theguardian--2020-11-24--Biden will have the presidency. But Republicans still have the power | Adam Tooze

President Trump ’ s efforts to overturn the outcome of the 3 November election , which appear to be over , provided his opponents with a source of sadistic amusement .
Trump ’ s self-humiliation in the eyes of the liberal world is complete .
To his followers , of course , the fight goes on .
And his Republican colleagues have reason to be cheerful .
We should not allow the schadenfreude to distract us from this basic fact .
Yes , Biden defeated Trump .
But in that same election the Democrats failed to gain the majority of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually put an end to the era of Republican dominance .
Things might still go right in Georgia , but that would leave the Senate hanging by a thread .
Four times , at moments of historic crisis , the US electorate has handed the White House to a Democrat – 1916 , 1932 , 2008 and 2020 .
But this year is the first time it has done so without also handing the Democrats a clear majority in Congress .
The basic difference between Biden and his predecessors is that he lacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wield power .
The details of state-level politics across the US may seem pettifogging .
What is a Senate runoff in Georgia compared to a global pandemic , or the challenge of the rise of China ?
This incommensurability is jarring , but it is what defines the US as a democratic superpower .
The scale of the US economy , its fiscal capacity and military might make it the most powerful state on the planet .
But who controls that power depends on fickle and often trivial whims of local political circumstance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ branches of US government .
America ’ s rise to global power occurred in a crucial 20-year period between 1932 and 1952 in which , except for a brief two-year hiatus , the Democratic party controlled both the White House and Congress .
That dominance defined a new image of the US as a driver of global progress , but that external face was founded at home on an incongruous coalition in which the “ solid South ” provided the necessary votes in Congress .
Jim Crow segregation was the price .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through the early 1990s , but there was never to be another period quite like the mid-century decades .
The US can be governed even when Washington is at odds .
Indeed , a divided US can preside over historic global shifts .
After losing control of Congress in 1986 , the Republican administrations of Ronald Reagan and George HW Bush oversaw the end of the cold war with Democrats in control of both House and Senate .
But theirs was the easy task of deciding how best to profit from the collapse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little cause for partisan wrangling .
When the going is tougher , so is the politics .
The consequences for the rest of the world can be dramatic .
In 1919 , a Republican Congress facing an internationalist Democratic president , Woodrow Wilson , spurned the League of Nations , the predecessor to the UN that was Wilson ’ s brainchild .
Eighty years later , their heirs would deny Bill Clinton and Al Gore the ratification of the Kyoto climate protocol .
It is telling that the leading appointment in climate diplomacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made is a state department lawyer , Sue Biniaz , who is best known for her role in crafting the Paris agreement of 2015 so that it did not require Senate approval , where it would surely have failed .
When Biden returns the US to the Paris agreement , he will do so without Senate ratification .
It will be a matter of presidential decree , valid no further than 2024 .
For the last quarter-century , the Republicans have proven intransigent on climate .
In other moments it has been possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideology .
In 1946 , Harry Truman lost control of Congress in a rightwing landslide that among others brought Joe McCarthy into Congress as senator from Wisconsin .
That put paid to any hope of implementing Truman ’ s Fair Deal , the successor to the New Deal that might have given the US a welfare state to compare with that of postwar Britain .
It is a defeat that has marked America ever since .
Nevertheless , in 1948 the Truman administration won overwhelming congressional support for the Marshall plan .
Anti-communism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for social reform at home , then for unprecedentedly dramatic action abroad .
As a result , Europe was spared the disastrous abandonment by the US that followed the first world war .
The cold war unified an otherwise divided US polity .
An external threat , imagined or real , can do that .
In 2001 , after the election that was gifted to him by the supreme court , George W Bush faced a hostile Democratic Senate .
But September 11 and the “ war on terror ” solidified the home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disastrous wars in Afghanistan and Iraq .
But though criticism of US overreach is now widespread , no new foreign policy synthesis has emerged .
The Barack Obama presidency lacked a unifying concept that linked domestic and foreign policy .
A toxic sinophobia blended with a domestic culture war – a kind of neo-McCarthyism – did emerge in the last months of the Trump presidency .
The ravings of the Trump campaign lawyers echo that overheated mood .
That version is offputting to a majority of Americans .
But the anti-Chinese posture is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the purposes of US power , the most attractive option for a vocal segment of opinion in both parties is to orientate both US foreign policy and domestic reform around antagonism towards China .
There is no doubt that China ’ s rise is a world-historic shift .
But if confrontation with Beijing is the basis on which the Biden administration seeks to cooperate with the Republicans , the result will be a 21st century cold war .
As a democracy , America ’ s constitution is always up for grabs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ easily tip not just into identity crisis , but profound dysfunction .
The politicking over the supreme court is a case in point .
Of even more immediate relevance is the handling of the ongoing economic crisis .
There is a serious risk of further deterioration this winter .
But with an eye to the Georgia Senate races , the GOP is resisting any concession to the stimulus plans of the Democrats .
Trump ’ s treasury secretary , Steven Mnuchin , has made sure that funds already allocated to the Federal Reserve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an incoming Biden presidency .
Over the protests of the Fed , Mnuchin demanded the return of hundreds of billions of funding approved in March .
In the words of no lesser authority than the Chamber of Commerce , the leading business lobby in the US , Mnuchin ’ s demands on the Fed “ prematurely and unnecessarily tie the hands of the incoming administration ” and close the “ door on important liquidity options for businesses at a time when they need them most ” .
For fear of sliding into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pressure is mounting to accept any deal that Mitch McConnell , as leader of the Senate , will agree too .
How can we locate our current impasse in historical terms ?
On the one hand , the mid-century moment of Democratic party dominance still hangs over the progressive understanding of modern US history .
On the other hand , Wilson ’ s shipwreck , when the Republicans said no to what was then the most important peace treaty in modern history , illustrates what happens if you dare too much with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Obama era , Biden ’ s team know that in 2009 and 2010 , when the Democrats did still control Congress , they might have dared more .
The risk is that Biden ’ s presidency is stillborn .
It will be the Republicans who call the shots .
This is what America voted for .
• Adam Tooze is a professor of history at Columbia University

President Trump’s efforts to overturn the outcome of the 3 November election, which appear to be over, provided his opponents with a source of sadistic amusement. Trump’s self-humiliation in the eyes of the liberal world is complete. To his followers, of course, the fight goes on. And his Republican colleagues have reason to be cheerful. We should not allow the schadenfreude to distract us from this basic fact. Yes, Biden defeated Trump. But in that same election the Democrats failed to gain the majority of seats that the new president needs to actually put an end to the era of Republican dominance. Things might still go right in Georgia, but that would leave the Senate hanging by a thread.
Four times, at moments of historic crisis, the US electorate has handed the White House to a Democrat – 1916, 1932, 2008 and 2020. But this year is the first time it has done so without also handing the Democrats a clear majority in Congress. The basic difference between Biden and his predecessors is that he lacks a solid political basis from which to wield power.
The details of state-level politics across the US may seem pettifogging. What is a Senate runoff in Georgia compared to a global pandemic, or the challenge of the rise of China? This incommensurability is jarring, but it is what defines the US as a democratic superpower. The scale of the US economy, its fiscal capacity and military might make it the most powerful state on the planet. But who controls that power depends on fickle and often trivial whims of local political circumstance and on the infighting between the divided branches of US government.
America’s rise to global power occurred in a crucial 20-year period between 1932 and 1952 in which, except for a brief two-year hiatus, the Democratic party controlled both the White House and Congress. That dominance defined a new image of the US as a driver of global progress, but that external face was founded at home on an incongruous coalition in which the “solid South” provided the necessary votes in Congress. Jim Crow segregation was the price. The Democrats remained the dominant power in Congress through the early 1990s, but there was never to be another period quite like the mid-century decades.
‘In 1919, a Republican Congress facing an internationalist Democratic president, Woodrow Wilson (above), spurned the League of Nations, the predecessor to the UN that was Wilson’s brainchild.’ Photograph: Imagno/Getty Images
The US can be governed even when Washington is at odds. Indeed, a divided US can preside over historic global shifts. After losing control of Congress in 1986, the Republican administrations of Ronald Reagan and George HW Bush oversaw the end of the cold war with Democrats in control of both House and Senate. But theirs was the easy task of deciding how best to profit from the collapse of the Soviet Union. There was little cause for partisan wrangling.
When the going is tougher, so is the politics. The consequences for the rest of the world can be dramatic. In 1919, a Republican Congress facing an internationalist Democratic president, Woodrow Wilson, spurned the League of Nations, the predecessor to the UN that was Wilson’s brainchild. Eighty years later, their heirs would deny Bill Clinton and Al Gore the ratification of the Kyoto climate protocol.
It is telling that the leading appointment in climate diplomacy that the Biden team has so far made is a state department lawyer, Sue Biniaz, who is best known for her role in crafting the Paris agreement of 2015 so that it did not require Senate approval, where it would surely have failed. When Biden returns the US to the Paris agreement, he will do so without Senate ratification. It will be a matter of presidential decree, valid no further than 2024.
For the last quarter-century, the Republicans have proven intransigent on climate. In other moments it has been possible to bridge such divides with a unifying ideology. In 1946, Harry Truman lost control of Congress in a rightwing landslide that among others brought Joe McCarthy into Congress as senator from Wisconsin. That put paid to any hope of implementing Truman’s Fair Deal, the successor to the New Deal that might have given the US a welfare state to compare with that of postwar Britain. It is a defeat that has marked America ever since.
‘In 1946, Harry Truman lost control of Congress in a rightwing landslide that put paid to any hope of implementing his Fair Deal.’ Photograph: Fotosearch/Getty Images
Nevertheless, in 1948 the Truman administration won overwhelming congressional support for the Marshall plan. Anti-communism provided a bipartisan ideological motivation if not for social reform at home, then for unprecedentedly dramatic action abroad. As a result, Europe was spared the disastrous abandonment by the US that followed the first world war.
The cold war unified an otherwise divided US polity. An external threat, imagined or real, can do that. In 2001, after the election that was gifted to him by the supreme court, George W Bush faced a hostile Democratic Senate. But September 11 and the “war on terror” solidified the home front. That unity collapsed amid the disastrous wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
But though criticism of US overreach is now widespread, no new foreign policy synthesis has emerged. The Barack Obama presidency lacked a unifying concept that linked domestic and foreign policy. A toxic sinophobia blended with a domestic culture war – a kind of neo-McCarthyism – did emerge in the last months of the Trump presidency. The ravings of the Trump campaign lawyers echo that overheated mood. That version is offputting to a majority of Americans. But the anti-Chinese posture is not.
Rather than a fundamental rethink of the purposes of US power, the most attractive option for a vocal segment of opinion in both parties is to orientate both US foreign policy and domestic reform around antagonism towards China. There is no doubt that China’s rise is a world-historic shift. But if confrontation with Beijing is the basis on which the Biden administration seeks to cooperate with the Republicans, the result will be a 21st century cold war.
As a democracy, America’s constitution is always up for grabs. But push that too far and you easily tip not just into identity crisis, but profound dysfunction. The politicking over the supreme court is a case in point. Of even more immediate relevance is the handling of the ongoing economic crisis. There is a serious risk of further deterioration this winter. But with an eye to the Georgia Senate races, the GOP is resisting any concession to the stimulus plans of the Democrats.
Trump’s treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin, has made sure that funds already allocated to the Federal Reserve will not be available for stimulus by an incoming Biden presidency. Over the protests of the Fed, Mnuchin demanded the return of hundreds of billions of funding approved in March. In the words of no lesser authority than the Chamber of Commerce, the leading business lobby in the US, Mnuchin’s demands on the Fed “prematurely and unnecessarily tie the hands of the incoming administration” and close the “door on important liquidity options for businesses at a time when they need them most”. For fear of sliding into a double-dip recession, in the Biden camp the pressure is mounting to accept any deal that Mitch McConnell, as leader of the Senate, will agree too.
How can we locate our current impasse in historical terms? On the one hand, the mid-century moment of Democratic party dominance still hangs over the progressive understanding of modern US history. On the other hand, Wilson’s shipwreck, when the Republicans said no to what was then the most important peace treaty in modern history, illustrates what happens if you dare too much with too little support. As veterans of the Obama era, Biden’s team know that in 2009 and 2010, when the Democrats did still control Congress, they might have dared more. The risk is that Biden’s presidency is stillborn. It will be the Republicans who call the shots. This is what America voted for.


theguardian--2020-11-24--The 10 swing state counties that tell the story of the 2020 election | Ben Davis

Looking at the results of the 2020 election at the more granular level of counties and precincts , it can mostly be defined by one thing : stasis .
But beneath that stasis the results of this election and the changes from previous elections say an enormous amount about where the country is and is going .
The counties that swung the most mostly fall into two categories : Latino areas swinging strongly towards Trump , and white-majority suburban areas swinging towards Biden .
These 10 swing state counties were crucial to the final results , and help tell the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Home of Phoenix and environs , Maricopa county is perhaps the most important individual county to the 2020 presidential election .
The county makes up an absolute majority of the population of the swing state Arizona , and the winner of the state almost always wins the county .
This year , Biden was able to flip Arizona by just over 10,000 votes , his margin coming entirely from winning Maricopa county by around 45,000 .
It was the first time the county had voted for the Democratic nominee for president since 1948 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a microcosm of the election : narrowly won by Trump in 2016 and Biden in 2020 , containing urban and suburban areas , and having large communities of both college-educated white moderate voters and Latino voters .
Maricopa was one of the linchpins of the Biden strategy of flipping white suburban voters – which he did just enough to win .
Precinct results show Biden doing clearly better than Clinton in the white-majority suburban areas .
They also show the result of Democrats ’ failure to keep their margins among working-class Latino voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which was carried by Bernie Sanders in the primary .
Within Maricopa we can see the results of the trade-off Democrats made to win this election .
On the border with Mexico , Hidalgo county , centered on McAllen , is over 90 % Hispanic .
Working-class and with very high rates of poverty , historically solidly Democratic Hidalgo represents the center of Biden ’ s failures with Latino voters and working-class voters more broadly .
Hidalgo swung 23 points towards Trump , destroying any hopes Democrats had of winning Texas .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ turnout , as Trump was able to break expectations by activating low-turnout voters to his side .
Young , rapidly growing and working-class , Hidalgo is exactly the type of place Democrats need to win to enact any sort of progressive agenda in the future .
For many years the conventional wisdom was that turnout in places like Hidalgo would benefit Democrats , but the consequence of Democrats ’ focus on flipping white suburban voters was that these new voters were ignored by the party and Trump was able to capitalize .
Like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for socialist Bernie Sanders in the primary .
Going forward , Democrats need a message of class-focused populism to build a base in communities like Hidalgo and build a progressive governing majority .
The flip side of Hidalgo county , Collin county in suburban Dallas is an example of the places that powered Biden to competitiveness in Texas and other suburb-heavy sun belt states .
Collin county , like other suburbs in Texas , has long been a Republican bastion , giving enormous margins to GOP candidates up and down the ballot .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 40 points , and Mitt Romney won by over 30 in 2012 .
This year , however , Collin went for Trump by just four points , a 13-point swing to the Democrats from 2016 .
Collin and Hidalgo counties represent the twin patterns of this election : affluent white suburban areas swinging towards Democrats and working-class Latino areas swinging to Republicans .
Miami-Dade county is fairly unique politically , but you can ’ t tell the story of the 2020 election without talking about it .
Miami and the surrounding area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Cuban diaspora , but the county is also home to many other communities .
Miami-Dade saw one of the strongest swings in the country towards Trump , from going to Clinton by 30 points to Biden by just seven .
While much of this was powered by Cuban-majority areas , Biden lost ground all over the county , including Black-majority areas .
The immense losses in Miami-Dade are one of the biggest swings , and biggest shocks , of the election , costing two Democratic seats in the House of Representatives and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The story in Miami-Dade is that the Republicans can mobilize massive numbers of working-class people who usually don ’ t vote .
This has scrambled the entire American political landscape , and put Democrats in a precarious position going forward .
Gwinnett county , in suburban Atlanta , was key to Biden flipping Georgia .
The suburbs were the first area of Georgia to support Republicans as the state moved from solidly Democratic to solidly Republican , and are now in the vanguard again as the state has moved back into the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between 1980 and 2012 , voting for George W Bush by over 30 points twice .
After going narrowly to Clinton in 2016 , the county followed the pattern of suburban realignment more strongly than almost anywhere else in the country , voting for Biden by 18 points , a 75,000-vote margin .
Winning big in places like Gwinnett was the key to Biden ’ s strategy for victory , and he was just able to do it .
Lackawanna county is the home of Scranton , Joe Biden ’ s home town @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stronghold .
Lackawanna tells two stories in 2020 : one of Biden doing just enough for victory and another of a permanent realignment of historic Democratic working-class areas away from the party .
Lackawanna voted for Biden by eight points , a five-point swing towards native son Biden that helped push him just over the top in Pennsylvania .
Biden was able to recapture enough support in north-east Pennsylvania and places like it in the midwest and north-east , combined with his increased support in the suburbs , meant that he was able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ captured in 2016 .
But under the surface , the result in Lackawanna shows a long-term realignment brought about by decades of neoliberalism and declining union density and accelerated by Donald Trump .
Obama was able to win Lackawanna twice by over 25 points .
The 2020 result is a swing of nearly 20 points since the Obama era , despite Biden ’ s local connections .
It is clear that many working-class regions have permanently moved away from solid Democratic status .
Chester county , in suburban Philadelphia , is one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting Republican every year but the landslide of 1964 until 2008 .
This year , Biden won Chester by 17 points and nearly 54,000 votes .
Biden ’ s strength in the Collar counties around Philadelphia was crucial to his win in the state , and is the main thing keeping Democrats competitive since their collapse among voters in rural and post-industrial areas .
Places like Chester form the heart of the new Democratic coalition , and Democrats will have to keep and improve Biden ’ s margins – and match his margins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governing coalitions in the future .
Mahoning county , home of Youngstown , is maybe the most powerful symbol of Democratic loss in the working-class midwest .
After voting Democratic by enormous margins for decades , Mahoning went to Trump this year , the first time a Republican has won it since Nixon in 1972 .
Mahoning went for Hillary Clinton in 2016 , Obama by over 25 points twice , and even Michael Dukakis by over 25 points .
Biden ’ s shocking loss this year shows a combination of further erosion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters .
Mahoning represents perhaps the final nail in the coffin of the class-based New Deal coalition that has shaped American politics since 1932 .
Crucial Waukesha county , in suburban Milwaukee , has long been a bastion of Republicanism .
This year , however , Biden ’ s strength with suburban voters closed the gap just enough for Biden to win the state .
While Trump won by 21 points , the swing in Waukesha and the rest of the Milwaukee suburbs was just enough for Biden to win the state by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in suburban Milwaukee and the suburbs more broadly was enough to win the election for Biden , it was not as much as many Democrats expected .
Northampton county is a strong example of a serious problem for Democrats : erosion among black voters .
These losses may indeed have cost Biden the state of North Carolina .
Northampton county is 60 % black , and this year went for Biden by 20 points .
This was a five-point swing against the Democrats , and the smallest margin for Democrats in the county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Losses among black voters this cycle should be very worrying to Democrats .
While the results of the election mostly show stasis , within these results , there was some confounding of expectations .
First , the sheer scale of Latino defections to Trump was shocking to many .
On the other hand , the swing toward Biden was enough to win the election , but below the expectations of many Democrats , and these voters often split their ticket for down-ballot Republicans , costing the Democrats a chance at a governing majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , white areas was a surprise itself .
Many of these areas swung dramatically towards Trump in 2016 , and it was expected that Biden would rebound at least a bit as there was no more room to fall for Democrats .
Instead , these areas mostly stayed the same or even swung to Trump a bit .
The results of 2020 confirm the huge swings and coalitional realignment of 2016 are here to stay .
We head into the future with a Democratic party weaker than ever among working-class voters of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a wealthier , whiter and more affluent coalition .

Looking at the results of the 2020 election at the more granular level of counties and precincts, it can mostly be defined by one thing: stasis. But beneath that stasis the results of this election and the changes from previous elections say an enormous amount about where the country is and is going. The counties that swung the most mostly fall into two categories: Latino areas swinging strongly towards Trump, and white-majority suburban areas swinging towards Biden. These 10 swing state counties were crucial to the final results, and help tell the story of what happened in 2020.
Maricopa county, Arizona
Home of Phoenix and environs, Maricopa county is perhaps the most important individual county to the 2020 presidential election. The county makes up an absolute majority of the population of the swing state Arizona, and the winner of the state almost always wins the county. This year, Biden was able to flip Arizona by just over 10,000 votes, his margin coming entirely from winning Maricopa county by around 45,000. It was the first time the county had voted for the Democratic nominee for president since 1948. In many ways, Maricopa was a microcosm of the election: narrowly won by Trump in 2016 and Biden in 2020, containing urban and suburban areas, and having large communities of both college-educated white moderate voters and Latino voters. Maricopa was one of the linchpins of the Biden strategy of flipping white suburban voters – which he did just enough to win. Precinct results show Biden doing clearly better than Clinton in the white-majority suburban areas. They also show the result of Democrats’ failure to keep their margins among working-class Latino voters, especially in the seventh congressional district, which was carried by Bernie Sanders in the primary. Within Maricopa we can see the results of the trade-off Democrats made to win this election.
Hidalgo county, Texas
On the border with Mexico, Hidalgo county, centered on McAllen, is over 90% Hispanic. Working-class and with very high rates of poverty, historically solidly Democratic Hidalgo represents the center of Biden’s failures with Latino voters and working-class voters more broadly. Hidalgo swung 23 points towards Trump, destroying any hopes Democrats had of winning Texas. Hidalgo saw a 27% increase in turnout, as Trump was able to break expectations by activating low-turnout voters to his side. Young, rapidly growing and working-class, Hidalgo is exactly the type of place Democrats need to win to enact any sort of progressive agenda in the future. For many years the conventional wisdom was that turnout in places like Hidalgo would benefit Democrats, but the consequence of Democrats’ focus on flipping white suburban voters was that these new voters were ignored by the party and Trump was able to capitalize. Like most working-class Latino areas, Hidalgo voted for socialist Bernie Sanders in the primary. Going forward, Democrats need a message of class-focused populism to build a base in communities like Hidalgo and build a progressive governing majority.
Collin county, Texas
The flip side of Hidalgo county, Collin county in suburban Dallas is an example of the places that powered Biden to competitiveness in Texas and other suburb-heavy sun belt states. Collin county, like other suburbs in Texas, has long been a Republican bastion, giving enormous margins to GOP candidates up and down the ballot. George W Bush twice won Collin by over 40 points, and Mitt Romney won by over 30 in 2012. This year, however, Collin went for Trump by just four points, a 13-point swing to the Democrats from 2016. Collin and Hidalgo counties represent the twin patterns of this election: affluent white suburban areas swinging towards Democrats and working-class Latino areas swinging to Republicans.
Miami-Dade county, Florida
Miami-Dade county is fairly unique politically, but you can’t tell the story of the 2020 election without talking about it. Miami and the surrounding area are heavily influenced by the politics of the Cuban diaspora, but the county is also home to many other communities. Miami-Dade saw one of the strongest swings in the country towards Trump, from going to Clinton by 30 points to Biden by just seven. While much of this was powered by Cuban-majority areas, Biden lost ground all over the county, including Black-majority areas. The immense losses in Miami-Dade are one of the biggest swings, and biggest shocks, of the election, costing two Democratic seats in the House of Representatives and putting Florida nearly out of play. The story in Miami-Dade is that the Republicans can mobilize massive numbers of working-class people who usually don’t vote. This has scrambled the entire American political landscape, and put Democrats in a precarious position going forward.
Gwinnett county, Georgia
Gwinnett county, in suburban Atlanta, was key to Biden flipping Georgia. The suburbs were the first area of Georgia to support Republicans as the state moved from solidly Democratic to solidly Republican, and are now in the vanguard again as the state has moved back into the Democratic column. Gwinnett voted Republican every year between 1980 and 2012, voting for George W Bush by over 30 points twice. After going narrowly to Clinton in 2016, the county followed the pattern of suburban realignment more strongly than almost anywhere else in the country, voting for Biden by 18 points, a 75,000-vote margin. Winning big in places like Gwinnett was the key to Biden’s strategy for victory, and he was just able to do it.
Lackawanna county, Pennsylvania
Lackawanna county is the home of Scranton, Joe Biden’s home town, and is a longtime working-class Democratic stronghold. Lackawanna tells two stories in 2020: one of Biden doing just enough for victory and another of a permanent realignment of historic Democratic working-class areas away from the party. Lackawanna voted for Biden by eight points, a five-point swing towards native son Biden that helped push him just over the top in Pennsylvania. Biden was able to recapture enough support in north-east Pennsylvania and places like it in the midwest and north-east, combined with his increased support in the suburbs, meant that he was able to recapture the states Trump so surprisingly captured in 2016. But under the surface, the result in Lackawanna shows a long-term realignment brought about by decades of neoliberalism and declining union density and accelerated by Donald Trump. Obama was able to win Lackawanna twice by over 25 points. The 2020 result is a swing of nearly 20 points since the Obama era, despite Biden’s local connections. It is clear that many working-class regions have permanently moved away from solid Democratic status.
Chester county, Pennsylvania
Chester county, in suburban Philadelphia, is one of the GOP’s historical bastions, voting Republican every year but the landslide of 1964 until 2008. This year, Biden won Chester by 17 points and nearly 54,000 votes. Biden’s strength in the Collar counties around Philadelphia was crucial to his win in the state, and is the main thing keeping Democrats competitive since their collapse among voters in rural and post-industrial areas. Places like Chester form the heart of the new Democratic coalition, and Democrats will have to keep and improve Biden’s margins – and match his margins in down-ballot races – to put together governing coalitions in the future.
Mahoning county, Ohio
Mahoning county, home of Youngstown, is maybe the most powerful symbol of Democratic loss in the working-class midwest. After voting Democratic by enormous margins for decades, Mahoning went to Trump this year, the first time a Republican has won it since Nixon in 1972. Mahoning went for Hillary Clinton in 2016, Obama by over 25 points twice, and even Michael Dukakis by over 25 points. Biden’s shocking loss this year shows a combination of further erosion among white working-class voters and among black voters. Mahoning represents perhaps the final nail in the coffin of the class-based New Deal coalition that has shaped American politics since 1932.
Waukesha county, Wisconsin
Crucial Waukesha county, in suburban Milwaukee, has long been a bastion of Republicanism. This year, however, Biden’s strength with suburban voters closed the gap just enough for Biden to win the state. While Trump won by 21 points, the swing in Waukesha and the rest of the Milwaukee suburbs was just enough for Biden to win the state by around 20,000 votes. While the movement in suburban Milwaukee and the suburbs more broadly was enough to win the election for Biden, it was not as much as many Democrats expected.
Northampton county, North Carolina
Northampton county is a strong example of a serious problem for Democrats: erosion among black voters. These losses may indeed have cost Biden the state of North Carolina. Northampton county is 60% black, and this year went for Biden by 20 points. This was a five-point swing against the Democrats, and the smallest margin for Democrats in the county since the Republican landslide of 1972. Losses among black voters this cycle should be very worrying to Democrats.
While the results of the election mostly show stasis, within these results, there was some confounding of expectations. First, the sheer scale of Latino defections to Trump was shocking to many. On the other hand, the swing toward Biden was enough to win the election, but below the expectations of many Democrats, and these voters often split their ticket for down-ballot Republicans, costing the Democrats a chance at a governing majority. Furthermore, the stasis in rural, white areas was a surprise itself. Many of these areas swung dramatically towards Trump in 2016, and it was expected that Biden would rebound at least a bit as there was no more room to fall for Democrats. Instead, these areas mostly stayed the same or even swung to Trump a bit. The results of 2020 confirm the huge swings and coalitional realignment of 2016 are here to stay. We head into the future with a Democratic party weaker than ever among working-class voters of all races and more reliant than ever on a wealthier, whiter and more affluent coalition.


theguardian--2020-11-24--Lame duck pardons turkey: Trump confronts reality at muted Thanksgiving event

It was a sad spectacle .
Here was an ageing comic confronted by a shrinking audience , his jokes landing with a thud , his star beginning to fade .
Donald Trump suddenly finds himself where he has never been : a secondary story , overshadowed by Joe Biden , dominating the news cycle no more .
On Tuesday , Biden introduced the brainy grownups of his government-in-waiting at a weighty event with lofty talk of restoring America ’ s moral leadership and saving the planet from the climate crisis .
An hour later , at the White House , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ duck discovering how fickle the media circus can be .
The gathering in the Rose Garden was naturally diminished by the coronavirus pandemic , but his last Thanksgiving ceremony was a muted affair that also struggled to break through on cable news .
“ Ladies and gentleman , the president of the United States and Mrs Trump , ” said an announcer , the words suddenly elegiac as abnormal administration fades to black .
Trump , true to himself to the end , began by lauding the Dow Jones industrial average breaking 30,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his wife , Melania , for revamping the Rose Garden , and welcomed his daughter , Ivanka , and son-in-law , Jared , who are perhaps contemplating their bumpy re-entry to New York society .
Trump talked about the tradition of presidents sparing birds from the Thanksgiving table , dating back to Abraham Lincoln and receiving formal pardons every year since George HW Bush .
This year ’ s pair , Corn and Cob , were selected from the official presidential flock of 30 , he said .
“ Some real beauties.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s love of farmers and the 400th anniversary of the arrival of the pilgrims on the Mayflower .
He thanked doctors , nurses , healthcare workers , and scientists who have fought the coronavirus pandemic and raced towards a vaccine , but could not resist using the term “ China virus ” for old time ’ s sake or bring himself to offer condolences to families of the quarter-million Americans dead .
“ We send our love to every member of the armed forces and the law enforcement heroes risking their lives to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great , and , as I say , ‘ America first ’ , ” Trump said .
“ Shouldn ’ t go away from that : America first.
” It sounded like a feeble plea from a dying monarch , given that Biden had just vividly put the Barack Obama band back together with an explicit repudiation of “ America first ” .
What was missing from Trump ’ s brief remarks were the puns of the Obama years that made his daughters cringe , or Trump ’ s own brazen jokes in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turkey should survive – “ This was a fair election .
Unfortunately , Carrots refused to concede and demanded a recount , and we ’ re still fighting with Carrots ” – or his bleak humour about his own impeachment a year ago .
The reality of losing , for a self-declared lifelong winner , is evidently not a laughing matter .
Earlier on Tuesday , Trump retweeted a picture of himself brooding over the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office with the caption : “ I concede NOTHING !
!
!
!
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on to a table festooned with autumnal flowers and mini-pumpkins .
Trump and Melania walked over .
With raised hand , Trump said : “ Look at that beautiful , beautiful bird .
Oh , so lucky .
That is a lucky bird .
Corn , I hereby grant you a full pardon .
Thank you , Corn .
What a bird .
Thank you.
” He added : “ Happy Thanksgiving to everybody .
Thank you very much .
Thank you , everybody .
Have a good one.
” So it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reins of power , Trump is left with the equivalent of ribbon-cutting .
The one-time champion of attention has lost his crown to a challenger he deems unworthy .
As he departed , reporters shouted , “ Mr President , will you be issuing a pardon for yourself ?
” and “ Will you invite president-elect Biden ?
” Answer there came none .
The man who could never stop talking to reporters has now taken a vow of silence .
Bringing up the election result is as awkward as making conversation at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ couple .

It was a sad spectacle. Here was an ageing comic confronted by a shrinking audience, his jokes landing with a thud, his star beginning to fade.
Donald Trump suddenly finds himself where he has never been: a secondary story, overshadowed by Joe Biden, dominating the news cycle no more.
On Tuesday, Biden introduced the brainy grownups of his government-in-waiting at a weighty event with lofty talk of restoring America’s moral leadership and saving the planet from the climate crisis.
An hour later, at the White House, a turkey was pardoned by a lame duck discovering how fickle the media circus can be.
The gathering in the Rose Garden was naturally diminished by the coronavirus pandemic, but his last Thanksgiving ceremony was a muted affair that also struggled to break through on cable news.
“Ladies and gentleman, the president of the United States and Mrs Trump,” said an announcer, the words suddenly elegiac as abnormal administration fades to black.
Trump, true to himself to the end, began by lauding the Dow Jones industrial average breaking 30,000 for the first time. He praised his wife, Melania, for revamping the Rose Garden, and welcomed his daughter, Ivanka, and son-in-law, Jared, who are perhaps contemplating their bumpy re-entry to New York society.
01:01 'Will you pardon yourself?': Trump ignores questions after pardoning turkey – video
Trump talked about the tradition of presidents sparing birds from the Thanksgiving table, dating back to Abraham Lincoln and receiving formal pardons every year since George HW Bush. This year’s pair, Corn and Cob, were selected from the official presidential flock of 30, he said. “Some real beauties.”
The president talked about the nation’s love of farmers and the 400th anniversary of the arrival of the pilgrims on the Mayflower. He thanked doctors, nurses, healthcare workers, and scientists who have fought the coronavirus pandemic and raced towards a vaccine, but could not resist using the term “China virus” for old time’s sake or bring himself to offer condolences to families of the quarter-million Americans dead.
“We send our love to every member of the armed forces and the law enforcement heroes risking their lives to keep America safe, to keep America great, and, as I say, ‘America first’,” Trump said. “Shouldn’t go away from that: America first.”
As Biden prepares to take the reins of power, Trump is left with the equivalent of ribbon-cutting
It sounded like a feeble plea from a dying monarch, given that Biden had just vividly put the Barack Obama band back together with an explicit repudiation of “America first”.
What was missing from Trump’s brief remarks were the puns of the Obama years that made his daughters cringe, or Trump’s own brazen jokes in 2018 regarding an online vote on which turkey should survive – “This was a fair election. Unfortunately, Carrots refused to concede and demanded a recount, and we’re still fighting with Carrots” – or his bleak humour about his own impeachment a year ago.
The reality of losing, for a self-declared lifelong winner, is evidently not a laughing matter. Earlier on Tuesday, Trump retweeted a picture of himself brooding over the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office with the caption: “I concede NOTHING!!!!!”
A man scooped Corn up on to a table festooned with autumnal flowers and mini-pumpkins. Trump and Melania walked over. With raised hand, Trump said: “Look at that beautiful, beautiful bird. Oh, so lucky. That is a lucky bird. Corn, I hereby grant you a full pardon. Thank you, Corn. What a bird. Thank you.”
He added: “Happy Thanksgiving to everybody. Thank you very much. Thank you, everybody. Have a good one.”
So it was that as Biden prepares to take the reins of power, Trump is left with the equivalent of ribbon-cutting. The one-time champion of attention has lost his crown to a challenger he deems unworthy. As he departed, reporters shouted, “Mr President, will you be issuing a pardon for yourself?” and “Will you invite president-elect Biden?”
Answer there came none. The man who could never stop talking to reporters has now taken a vow of silence. Bringing up the election result is as awkward as making conversation at a Thanksgiving dinner hosted by a divorcing couple.


theguardian--2020-11-24--Joe Biden's cabinet picks: what we've learned from his choices so far

On Tuesday , Joe Biden formally introduced his first slate of picks for cabinet posts .
One Senate Republican said Biden ’ s choices “ went to Ivy League schools , have strong resumés , attend all the right conferences and will be polite and orderly caretakers of America ’ s decline ” .
Another scoffed that the list of names resembled a guest list for a “ Georgetown dinner ” .
But most , less partial , observers agreed that after four years of chaos under Donald Trump , himself a self-proclaimed outsider , a dose of insider knowledge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington needs .
Here are five things we ’ ve learned so far about Biden ’ s choices .
“ If not household names , ” the Washington Post opined , “ Biden ’ s picks are steeped in the ways ” of the capital , knowing the place as Donald Trump ’ s collection of political allies , businessmen , donors , grifters , gadflies and relatives did not .
Secretary of state nominee Tony Blinken , for example , worked for Bill Clinton and Barack Obama , and for Biden when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Janet Yellen , now heading for the treasury , was chair of the Federal Reserve .
John Kerry , the climate envoy , was a Massachusetts senator for 28 years , ran for president in 2004 and was secretary of state in Obama ’ s second term .
Nor are those named for less prominent positions callow or untried .
National security adviser pick Jake Sullivan is “ only ” 43 years old but he worked for Hillary Clinton when she was secretary of state and for Biden when he was VP .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence , is a former deputy chief of the CIA , deputy national security adviser and deputy chief counsel to Senate Democrats .
…but so does having worked for Obama Experience can also bring baggage .
Biden worked for the 44th president and so did many of his hires , to the extent , Politico reported on Tuesday , that some who worked on the Biden campaign this time round are feeling a little cheesed off .
“ The Obama staffers are now cutting out the people who got Biden elected , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as saying .
“ None of these people found the courage to help the vice-president when he was running and now they are elevating their friends over the Biden people .
It ’ s fucked up.
” Another Biden adviser who worked on the campaign , Politico said , called that criticism “ very valid ” .
Big positions , among them secretary of defense and attorney general , remain to be filled .
Contrary to many progressive dreams , they will not be filled by Obama himself .
Promoting his memoir , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any role under Biden .
If he did , he says , his wife Michelle would leave him .
One potentially positive side of a reliance on Obama alumni is to be found in the fact that Obama was a world president , intent on strong relationships with allies as well as engagement with traditional foes , an approach far removed from Trump ’ s attacks on America ’ s friends and alarming habit of cosying up to dictators .
In short , the likes of Blinken , Yellen and Kerry already have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the international centre who are desperate for a reset .
“ Tony Blinken ’ s ties to Europe are lifelong , deep and personal , ” Politico Europe wrote on Tuesday , discussing his near-flawless French , past life in Paris , skepticism about Brexit and status as “ a fierce believer in the transatlantic alliance ” .
“ On every major foreign policy issue – terrorism , climate , pandemics , trade , China , the Iran nuclear deal – he has a recurring mantra : the US should work with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organisations.
” The Post called Biden ’ s win “ something akin to the revenge of the Washington establishment ” , but the Democrat has so far also lived up to his promise to name an administration which reflects American diversity far more strongly than Trump ’ s did .
Biden ’ s nominee for secretary of homeland security , Alejandro Mayorkas , is a Cuban American who has spoken of his experience as the child of immigrants .
Linda Thomas-Greenfield will not be the first woman of colour to be ambassador to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nikki Haley both filled the post – but she was the most senior black US diplomat until Trump fired her .
Biden was reported to be close to appointing Michèle Flournoy as the first woman to be secretary of defense , only for her to be conspicuous by her absence when the first names were named .
Reports now say Jeh Johnson , homeland security secretary under Obama , could become the first black defense chief instead .
… but so do policies Many of Biden ’ s picks played prominent roles in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administrations which Trump used as rocket fuel for his grievance-based rise to the White House .
“ They helped negotiate the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal , ” the Post wrote , of Biden ’ s nominees .
“ They advocated for the Trans-Pacific Partnership , a trade deal that was part of a strategic pivot toward Asia .
All were shredded by Trump.
” Now , “ amid the coronavirus pandemic and the simultaneous economic collapse , that populist streak has not lessened .
Trade deals will be harder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the nation seems to have little appetite for foreign intervention.
” Biden has become the first president to receive more than 80m votes .
But Trump only got 6m less .
That ’ s a lot of Americans for Biden and his staff to win over .

On Tuesday, Joe Biden formally introduced his first slate of picks for cabinet posts.
One Senate Republican said Biden’s choices “went to Ivy League schools, have strong resumés, attend all the right conferences and will be polite and orderly caretakers of America’s decline”.
Another scoffed that the list of names resembled a guest list for a “Georgetown dinner”.
But most, less partial, observers agreed that after four years of chaos under Donald Trump, himself a self-proclaimed outsider, a dose of insider knowledge and institutional stability might be just what Washington needs.
Here are five things we’ve learned so far about Biden’s choices.
Experience counts…
“If not household names,” the Washington Post opined, “Biden’s picks are steeped in the ways” of the capital, knowing the place as Donald Trump’s collection of political allies, businessmen, donors, grifters, gadflies and relatives did not.
Secretary of state nominee Tony Blinken, for example, worked for Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and for Biden when he was Obama’s vice-president. Janet Yellen, now heading for the treasury, was chair of the Federal Reserve. John Kerry, the climate envoy, was a Massachusetts senator for 28 years, ran for president in 2004 and was secretary of state in Obama’s second term.
Nor are those named for less prominent positions callow or untried. National security adviser pick Jake Sullivan is “only” 43 years old but he worked for Hillary Clinton when she was secretary of state and for Biden when he was VP. Avril Haines, named director of national intelligence, is a former deputy chief of the CIA, deputy national security adviser and deputy chief counsel to Senate Democrats.
…but so does having worked for Obama
Experience can also bring baggage. Biden worked for the 44th president and so did many of his hires, to the extent, Politico reported on Tuesday, that some who worked on the Biden campaign this time round are feeling a little cheesed off.
Promoting his memoir, the former president has ruled out taking any role under Biden
“The Obama staffers are now cutting out the people who got Biden elected,” the website quoted a senior Biden official as saying. “None of these people found the courage to help the vice-president when he was running and now they are elevating their friends over the Biden people. It’s fucked up.”
Another Biden adviser who worked on the campaign, Politico said, called that criticism “very valid”.
Big positions, among them secretary of defense and attorney general, remain to be filled. Contrary to many progressive dreams, they will not be filled by Obama himself. Promoting his memoir, the former president has ruled out taking any role under Biden. If he did, he says, his wife Michelle would leave him.
Internationalism is back
One potentially positive side of a reliance on Obama alumni is to be found in the fact that Obama was a world president, intent on strong relationships with allies as well as engagement with traditional foes, an approach far removed from Trump’s attacks on America’s friends and alarming habit of cosying up to dictators. In short, the likes of Blinken, Yellen and Kerry already have strong relations with government leaders and officials in the international centre who are desperate for a reset.
“Tony Blinken’s ties to Europe are lifelong, deep and personal,” Politico Europe wrote on Tuesday, discussing his near-flawless French, past life in Paris, skepticism about Brexit and status as “a fierce believer in the transatlantic alliance”.
“On every major foreign policy issue – terrorism, climate, pandemics, trade, China, the Iran nuclear deal – he has a recurring mantra: the US should work with its allies and within international treaties and organisations.”
Diversity matters …
The Post called Biden’s win “something akin to the revenge of the Washington establishment”, but the Democrat has so far also lived up to his promise to name an administration which reflects American diversity far more strongly than Trump’s did.
Alejandro Mayorkas, right, with then vice-president Joe Biden and Amy Pope of the National Security Council in this 2015 picture. Photograph: Gary Cameron/Reuters
Biden’s nominee for secretary of homeland security, Alejandro Mayorkas, is a Cuban American who has spoken of his experience as the child of immigrants. Linda Thomas-Greenfield will not be the first woman of colour to be ambassador to the United Nations – Susan Rice and Nikki Haley both filled the post – but she was the most senior black US diplomat until Trump fired her.
Biden was reported to be close to appointing Michèle Flournoy as the first woman to be secretary of defense, only for her to be conspicuous by her absence when the first names were named. Reports now say Jeh Johnson, homeland security secretary under Obama, could become the first black defense chief instead.
… but so do policies
Many of Biden’s picks played prominent roles in developing and implementing policies pursued by previous administrations which Trump used as rocket fuel for his grievance-based rise to the White House.
“They helped negotiate the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal,” the Post wrote, of Biden’s nominees. “They advocated for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade deal that was part of a strategic pivot toward Asia. All were shredded by Trump.”
Now, “amid the coronavirus pandemic and the simultaneous economic collapse, that populist streak has not lessened. Trade deals will be harder to pursue than they were years ago, and the nation seems to have little appetite for foreign intervention.”
Biden has become the first president to receive more than 80m votes. But Trump only got 6m less. That’s a lot of Americans for Biden and his staff to win over.


theguardian--2020-11-26--Obama: Republican portrayal of white men as 'victims' helped Trump win votes – video

Barack Obama has said part of the reason more than 73 million Americans voted to re-elect Donald Trump in the @ @ @ @ @ from Republicans that the country was under attack – particularly white men .
In an @ @ @ @ @ the Breakfast Club on Wednesday to promote his new memoir A Promised Land , Obama @ @ @ @ @ , which he did not name directly , 'objectively has failed , miserably , in @ @ @ @ @ the American people and keeping them safe ' , and yet he still secured millions @ @

Barack Obama has said part of the reason more than 73 million Americans voted to re-elect Donald Trump in the election was because of messaging from Republicans that the country was under attack – particularly white men.
In an interview with the radio show the Breakfast Club on Wednesday to promote his new memoir, A Promised Land, Obama said Trump’s administration, which he did not name directly, 'objectively has failed, miserably, in handling just basic looking after the American people and keeping them safe', and yet he still secured millions of votes


theguardian--2020-11-25--'Our democracy was tested this year': Joe Biden's Thanksgiving address – video

Joe Biden urged Americans to put aside their political differences as he called for unity in his Thanksgiving address to @ @ @ @ @ to remember , we are at war with the virus , not one another , @ @ @ @ @ 'Our democracy was tested this year , and what we learned was this : the @ @ @ @ @ up to the task . '
• Joe Biden says 'Let 's be thankful for @ @ @ @ @ unity – live

Joe Biden urged Americans to put aside their political differences as he called for unity in his Thanksgiving address to the nation.
'We need to remember, we are at war with the virus, not one another,' said the president-elect. 'Our democracy was tested this year, and what we learned was this: the people of this nation were up to the task.'


theguardian--2020-11-25--Biden: 'We do not want a guarded border' between UK and Ireland – video

US President-elect Joe Biden says he would like to avoid a guarded border between the UK and Ireland as Brexit @ @ @ @ @ reporters in Wilmington , Delaware , Biden said `` We do not want a guarded @ @ @ @ @ make sure – we ’ ve worked too long to get Ireland worked out , @ @ @ @ @ British prime minister , I talked with the Taoiseach , I talked with others , @ @ @ @ @ .
The idea of having a border north and south once again being closed is @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve just got to keep the border open . ''
• 'America is back @ @ @ @ @ announce first cabinet picks – live

US President-elect Joe Biden says he would like to avoid a guarded border between the UK and Ireland as Brexit negotiations continue. Speaking to reporters in Wilmington, Delaware, Biden said "We do not want a guarded border. We want to make sure – we’ve worked too long to get Ireland worked out, and I talked with the British prime minister, I talked with the Taoiseach, I talked with others, I talked to the French. The idea of having a border north and south once again being closed is just not right, we’ve just got to keep the border open."


theguardian--2020-11-24--'No one I trust more': Joe Biden names John Kerry as first ever US climate envoy – video

President-elect Joe Biden seeks to blunt criticism from leftwingers as he formally introduces his first round of cabinet nominations , @ @ @ @ @ the climate crisis .
Biden says that in John Kerry , a former secretary of @ @ @ @ @ America will have a full-time climate leader for the first time , someone with ' @ @ @ @ @ around the world' • Biden emphasises fight against climate crisis as he unveils cabinet picks

President-elect Joe Biden seeks to blunt criticism from leftwingers as he formally introduces his first round of cabinet nominations, by emphasising the fight against the climate crisis.
Biden says that in John Kerry, a former secretary of state and presidential nominee, America will have a full-time climate leader for the first time, someone with 'a seat at every table around the world'


theguardian--2020-11-24--Trump fails to answer questions or formally concede in bizarre 90-second briefing – video

Donald Trump and Mike Pence appeared in the White House briefing room for less than two minutes for Trump to @ @ @ @ @ good day - despite Trump having not taken a question from reporters in about three @ @ @ @ @ no notice of the briefing .
CNN ’ s Jim Acosta said White House staff @ @ @ @ @ to get into their seats because the president wanted to walk into the briefing room @ @ @ @ @ , a reporter was heard to say : 'Well , that was weird as shit @ @ @ @ @ Administration on Monday declared Joe Biden the apparent winner of the US election , clearing @ @ @ @ @ transition to begin , after weeks of Trump refusing to concede , violating the traditions @ @ @ @ @ at the White House • Sign up to receive First Thing – our daily briefing @ @

Donald Trump and Mike Pence appeared in the White House briefing room for less than two minutes for Trump to tout the stock market's good day - despite Trump having not taken a question from reporters in about three weeks.
There was almost no notice of the briefing. CNN’s Jim Acosta said White House staff were suddenly shouting at journalists to get into their seats because the president wanted to walk into the briefing room. After Trump's departure, a reporter was heard to say: 'Well, that was weird as shit.'
The General Services Administration on Monday declared Joe Biden the apparent winner of the US election, clearing the way for the formal transition to begin, after weeks of Trump refusing to concede, violating the traditions of the transition of power at the White House


theguardian--2020-11-26--US Covid cases, hospitalisations and deaths rise amid Thanksgiving rush

The US reported 181,490 new coronavirus cases on Wednesday , a third daily rise in a row , as hospitalisations hit a record for a 16th day in succession , at 89,959 .
There were 2,297 deaths , according to Johns Hopkins University , the largest single-day rise since May , bringing the pandemic toll to 262,065 out of nearly 12.8m cases .
The death rate is still lower than in the spring .
The alarming numbers were reported as millions of Americans defied official advice to travel and gather for Thanksgiving .
In an address to the nation on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sympathised with those contemplating a holiday without loved ones .
“ I know this time of year can be especially difficult , ” said the president-elect , whose wife and daughter were killed in a car crash in December 1972 .
“ Believe me , I know .
I remember that first Thanksgiving .
The empty chair , silence that takes your breath away .
It ’ s really hard to care .
It ’ s hard to give thanks … It ’ s so hard to hope , to understand .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ praying for each and every one of you this Thanksgiving.
” Biden ’ s transition team were unable to coordinate with federal authorities for two weeks after the election was called , as Donald Trump refused to concede .
The president still has not taken that step , but has allowed transition funds to be released .
Biden heralded the approach of apparently effective vaccines .
The US was “ on track for the first immunisations to begin by late December , early January ” , he said .
“ We ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan to get the entire country immunised as soon as possible , which we will do .
It ’ s going to take time .
And hopefully the news of the vaccine will serve as incentive to every American to take simple steps to get control of the virus.
” Biden listed such steps , including wearing a mask , social distancing and more , which the Trump administration has been loath to seek to enforce , even at its own events .
Trump , members of his family , aides and senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Washington , the newly 6-3 conservative supreme court sided with religious communities who sued to block New York state Covid restrictions on attendance at houses of worship .
Amy Coney Barrett , the devout Catholic justice who replaced Ruth Bader Ginsburg last month , sided with other conservatives on the ruling .
Avi Schick , an attorney for Agudath Israel of America , told the Associated Press : “ This is an historic victory .
This landmark decision will ensure that religious practices and religious institutions will be protected from government edicts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respect demanded by the constitution.
” On Wednesday , New York saw more than 6,000 daily Covid cases for the first time since late April .
Pennsylvania recorded more than 7,000 cases , its second-highest total since the pandemic began .
Massachusetts and Nevada saw record case numbers .
In Wyoming , the Republican governor , Mark Gordon , has opposed a mask mandate .
On Wednesday , it was announced that he had tested positive .
US airports saw around 900,000 to 1 million people a day pass through checkpoints from Friday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from last year but some of the biggest crowds seen since the pandemic took hold .
Typically , more Americans drive for Thanksgiving than fly .
Officials – among them New York ’ s governor , Andrew Cuomo – have been forced to cancel their own Thanksgiving plans in order to set an example .
One who did not , Denver ’ s mayor , Michael Hancock , issued an apology on Wednesday .
Having asked city staff and residents to avoid holiday travel , Hancock flew to Mississippi to spend the holiday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I made my decision as a husband and father , ” he said , “ and for those who are angry and disappointed , I humbly ask you to forgive decisions that are born of my heart and not my head .
”

The US reported 181,490 new coronavirus cases on Wednesday, a third daily rise in a row, as hospitalisations hit a record for a 16th day in succession, at 89,959.
There were 2,297 deaths, according to Johns Hopkins University, the largest single-day rise since May, bringing the pandemic toll to 262,065 out of nearly 12.8m cases. The death rate is still lower than in the spring.
The alarming numbers were reported as millions of Americans defied official advice against travel and gatherings for Thanksgiving.
In an address to the nation on Wednesday, Joe Biden appealed for resilience and sympathised with those contemplating a holiday without loved ones.
“I know this time of year can be especially difficult,” said the president-elect, whose wife and daughter were killed in a car crash in December 1972. “Believe me, I know. I remember that first Thanksgiving. The empty chair, silence that takes your breath away. It’s really hard to care. It’s hard to give thanks … It’s so hard to hope, to understand.
“I’ll be thinking and praying for each and every one of you this Thanksgiving.”
Biden’s transition team were unable to coordinate with federal authorities for two weeks after the election was called, as Donald Trump refused to concede. The president still has not taken that step, but has allowed transition funds to be released.
Biden heralded the approach of apparently effective vaccines. The US was “on track for the first immunisations to begin by late December, early January”, he said.
“We’ll need to put in place a distribution plan to get the entire country immunised as soon as possible, which we will do. It’s going to take time. And hopefully the news of the vaccine will serve as incentive to every American to take simple steps to get control of the virus.”
Biden listed such steps, including wearing a mask, social distancing and more, which the Trump administration has been loath to seek to enforce, even at its own events. Trump, members of his family, aides and senior Republicans have fallen sick.
“There’s real hope,” Biden insisted. “Tangible hope.”
Later, in Washington, the newly 6-3 conservative supreme court sided with religious communities who sued to block New York state Covid restrictions on attendance at houses of worship. Amy Coney Barrett, the devout Catholic justice who replaced Ruth Bader Ginsburg last month, sided with other conservatives on the ruling.
Avi Schick, an attorney for Agudath Israel of America, told the Associated Press: “This is an historic victory. This landmark decision will ensure that religious practices and religious institutions will be protected from government edicts that do not treat religion with the respect demanded by the constitution.”
On Wednesday, New York saw more than 6,000 daily Covid cases for the first time since late April. Pennsylvania recorded more than 7,000 cases, its second-highest total since the pandemic began. Massachusetts and Nevada saw record case numbers.
In Wyoming, the Republican governor, Mark Gordon, has opposed a mask mandate. On Wednesday, it was announced that he had tested positive.
US airports saw around 900,000 to 1 million people a day pass through checkpoints from Friday to Tuesday, down around 60% from last year but some of the biggest crowds seen since the pandemic took hold. Typically, more Americans drive for Thanksgiving than fly.
Officials – among them New York’s governor, Andrew Cuomo – have been forced to cancel their own Thanksgiving plans in order to set an example. One who did not, Denver’s mayor, Michael Hancock, issued an apology on Wednesday.
Having asked city staff and residents to avoid holiday travel, Hancock flew to Mississippi to spend the holiday with his wife and youngest daughter.
“I made my decision as a husband and father,” he said, “and for those who are angry and disappointed, I humbly ask you to forgive decisions that are born of my heart and not my head.”


theguardian--2020-11-26--After Flynn pardon, could Trump do the same for himself?

Donald Trump ’ s pardon for his former national security adviser Michael Flynn has ignited speculation that he may be planning a broader swath of pardons in his last weeks in office , especially given – most controversially – his own previously expressed view that it is within his own power to pardon himself .
Trump ’ s pardon of Flynn , who was convicted of lying to the FBI , follows his commutation of the jail sentence of his ally and self-professed political dirty trickster , Roger Stone .
The renewed speculation , however , raises numerous issues both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is considering pardons for associates , members of his family and even himself have been driven in large part by his own apparent obsession with the issue , which has been well documented since at least 2017 .
According to a CNN report earlier this month , which featured interviews with unnamed former aides , Trump has asked both about self-pardons as well as pardons for his family , even asking if he could issue pardons pre-emptively for things people could be charged with in the future .
“ Once he learned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the power of pardons , ” the former official told the cable network .
“ I always thought he also liked it because it was a way to do a favour.
” Trump himself has been explicit about his view he can pardon himself tweeting in 2018 : “ As has been stated by numerous legal scholars , I have the absolute right to PARDON myself , but why would I do that when I have done nothing wrong ?
” As legal experts have made clear as well in recent days , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation , with the attorney general , William Barr , following US Department of Justice guidelines that a sitting president can not be charged with a crime .
But can Trump actually pardon himself ?
Those legal scholars who believe it is within his power , point to the open-ended text of the clause in the constitution on pardon rights that says : “ The president … shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States , except in cases of impeachment , ” which – theoretically at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on pardon power .
One issue , however , Trump is likely to run into , which he acknowledged himself in his 2018 tweet , is a supreme court ruling dating back to 1915 that concluded that any pardon carries an implicit imputation of guilt .
In Trump ’ s case , this could only be for criminal acts committed in office and could hamper his plans to run again for president in 2024 .
That meaning was recognised by Richard Nixon , who was initially wary of accepting the preemptive pardon offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his resignation from the presidency after the Watergate affair , believing himself innocent .
And while legal experts have suggested there is no explicit constitutional prohibition on a president self-pardoning , they point to a justice department memo written in 1974 in the light of the Nixon crisis .
“ Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case , the president can not pardon himself , ” the Office of Legal Counsel wrote in August 1974 .
As Keith Whittington , a professor of politics at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Guardian in 2018 : “ The president could surely issue a valid pardon to his own associates ( though abusing his pardoning power might itself be an impeachable offence ) .
“ It is less clear that the president could issue a pardon to himself .
Conceptually , the pardon is an act of mercy , and that would seem to imply that it is only possible to bestow mercy on someone else and so there is an implicit bar against a self-pardon .
“ Certainly , attempting to do so could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an abuse of power , but whether a court should ultimately respect the validity of such a pardon is a much more difficult question.
” Finally even if Trump were to try to pardon himself it might only be of limited value .
His power to pardon applies only to federal statutes still leaving him vulnerable to criminal and civil prosecution in state courts , not least in Manhattan , where Trump and the Trump organisation are under active investigation .
The constitution is vaguely worded on the issue of pardon power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton pardoned his brother Roger ) , aides , businessmen , and Gerald Ford famously pardoned his predecessor Richard Nixon .
How does it work ?
There is an office at the Department of Justice that deals with pardons but it has largely been short-circuited by Trump who has responded to requests from rightwing allies and celebrities such as Kim Kardashian .
Jared Kushner has been put in charge of the pardons issue and some speculate that might mean a pardon for his father , Charles , who was convicted in 2005 of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ witness tampering .
So who is in the frame ?
Trump has made it clear he still holds a grudge over the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and some names that have come up are related to that .
Michael Flynn was pardoned on Wednesday and Roger Stone ’ s sentence has already been commuted .
Others reportedly seeking pardons include campaign advisers Rick Gates and George Papadopoulos .
Steve Bannon , his former strategist , who has been indicted for defrauding donors , and Elliott Broidy , a top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Is that all ?
Far from it .
Lists of names are reportedly circulating .
The media has mentioned a plethora of Trump and Trump family associates , and Trump has reportedly asked aides about the issue of pardons for members of his own family , although it is not clear what for .
Finally Joe Exotic , the former Oklahoma zoo keeper convicted of hiring a hitman to kill a rival , has apparently also been campaigning to get Trump ’ s attention in a bid for clemency .

Donald Trump’s pardon for his former national security adviser Michael Flynn has ignited speculation that he may be planning a broader swath of pardons in his last weeks in office, especially given – most controversially – his own previously expressed view that it is within his own power to pardon himself.
Trump’s pardon of Flynn, who was convicted of lying to the FBI, follows his commutation of the jail sentence of his ally and self-professed political dirty trickster, Roger Stone.
The renewed speculation, however, raises numerous issues, both legal and practical.
Questions about whether Trump is considering pardons for associates, members of his family and even himself have been driven in large part by his own apparent obsession with the issue, which has been well documented since at least 2017.
According to a CNN report earlier this month, which featured interviews with unnamed former aides, Trump has asked both about self-pardons as well as pardons for his family, even asking if he could issue pardons pre-emptively for things people could be charged with in the future.
“Once he learned about it, he was obsessed with the power of pardons,” the former official told the cable network. “I always thought he also liked it because it was a way to do a favour.”
Trump himself has been explicit about his view he can pardon himself, tweeting in 2018: “As has been stated by numerous legal scholars, I have the absolute right to PARDON myself, but why would I do that when I have done nothing wrong?”
As legal experts have made clear as well in recent days, Trump is not facing any active criminal investigation, with the attorney general, William Barr, following US Department of Justice guidelines that a sitting president cannot be charged with a crime.
But can Trump actually pardon himself?
Those legal scholars who believe it is within his power, point to the open-ended text of the clause in the constitution on pardon rights that says: “The president … shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment,” which – theoretically at least – suggests no explicitly described limits on pardon power.
One issue, however, Trump is likely to run into, which he acknowledged himself in his 2018 tweet, is a supreme court ruling dating back to 1915 that concluded that any pardon carries an implicit imputation of guilt. In Trump’s case, this could only be for criminal acts committed in office and could hamper his plans to run again for president in 2024.
That meaning was recognised by Richard Nixon, who was initially wary of accepting the preemptive pardon offered by Gerald Ford at the time of his resignation from the presidency after the Watergate affair, believing himself innocent.
And while legal experts have suggested there is no explicit constitutional prohibition on a president self-pardoning, they point to a justice department memo written in 1974 in the light of the Nixon crisis.
“Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case, the president cannot pardon himself,” the Office of Legal Counsel wrote in August 1974.
As Keith Whittington, a professor of politics at Princeton University specialising in constitutional theory told the Guardian in 2018: “The president could surely issue a valid pardon to his own associates (though abusing his pardoning power might itself be an impeachable offence).
“It is less clear that the president could issue a pardon to himself. Conceptually, the pardon is an act of mercy, and that would seem to imply that it is only possible to bestow mercy on someone else and so there is an implicit bar against a self-pardon.
“Certainly, attempting to do so could be regarded as an impeachable offence as an abuse of power, but whether a court should ultimately respect the validity of such a pardon is a much more difficult question.”
Finally, even if Trump were to try to pardon himself it might be of only limited value. His power to pardon applies only to federal statutes, still leaving him vulnerable to criminal and civil prosecution in state courts, not least in Manhattan, where Trump and the Trump Organization are under active investigation.
Trump’s pardon plans
Who can President Trump pardon?
The constitution is vaguely worded on the issue of pardon power. Previous presidents have pardoned relatives (Bill Clinton pardoned his brother Roger), aides, businessmen, and Gerald Ford famously pardoned his predecessor, Richard Nixon.
How does it work?
There is an office at the Department of Justice that deals with pardons but it has largely been short-circuited by Trump, who has responded to requests from rightwing allies and celebrities such as Kim Kardashian. Jared Kushner has been put in charge of the pardons issue and some speculate that might mean a pardon for his father, Charles, who was convicted in 2005 of illegal campaign contributions, tax evasion and witness tampering.
So who is in the frame?
Trump has made it clear he still holds a grudge over the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and some names that have come up are related to that. Michael Flynn was pardoned on Wednesday and Roger Stone’s sentence has already been commuted. Others reportedly seeking pardons include campaign advisers Rick Gates and George Papadopoulos. Steve Bannon, his former strategist, who has been indicted for defrauding donors, and Elliott Broidy, a top fund-raiser, have also been mentioned.
Is that all?
Far from it. Lists of names are reportedly circulating. The media has mentioned a plethora of Trump and Trump family associates, and Trump has reportedly asked aides about the issue of pardons for members of his own family, although it is not clear what for. Finally Joe Exotic, the former Oklahoma zoo keeper convicted of hiring a hitman to kill a rival, has apparently also been campaigning to get Trump’s attention in a bid for clemency.