theguardian--2020-11-17--Biden warns 'more people may die' if Trump refuses to cooperate on transition – as it happened

According to the Wisconsin Elections Commission , if Donald Trump wants a statewide recount , he will have to pay $ 7.9m .
The president lost the state by more than 20,000 votes – which means a recount is very unlikely to change the fact that he lost .
Even if a recount , miraculously , left Trump ahead in the state , Wisconsin ’ s 10 electoral votes are not enough to change the election outcome .
Still , Trump has indicated that he ’ ll be calling for a recount – though his campaign has yet to request @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may request a recount if less than 1 percentage point separates them from their opponents .
However , if the margin is greater than 0.25 percentage points , the candidate who makes such a request must foot the bill .
The Trump campaign has been fundraising to raise money for recounts and litigation challenging results , though the campaign has taken broad leeway to spend the funds raised from supporters on other expenses .
“ Our county clerks have carefully estimated their costs for recounting 3.2 million ballots , which is approximately $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Wisconsin ’ s chief election official .
“ These estimates are significantly higher than the actual costs of the 2016 recount , but they take into account factors not present four years ago , including the need for larger spaces to permit public observation and social distancing , security for those spaces , the higher number of absentee ballots , a compressed timeframe over a holiday , and renting high-speed ballot scanning equipment , ” she noted in a statement .
Trump must request a recount and pay for it by Wednesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Maanvi Singh (now) and Daniel Strauss (earlier)

17 Nov 2020 00.58 GMT Summary Donald Trump has been picking fights with state governors as his campaign continues to pursue long-shot lawsuits that are exceedingly unlikely to change the election results. Lawyers have been withdrawing from Trump’s Pennsylvania lawsuit challenging the results.
Lawyers have been withdrawing from Trump’s Pennsylvania lawsuit challenging the results. Georgia’s secretary of state, a Republican, said that Senator Lindsey Graham was among the members of his party who encouraged him to disqualify legally cast ballots. Republicans have largely stood behind Trump as he refuses to concede, stalling the transition process. Those who haven’t have attracted the president’s wrath on Twitter.
Republicans have largely stood behind Trump as he refuses to concede, stalling the transition process. Those who haven’t have attracted the president’s wrath on Twitter. Joe Biden urged the Trump administration to work with him to coordinate a coronavirus response. “More people may die, if we don’t coordinate,” he said. “If we have to wait until 20 January to start that planning, it puts us behind.”
“More people may die, if we don’t coordinate,” he said. “If we have to wait until 20 January to start that planning, it puts us behind.” As coronavirus cases surge across the US, governors and local officials are announcing new restrictions. California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, announced that 94% of Californians would come back under the most severe coronavirus restrictions after the state surpassed 1m cases last week.
California’s governor, announced that 94% of Californians would come back under the most severe coronavirus restrictions after the state surpassed 1m cases last week. The US biotech firm Moderna announced the results of its vaccine trial, which found that its vaccine was 95% effective. The news comes after a Pfizer vaccine showed 90% effectiveness, per the company - boosting optimism for widespread vaccination next year.
Follow the Guardian’s live Covid-19 coverage here: Coronavirus live news: vaccine trials 'encouraging' says WHO; South Korea tightens curbs in Seoul Read more
Updated at 01.01 GMT
17 Nov 2020 00.15 GMT Biden's campaign manager Jen O’Malley Dillon to join administration as deputy chief of staff Dillon is expected to join the Biden administration as deputy chief of staff, per multiple reports. The news was first reported by NBC. Dillon would work with Ron Klain, who Biden has named chief of staff. Dillon previously had worked on Beto O’Rourke’s 2020 presidential campaign. She’s been credited with helping Biden pull through the primaries to become the Democratic nominee.
16 Nov 2020 23.59 GMT Here are the major hurdles ahead for Covid-19 vaccine distribution in the US Jessica Glenza Nearly a year into the Covid-19 pandemic, a picture of the other side is emerging. There has been positive news from leading vaccine manufacturers and they are beginning to analyze phase III clinical data, an important milestone that could tell researchers about whether they are safe and effective. But to distribute those vaccines, the US must undertake the most logistically difficult vaccination campaign in history, with a hesitant and weary public, and at least one vaccine with unprecedented storage requirements. The cause for optimism is real – but so are the logistical challenges that lie ahead: Here are the major hurdles ahead for Covid-19 vaccine distribution in the US Read more
16 Nov 2020 23.23 GMT Wisconsin recount will cost Trump $7.9m According to the Wisconsin Elections Commission, if Donald Trump wants a statewide recount, he will have to pay $7.9m. The president lost the state by more than 20,000 votes – which means a recount is very unlikely to change the fact that he lost. Even if a recount, miraculously, left Trump ahead in the state, Wisconsin’s 10 electoral votes are not enough to change the election outcome. Still, Trump has indicated that he’ll be calling for a recount – though his campaign has yet to request one. Under Wisconsin law, candidates may request a recount if less than 1 percentage point separates them from their opponents. However, if the margin is greater than 0.25 percentage points, the candidate who makes such a request must foot the bill. The Trump campaign has been fundraising to raise money for recounts and litigation challenging results, though the campaign has taken broad leeway to spend the funds raised from supporters on other expenses. “Our county clerks have carefully estimated their costs for recounting 3.2 million ballots, which is approximately $7.9 million,” said Meagan Wolfe, Wisconsin’s chief election official. “These estimates are significantly higher than the actual costs of the 2016 recount, but they take into account factors not present four years ago, including the need for larger spaces to permit public observation and social distancing, security for those spaces, the higher number of absentee ballots, a compressed timeframe over a holiday, and renting high-speed ballot scanning equipment,” she noted in a statement. Trump must request a recount and pay for it by Wednesday if he wants Wisconsin to consider it.
Updated at 23.38 GMT
16 Nov 2020 22.52 GMT Georgia’s Republican secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, told the Washington Post that senator Lindsay Graham of South Carolina was among several members of his party who pressured him to toss out legally cast ballots so that Trump could win the state. From the Post: In a wide-ranging interview about the 2020 election, Raffensperger expressed exasperation with a string of baseless allegations coming from Trump and his allies about the integrity of the Georgia results, including claims that Dominion Voting Systems, the Colorado-based manufacturer of Georgia’s voting machines, is a “leftist” company with ties to Venezuela that engineered thousands of Trump votes not to be counted. The atmosphere has grown so contentious, Raffensperger said, that both he and his wife, Tricia, have received death threats in recent days, including a text to him that read, “You better not botch this recount. Your life depends on it.” “Other than getting you angry, it’s also very disillusioning,” Raffensperger said of the threats, “particularly when it comes from people on my side of the aisle. Everyone that is working on this needs to elevate their speech. We need to be thoughtful and careful about what we say.” He said he reported the threats to state authorities. The pressure on Raffensperger, who has bucked his party in defending the state’s voting process, comes as Georgia is in the midst of a laborious hand recount of roughly 5 million ballots. President-elect Joe Biden has a 14,000-vote lead in the initial count. The normally mild-mannered Raffensperger saved his harshest language for US Rep Doug Collins (R-Ga.), who is leading the president’s effort to prove fraud in Georgia and whom Raffensperger called a “liar” and a “charlatan.” Read the rest of the remarkable interview by the Post’s Amy Gardner here.
Updated at 23.22 GMT
16 Nov 2020 22.36 GMT Charges against Attica Scott, a Kentucky state representative who was arrested while protesting police brutality, have been dropped. Scott, the only Black woman in Kentucky’s legislature, has been advocating for justice for Breonna Taylor, the 26-year-old woman who was shot and killed by police who raided her home. Along with activist Shameka Parrish-Wright and her daughter Ashanti Scott, Attica Scott was arrested before local curfew while walking into a church that provided refuge for protestors. The Scotts and Parrish-Wright were among 200 protestors who were arrested after Louisville mayor Greg Fischer amped up law enforcement and enacted a 9pm curfew amid protests in September. ALL CHARGES HAVE JUST BEEN DROPPED!
Thank you to all of our justice seekers, people who called, emailed and tagged the County Attorney on social media. You got it done!
Our work continues as we seek justice for Breonna Taylor. https://t.co/Mo7bH140KY — Attica Scott (@atticascott4ky) November 16, 2020
Updated at 23.24 GMT
16 Nov 2020 22.17 GMT A grand juror in the Breonna Taylor case told the Associated Press that prosecutors wanted to give police “a slap on the wrist and close it up.” From the AP: The woman is the third grand juror to speak anonymously about the September proceedings, joining two others who said the 12-member panel was not given the option to consider charges against the officers who fatally shot Taylor in March. The woman, in her first published interview, told The Associated Press that when the proceedings concluded with three wanton endangerment charges for one officer, she felt herself saying “no, that’s not the end of it.” “I felt like there should’ve been more charges,” she said in a phone interview. She echoed two other grand jurors’ complaints that the panel wasn’t allowed to consider additional charges because prosecutors told them the use of force was justified. “All of them went in blindly, you really couldn’t see into that lady’s apartment as they explained to us, there was just a TV on,” she said of Taylor’s Louisville apartment. The police “went in there like the O.K. Corral, wanted dead or alive.” The grand jury charged former officer Brett Hankison with three counts of wanton endangerment for firing into the apartment of Taylor’s neighbor. The two officers who shot 26-year-old Taylor were not charged.
In October, another grand juror said the jury was not offered the option of considering homicide charges against the officers who killed Taylor. Read more background: Breonna Taylor: grand juror speaks out, saying homicide charges weren't offered Read more
16 Nov 2020 21.53 GMT Today so far That’s it for me. I’m passing the blogging baton to political reporter Maanvi Singh. Here’s what happened so far: Donald Trump is angry at Ohio governor Mike DeWine. He’s also in a back and forth with Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer.
Members of Congress keep getting infected with COVID-19.
The Guardian’s Sam Levine weighs in on the odds of the Trump campaign’s Pennsylvania lawsuit.
Virginia governor Ralph Northam is moving to legalize marijuana.
The bureaucrat holding up resources to president-elect Biden’s team put some feelers out about new job opportunities.
Updated at 22.02 GMT
16 Nov 2020 21.31 GMT Last week Oklahoma senator Jim Lankford, a Republican, argued that Joe Biden should be receiving classified intelligence briefings despite the standstill with the GSA. Lankford said he would step in if the standoff continued. But that was last week. This week Lankford sounded less worried: After saying he would step in if President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris still weren’t receiving detailed intelligence briefings Friday, Sen. James Lankford (R., Okla.) said over the weekend his comments had been blown out of proportion. “I’m not in a hurry, necessarily, to get Joe Biden these briefings, it’s been interesting how the media, the national media, not this network, but others have twisted this term ‘step in.’ I happen to chair the committee that oversees GSA, that is the entity that has to be able to make this call,” Mr. Lankford said an interview with the pro-Trump Newsmax TV Saturday. On Wednesday, in an interview with KRMG radio in Tulsa, Okla., Mr. Lankford said: “If that’s not occurring by Friday, I will step in as well and be able to push and say, this needs to occur,” Mr. Lankford said he was using the term “step in” to ask the General Services Administration about their process and act as a sounding board for the agency.


theguardian--2020-11-17--A Promised Land by Barack Obama review – memoir of a president

To read Barack Obama ’ s autobiography in the last , snarling days of Donald Trump is to stare into an abyss between two opposite ends of humanity , and wonder once again at how the same country came to choose two such disparate men .
Somewhere at the top of a long list of contrasts is their grasp of language and facts .
On the eve of the book ’ s publication , Trump has been emitting staccato tweets about winning an election he has decisively lost , a claim formally labelled within 10 minutes as disinformation .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama ’ s A Promised Land is 701 pages of elegantly written narrative , contemplation and introspection , in which he frequently burrows down into his own motivations .
Obama makes clear he believes the whiplash from the 44th to 45th president is no accident .
On the contrary , the mere fact that an accomplished , intelligent , scandal-free black man inhabited the White House was enough to trigger his antithesis .
It is not the theme of the book by any means , but beneath the chronology of the Obama years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fight over affordable healthcare and the rethinking of the US ’ s place in the world , racist resentment lurks below , and its orange embodiment rises into sharper focus with each chapter .
In the preface , Obama says he set out to tell the story of his presidency in 500 pages and finish within a year .
But an additional three years and 200 pages later , he has managed only some of the journey .
A Promised Land takes us from childhood to the May 2011 killing of Osama bin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decisions with a degree of detail that may lead some readers to wonder if there might be a sweet spot between Trump ’ s presidency by blurt and Obama ’ s earnest prolixity , between total denial of mistakes and the protracted re-examination of each one .
( A second volume is in the works , delivery date uncertain . )
The Obama childhood is familiar territory by now ( this is his third autobiographical work ) and this time he says little about his four formative years in Indonesia , taking up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to live with his maternal grandparents .
There are interesting reflections on the pivot point from easygoing teenage Barry , preoccupied with basketball and girls , to the serious man of destiny – a transformation the former president says still has his high school friends wondering , “ How the hell did that happen ?
” The answer in part was an uneasiness in his own skin that itched to the point it could no longer be ignored .
Obama described himself as being “ from everywhere and nowhere at once , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or some imaginary beast ” .
He finds his cure in books , and pinpoints a Honolulu jumble sale , from which he walks away with a stack of secondhand finds that sparks an addiction .
They become his companion , solace and guide , though he admits that , as with almost every undergraduate in history , some of his literary quests had mixed motives : he read Marx and Marcuse so he could talk to the “ long-legged socialist ” in his dorm , and Foucault and Woolf “ for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Orders have surely been issued already in newsrooms around the country , for both women to be tracked down .
A Promised Land delivers amply on the basic expectations of political autobiographies , providing a granular view from the driving seat of power .
It describes , for example , the effort involved in fighting off jet lag while maintaining an air of interest in the speeches of other leaders at international summits , while surreptitiously using the occasion to get paperwork done .
There are also the gratifying details observed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failure of the White House ’ s hi-tech , super-secure communication system when Obama is on a trip to Brazil as the moment comes to order his first military intervention in Libya .
In the end , the president makes do with a regular cell phone “ probably also been used to order pizza ” to deliver a cryptic command to a general back in Washington .
Two months later , when it comes to ordering the raid on Bin Laden in Pakistan , the president makes the final decision alone in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a basketball game on in the background .
The book has already made news by confirming that Joe Biden advised against the raid , a fact that would undoubtedly have hurt the president-elect if publication had been a few weeks earlier , but now offers some assurance of Biden ’ s relatively sober approach to wielding US military power .
Obama provides intriguing , though frustratingly restrained , sketches of his fellow leaders .
David Cameron is urbane and confident , though imbued with “ the easy confidence of someone who ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life ” .
Vladimir Putin is compared to a party boss from the dark age of Chicago machine politics , “ except with nukes and a UN security council veto ” .
Putin ’ s more pliant protege , Dmitry Medvedev , is a fan of Deep Purple , and betrays a “ certain ironic detachment in his delivery , as if he wanted me to know that he didn ’ t really believe everything he was saying ” .
Back home , the decisive moment in Obama ’ s first term comes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hobbled by the Republican capture of the House of Representatives in disastrous midterm elections .
It is not just the defeat that takes him by surprise , but the extremes to which GOP leaders are prepared to go , threatening to trigger the first ever US debt default to block his legislation .
Obama senses something much uglier than politics as usual , describing “ an emotional , almost visceral reaction to my presidency , distinct from any differences in policy or ideology ” .
“ It was as if my very presence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as deep-seated panic , a sense that the natural order had been disrupted , ” he recalls .
He was only vaguely aware of Trump ’ s existence in 2010 , when the property developer and reality show host called an aide offering to fix the Deepwater Horizon oil spill .
On learning the well had been capped , Trump switched gears and – archly noting that Obama had hosted a state dinner in a tent – suggested he would be willing to build “ a beautiful ballroom ” on White House grounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When Trump begins his presidential run five years later , he rips off any remaining veil from the racism underlying Republican obstructionism , building his campaign on the promotion of the “ birther ” fantasy that the president was not US born , but an infiltrator run by Islamic extremists .
Obama is not surprised that Trump ’ s antics won coverage on Fox News , but is clearly still angry that the insurgent was given endless air time on ABC , NBC and CNN .
The respectable press treated the racial slurs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama adds , “ at no point did they simply and forthrightly call Trump out for lying or state that the conspiracy theory he was promoting was racist ” .
Such blunt truths were not adopted by mainstream media until late in Trump ’ s presidency – an unearned deference that arguably help lay the nation ’ s defences bare in the face of the looming threat .
• None A Promised Land by Barack Obama is published by Viking in the UK and Crown in the US .

To read Barack Obama’s autobiography in the last, snarling days of Donald Trump is to stare into an abyss between two opposite ends of humanity, and wonder once again at how the same country came to choose two such disparate men.
Somewhere at the top of a long list of contrasts is their grasp of language and facts. On the eve of the book’s publication, Trump has been emitting staccato tweets about winning an election he has decisively lost, a claim formally labelled within 10 minutes as disinformation. At the other end of the scale, Obama’s A Promised Land is 701 pages of elegantly written narrative, contemplation and introspection, in which he frequently burrows down into his own motivations.
Obama makes clear he believes the whiplash from the 44th to 45th president is no accident. On the contrary, the mere fact that an accomplished, intelligent, scandal-free black man inhabited the White House was enough to trigger his antithesis.
04:11 Obama hails arrival of a more 'caring government' as memoir launches – video
It is not the theme of the book by any means, but beneath the chronology of the Obama years, the inherited economic crisis, the fight over affordable healthcare and the rethinking of the US’s place in the world, racist resentment lurks below, and its orange embodiment rises into sharper focus with each chapter.
In the preface, Obama says he set out to tell the story of his presidency in 500 pages and finish within a year. But an additional three years and 200 pages later, he has managed only some of the journey.
A Promised Land takes us from childhood to the May 2011 killing of Osama bin Laden, delving into certain events and decisions with a degree of detail that may lead some readers to wonder if there might be a sweet spot between Trump’s presidency by blurt and Obama’s earnest prolixity, between total denial of mistakes and the protracted re-examination of each one. (A second volume is in the works, delivery date uncertain.)
Obama as a child, pictured with his grandfather, Stanley Armour Dunham, in the 1960s. Photograph: Anonymous/Associated Press
The Obama childhood is familiar territory by now (this is his third autobiographical work) and this time he says little about his four formative years in Indonesia, taking up the story on his return to Hawaii to live with his maternal grandparents. There are interesting reflections on the pivot point from easygoing teenage Barry, preoccupied with basketball and girls, to the serious man of destiny – a transformation the former president says still has his high school friends wondering, “How the hell did that happen?”
The answer in part was an uneasiness in his own skin that itched to the point it could no longer be ignored. Obama described himself as being “from everywhere and nowhere at once, a combination of ill-fitting parts like a platypus or some imaginary beast”.
He finds his cure in books, and pinpoints a Honolulu jumble sale, from which he walks away with a stack of secondhand finds that sparks an addiction. They become his companion, solace and guide, though he admits that, as with almost every undergraduate in history, some of his literary quests had mixed motives: he read Marx and Marcuse so he could talk to the “long-legged socialist” in his dorm, and Foucault and Woolf “for the ethereal bisexual who wore mostly black”. Orders have surely been issued already in newsrooms around the country, for both women to be tracked down.
A Promised Land delivers amply on the basic expectations of political autobiographies, providing a granular view from the driving seat of power. It describes, for example, the effort involved in fighting off jet lag while maintaining an air of interest in the speeches of other leaders at international summits, while surreptitiously using the occasion to get paperwork done.
00:49 Obama tells Trump to concede defeat – video
There are also the gratifying details observed in moments of historic import, like the failure of the White House’s hi-tech, super-secure communication system when Obama is on a trip to Brazil as the moment comes to order his first military intervention in Libya. In the end, the president makes do with a regular cell phone “probably also been used to order pizza” to deliver a cryptic command to a general back in Washington.
Two months later, when it comes to ordering the raid on Bin Laden in Pakistan, the president makes the final decision alone in the Treaty Room at the White House, with a basketball game on in the background. The book has already made news by confirming that Joe Biden advised against the raid, a fact that would undoubtedly have hurt the president-elect if publication had been a few weeks earlier, but now offers some assurance of Biden’s relatively sober approach to wielding US military power.
Obama provides intriguing, though frustratingly restrained, sketches of his fellow leaders. David Cameron is urbane and confident, though imbued with “the easy confidence of someone who’d never been pressed too hard by life”. Vladimir Putin is compared to a party boss from the dark age of Chicago machine politics, “except with nukes and a UN security council veto”. Putin’s more pliant protege, Dmitry Medvedev, is a fan of Deep Purple, and betrays a “certain ironic detachment in his delivery, as if he wanted me to know that he didn’t really believe everything he was saying”.
Vladimir Putin meets Obama at the sidelines of the 2016 G20 Summit in Hangzhou, China. Photograph: Alexei Druzhinin/Sputnik/Kremlin/EPA
Back home, the decisive moment in Obama’s first term comes in 2010, when his aspirations are hobbled by the Republican capture of the House of Representatives in disastrous midterm elections. It is not just the defeat that takes him by surprise, but the extremes to which GOP leaders are prepared to go, threatening to trigger the first ever US debt default to block his legislation. Obama senses something much uglier than politics as usual, describing “an emotional, almost visceral reaction to my presidency, distinct from any differences in policy or ideology”.
“It was as if my very presence in the White House had triggered, as deep-seated panic, a sense that the natural order had been disrupted,” he recalls.
He was only vaguely aware of Trump’s existence in 2010, when the property developer and reality show host called an aide offering to fix the Deepwater Horizon oil spill. On learning the well had been capped, Trump switched gears and – archly noting that Obama had hosted a state dinner in a tent – suggested he would be willing to build “a beautiful ballroom” on White House grounds. The offer was politely declined.
When Trump begins his presidential run five years later, he rips off any remaining veil from the racism underlying Republican obstructionism, building his campaign on the promotion of the “birther” fantasy that the president was not US born, but an infiltrator run by Islamic extremists. Obama is not surprised that Trump’s antics won coverage on Fox News, but is clearly still angry that the insurgent was given endless air time on ABC, NBC and CNN. The respectable press treated the racial slurs with “polite incredulity” but, Obama adds, “at no point did they simply and forthrightly call Trump out for lying or state that the conspiracy theory he was promoting was racist”.
Such blunt truths were not adopted by mainstream media until late in Trump’s presidency – an unearned deference that arguably help lay the nation’s defences bare in the face of the looming threat.


theguardian--2020-11-16--Biden warns 'more people may die' unless Trump starts cooperating

Donald Trump and Joe Biden offered sharply contrasting reactions on Monday to news of a coronavirus vaccine that proved nearly 95 % effective in trials .
In a press conference the president-elect called the vaccine news “ really encouraging ” but warned “ more people may die ” unless the Trump administration starts cooperating with the incoming Democratic administration .
“ We are going into a very dark winter .
Things are going to get much tougher before they get easier , ” he said .
Rather than working to combat the virus , which is spreading faster than ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans a day , Trump has stayed focused on unsubstantiated claims that the presidential election was stolen .
Pharmaceutical giant Moderna said on Monday its experimental vaccine was 94.5 % effective , based on interim data from a late-stage clinical trial .
“ Another vaccine just announced , ” Trump tweeted , seeking to claim credit .
“ This time by Moderna , 95 % effective .
For those great ‘ historians ’ , please remember that these great discoveries , which will end the China Plague , all took place on my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all but surrendered to the pandemic , which has killed more than 244,000 people in the US and is averaging more than 100,000 cases per day .
Michael Osterholm , an adviser to Biden , told NBC on Sunday : “ We are in a very dangerous period – the most dangerous public health period since 1918.
” Yet Trump has not attended a taskforce meeting in “ at least five months ” , public health expert Dr Anthony Fauci said on Sunday , and seems to have bet everything on a vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election – and now by denying its outcome .
Biden beat him by the same 306-232 margin in the electoral college Trump described as a “ landslide ” when he won in 2016 .
The Democrat is also ahead in the popular vote by 5.5m votes , or 3.6 % , with ballots still being counted .
The Trump administration has not recognised Biden as president-elect , preventing his team from gaining access to government office space and funding .
Democrats and some Republicans have warned that refusal to give Biden access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and hampers the battle against the virus , including vaccine distribution planning .
Biden said the delay was “ more embarrassing than debilitating ” and that he was continuing to put in place his team and plans to deal with the pandemic and its economic fallout .
The pandemic is the most pressing crisis facing the incoming president .
Ron Klain , who will be White House chief of staff , said Biden advisers would meet Pfizer and other drugmakers this week .
White House officials and Republicans in Congress are outnumbered by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ win .
On Monday Robert O ’ Brien , Trump ’ s national security adviser , noted that a transition would only take place “ if the current lawsuits don ’ t work out for the president ” .
But speaking at the Global Security Forum , O ’ Brien acknowledged : “ If there is a new administration , they deserve some time to come in and implement their policies .
“ We may have policy disagreements but look , if the Biden-Harris ticket is determined to be the winner – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ ll have a very professional transition from the National Security Council .
There ’ s no question about it.
” The president appeared on Sunday to publicly acknowledge that Biden had won the election , but then backtracked and reiterated his false claim the vote was rigged .
Trump , who has put Rudy Giuliani , the former New York mayor , in charge of his legal offensive , tweeted on Sunday that he would soon file “ big cases ” challenging election results .
However , his campaign has already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major part of a suit seeking to prevent Pennsylvania from certifying its results , narrowing the case to a small number of ballots .
Biden won the state by more than 68,000 votes .
On Monday Trump tweeted : “ The Radical Left Democrats , working with their partner , the Fake News Media , are trying to STEAL this Election .
We won ’ t let them !
” In a statement issued last week by the lead US cybersecurity agency , federal election security officials dismissed such “ unfounded claims ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the integrity of the elections .
Officials from both parties have said there is no evidence of major irregularities .
Biden has called Trump ’ s refusal to concede “ an embarrassment ” and is pressing ahead with the transition .
On Monday afternoon he and running mate Kamala Harris were due to speak “ on the economic recovery and building back better in the long term ” , in their first speech addressing the economic situation since their victory .
Biden outlined a $ 7.3tn plan ahead of the election that among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ build a clean energy economy and support domestic manufacturing with cash for research and development .
His first aim is to pass a new stimulus plan .
But it is unclear how likely he is to pass any deal while Republicans control the Senate , which will hinge on runoff elections in Georgia in January .
Talks about a new stimulus package have been deadlocked for months .
The economic situation has improved but remains on a knife edge .
Unemployment has dropped dramatically since a high of 14.7 % in April but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unemployment rate had fallen to 6.9 % but the number of long-term unemployed – those jobless for 27 weeks or more – increased by 1.2 million to 3.6 million .
Almost a third of the total number of people out of work are now long-term unemployed , black and latino Americans suffering far higher rates of unemployment than their white neighbors .
Jobs growth has continued to slow and each week people are filing unemployment claims at a rate still more than three times as high as before the pandemic .
Elise Gould @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Institute , said : “ If this drags on and the pace of jobs growth continues to slow , it will take years before we get back to a pre-pandemic economy .
Americans can not afford the political games that are being played .
”

David Smith in Washington and Dominic Rushe in New York

Donald Trump and Joe Biden offered sharply contrasting reactions on Monday to news of a coronavirus vaccine that proved nearly 95% effective in trials.
In a press conference the president-elect called the vaccine news “really encouraging” but warned “more people may die” unless the Trump administration starts cooperating with the incoming Democratic administration. “We are going into a very dark winter. Things are going to get much tougher before they get easier,” he said.
Rather than working to combat the virus, which is spreading faster than ever and on average killing more than 1,000 Americans a day, Trump has stayed focused on unsubstantiated claims that the presidential election was stolen.
The pharmaceutical giant Moderna said on Monday its experimental vaccine was 94.5% effective, based on interim data from a late-stage clinical trial.
“Another vaccine just announced,” Trump tweeted, seeking to claim credit. “This time by Moderna, 95% effective. For those great ‘historians’, please remember that these great discoveries, which will end the China Plague, all took place on my watch!”
Critics say Trump has all but surrendered to the pandemic, which has killed more than 244,000 people in the US and is averaging more than 100,000 cases a day. Michael Osterholm, an adviser to Biden, told NBC on Sunday: “We are in a very dangerous period – the most dangerous public health period since 1918.”
Yet Trump has not attended a taskforce meeting in “at least five months”, the public health expert Dr Anthony Fauci said on Sunday, and seems to have bet everything on a vaccine. Trump appeared consumed instead by the election – and now by denying its outcome.
Biden beat him by the same 306-232 margin in the electoral college Trump described as a “landslide” when he won in 2016. The Democrat is also ahead in the popular vote by 5.5m votes, or 3.6%, with ballots still being counted.
The Trump administration has not recognised Biden as president-elect, preventing his team from gaining access to government office space and funding. Democrats and some Republicans have warned that refusal to give Biden access to intelligence poses a risk to national security and hampers the battle against the virus, including vaccine distribution planning.
Biden said the delay was “more embarrassing than debilitating” and that he was continuing to put in place his team and plans to deal with the pandemic and its economic fallout.
The pandemic is the most pressing crisis facing the incoming president. Ron Klain, who will be White House chief of staff, said Biden advisers would meet Pfizer and other drugmakers this week.
White House officials and Republicans in Congress are outnumbered by world leaders in acknowledging Biden’s win. On Monday Robert O’Brien, Trump’s national security adviser, noted that a transition would only take place “if the current lawsuits don’t work out for the president”.
But speaking at the Global Security Forum, O’Brien acknowledged: “If there is a new administration, they deserve some time to come in and implement their policies.
“We may have policy disagreements but, look, if the Biden-Harris ticket is determined to be the winner – and obviously things look that way now – we’ll have a very professional transition from the National Security Council. There’s no question about it.”
The president appeared on Sunday to publicly acknowledge that Biden had won the election, but then backtracked and reiterated his false claim the vote was rigged.
Trump, who has put Rudy Giuliani, the former New York mayor, in charge of his legal offensive, tweeted on Sunday that he would soon file “big cases” challenging election results. However, his campaign has already lost numerous court battles and dropped a major part of a suit seeking to prevent Pennsylvania from certifying its results, narrowing the case to a small number of ballots. Biden won the state by more than 68,000 votes.
On Monday Trump tweeted: “The Radical Left Democrats, working with their partner, the Fake News Media, are trying to STEAL this Election. We won’t let them!”
In a statement issued last week by the lead US cybersecurity agency, federal election security officials dismissed such “unfounded claims” and expressed “utmost confidence” in the integrity of the elections. Officials from both parties have said there is no evidence of major irregularities.
Biden has called Trump’s refusal to concede “an embarrassment” and is pressing ahead with the transition. On Monday afternoon he and running mate Kamala Harris were due to speak “on the economic recovery and building back better in the long term”, in their first speech addressing the economic situation since their victory.
Biden outlined a $7.3tn plan ahead of the election that among other goals would bolster crumbling infrastructure, build a clean energy economy and support domestic manufacturing with cash for research and development.
His first aim is to pass a new stimulus plan. But it is unclear how likely he is to pass any deal while Republicans control the Senate, which will hinge on runoff elections in Georgia in January. Talks about a new stimulus package have been deadlocked for months.
The economic situation has improved but remains on a knife edge. Unemployment has dropped dramatically since a high of 14.7% in April but worrying signs remain.
By October the unemployment rate had fallen to 6.9% but the number of long-term unemployed – those jobless for 27 weeks or more – increased by 1.2 million to 3.6 million. Almost a third of the total number of people out of work are now long-term unemployed, black and Latino Americans suffering far higher rates of unemployment than their white neighbors.
Jobs growth has continued to slow and each week people are filing unemployment claims at a rate still more than three times as high as before the pandemic.
Elise Gould, senior economist at the Economics Policy Institute, said: “If this drags on and the pace of jobs growth continues to slow, it will take years before we get back to a pre-pandemic economy. Americans can not afford the political games that are being played.”


theguardian--2020-11-16--John Oliver on Trump's refusal to concede: 'Absolutely unforgivable'

John Oliver tore into Donald Trump ’ s “ pathetic , dangerous ” refusal to acknowledge Joe Biden ’ s victory on Last Week Tonight , after two weeks of the president ’ s attempts to delegitimize the results of the election with baseless claims of voter fraud , backed by most congressional Republicans .
The Senate majority leader , Mitch McConnell , for example , said Trump is “ 100 % within his rights ” to challenge the election result , and chastised Democrats on the Senate floor for “ any lectures about how the president should immediately , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same characters who just spent four years refusing to accept the validity of the last election ” .
“ First , no one expected Trump to immediately , cheerfully accept the results , ” Oliver countered .
“ He ’ s incapable of cheerfully accepting anything apart from blowjobs , Nazi endorsements and the opportunity to scream inside a stranger ’ s truck , ” to harken back to a photo-op from two years or what feels like two decades ago .
Furthermore , Democrats in Washington never refused to accept the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conceded the morning after election day , and Obama hosted Trump in the White House the day after that .
“ And yet Republicans are trying to defend their support for Trump ’ s indefensible behavior , ” Oliver continued .
One senior White House official asked the Washington Post : “ What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time ?
” which Oliver called “ a question that never ends well , whether the ones asking it are overworked parents who need a break or the Weimar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its television surrogates on Fox News have lobbed numerous unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud before , during and after the election , and “ if you ’ re a casual viewer of rightwing media , you might think , ‘ Well , there must be something here , they wouldn ’ t be going to all this trouble over nothing ’ ” , Oliver said .
“ But the thing is , they are .
This really is nothing.
” Oliver summarily disproved Trump voter fraud claims from Pennsylvania to Georgia to Michigan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this show debunking stories , ” he said .
“ The problem is , it ’ s endless ” and often nonsensical .
“ And who knows why Republicans are entertaining this – maybe it ’ s the fact that Georgia has two Senate runoffs coming up and they want to keep Trump happy so he ’ ll help rally voters for him there , ” Oliver added .
“ Maybe they ’ re currying favor with him because they ’ re worried he ’ ll be a power broker going forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What I do know is that the answer to the question ‘ what is the downside of humoring him ?
’ is a lot.
” The Trump administration ’ s refusal to acknowledge the election ’ s outcome prevents Biden from receiving high-level intelligence reports or accessing funds for his transition team .
More pressingly , it blocks Trump officials from sharing critical details of a distribution plan for a Covid vaccine with Biden ’ s team .
As cases surge to new records across the country heading into the holiday season , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handling the pandemic to be able to talk to the old team , ” said Oliver , “ even if , as I suspect , the old team ’ s plan was just a single white board in Jared ’ s office with nothing on it other than ‘ discover cure ?
’ circled five times and then a drawing of Donald Trump saying : ‘ Good job , new son.
’ ” Many of Trump ’ s election fraud claims are laughable or ridiculous , Oliver continued , but “ the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stuff like that .
And when you continually insist that the election was stolen in big cities and suggest that remedying this calls for the ‘ biggest fight since the civil war ’ , ” to quote a video retweeted by Trump of the actor Jon Voight comparing contesting Biden to battling Satan , “ things start to get deadly serious.
” Earlier this month , two armed men were arrested outside the Philadelphia convention center , where city officials were counting ballots .
One of the city ’ s commissioners , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote-counting center had received threatening phone calls “ reminding us that ‘ this is what the second amendment is for ’ ” .
It ’ s clear , Oliver said in response to the situation in Philadelphia , that “ Trump is playing a dangerous game here , because there ’ s a huge difference between ‘ not my president ’ and ‘ not the president ’ .
And to be clear , people who are that angry are not riling themselves up in a vacuum .
They ’ ve been fed a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims , and a victim narrative from outlets like Fox News , Newsmax , OANN and , most importantly , Trump himself.
” Trump ’ s continued propagation of election conspiracy theories via Twitter since the election are an “ appropriate coda to a presidency that has destroyed so many lives ” , said Oliver .
“ So many of us have lost loved ones , either because you can no longer square your love for them with their love for him , or because they fell down a mind-melting rabbit hole of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or because he let a deadly virus run wild , and it fucking killed them .
“ And now , as a parting gift to the country , ” he concluded , “ Trump is somehow managing to divide us even further while also hobbling his successor at the worst possible time , which is absolutely unforgivable .
”

John Oliver tore into Donald Trump’s “pathetic, dangerous” refusal to acknowledge Joe Biden’s victory on Last Week Tonight, after two weeks of the president’s attempts to delegitimize the results of the election with baseless claims of voter fraud, backed by most congressional Republicans. The Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, for example, said Trump is “100% within his rights” to challenge the election result, and chastised Democrats on the Senate floor for “any lectures about how the president should immediately, cheerfully accept preliminary election results from the same characters who just spent four years refusing to accept the validity of the last election”.
“First, no one expected Trump to immediately, cheerfully accept the results,” Oliver countered. “He’s incapable of cheerfully accepting anything apart from blowjobs, Nazi endorsements and the opportunity to scream inside a stranger’s truck,” to harken back to a photo-op from two years or what feels like two decades ago.
Furthermore, Democrats in Washington never refused to accept the election results in 2016: Hillary Clinton formally conceded the morning after election day, and Obama hosted Trump in the White House the day after that. “And yet Republicans are trying to defend their support for Trump’s indefensible behavior,” Oliver continued. One senior White House official asked the Washington Post: “What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time?” which Oliver called “a question that never ends well, whether the ones asking it are overworked parents who need a break or the Weimar Republic”.
The Trump campaign and its television surrogates on Fox News have lobbed numerous unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud before, during and after the election, and “if you’re a casual viewer of rightwing media, you might think, ‘Well, there must be something here, they wouldn’t be going to all this trouble over nothing’”, Oliver said. “But the thing is, they are. This really is nothing.”
Oliver summarily disproved Trump voter fraud claims from Pennsylvania to Georgia to Michigan – “I could spend the rest of this show debunking stories,” he said. “The problem is, it’s endless” and often nonsensical. “And who knows why Republicans are entertaining this – maybe it’s the fact that Georgia has two Senate runoffs coming up and they want to keep Trump happy so he’ll help rally voters for him there,” Oliver added. “Maybe they’re currying favor with him because they’re worried he’ll be a power broker going forward, I don’t know. What I do know is that the answer to the question ‘what is the downside of humoring him?’ is a lot.”
The Trump administration’s refusal to acknowledge the election’s outcome prevents Biden from receiving high-level intelligence reports or accessing funds for his transition team. More pressingly, it blocks Trump officials from sharing critical details of a distribution plan for a Covid vaccine with Biden’s team. As cases surge to new records across the country heading into the holiday season, “you really want the new team handling the pandemic to be able to talk to the old team,” said Oliver, “even if, as I suspect, the old team’s plan was just a single white board in Jared’s office with nothing on it other than ‘discover cure?’ circled five times and then a drawing of Donald Trump saying: ‘Good job, new son.’”
Many of Trump’s election fraud claims are laughable or ridiculous, Oliver continued, but “the fact is, a lot of people believe stuff like that. And when you continually insist that the election was stolen in big cities and suggest that remedying this calls for the ‘biggest fight since the civil war’,” to quote a video retweeted by Trump of the actor Jon Voight comparing contesting Biden to battling Satan, “things start to get deadly serious.” Earlier this month, two armed men were arrested outside the Philadelphia convention center, where city officials were counting ballots. One of the city’s commissioners, a Republican, told CBS news that the vote-counting center had received threatening phone calls “reminding us that ‘this is what the second amendment is for’”.
It’s clear, Oliver said in response to the situation in Philadelphia, that “Trump is playing a dangerous game here, because there’s a huge difference between ‘not my president’ and ‘not the president’. And to be clear, people who are that angry are not riling themselves up in a vacuum. They’ve been fed a steady diet of misinformation, bullshit fraud claims, and a victim narrative from outlets like Fox News, Newsmax, OANN and, most importantly, Trump himself.”
Trump’s continued propagation of election conspiracy theories via Twitter since the election are an “appropriate coda to a presidency that has destroyed so many lives”, said Oliver. “So many of us have lost loved ones, either because you can no longer square your love for them with their love for him, or because they fell down a mind-melting rabbit hole of conspiracy theories that he happily perpetuated, or because he let a deadly virus run wild, and it fucking killed them.
“And now, as a parting gift to the country,” he concluded, “Trump is somehow managing to divide us even further while also hobbling his successor at the worst possible time, which is absolutely unforgivable.”


theguardian--2020-11-16--What led to Trump and what will follow Biden | Letters

George Monbiot ( The US was lucky to get Trump – Biden may pave the way for a more competent autocrat , 11 November ) is probably right about Barack Obama paving the way for Donald Trump , because the former failed to tackle big business .
I would go even further and say that Tony Blair , another “ breath of fresh air ” at the time with his Tory-lite policies , more or less paved the way for our Trump – in the form of Brexit .
Both politicians had a clear electoral mandate to bring about fundamental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s case , to change our parliamentary institutions , as , when it came to corralling business , the UK was very much , and still is , a bit-part player .
In the end , his successor handed over a poisoned chalice to the Tory/Lib Dem coalition to attempt to clean up the mess and , after its failure , to face the consequences .
Joe Biden , besides confronting neoliberalism , needs to do to his country ’ s political system what Blair failed to do to his .
John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monbiot paints a bleak prospect for the US and , by implication , the rest of the free world .
He writes at length about the failure of Barack Obama to change the basic course of social and economic conditions during his eight years in office .
He also comments on how important it is that Democrats win both Senate seats in Georgia to avoid a Republican-led upper house .
Surely it was exactly this that stopped Obama at every turn – the fact that during his presidency he was cursed with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global financial crisis was one of his darkest moments , and I believe it was Gordon Brown who took charge of the initial recovery worldwide .
Most politicians realised that it was senior bank staff who were responsible for the disaster .
But as the old adage says , “ If you owe the bank £100 then you have a problem , but if you owe the bank £10,000,000 then the bank has a problem.
” They were just too big and important to be allowed to fail .
What didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that no bankers were exposed and prosecuted .
Both Obama and Brown must bear some of the criticism .
Richard Yoell Bromham , Bedfordshire • I am appalled by the advocation of “ tub-thumping left populism ” as a way forward for the US .
We have seen enough of tub-thumping populism ( whether of the left or right ) in the world during the last 100 years to know where it leads – to mass civil unrest , police brutality , military intervention , civil war , governments shutting down parliaments and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) political opponents .
In short , to unbridled anarchy , tyranny and mayhem .
So thanks , but no thanks !
For all its faults and weaknesses , I ’ ll stick with democracy based on free and fair elections , even if it doesn ’ t always lead us to the ideal society that we may yearn to see realised .
Philip Stenning Eccleshall , Staffordshire • George Monbiot overlooks the way in which the neoliberal doctrine of “ making wealth before welfare ” has been massively overturned by the response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primacy of health over economics has been forced on even the most ardent neoliberal regimes , not least in the UK .
This will certainly leave an indelible mark on the post-pandemic era .
Unlike the disastrous neoliberal response to the 2008 crash , this time we are seeing the start of a possible end of its dominance as the prevailing ideology of our times , for the first time since the Thatcher-Reagan years .
Adam Hart Gorran Haven , Cornwall

George Monbiot (The US was lucky to get Trump – Biden may pave the way for a more competent autocrat, 11 November) is probably right about Barack Obama paving the way for Donald Trump, because the former failed to tackle big business. I would go even further and say that Tony Blair, another “breath of fresh air” at the time with his Tory-lite policies, more or less paved the way for our Trump – in the form of Brexit.
Both politicians had a clear electoral mandate to bring about fundamental changes to their societies: in Blair’s case, to change our parliamentary institutions, as, when it came to corralling business, the UK was very much, and still is, a bit-part player. In the end, his successor handed over a poisoned chalice to the Tory/Lib Dem coalition to attempt to clean up the mess and, after its failure, to face the consequences. Joe Biden, besides confronting neoliberalism, needs to do to his country’s political system what Blair failed to do to his.
John Marriott
North Hykeham, Lincolnshire
George Monbiot paints a bleak prospect for the US and, by implication, the rest of the free world. He writes at length about the failure of Barack Obama to change the basic course of social and economic conditions during his eight years in office. He also comments on how important it is that Democrats win both Senate seats in Georgia to avoid a Republican-led upper house. Surely it was exactly this that stopped Obama at every turn – the fact that during his presidency he was cursed with a hostile and belligerent Senate.
The 2008 global financial crisis was one of his darkest moments, and I believe it was Gordon Brown who took charge of the initial recovery worldwide. Most politicians realised that it was senior bank staff who were responsible for the disaster. But as the old adage says, “If you owe the bank £100 then you have a problem, but if you owe the bank £10,000,000 then the bank has a problem.” They were just too big and important to be allowed to fail. What didn’t happen, but should have, was that no bankers were exposed and prosecuted. Both Obama and Brown must bear some of the criticism.
Richard Yoell
Bromham, Bedfordshire
I am appalled by the advocation of “tub-thumping left populism” as a way forward for the US. We have seen enough of tub-thumping populism (whether of the left or right) in the world during the last 100 years to know where it leads – to mass civil unrest, police brutality, military intervention, civil war, governments shutting down parliaments and locking up (or kidnapping and murdering) political opponents. In short, to unbridled anarchy, tyranny and mayhem. So thanks, but no thanks! For all its faults and weaknesses, I’ll stick with democracy based on free and fair elections, even if it doesn’t always lead us to the ideal society that we may yearn to see realised.
Philip Stenning
Eccleshall, Staffordshire


theguardian--2020-11-16--With Trump gone, can we talk about the fear of fascism we had about him? | Cas Mudde

A March on Rome it was not .
The “ Million Maga March ” attracted an estimated 5-10,000 people , far less than the roughly 30,000 fascists that marched from Naples to Rome in 1922 , and it came nowhere near the “ million ” it had promised – despite the usual number-boosting from Trumpists .
While Mussolini was able to use his march to grab power , this march will not help Trump cling on to power .
In fact , Trump was so invested in the march , that his convoy sped past the protesters so that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ club in Virginia .
The Million Maga March is a good reminder of how problematic comparisons with historical fascism are .
As soon as Trump became a serious contender for the US presidency , in early 2016 , articles and books on the death of democracy/liberalism and the rise of fascism exploded .
Timothy Snyder ’ s On Tyranny : Twenty Lessons From the Twentieth Century became a # 1 New York Times bestseller and the self-help book for anxious liberals .
In 2016 , users of the term “ fascism ” ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Four years later , those not using the term were seen as cowards and enablers .
Of course , not every recent book on fascism argues that “ populism ” is a contemporary form of fascism .
For instance , the Argentinian historian Federico Finchelstein explicitly differentiates the two conceptually in his book From Fascism to Populism in History , while discussing both the similarities and differences .
Still , along the way , during the overwhelming four years of Trump ’ s presidency , “ fascism ” became an increasingly accepted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1930s an almost dominant media frame .
While not having used the term “ fascism ” myself , or the “ Weimar America ” framework , I have been part of the alarmist shift in public discourse too .
At various times in the past months I have expressed my concerns about an “ authoritarian turn ” under Trump , more recently , even the fear of significant intimidation and violence by pro-Trump far-right gangs ( from the Proud Boys to the Three Percenters ) .
Obviously , everything is still possible , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scheduled inauguration on 20 January , but it is time to refocus on what has ( not ) happened rather than what could happen .
Fact of the matter is that , despite widespread fears , and the spike in the sale of guns and toilet paper , there was no widespread election violence or voter intimidation on election day .
In fact , in part because of Covid-19 , which led to record early and mail-in voting , election day was smoother than in the past few national elections .
Similarly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and international NGOs alike , has not happened either .
There have been small groups of pro-Trump protesters outside ballot-counting sites , demanding to either “ count those votes ” or “ stop the count ” , depending on how Trump was doing , but they have largely stayed within the law .
Appallingly , poll workers and election officials have been verbally abused and threatened with violence , but there was little to no actual physical violence .
And for all his grandstanding , Trump and his Republican lackeys have mainly challenged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways .
Sure , the emails keep coming , trying to fleece the Maga base for some last dollars before they will also realize that the dream is really over .
But slowly but steadily everyone is moving on , from Fox News to Republican senators and Trump himself .
Confronted with “ a lame duck outside of its control ” , Republicans will continue to tread carefully , as long as Trump is keeping up his grift – mainly focused on setting himself and his family up for a profitable post-White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into protecting him from criminal prosecution ( itself an interesting insight into how little Trump still understands about the US political system ) .
And it is time for journalists and pundits to move on too , and to start a critical self-assessment of our analyses and commentary of the past years .
Where were we right and where wrong ?
Just because something can happen , or has happened in another region or time , does not mean it will happen in 21st-century US .
This is not to say that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too strong to be toppled by a “ strongman ” – or any other type of “ American exceptionalism ” argument , which is usually steeped in national chauvinism and international ignorance .
Sure , the current political culture and institutions in the US are a unique combination of norms and rules , as is the case for every country , but we can learn from other countries and other periods .
Not by simply imposing their frames on the current situation , but by applying insights to the specific context of contemporary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to assess what went right and wrong without trying to force 21st-century politics into rigid frames of 20th-century Europe or Latin America .
For instance , even if Trump were a new Führer , the vast majority of Germans did not support democracy in the Weimar era , when it was still a highly contested and untested ideal and system .
Today , the vast majority of Americans believe that democracy is the best political system , even if they have different , and often imperfect , understandings of what the term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , increasingly dissatisfied with the state of democracy in the US .
And while US democracy has always been far from perfect , weakened by gerrymandering and voter suppression , to name just a few of the key undemocratic legacies , its institutions are much better grounded and protected against a caudillo than in the fragile Latin American democracies of the late 20th century .
Does this mean that “ it can ’ t happen here ” ?
Of course , it can – although not in the way Sinclair Lewis laid out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps , the “ next Trump ” will make it happen , as pundits are so eagerly predicting .
And this is exactly why it is so important to learn the correct lessons from the past .
As Mark Twain famously said , “ History doesn ’ t repeat itself , but it does rhyme.
” How much it rhymes , is up to us learning the right lessons of history .
• None Cas Mudde is Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia , the author @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , and host of the podcast Radikaal .
He is also a Guardian US columnist

A March on Rome it was not. The “Million Maga March” attracted an estimated 5-10,000 people, far less than the roughly 30,000 fascists that marched from Naples to Rome in 1922, and it came nowhere near the “million” it had promised – despite the usual number-boosting from Trumpists. While Mussolini was able to use his march to grab power, this march will not help Trump cling on to power. In fact, Trump was so invested in the march, that his convoy sped past the protesters so that Trump could spend another day at his golf club in Virginia.
The Million Maga March is a good reminder of how problematic comparisons with historical fascism are. As soon as Trump became a serious contender for the US presidency, in early 2016, articles and books on the death of democracy/liberalism and the rise of fascism exploded. Timothy Snyder’s On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons From the Twentieth Century became a #1 New York Times bestseller and the self-help book for anxious liberals. In 2016, users of the term “fascism” (for Trump) were criticized as fearmongers. Four years later, those not using the term were seen as cowards and enablers.
Of course, not every recent book on fascism argues that “populism” is a contemporary form of fascism. For instance, the Argentinian historian Federico Finchelstein explicitly differentiates the two conceptually in his book From Fascism to Populism in History, while discussing both the similarities and differences. Still, along the way, during the overwhelming four years of Trump’s presidency, “fascism” became an increasingly accepted term and “lessons” from the 1930s an almost dominant media frame.
While not having used the term “fascism” myself, or the “Weimar America” framework, I have been part of the alarmist shift in public discourse too. At various times in the past months I have expressed my concerns about an “authoritarian turn” under Trump, more recently, even the fear of significant intimidation and violence by pro-Trump far-right gangs (from the Proud Boys to the Three Percenters).
Obviously, everything is still possible, both before and after Biden’s scheduled inauguration on 20 January, but it is time to refocus on what has (not) happened rather than what could happen. Fact of the matter is that, despite widespread fears, and the spike in the sale of guns and toilet paper, there was no widespread election violence or voter intimidation on election day. In fact, in part because of Covid-19, which led to record early and mail-in voting, election day was smoother than in the past few national elections.
Similarly, post-election violence, predicted by conflict scholars and international NGOs alike, has not happened either. There have been small groups of pro-Trump protesters outside ballot-counting sites, demanding to either “count those votes” or “stop the count”, depending on how Trump was doing, but they have largely stayed within the law. Appallingly, poll workers and election officials have been verbally abused and threatened with violence, but there was little to no actual physical violence.
Just because something can happen, or has happened in another region or time, does not mean it will happen in 21st-century US
And for all his grandstanding, Trump and his Republican lackeys have mainly challenged the results in (incompetent) legal ways. Sure, the emails keep coming, trying to fleece the Maga base for some last dollars before they will also realize that the dream is really over. But slowly but steadily everyone is moving on, from Fox News to Republican senators and Trump himself. Confronted with “a lame duck outside of its control”, Republicans will continue to tread carefully, as long as Trump is keeping up his grift – mainly focused on setting himself and his family up for a profitable post-White House period and on trying to pressure Biden into protecting him from criminal prosecution (itself an interesting insight into how little Trump still understands about the US political system).
And it is time for journalists and pundits to move on too, and to start a critical self-assessment of our analyses and commentary of the past years. Where were we right and where wrong? Just because something can happen, or has happened in another region or time, does not mean it will happen in 21st-century US.
This is not to say that the Trump experience proves that US democracy is too strong to be toppled by a “strongman” – or any other type of “American exceptionalism” argument, which is usually steeped in national chauvinism and international ignorance. Sure, the current political culture and institutions in the US are a unique combination of norms and rules, as is the case for every country, but we can learn from other countries and other periods. Not by simply imposing their frames on the current situation, but by applying insights to the specific context of contemporary America. In other words, we have to assess what went right and wrong without trying to force 21st-century politics into rigid frames of 20th-century Europe or Latin America.
For instance, even if Trump were a new Führer, the vast majority of Germans did not support democracy in the Weimar era, when it was still a highly contested and untested ideal and system. Today, the vast majority of Americans believe that democracy is the best political system, even if they have different, and often imperfect, understandings of what the term exactly means and are, partly therefore, increasingly dissatisfied with the state of democracy in the US. And while US democracy has always been far from perfect, weakened by gerrymandering and voter suppression, to name just a few of the key undemocratic legacies, its institutions are much better grounded and protected against a caudillo than in the fragile Latin American democracies of the late 20th century.
Does this mean that “it can’t happen here”? Of course, it can – although not in the way Sinclair Lewis laid out in his reissued bestseller. And, perhaps, the “next Trump” will make it happen, as pundits are so eagerly predicting. And this is exactly why it is so important to learn the correct lessons from the past. As Mark Twain famously said, “History doesn’t repeat itself, but it does rhyme.” How much it rhymes, is up to us learning the right lessons of history.


theguardian--2020-11-16--If it were happening in Turkey, we’d call Trump’s actions an attempted coup | Ece Temelkuran

President Trump ’ s refusal to concede to his successful challenger is “ giving great comfort ” to “ authoritarian regimes ” around the world , said Joe Biden ’ s biographer on CNN .
“ This is a source of delight [ for them ] … ” Turkey , my country , falls into that category of authoritarian regimes .
But I can tell you that what is happening in the US is a source of horror , not delight , for those on the ground .
We know the signs of when a political crisis becomes a de @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a word of warning .
Never mind the bitter jokes on social media ( “ America is faster at choosing other countries ’ presidents ” ) , the celebrations of Trump ’ s defeat across the world are filled with the expectation of a domino effect .
The cheer doesn ’ t come from some belief that the US is the guiding light of democracy .
What people want to believe is that when Trump goes , the mafioso network of 21st-century strongmen will be hit hard , and the world will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history .
But things don ’ t appear to be that simple .
A word of caution – I am not predicting that Trump will be successful in his immediate aim .
The few routes available for him to remain president will be difficult to travel .
And his utterances over the weekend – he both said that Biden won and that he won – suggest he might be closer to accepting reality .
But this is also about undermining consent : a large proportion of the country does not trust the media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now the actual functioning of electoral democracy is discredited in their eyes too .
Nonetheless , a spectre of hesitation is haunting Washington .
While the Trump administration is doing its best to sow confusion and challenge the mail-in ballots that helped deliver Biden a victory , the president-elect is acting coolly “ presidential ” ; he is receiving calls from world leaders , which , he suggests , are the first steps in restoring respect for the US across the world .
This courtly behaviour , this “ wait and see ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trusting the health of US institutions .
But contemporary authoritarianism works not by explicitly oppressing the people , but by accelerating the moral rot of already weakened institutions .
Everything is riding on how those arms of the state and society – from the Senate and the supreme court to the press and the most insignificant of local public office – behave in the coming few days and weeks .
And Trump has been manipulating these institutions for four years : see the way he used his term to pack the courts with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the openly Biden-supporting media is hesitating to call a spade a spade , because they believe the institutions will prevail .
Make no mistake , this is an attempted coup .
If it were happening in Turkey the world ’ s media would not think twice about calling it so .
It is happening in several corners all at once : Mike Pompeo ’ s smirk – the signature facial expression of “ illiberal democracies ” – as he promises a “ smooth transition to the second Trump administration ” ; the sudden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the calculated silence of Republican senators ; Trump ’ s invocation of the “ people ” and the “ movement ” , hinting at a popular power that might carry him further than his opponents believe .
Those who are analysing his behaviour in terms of psychology , referring to his famous allergy to losing , must be reminded : coups don ’ t always begin with a dramatic Reichstag fire , but through obscure and elusive machinations .
Since the Americans might not know about our countries as much as we do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it has happened just like this here too – we trusted the institutions and were certain the leader wouldn ’ t dare .
Today ’ s authoritarian societies are not fully formed dictatorships , single-party states – they don ’ t need to be .
They manufacture crises and prolong political instability , keeping the masses on their toes , but ensuring leaders can act with impunity .
American democrats shouldn ’ t expect a clear-cut power-grab from Trump , but rather a maddeningly obscure process that keeps everything up in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose interest .
Even if he accepts reality and his electoral loss , Trump ’ s “ movement ” will see its task as running a parallel political reality for the next four years that will constantly threaten Biden ’ s legitimacy .
Most importantly , through his recent appointments in the state apparatus and consolidation of anti-democratic loyalists , Trump is already engineering his own shadow state .
The silence of the Republicans and the state offices responsible for power transfer tell those of us who are experienced in the business of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that creates parallel political realities is ready to take off .
If you live in those countries like Turkey , which American liberals think of as a horrible yet impossible example of what might transpire in their own land , you know that an impossible tomorrow can become today ’ s reality , very quickly indeed .
• Ece Temelkuran is a Turkish journalist and political commentator , and author of How to Lose a Country : The 7 Steps from Democracy to Dictatorship

President Trump’s refusal to concede to his successful challenger is “giving great comfort” to “authoritarian regimes” around the world, said Joe Biden’s biographer on CNN. “This is a source of delight [for them] … ” Turkey, my country, falls into that category of authoritarian regimes. But I can tell you that what is happening in the US is a source of horror, not delight, for those on the ground. We know the signs of when a political crisis becomes a de facto coup – so here’s a word of warning.
Never mind the bitter jokes on social media (“America is faster at choosing other countries’ presidents”), the celebrations of Trump’s defeat across the world are filled with the expectation of a domino effect. The cheer doesn’t come from some belief that the US is the guiding light of democracy. What people want to believe is that when Trump goes, the mafioso network of 21st-century strongmen will be hit hard, and the world will be able to reverse the course of recent history. But things don’t appear to be that simple.
A word of caution – I am not predicting that Trump will be successful in his immediate aim. The few routes available for him to remain president will be difficult to travel. And his utterances over the weekend – he both said that Biden won and that he won – suggest he might be closer to accepting reality. But this is also about undermining consent: a large proportion of the country does not trust the media or Congress or the Democrats, and now the actual functioning of electoral democracy is discredited in their eyes too.
Nonetheless, a spectre of hesitation is haunting Washington. While the Trump administration is doing its best to sow confusion and challenge the mail-in ballots that helped deliver Biden a victory, the president-elect is acting coolly “presidential”; he is receiving calls from world leaders, which, he suggests, are the first steps in restoring respect for the US across the world. This courtly behaviour, this “wait and see” approach towards the incumbent, depends on trusting the health of US institutions.
But contemporary authoritarianism works not by explicitly oppressing the people, but by accelerating the moral rot of already weakened institutions. Everything is riding on how those arms of the state and society – from the Senate and the supreme court to the press and the most insignificant of local public office – behave in the coming few days and weeks. And Trump has been manipulating these institutions for four years: see the way he used his term to pack the courts with rightwing judges at dizzying speed. Even the openly Biden-supporting media is hesitating to call a spade a spade, because they believe the institutions will prevail. Make no mistake, this is an attempted coup. If it were happening in Turkey the world’s media would not think twice about calling it so.
It is happening in several corners all at once: Mike Pompeo’s smirk – the signature facial expression of “illiberal democracies” – as he promises a “smooth transition to the second Trump administration”; the sudden changes of cadre in the Pentagon; the calculated silence of Republican senators; Trump’s invocation of the “people” and the “movement”, hinting at a popular power that might carry him further than his opponents believe. Those who are analysing his behaviour in terms of psychology, referring to his famous allergy to losing, must be reminded: coups don’t always begin with a dramatic Reichstag fire, but through obscure and elusive machinations. Since the Americans might not know about our countries as much as we do about theirs, we can tell them that it has happened just like this here too – we trusted the institutions and were certain the leader wouldn’t dare.
Today’s authoritarian societies are not fully formed dictatorships, single-party states – they don’t need to be. They manufacture crises and prolong political instability, keeping the masses on their toes, but ensuring leaders can act with impunity. American democrats shouldn’t expect a clear-cut power-grab from Trump, but rather a maddeningly obscure process that keeps everything up in the air until the masses are exhausted and lose interest. Even if he accepts reality and his electoral loss, Trump’s “movement” will see its task as running a parallel political reality for the next four years that will constantly threaten Biden’s legitimacy. Most importantly, through his recent appointments in the state apparatus and consolidation of anti-democratic loyalists, Trump is already engineering his own shadow state.
The silence of the Republicans and the state offices responsible for power transfer tell those of us who are experienced in the business of “illiberal democracy” that the machine that creates parallel political realities is ready to take off. If you live in those countries like Turkey, which American liberals think of as a horrible yet impossible example of what might transpire in their own land, you know that an impossible tomorrow can become today’s reality, very quickly indeed.


theguardian--2020-11-16--American politics is now a four-way struggle. Gridlock lies ahead | Daniel DiSalvo and Carlo Inverni

American politics is now a four-way struggle. Gridlock lies ahead | Daniel DiSalvo and Carlo Invernizzi-Accetti

Everyone agrees that American political parties are deeply polarized .
However , last week ’ s elections point to a new political dynamic .
While there ’ s no doubt that the two main parties remain bitterly hostile to one another , new fault lines within them will take center-stage .
Intra-party factions have a long history in American politics and have often been engines of change .
Emerging now is a four-way struggle between ideologically distinct factions , which may render compromise difficult .
The American political landscape increasingly resembles European multi-party systems , which rely on delicate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ centrist bias .
Looking under the hood of America ’ s two big parties , it is evident that the current factions have the potential to yield similar outcomes .
The main fault-line within the Democratic Party is well-known .
There ’ s a deep programmatic divide between a progressive faction , advancing bold but controversial policy proposals such as Medicare for All and the Green New Deal , and a more centrist party establishment , focused on electability and bi-partisanship .
Interestingly , both factions have claimed validation from the recent elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increased vote share among white males in the Rust Belt states as evidence that flipping swing-voters is the most reliable way to electoral success .
Meanwhile , progressives underscore that their candidates did well in many congressional races , increased youth and minority turnout , and that the size of the so-called Squad almost doubled in the House .
Division within the Democratic party is likely to intensify .
Biden has already signaled that he intends to govern by seeking to find common ground with the Republicans willing to work with his administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argue that moving towards the center is a recipe for losing further congressional seats in 2022 .
Republicans are also divided .
Despite losing the election , Trump has retained the loyalty of all but a rump of Never-Trump usual suspects who have been consistently critical of him .
Clearly , Trump - or Trump-ism – aren ’ t going away .
The President performed better than expected in these elections and is reportedly considering running again in 2024 .
So he will remain a powerful force within the party , savaging anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet the rest of the Republican party did well electorally , picking up seats in the House and in state legislatures .
If they also manage to retain control of the Senate , the prospect of scoring some policy victories may embolden a more pragmatic faction of Republicans , willing to cooperate with the Democrats .
Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell has already made clear that a Biden administration would have to compromise , on Republican terms , or expect systematic obstruction .
The latent cleavage within the Republican Party mirrors the explicit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both parties , there is a radical wing ready to pour scorn on a more centrist one for opposite but ultimately symmetrical reasons : making too many concessions to the other side .
The consequence will be a four-way struggle , with only two concrete possibilities for effective government , both of which appear improbable .
One is cooperation between the two centrist factions across party lines , which would have to crystallize around a moderate , pro-business agenda .
While this is likely to please Wall Street , it is also sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in both parties .
The other option – which depends on a Democratic capture of the Senate – is a leftward shift of the Democratic party .
But that would surely alienate centrist Republicans , creating an unbridgeable gulf between the two parties .
All the other alternatives point to institutional gridlock .
In fact , political scientists argue that such gridlock can be strategic when intra-partisan conflicts run deep : extreme factions on both sides encourage obstruction as a set-up for the next election , when they hope their side will increase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Refusing to make compromises can be good electoral strategy – even if it is bad for governing .
The paradox emerging from these elections is this : although ideological conflict is at a fever-pitch high , both between and within the parties , the most likely outcome remains a modest and incremental policy agenda .
• None Daniel DiSalvo is Professor of American Politics at the City University of New York and the author of Engines of Change : Party Factions in American Politics • None Carlo Invernizzi Accetti is Associate Professor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York and the author of Techno-Populism : The New Logic of Democratic Politics

Everyone agrees that American political parties are deeply polarized. However, last week’s elections point to a new political dynamic. While there’s no doubt that the two main parties remain bitterly hostile to one another, new fault lines within them will take center-stage.
Intra-party factions have a long history in American politics and have often been engines of change. Emerging now is a four-way struggle between ideologically distinct factions, which may render compromise difficult.
The American political landscape increasingly resembles European multi-party systems, which rely on delicate and shifting coalitions that inevitably have a strong centrist bias. Looking under the hood of America’s two big parties, it is evident that the current factions have the potential to yield similar outcomes.
The main fault-line within the Democratic Party is well-known. There’s a deep programmatic divide between a progressive faction, advancing bold but controversial policy proposals such as Medicare for All and the Green New Deal, and a more centrist party establishment, focused on electability and bi-partisanship.
Interestingly, both factions have claimed validation from the recent elections. Centrists point to Biden’s increased vote share among white males in the Rust Belt states as evidence that flipping swing-voters is the most reliable way to electoral success. Meanwhile, progressives underscore that their candidates did well in many congressional races, increased youth and minority turnout, and that the size of the so-called Squad almost doubled in the House.
Division within the Democratic party is likely to intensify. Biden has already signaled that he intends to govern by seeking to find common ground with the Republicans willing to work with his administration. This will frustrate progressives, who argue that moving towards the center is a recipe for losing further congressional seats in 2022.
Republicans are also divided. Despite losing the election, Trump has retained the loyalty of all but a rump of Never-Trump usual suspects who have been consistently critical of him. Clearly, Trump - or Trump-ism – aren’t going away. The President performed better than expected in these elections and is reportedly considering running again in 2024. So he will remain a powerful force within the party, savaging anyone willing to work with the Democrats.
Yet the rest of the Republican party did well electorally, picking up seats in the House and in state legislatures. If they also manage to retain control of the Senate, the prospect of scoring some policy victories may embolden a more pragmatic faction of Republicans, willing to cooperate with the Democrats. Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell has already made clear that a Biden administration would have to compromise, on Republican terms, or expect systematic obstruction.
The latent cleavage within the Republican Party mirrors the explicit one within the Democratic Party. In both parties, there is a radical wing ready to pour scorn on a more centrist one for opposite but ultimately symmetrical reasons: making too many concessions to the other side.
The consequence will be a four-way struggle, with only two concrete possibilities for effective government, both of which appear improbable. One is cooperation between the two centrist factions across party lines, which would have to crystallize around a moderate, pro-business agenda. While this is likely to please Wall Street, it is also sure to inflame the two more radical factions in both parties.
The other option – which depends on a Democratic capture of the Senate – is a leftward shift of the Democratic party. But that would surely alienate centrist Republicans, creating an unbridgeable gulf between the two parties.
All the other alternatives point to institutional gridlock. In fact, political scientists argue that such gridlock can be strategic when intra-partisan conflicts run deep: extreme factions on both sides encourage obstruction as a set-up for the next election, when they hope their side will increase its power at the ballot box. Refusing to make compromises can be good electoral strategy – even if it is bad for governing.
The paradox emerging from these elections is this: although ideological conflict is at a fever-pitch high, both between and within the parties, the most likely outcome remains a modest and incremental policy agenda.


theguardian--2020-11-16--Joe Biden: Black Lives Matter activists helped you win Wisconsin. Don't forget us | Justin Blake

Three months ago , a Kenosha police officer shot my nephew , Jacob Blake , seven times in the back in front of his children .
Jacob was rushed to the hospital , where for days he was shackled to his bed , only to find he ’ d been paralyzed from the waist down .
The officer who shot him , Rusten Sheskey , has yet to be charged with a crime and is currently on paid administrative leave .
Days after the shooting , Donald Trump came and went , showing little empathy for our family , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for racial justice .
The press , too , came and went , as the drama of uprising transitioned into the long , slow work of healing and change .
But even after the cameras left , after the president ignored our pain and took off in his motorcade , Kenoshans kept organizing .
In close concert with the Blake family , grassroots organizations in Kenosha began turning protest power into electoral power in one of the most competitive swing states in the country .
From the start , our goal was to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in our community had their voice heard at the ballot box .
On 20 October , our family joined hundreds of activists and community members in a peaceful march from Kenosha to Milwaukee , receiving support along the way from luminaries like the former Ohio state senator Nina Turner and the Rev Jesse Jackson .
The march took over 14 hours , ending in Milwaukee ’ s Red Arrow Park , where Dontre Hamilton was killed by a police officer in 2014 .
The message of the marchers was simple : south-eastern Wisconsin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hands of the police .
It ’ s time for Wisconsinites to vote out the politicians who have allowed , and often encouraged , this violence in our communities .
For many of the activists in Kenosha , including Jacob ’ s family , this meant voting Trump out of office .
In the last two weeks before the election , we took this message door to door in a canvassing sprint across Kenosha , a city where the Joe Biden campaign itself had very little presence on the ground .
But for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to one-on-one in the city of Kenosha , Biden ’ s 20,000 statewide vote margin might have looked a lot smaller .
Mainstream Democrats often invoke “ loyalty ” as the quality they hope to inspire in their voters .
But “ loyalty ” is a two-way street : party leaders shouldn ’ t expect it if they can ’ t deliver for the voters who put them in office .
And on this front , particularly with Black voters , Biden is far from perfect .
He spearheaded the 1994 crime bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incarceration and hurt Black communities across the country .
Kenosha ’ s community leaders are taking a chance on Biden , believing that this turning point will push him to learn from past mistakes and take a moral stance in this moment of national division .
And we are tired of Trump ’ s hateful racism and the increasingly explicit imprimatur he ’ s given to violent white supremacists .
But make no mistake : now that Biden ’ s won the election , he owes this country real racial justice reform .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ steps : executive orders that address the immediate need for federal remedies to protect Black and Brown citizens from police brutality ; appointing a special prosecutor to investigate both criminal and civil rights violations in the Floyd , Taylor , Blake , Cole and Anderson cases .
More broadly , Biden must recognize that poverty and racism are pandemics in their own right , each of which has been exacerbated by Covid-19 .
Beginning to remedy them will require not just an emergency economic stabilization package , but a national moratorium on foreclosures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a prioritization of funding for the communities of color hit hardest by the virus .
These demands are not coming from Kenosha alone , but from all across the country , where the Black Lives Matter movement – the largest social uprising in our nation ’ s history – has inspired a new generation of voters and activists .
So while racial justice leaders may have helped Biden take back the White House , come January 2021 , we ’ ll be reminding him exactly who got him there .

Three months ago, a Kenosha police officer shot my nephew, Jacob Blake, seven times in the back in front of his children. Jacob was rushed to the hospital, where for days he was shackled to his bed, only to find he’d been paralyzed from the waist down. The officer who shot him, Rusten Sheskey, has yet to be charged with a crime and is currently on paid administrative leave.
Days after the shooting, Donald Trump came and went, showing little empathy for our family, and calling for a violent crackdown on protests for racial justice. The press, too, came and went, as the drama of uprising transitioned into the long, slow work of healing and change. But even after the cameras left, after the president ignored our pain and took off in his motorcade, Kenoshans kept organizing.
In close concert with the Blake family, grassroots organizations in Kenosha began turning protest power into electoral power in one of the most competitive swing states in the country. From the start, our goal was to counteract voter suppression and make sure everyone in our community had their voice heard at the ballot box.
On 20 October, our family joined hundreds of activists and community members in a peaceful march from Kenosha to Milwaukee, receiving support along the way from luminaries like the former Ohio state senator Nina Turner and the Rev Jesse Jackson. The march took over 14 hours, ending in Milwaukee’s Red Arrow Park, where Dontre Hamilton was killed by a police officer in 2014. The message of the marchers was simple: south-eastern Wisconsin has seen too much violence at the hands of the police. It’s time for Wisconsinites to vote out the politicians who have allowed, and often encouraged, this violence in our communities.
Make no mistake: now that Biden’s won the election, he owes this country real racial justice reform
For many of the activists in Kenosha, including Jacob’s family, this meant voting Trump out of office. In the last two weeks before the election, we took this message door to door in a canvassing sprint across Kenosha, a city where the Joe Biden campaign itself had very little presence on the ground. But for the thousands of low-propensity voters we spoke to one-on-one in the city of Kenosha, Biden’s 20,000 statewide vote margin might have looked a lot smaller.
Mainstream Democrats often invoke “loyalty” as the quality they hope to inspire in their voters. But “loyalty” is a two-way street: party leaders shouldn’t expect it if they can’t deliver for the voters who put them in office. And on this front, particularly with Black voters, Biden is far from perfect. He spearheaded the 1994 crime bill, for instance, which expanded mass incarceration and hurt Black communities across the country.
Kenosha’s community leaders are taking a chance on Biden, believing that this turning point will push him to learn from past mistakes and take a moral stance in this moment of national division. And we are tired of Trump’s hateful racism and the increasingly explicit imprimatur he’s given to violent white supremacists. But make no mistake: now that Biden’s won the election, he owes this country real racial justice reform.
He must start with the most obvious steps: executive orders that address the immediate need for federal remedies to protect Black and Brown citizens from police brutality; appointing a special prosecutor to investigate both criminal and civil rights violations in the Floyd, Taylor, Blake, Cole and Anderson cases. More broadly, Biden must recognize that poverty and racism are pandemics in their own right, each of which has been exacerbated by Covid-19. Beginning to remedy them will require not just an emergency economic stabilization package, but a national moratorium on foreclosures and evictions for the next 12 months, and a prioritization of funding for the communities of color hit hardest by the virus.
These demands are not coming from Kenosha alone, but from all across the country, where the Black Lives Matter movement – the largest social uprising in our nation’s history – has inspired a new generation of voters and activists. So while racial justice leaders may have helped Biden take back the White House, come January 2021, we’ll be reminding him exactly who got him there.


theguardian--2020-11-17--Joe Biden says Trump blocking Covid plans will lead to more deaths – video

‘ The idea the president is still playing golf and not doing anything about it is beyond my comprehension .
@ @ @ @ @ ’ d at least want to go off on a positive note ’ , US @ @ @ @ @ said after a meeting with CEOs and labor leaders .
‘ I find this more @ @ @ @ @ debilitating for my ability to get started ’ , he said .
Biden warned that @ @ @ @ @ continues blocking a US transition of power as the coronavirus pandemic worsens , 'more people @ @ @ @ @ Biden warns 'more people may die ' unless Trump starts cooperating

‘The idea the president is still playing golf and not doing anything about it is beyond my comprehension. You’d think he’d at least want to go off on a positive note’, US president-elect, Joe Biden, said after a meeting with CEOs and labor leaders. ‘I find this more embarrassing for the country than debilitating for my ability to get started’, he said. Biden warned that if outgoing president Donald Trump continues blocking a US transition of power as the coronavirus pandemic worsens, 'more people may die'.