testing and new therapeutics prove effective , these two measures combined could substantially reduce the risks from Covid-19 .
Recognising that some adjustments and temporary reversals may still be necessary , these interventions can guide decisions about reopening the economy .
Moreover , we can learn from other countries .
While Denmark is now reopening schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ returning to lockdown mode , and Sweden is only beginning to impose one in earnest.While these decisions should be based on a rational consideration of economic and health risks , it would be naive to think that politics won ’ t factor into pandemic policymaking .
With the US presidential election approaching in November , partisan finger-pointing and negative campaigning have already begun .
Democratic governors will be pressured to distance themselves from decisions made by the White House ; Republicans will be expected to embrace the same decisions .
Either way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a referendum on Trump ’ s performance and conduct in office .
The focus now will be on his handling of the pandemic and reopening of the economy .
Trump and his fellow Republicans will accuse congressional Democrats of delaying a rescue package , and Democratic governors of flubbing their responses to the crisis .
Joe Biden , Trump ’ s presumptive opponent , and his fellow Democrats will level the same charges against the president and other Republican leaders .
And yet , the biggest bungle so far was not made by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US Food and Drug Administration , which initially refused to allow commercial labs to develop and analyse Covid-19 tests .
Instead , it granted a monopoly to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , which proceeded to botch its first round of tests , causing a delay of several crucial weeks .
Fortunately , both agencies have since improved their performance .
Looking ahead , if the Democrats take the White House and the Senate while retaining control of the House of Representatives , they will pursue a radical expansion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , redistributing incomes and raising taxes along the way .
In an economy still reeling from near collapse , these policies inevitably will delay full recovery by raising costs and creating uncertainty .
That , after all , is what a newly elected Barack Obama and congressional Democrats did during the Great Recession , despite early warnings from me and others .
It turned out to be slowest economic recovery since world war two .
• Michael J Boskin is a professor of economics at Stanford University and a senior fellow at the @ @

For a long time, as health spending accounted for an ever-larger share of US GDP, I would joke that health economists were becoming macroeconomists, and that macroeconomists needed to become health economists. Sadly, the joke is now reality. The US and the global economy are in the deepest contraction since the Great Depression, owing to lockdowns to mitigate the spread of Covid-19 and prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed. Citizens are confined to their homes, and only “essential” services – food, utilities, health care, police and the like – are operating.
According to the International Monetary Fund’s most recent forecast, the US economy will shrink by almost 6% this year (compared with a contraction of about 7% in the eurozone and 5% in Japan). Private forecasters, meanwhile, foresee an annualised second-quarter decline in the US of as much as 40%, with a return to growth in the third quarter.
If the government were not spending several trillion dollars to keep businesses afloat, workers on payrolls and incomes at tolerable levels, the damage would be worse. Nonetheless, US unemployment has soared to its highest level in more than 70 years.
Fortunately, fears of the virus taking as many as 2.2 million lives in the US (under a scenario of taking no action) were quickly dispelled. Only a few hospitals, in hotspots like New York City, have been temporarily overwhelmed; with federal and state support, they have accommodated the upsurge in patients.
Tens of thousands have died, and the virus will continue to pose a threat, particularly to the elderly and those with comorbidities like diabetes, respiratory diseases, and heart conditions. But social distancing at least seems to be paying off, implying fewer hospitalisations and deaths.
And yet, the immense economic toll of the crisis also carries health risks. Household financial stress tends to lead to increased substance abuse, domestic violence, and even suicide. Some governments are under increasing pressure from workers, businesses, and others demanding an end to lockdowns. Several European countries have already begun to reopen their economies, and Donald Trump’s administration and several state governors are preparing guidelines for doing the same, in consultation with health experts.
Can the health and economic risks be sensibly balanced? The risk of returning to work and school will not fall to zero until an effective vaccine has become widely available, or until the population has achieved “herd immunity”. In both cases, that would probably take a year or longer. Still, there are several ways to reduce the health risks associated with a gradual return to normal economic activity.
For starters, ensuring sufficient hospital capacity and medical supplies would ensure that health systems in future hotspots are not overwhelmed, as would new therapeutics that can substantially reduce Covid-19’s most harmful effects on the body. There is also a clear need for substantially more testing, both for the virus itself, to prevent further community transmission, and for antibodies to determine who already be immune, as well as herd immunity levels. In California, Gavin Newsom’s administration has begun to hire thousands of people to conduct contact tracing of those who test positive, though this is bound to raise questions about governmental violations of individual privacy.
Meanwhile, widespread social distancing, continued sheltering in place for the most vulnerable and staggered shifts for essential workers will continue to play a critical role, as will individual safety precautions, such as wearing masks in public and frequent hand washing.
Compliance with such protocols will be easier for some than others: elected officials, firms, workers, and parents will face difficult choices. Actions taken (or not taken) now will produce different results at different times, and the longer-term consequences of any given response will not be easy to predict. Pursuing all of the aforementioned pandemic-response measures simultaneously makes sense, but so does an approach that considers the trade-offs.
For example, if antibody testing and new therapeutics prove effective, these two measures combined could substantially reduce the risks from Covid-19. Recognising that some adjustments and temporary reversals may still be necessary, these interventions can guide decisions about reopening the economy. Moreover, we can learn from other countries. While Denmark is now reopening schools for the youngest children, Singapore is returning to lockdown mode, and Sweden is only beginning to impose one in earnest.While these decisions should be based on a rational consideration of economic and health risks, it would be naive to think that politics won’t factor into pandemic policymaking. With the US presidential election approaching in November, partisan finger-pointing and negative campaigning have already begun. Democratic governors will be pressured to distance themselves from decisions made by the White House; Republicans will be expected to embrace the same decisions.
Either way, the election was always going to be a referendum on Trump’s performance and conduct in office. The focus now will be on his handling of the pandemic and reopening of the economy. Trump and his fellow Republicans will accuse congressional Democrats of delaying a rescue package, and Democratic governors of flubbing their responses to the crisis. Joe Biden, Trump’s presumptive opponent, and his fellow Democrats will level the same charges against the president and other Republican leaders.
And yet, the biggest bungle so far was not made by a politician. That prize goes to the US Food and Drug Administration, which initially refused to allow commercial labs to develop and analyse Covid-19 tests. Instead, it granted a monopoly to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which proceeded to botch its first round of tests, causing a delay of several crucial weeks. Fortunately, both agencies have since improved their performance.
Looking ahead, if the Democrats take the White House and the Senate while retaining control of the House of Representatives, they will pursue a radical expansion of the size and scope of government, redistributing incomes and raising taxes along the way. In an economy still reeling from near collapse, these policies inevitably will delay full recovery by raising costs and creating uncertainty. That, after all, is what a newly elected Barack Obama and congressional Democrats did during the Great Recession, despite early warnings from me and others. It turned out to be slowest economic recovery since world war two.
Michael J Boskin is a professor of economics at Stanford University and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution
© Project Syndicate


theguardian--2020-04-28--Trump returns to White House briefing, subdued but no less shameful

His autocratic tendencies are well-known .
His sudden absence from public view prompted fierce speculation and rumour .
One headline suggested that he was “ brain-dead ” .
The North Korean leader Kim Jong-un ’ s whereabouts remain unknown .
But after a lost weekend , Donald Trump bounced back into the spotlight on Monday determined to prove that he is not only healthy but working very , very hard .
“ The people that know me and know the history of our Country say that I am the hardest working President in history , ” Trump had tweeted on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Times report that said he spent all morning watching TV and clocks into the Oval Office around noon .
“ I don ’ t know about that , but I am a hard worker and have probably gotten more done in the first 3 1/2 years than any President in history .
The Fake News hates it !
” Trump ’ s aides fell into line with a Pyongyang-like lockstep .
Mark Meadows , the new White House chief of staff , told the New York Post he got a call from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tell you that the biggest concern I have as a new chief of staff is making sure he gets some time to get a quick bite to eat , ” he said .
It was the Gordon Gekko argument from the 1987 film Wall Street : “ Lunch is for wimps.
” Kayleigh McEnany , the new White House press secretary , duly quoted Meadows on Fox News and added : “ Make no mistake about it , it ’ s why I watch this president get up early in the morning and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure to that end America ’ s workers get paid and American lives are protected.
” Yet like Kim , Trump was nowhere to be seen over a weekend that included his wife Melania ’ s 50th birthday and a barrage of angry tweets .
Some wondered if he had retreated to a hermit-like existence following bleach-gate , his bizarre riff last Thursday musing aloud that disinfectant could be injected into coronavirus patients .
The sorry episode generated open-mouthed disbelief and derision around the world .
Coronavirus task force members were said to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Republican allies , it was reportedly the straw that broke the camel ’ s back : these daily briefings had become a political liability that could cost Trump the presidential election .
So there was no briefing on Saturday , nor on Sunday .
The official White House guidance said there would be on Monday .
At 9.41am , Trump , whose very self-conception is based on what he sees reflected back through the media , tweeted : “ There has never been , in the history of our Country , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is right now , even in the midst of a National Emergency , the Invisible Enemy !
” At 10.52am , the briefing was abruptly cancelled without explanation .
But at 1.32pm , it was officially back on again , scheduled for the rose garden at 5pm .
As a poet once wrote , “ Who is in charge of the clattering train ?
” It turned out the rose garden was decked out with a red carpet and US national flags .
Corporate chief executives gave remarks .
Trump did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ veins , nor did he berate some hapless journalist as “ a third rate reporter ” , but it could hardly be described as the long-yearned for “ pivot ” to a presidential mien .
Stung , perhaps , by a Washington Post analysis that found over the past three weeks of briefings Trump spent two hours on attacks , 45 minutes praising himself and his administration and just 4½ minutes expressing condolences for coronavirus victim , he read scripted remarks as usual before adding : “ We do grieve.
” He went @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against himself : “ There has been so much unnecessary death in this country .
It could have been stopped and it could have been stopped short , but somebody a long time ago , it seems , decided not to do it that way .
And the whole world is suffering because of it .
184 countries , at least.
” In his old self-promotional style , he boasted : “ I built the greatest economy in the history of the world .
I built it.
” Dr Deborah Birx outlined the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testing .
Trump said the US has carried out 5.4m tests , more than double any other country .
He did not mention how far it still lags behind per capita , nor how prominent task force member Dr Anthony Fauci has warned that testing levels need to at least be doubled before lockdown restrictions can be relaxed .
The president was told that at least one governor reports an increase in the improper use of disinfectants .
He said : “ I can ’ t imagine why .
I can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsibility for the sharp rise , he answered bluntly : “ No , I don ’ t. ” Someone else wondered if Trump might try to change the date of the November election .
“ No , I would never change the date of the election , ” he said .
“ November 3rd .
It ’ s a good number.
” There was a memorably pointed question : “ Does a president deserve another term after more Americans die in six weeks than the entire Vietnam war ?
” Trump , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US intelligence agencies more than a dozen times in January and February , replied : “ We ’ ve lost a lot of people .
But if you look at what original projections were ... we ’ ve made a lot of good decisions.
” Another reporter inquired about Kim ’ s condition .
“ I do have a very good idea but I can ’ t talk about it now , ” Trump teased , game show style .
“ I just wish him well ...
I hope he ’ s fine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s doing , relatively speaking .
We will see , you ’ ll probably be hearing in the not too distant future.
” If only the victims of the coronavirus were afforded such presidential compassion .
But empathy , like lunch , is for wimps .

His autocratic tendencies are well-known. His sudden absence from public view prompted fierce speculation and rumour. One headline suggested that he was “brain-dead”.
The North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s whereabouts remain unknown. But after a lost weekend, Donald Trump bounced back into the spotlight on Monday determined to prove that he is not only healthy but working very, very hard.
“The people that know me and know the history of our Country say that I am the hardest working President in history,” Trump had tweeted on Sunday, apparently stung by a New York Times report that said he spent all morning watching TV and clocks into the Oval Office around noon. “I don’t know about that, but I am a hard worker and have probably gotten more done in the first 3 1/2 years than any President in history. The Fake News hates it!”
Trump’s aides fell into line with a Pyongyang-like lockstep. Mark Meadows, the new White House chief of staff, told the New York Post he got a call from Trump at 3.19am. “I can tell you that the biggest concern I have as a new chief of staff is making sure he gets some time to get a quick bite to eat,” he said.
It was the Gordon Gekko argument from the 1987 film Wall Street: “Lunch is for wimps.”
Kayleigh McEnany, the new White House press secretary, duly quoted Meadows on Fox News and added: “Make no mistake about it, it’s why I watch this president get up early in the morning and work until late into the evening to ensure to that end America’s workers get paid and American lives are protected.”
Yet like Kim, Trump was nowhere to be seen over a weekend that included his wife Melania’s 50th birthday and a barrage of angry tweets. Some wondered if he had retreated to a hermit-like existence following bleach-gate, his bizarre riff last Thursday musing aloud that disinfectant could be injected into coronavirus patients.
The sorry episode generated open-mouthed disbelief and derision around the world. Coronavirus taskforce members were said to be stunned. For White House aides and Republican allies, it was reportedly the straw that broke the camel’s back: these daily briefings had become a political liability that could cost Trump the presidential election.
So there was no briefing on Saturday, nor on Sunday. The official White House guidance said there would be one on Monday. At 9.41am, Trump, whose very self-conception is based on what he sees reflected back through the media, tweeted: “There has never been, in the history of our Country, a more vicious or hostile Lamestream Media than there is right now, even in the midst of a National Emergency, the Invisible Enemy!”
At 10.52am, the briefing was abruptly cancelled without explanation. But at 1.32pm, it was officially back on again, scheduled for the rose garden at 5pm. As a poet once wrote, “Who is in charge of the clattering train?”
It turned out the rose garden was decked out with a red carpet and US national flags. Corporate chief executives gave remarks. Trump did not advise anyone to inject disinfectant into their veins, nor did he berate some hapless journalist as “a third rate reporter”, but it could hardly be described as the long-yearned-for “pivot” to a presidential mien.
Stung, perhaps, by a Washington Post analysis that found over the past three weeks of briefings Trump spent two hours on attacks, 45 minutes praising himself and his administration and just 4½ minutes expressing condolences for coronavirus victim, he read scripted remarks as usual before adding: “We do grieve.”
He went on to script a political attack ad against himself: “There has been so much unnecessary death in this country. It could have been stopped and it could have been stopped short, but somebody a long time ago, it seems, decided not to do it that way. And the whole world is suffering because of it. 184 countries, at least.”
In his old self-promotional style, he boasted: “I built the greatest economy in the history of the world. I built it.”
Dr Deborah Birx outlined the taskforce’s new guidelines for state testing. Trump said the US has carried out 5.4m tests, more than double any other country. He did not mention how far it still lags behind per capita, nor how the prominent taskforce member Dr Anthony Fauci has warned that testing levels need to at least be doubled before lockdown restrictions can be relaxed.
The president was told that at least one governor reports an increase in the improper use of disinfectants. He said: “I can’t imagine why. I can’t imagine why.”
Asked if he accepts responsibility for the sharp rise, he answered bluntly: “No, I don’t.”
Someone else wondered if Trump might try to change the date of the November election. “No, I would never change the date of the election,” he said. “November 3rd. It’s a good number.”
There was a memorably pointed question: “Does a president deserve another term after more Americans die in six weeks than the entire Vietnam war?”
Trump, who was reportedly warned about the coronavirus by US intelligence agencies more than a dozen times in January and February, replied: “We’ve lost a lot of people. But if you look at what original projections were … we’ve made a lot of good decisions.”
Another reporter inquired about Kim’s condition. “I do have a very good idea but I can’t talk about it now,” Trump teased, gameshow-style. “I just wish him well … I hope he’s fine. I do know how he’s doing, relatively speaking. We will see, you’ll probably be hearing in the not too distant future.”
If only the victims of the coronavirus were afforded such presidential compassion. But empathy, like lunch, is for wimps.


theguardian--2020-04-28--Trump offers rosy predictions for coronavirus testing as US passes 1m cases

Donald Trump has predicted a “ great ” economic rebound in the fall and claimed the country would soon be performing 5m coronavirus diagnostic tests a day , as the number of confirmed cases in the US surpassed a million .
Some health experts have suggested that the US would have to carry out 5m tests a day by June to reopen its economy safely .
Others have suggested as many as 20m tests a day would ultimately be needed .
The US daily rate is currently 200,000 .
Addressing a news conference on aid to small businesses on Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures , suggesting “ it could be that we ’ re getting very close ” to 5m daily tests .
“ We ’ re going to be there very soon , ” he said .
The US has carried out 5.6m tests over the past two months , which as Trump pointed out was far more than any other country , but represented about 1.6 % of the population , a higher percentage than most countries , though significantly below Italy .
Trump was also bullish on the prospects for economic recovery in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s opening up again and I think it ’ s going to be very , very successful , ” he said .
“ I think the fourth quarter will be great .
And I think next year is going to be a tremendous year for this country.
” In what looks almost certain to become another hostage to fortune , the president implied that the pandemic would be largely cleared by the fourth quarter of the year .
“ I think what happens is it ’ s going to go away .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
“ And whether it comes back in a modified form in the fall , we ’ ll be able to handle it .
We ’ ll be able to put out spurts , and we ’ re very prepared to handle it.
” On a day that cases hit the grim 1m milestone and fatalities overtook the US death toll from the Vietnam war of 58,220 , Trump was reminded that in February , he had predicted that infections would soon all but evaporate .
The president said on 26 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed US cases , that “ within a couple of days [ it ’ s ] going to be down to close to zero , That ’ s a pretty good job we ’ ve done.
” He replied on Tuesday that it would “ ultimately ” be true .
“ At the appropriate time it will be down to zero , like we said , ” he insisted .
The US began wholesale testing weeks later than many other developed countries , a fact Trump hinted was the fault of the previous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broken test , ” he said , although the faulty test was produced in early February , three years into Trump ’ s administration .
The president also pointed to unnamed experts for the initial complacency of the administration ’ s response .
“ Many very good experts , very good people too , said that this would never affect the United States , it wouldn ’ t affect Europe , it wouldn ’ t affect anything outside of China , ” he said .
“ And so we were listening to experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but the experts got it wrong.
” Global health experts were almost unanimous in raising the alarm over the coronavirus threat in January and February .
The Washington Post reported on Tuesday that US intelligence agencies had also issued warnings about the scale of the coronavirus threats in more than a dozen of the president ’ s daily classified briefings over the course of January and February .
The danger was played down , however , by several television personalities who the president watches regularly , and reportedly by his health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who according to the Wall Street Journal assured Trump on 29 January that the coronavirus was under control in the US .

Donald Trump has predicted a “great” economic rebound in the fall and claimed the country would soon be performing 5m coronavirus diagnostic tests a day, as the number of confirmed cases in the US surpassed a million.
Some health experts have suggested that the US would have to carry out 5m tests a day by June to reopen its economy safely. Others have suggested as many as 20m tests a day would ultimately be needed. The US daily rate is currently 200,000.
Addressing a news conference on aid to small businesses on Tuesday, Trump appeared unaware of the current figures, suggesting “it could be that we’re getting very close” to 5m daily tests.
“We’re going to be there very soon,” he said.
The US has carried out 5.6m tests over the past two months, which as Trump pointed out was far more than any other country, but represented about 1.6% of the population, a higher percentage than most countries, though significantly below Italy.
Trump was also bullish on the prospects for economic recovery in the fall.
“Now our country’s opening up again and I think it’s going to be very, very successful,” he said. “I think the fourth quarter will be great. And I think next year is going to be a tremendous year for this country.”
In what looks almost certain to become another hostage to fortune, the president implied that the pandemic would be largely cleared by the fourth quarter of the year.
“I think what happens is it’s going to go away. This is going to go,” he said. “And whether it comes back in a modified form in the fall, we’ll be able to handle it. We’ll be able to put out spurts, and we’re very prepared to handle it.”
On a day that cases hit the grim 1m milestone and fatalities overtook the US death toll from the Vietnam war of 58,220, Trump was reminded that in February, he had predicted that infections would soon all but evaporate. The president said on 26 February, when there were only 15 confirmed US cases, that “within a couple of days [it’s] going to be down to close to zero, That’s a pretty good job we’ve done.”
He replied on Tuesday that it would “ultimately” be true.
“At the appropriate time it will be down to zero, like we said,” he insisted.
The US began wholesale testing weeks later than many other developed countries, a fact Trump hinted was the fault of the previous administration.
“We inherited a very broken test,” he said, although the faulty test was produced in early February, three years into Trump’s administration. The president also pointed to unnamed experts for the initial complacency of the administration’s response.
“Many very good experts, very good people too, said that this would never affect the United States, it wouldn’t affect Europe, it wouldn’t affect anything outside of China,” he said. “And so we were listening to experts and we always will listen to experts, but the experts got it wrong.”
Global health experts were almost unanimous in raising the alarm over the coronavirus threat in January and February. The Washington Post reported on Tuesday that US intelligence agencies had also issued warnings about the scale of the coronavirus threats in more than a dozen of the president’s daily classified briefings over the course of January and February.
The danger was played down, however, by several television personalities who the president watches regularly, and reportedly by his health and human services secretary, Alex Azar, who according to the Wall Street Journal assured Trump on 29 January that the coronavirus was under control in the US.