theguardian--2020-12-18--Mike Pence receives Covid-19 vaccine on live TV: 'I didn't feel a thing'

Mike Pence received the Covid-19 vaccination on live television on Friday morning , saying the vaccine is a “ medical miracle ” and reassuring Americans “ that hope is on the way ” .
“ Confidence in the vaccine is what brings us here this morning , ” the vice-president said in remarks following his vaccination .
“ I didn ’ t feel a thing .
Well done.
” His wife , Karen , and the surgeon general , Jerome Adams , also received shots during the televised White House event .
Sitting in the front row at Pence ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s top disease expert and member of the White House ’ s coronavirus task force , and Robert Redfield , head of the Centers for Disease Control and Protection .
The public vaccination comes amid concerns the rollout of the vaccine could be hampered by some people concerned at its quick approval .
Fauci praised Pence and said it was “ now up to all of us to step forward and get vaccinated ” .
In recent days , Fauci has been advocating that Pence , as well as Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the vaccination as soon as possible “ for security reasons ” .
Biden officials have said the president-elect and his vice-president could receive the vaccine as early as next week .
Pence said he and his wife “ were more than happy to step forward before this week was up to take this safe and effective coronavirus vaccine ” calling this week “ historic ” as the US started distributing doses of the Covid-19 vaccine .
He alluded to the possibility of Moderna ’ s vaccine being approved by the FDA today , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , within hours , two vaccines ” .
Less than an hour before Pence ’ s remarks , Donald Trump published a tweet that appeared to falsely claimed Moderna ’ s approval , saying “ distribution to start immediately ” .
The FDA has not made a public decision on the vaccine after a panel of outside advisers met to discuss the vaccine yesterday .
Pence is the first member of the White House to be publicly vaccinated .
Trump was infected with Covid-19 in October and multiple outbreaks of the virus have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that White House officials would be receiving the first doses of the vaccine , Trump tweeted last week that he halted the Oval Office ’ s rollout .
“ I am not scheduled to take the vaccine , but look forward to doing so at the appropriate time , ” he said .
While the White House has tried to soften the appearance of the virus ’ spread in the country , Pence acknowledged that “ with cases rising across the country , hospitalizations rising across the country , we have a ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US saw 233,271 new cases of the virus and 3,270 deaths , according to Johns Hopkins University .
• None This article was amended on 18 December 2020 to correct that Robert Redfield is head of the CDC , not the FDA .

Mike Pence received the Covid-19 vaccination on live television on Friday morning, saying it was a “medical miracle” and reassuring Americans facing a surging rise of cases around the country “that hope is on the way”.
The televised event came amid concerns that the rollout of the vaccine in the US could be hampered by doubts from people over its quick authorization, the anti-vaxxer movement, and skepticism from some in the Black community because of historic distrust of institutions.
“Confidence in the vaccine is what brings us here this morning,” the vice-president said. “I didn’t feel a thing. Well done.”
His wife, Karen Pence, and the US surgeon general, Jerome Adams, also received shots during the televised White House event. It was also attended by Robert Redfield, head of the Centers for Disease Control and Protection, and Dr Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease expert, who praised Pence and said it was “now up to all of us to step forward and get vaccinated”.
In recent days, Fauci has been advocating that Pence, as well as Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, get the vaccination as soon as possible “for security reasons”. Biden officials have said the president-elect will receive the vaccine in public in Delaware on Monday to send a “clear message it is safe”.
A few hours after Pence was vaccinated, House speaker Nancy Pelosi tweeted photos of her vaccination.
Today, with confidence in science & at the direction of the Office of the Attending Physician, I received the COVID-19 vaccine. As the vaccine is being distributed, we must all continue mask wearing, social distancing & other science-based steps to save lives & crush the virus. pic.twitter.com/tijVCSnJd7 — Nancy Pelosi (@SpeakerPelosi) December 18, 2020
Pence is the first member of the White House to be publicly vaccinated. Trump was infected with Covid-19 in October and multiple outbreaks of the virus have occurred among staffers.
After initial reports that White House officials would be receiving the first doses of the vaccine, Trump tweeted last week that he halted the Oval Office’s rollout. “I am not scheduled to take the vaccine, but look forward to doing so at the appropriate time,” he said.
On Friday, Pence alluded to the imminent approval of a second vaccine developed by drug company Moderna, saying “we have one and perhaps, within hours, two vaccines.”
A panel of outside advisers with the Food and Drug Administration, which is in charge of approving vaccinations, held a meeting yesterday to discuss Moderna’s vaccine. Following the meeting, the FDA could make an approval as early as Friday afternoon that would allow the vaccine’s distribution for emergency use.
The US federal government has said it has six million doses of the Moderna vaccine ready for distribution upon its approval. Nearly three million doses of a vaccine from Pfizer and BioNTech were distributed throughout the country this week after it was approved late last Friday.
While the White House has tried to soften the appearance of the virus’ spread in the country, Pence acknowledged that “with cases rising across the country, hospitalizations rising across the country, we have a ways to go”. On Thursday, the US had 233,271 new cases of the virus and 3,270 deaths, according to Johns Hopkins University.
Nearly 310,000 Americans have died from Covid-19 infection.
States around the country have seen increases in infections after the Thanksgiving holiday at the end of November. Public health experts have pleaded with American to stay home as Christmas and New Year approaches, and millions of Americans are expected to travel to see family. The American Automobile Association estimates that 85 million people will be traveling, most by car, between 23 December and 3 January.
An influential data model from Seattle-based Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) predicted on Friday that the US will see an additional 262,000 deaths by 1 April, reaching a total of 562,000 deaths by that point. IHME had previously predicted a total of 502,000 Americans would have died from Covid-19 by that time. The institute cited rising infection and hospitalizations numbers for the uptick in its prediction. The vaccine’s rollout will save 34,000 lives, according to the institute, though it noted that mandates on masks and indoor gatherings could further curb the spread.
“The most important measures to keep the death toll down in the next months will be expanding mask use and re-imposition of some mandates in states with severe stress on hospital systems”, the institute said in a statement.


theguardian--2020-12-18--Does the world need the US any more? Politics Weekly Extra

After we were sent an interesting question by a listener , Jonathan Freedland asked Samantha Power , a former US ambassador to the UN , whether the world could become less dependent on US leadership – and thus more resilient ?
As Joe Biden prepares to take over on 20 January , he has a lot to keep in mind .
The US death toll from coronavirus passed 300,000 this week .
Donald Trump is still falsely claiming the election was fraudulent , and Biden also needs to find a way to clean up the mess Trump made on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sent us this question : “ Has the world become less dependent on the US leadership going forward and thus more resilient , or will we snap back as an alcoholic after a week of abstinence ?
” Jonathan Freedland put this question and many more about foreign policy plans to Samantha Power , a former US ambassador to the UN .
She recounts her years in the White House under Barack Obama in her book The Education of an Idealist : A Memoir .
• Send us more of your questions to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guardian by going to gu.com/supportpodcasts

Presented by Jonathan Freedland, with Samantha Power. Produced by Danielle Stephens.

After we were sent an interesting question by a listener, Jonathan Freedland asked Samantha Power, a former US ambassador to the UN, whether the world could become less dependent on US leadership – and thus more resilient?
As Joe Biden prepares to take over on 20 January, he has a lot to keep in mind. The US death toll from coronavirus passed 300,000 this week. Donald Trump is still falsely claiming the election was fraudulent, and Biden also needs to find a way to clean up the mess Trump made on the world stage.
One of our listeners sent us this question: “Has the world become less dependent on the US leadership going forward and thus more resilient, or will we snap back as an alcoholic after a week of abstinence?”
Jonathan Freedland put this question and many more about foreign policy plans to Samantha Power, a former US ambassador to the UN. She recounts her years in the White House under Barack Obama in her book The Education of an Idealist: A Memoir.
Send us more of your questions to podcasts@theguardian.com
Help support the Guardian by going to gu.com/supportpodcasts


theguardian--2020-12-18--To keep the Democratic coalition together, Biden will have to be the Great Balancer | Geoffrey Kabas

To keep the Democratic coalition together, Biden will have to be the Great Balancer | Geoffrey Kabaservice

It may just be a function of the circles I travel in , but very few people I know are happy with the election results .
Republicans are unhappy that Donald Trump has lost his reelection battle with Joe Biden and will become a one-term president .
Democrats are unhappy that the predicted blue wave did not materialize , which means that Republicans will likely maintain control of the Senate and Mitch McConnell can thwart any ambitious Democratic legislation .
And my Never-Trump friends are unhappy that the outcome did not deliver the complete repudiation of Trumpism , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that they had hoped for .
Like many people , I am guilty of having placed too much trust in the pollsters .
But I really didn ’ t think a progressive tsunami was about to crash over the national landscape .
The last time there was a genuine Democratic wave election , in 2008 , its enabling condition was deep Republican demoralization over the George W Bush administration ’ s economic and foreign policy failures .
Trump ’ s supporters , by contrast , are more fired-up than ever , despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the Covid-19 pandemic and its accompanying economic dislocations .
One lesson to be drawn from this election is that US politics nowadays is more about tribal , identity-based divisions than policy disagreements .
But it ’ s hard to know what other definitive lessons to draw , because in a narrowly decided election all explanations are plausible .
My own belief , for what it ’ s worth , is that Trump would have won re-election handily if not for the pandemic and his botched response to it .
He had the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential predecessors win second terms .
His base considers him infallible and enough voters outside his base were sufficiently satisfied with the pre-coronavirus economy that they tolerated all the ways in which he was unfit for the presidency .
But character is destiny , and the same qualities that allowed Trump to win the presidency – his rejection of advice and experts , his unerring preference for personal advantage over the national good – ensured that he would lose it through his mishandling of the pandemic .
And while the Democrats clearly are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have won the popular vote for an unprecedented seven of the past eight presidential elections , the country on some basic level continues to reject progressivism .
I don ’ t for a second buy the leftwing argument that if Senator Bernie Sanders had been the Democratic nominee , he would have won a smashing victory against Trump and swept in a Senate majority .
Given the Senate results and the fact that nearly half of the electorate voted for Trump , I find it hard to credit the argument that the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of radical change that didn ’ t even command a majority in the Democratic party .
It ’ s true that the Republicans ’ entire election strategy was based on the expectation that Trump would run against Sanders .
When that didn ’ t happen , they had to fall back on the charge that Biden , despite his decades-long reputation as a centrist , was somehow the puppet of those who would impose terrifying socialist tyranny upon the land .
The implausibility of this claim allowed Biden to flip the Midwestern states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mobilizing more Black voters than Hillary Clinton did in 2016 while peeling away just enough working-class whites and conservative suburbanites to win narrow majorities .
Sanders , who didn ’ t win a single primary victory in the Midwest , could not have built such a coalition .
The more economically populist and libertarian-ish aspects of progressivism have considerable electoral appeal , as was evident in the states ( including some red states ) that passed ballot measures liberalizing drug laws and , in Florida , raising the minimum wage to $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , perhaps the leading progressive state , voters rejected initiatives to reinstate affirmative action , impose rent controls , and classify rideshare and delivery workers as employees .
But while Republicans ’ dire warnings of an impending socialist dystopia didn ’ t work against Biden , this line of attack succeeded in allowing them to retake many of the House seats the Democrats flipped in 2018 .
Republicans tied these most moderate and vulnerable Democrats to far-left ideas such as the Green New Deal , free college , Medicare for All , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blamed their progressive colleagues , during a private post-election conference call , for costing the party critical seats and reducing the Democrats ’ House majority to a thread .
The Washington Post reported that moderate representative Abigail Spanberger , a Democrat from Virginia , heatedly insisted that “ we need to not ever use the word ‘ socialist ’ or ‘ socialism ’ ever again ” , or else “ we will get fucking torn apart in 2022 ” .
The claim that the Democratic party has become a Trojan Horse for socialism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbers of Hispanics , particularly in states such as Florida and Texas where the Biden campaign performed much worse with these voters than Clinton did in 2016 .
Republican ads warning that Democrats would turn America into a socialist country may have succeeded in scaring Hispanics whose families fled dictators such as Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez .
More generally , it ’ s becoming clear that while most minorities vote Democratic , many don ’ t share white progressives ’ views on issues like the need to cut police spending , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nature of systemic racism .
The writer Matthew Yglesias notes that progressives ’ preferred term to refer to people of Latino origin – Latinx – is used by only 3 % of US Hispanics , and that this divergence is symptomatic of white progressives ’ “ tendency to privilege academic concepts and linguistic innovations in addressing social justice concerns.
” White progressive researchers also are shocked to find that minorities often support Trump ’ s racist rhetoric or policies – particularly when directed against other minority groups whom they also dislike .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other reasons why at least some fraction of Hispanics and other minorities may be breaking away from the Democratic coalition .
These could include the appeal of Trump ’ s brand of swaggering masculinity , immigrants ’ attraction to conservative ideas of individualism and upward mobility , and the growing tendency of non-college-educated minorities to see the world in similar terms as Trump ’ s base of non-college-educated whites .
Or it could mainly be that , under the unique circumstances of this pandemic-year election , Republicans did a better job of engaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ choice to suspend door-to-door canvassing , rallies , and other in-person means of voter mobilization was a critical error .
A Biden presidency is likely to operate under both the external constraint of the Republican Senate majority and the internal constraint of the need to balance between its moderate and progressive wings .
While this all but rules out big , ambitious reforms , it is possible that a Biden administration might succeed in passing more pragmatic measures like an economic stimulus , increased state aid for Covid-19 relief , and incremental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even possible that there may be bipartisan action to combat climate change ; two-thirds of Americans think the federal government should do more on climate , with particularly high levels of concern among coastal residents .
But will progressives revolt against what they will see as too little , too late ?
If the Democratic party succeeds in realigning the college-educated , suburban middle class away from the Republican party while still holding onto its minority supporters and at least some fraction of the white working class , we might finally enter the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2020 election showed that these constituencies , as well as the party ’ s moderate and progressive factions , have interests and priorities that are in high tension with each other .
If a President Biden can keep the party together , history may remember him as the Great Balancer .
• None Geoffrey Kabaservice is the director of political studies at the Niskanen Center in Washington , as well as the author of Rule and Ruin : the Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party

It may just be a function of the circles I travel in, but very few people I know are happy with the election results. Republicans are unhappy that Donald Trump has lost his reelection battle with Joe Biden and will become a one-term president. Democrats are unhappy that the predicted blue wave did not materialize, which means that Republicans will likely maintain control of the Senate and Mitch McConnell can thwart any ambitious Democratic legislation. And my Never-Trump friends are unhappy that the outcome did not deliver the complete repudiation of Trumpism, and the subsequent reformation of a chastened Republican party, that they had hoped for.
Like many people, I am guilty of having placed too much trust in the pollsters. But I really didn’t think a progressive tsunami was about to crash over the national landscape. The last time there was a genuine Democratic wave election, in 2008, its enabling condition was deep Republican demoralization over the George W Bush administration’s economic and foreign policy failures. Trump’s supporters, by contrast, are more fired-up than ever, despite his administration’s inability to cope with the Covid-19 pandemic and its accompanying economic dislocations.
One lesson to be drawn from this election is that US politics nowadays is more about tribal, identity-based divisions than policy disagreements. But it’s hard to know what other definitive lessons to draw, because in a narrowly decided election all explanations are plausible.
My own belief, for what it’s worth, is that Trump would have won re-election handily if not for the pandemic and his botched response to it. He had the advantages of incumbency that helped his three presidential predecessors win second terms. His base considers him infallible and enough voters outside his base were sufficiently satisfied with the pre-coronavirus economy that they tolerated all the ways in which he was unfit for the presidency. But character is destiny, and the same qualities that allowed Trump to win the presidency – his rejection of advice and experts, his unerring preference for personal advantage over the national good – ensured that he would lose it through his mishandling of the pandemic.
And while the Democrats clearly are the majoritarian party, now that they have won the popular vote for an unprecedented seven of the past eight presidential elections, the country on some basic level continues to reject progressivism.
I don’t for a second buy the leftwing argument that if Senator Bernie Sanders had been the Democratic nominee, he would have won a smashing victory against Trump and swept in a Senate majority. Given the Senate results and the fact that nearly half of the electorate voted for Trump, I find it hard to credit the argument that the country as a whole yearned for the kind of radical change that didn’t even command a majority in the Democratic party.
It’s true that the Republicans’ entire election strategy was based on the expectation that Trump would run against Sanders. When that didn’t happen, they had to fall back on the charge that Biden, despite his decades-long reputation as a centrist, was somehow the puppet of those who would impose terrifying socialist tyranny upon the land.
The implausibility of this claim allowed Biden to flip the Midwestern states that had decided the election in 2016, mobilizing more Black voters than Hillary Clinton did in 2016 while peeling away just enough working-class whites and conservative suburbanites to win narrow majorities. Sanders, who didn’t win a single primary victory in the Midwest, could not have built such a coalition.
One lesson to be drawn from this election is that US politics nowadays is more about tribal, identity-based divisions than policy disagreements
The more economically populist and libertarian-ish aspects of progressivism have considerable electoral appeal, as was evident in the states (including some red states) that passed ballot measures liberalizing drug laws and, in Florida, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour. But in California, perhaps the leading progressive state, voters rejected initiatives to reinstate affirmative action, impose rent controls, and classify rideshare and delivery workers as employees.
But while Republicans’ dire warnings of an impending socialist dystopia didn’t work against Biden, this line of attack succeeded in allowing them to retake many of the House seats the Democrats flipped in 2018. Republicans tied these most moderate and vulnerable Democrats to far-left ideas such as the Green New Deal, free college, Medicare for All, and defunding the police. Angry centrist Democrats blamed their progressive colleagues, during a private post-election conference call, for costing the party critical seats and reducing the Democrats’ House majority to a thread. The Washington Post reported that moderate representative Abigail Spanberger, a Democrat from Virginia, heatedly insisted that “we need to not ever use the word ‘socialist’ or ‘socialism’ ever again”, or else “we will get fucking torn apart in 2022”.
The claim that the Democratic party has become a Trojan Horse for socialism also seems to have resounded with large numbers of Hispanics, particularly in states such as Florida and Texas where the Biden campaign performed much worse with these voters than Clinton did in 2016. Republican ads warning that Democrats would turn America into a socialist country may have succeeded in scaring Hispanics whose families fled dictators such as Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez.
More generally, it’s becoming clear that while most minorities vote Democratic, many don’t share white progressives’ views on issues like the need to cut police spending, the desirability of open immigration, and the nature of systemic racism. The writer Matthew Yglesias notes that progressives’ preferred term to refer to people of Latino origin – Latinx – is used by only 3% of US Hispanics, and that this divergence is symptomatic of white progressives’ “tendency to privilege academic concepts and linguistic innovations in addressing social justice concerns.” White progressive researchers also are shocked to find that minorities often support Trump’s racist rhetoric or policies – particularly when directed against other minority groups whom they also dislike.
Then again, there are a host of other reasons why at least some fraction of Hispanics and other minorities may be breaking away from the Democratic coalition. These could include the appeal of Trump’s brand of swaggering masculinity, immigrants’ attraction to conservative ideas of individualism and upward mobility, and the growing tendency of non-college-educated minorities to see the world in similar terms as Trump’s base of non-college-educated whites. Or it could mainly be that, under the unique circumstances of this pandemic-year election, Republicans did a better job of engaging with minority voters, while the Democrats’ choice to suspend door-to-door canvassing, rallies, and other in-person means of voter mobilization was a critical error.
A Biden presidency is likely to operate under both the external constraint of the Republican Senate majority and the internal constraint of the need to balance between its moderate and progressive wings. While this all but rules out big, ambitious reforms, it is possible that a Biden administration might succeed in passing more pragmatic measures like an economic stimulus, increased state aid for Covid-19 relief, and incremental criminal justice reforms. It’s even possible that there may be bipartisan action to combat climate change; two-thirds of Americans think the federal government should do more on climate, with particularly high levels of concern among coastal residents. But will progressives revolt against what they will see as too little, too late?
If the Democratic party succeeds in realigning the college-educated, suburban middle class away from the Republican party while still holding onto its minority supporters and at least some fraction of the white working class, we might finally enter the long-predicted era of Democratic dominance. But the 2020 election showed that these constituencies, as well as the party’s moderate and progressive factions, have interests and priorities that are in high tension with each other. If a President Biden can keep the party together, history may remember him as the Great Balancer.


theguardian--2020-12-19--FDA authorizes Moderna Covid-19 vaccine for emergency use – as it happened

President-elect Joe Biden ’ s decision to tap several House Democrats for administrative positions is putting Speaker Nancy Pelosi in a politically tough spot , having chiseled away at the party ’ s already slimming majority and leaving her potentially without enough votes to pass his legislative agenda .
Democrats already were heading into the new Congress with a razor-thin margin over Republicans .
But Biden ’ s overture to a third lawmaker , Rep. Deb Haaland , D-N.M. , as the history-making first Native American interior secretary , set off a fresh round of pained conversations on what to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era with a narrow majority , 222-211 , with a few races still undecided .
“ We need to manage something like this , ” Rep. James Clyburn of South Carolina , the Democratic whip and a top Biden ally , said in an interview with The Associated Press this week .
According to Clyburn , an emerging strategy is to stagger the confirmations : Biden would hold off on formally submitting the nominations all at once so the House numbers don ’ t immediately drop .
Under the plan , timing would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new Congress , ample time for the House to pass the 100-days agenda , a typically important but symbolic , legislative sprint that takes on new importance aligned with Biden ’ s presidency .
Biden ’ s first pick from the House , Rep. Cedric Richmond , D-La.
, would join the administration quickly once the president-elect is inaugurated Jan. 20 , Clyburn said .
Richmond is poised to become a senior adviser , a position that doesn ’ t require confirmation by the Senate .
Biden would then wait to submit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Marcia Fudge , D-Ohio , who was tapped as housing secretary , until after the March special election in Louisiana to fill Richmond ’ s seat .
The lawmakers can remain in the House , voting as members , until they are Senate confirmed .
Their nominations could be sent one after the other , in the months that follow .
The three House seats are in Democratic strongholds and expected to be off-limits to Republicans .
But special elections can throw curveballs , and the staggered timing would also give the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the candidates and races .

19 Dec 2020 01.37 GMT Summary From me and Joan E Greve The FDA authorized the Moderna coronavirus vaccine for emergency use. The government can begin to distribute 5.9m doses of the vaccine across the US.
The government can begin to distribute 5.9m doses of the vaccine across the US. Congress passed a stop-gap spending bill to keep the government funded past midnight. Once Donald Trump signs it, the legislation will fund the government for another two days as lawmakers continue negotiations over appropriations and coronavirus relief. Congress must pass a spending bill by midnight to avoid a government shutdown.
Once Donald Trump signs it, the legislation will fund the government for another two days as lawmakers continue negotiations over appropriations and coronavirus relief. Congress must pass a spending bill by midnight to avoid a government shutdown. Vice-president Mike Pence received the coronavirus vaccine live on television. The House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, and the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, also received the vaccine Friday, and Joe Biden is expected to be vaccinated on Monday in another televised event.
The House speaker, and the Senate majority leader, also received the vaccine Friday, and is expected to be vaccinated on Monday in another televised event. The supreme court dismissed a challenge to Donald Trump’s proposal to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count to apportion congressional seats. The court’s six conservative justices dismissed the challenge as premature, given that it is unclear what effect the proposal would have. Voting rights and immigrant rights groups have already pledged to file another lawsuit if Trump attempts to implement the policy.
The court’s six conservative justices dismissed the challenge as premature, given that it is unclear what effect the proposal would have. Voting rights and immigrant rights groups have already pledged to file another lawsuit if Trump attempts to implement the policy. The Pentagon and the Biden transition team provided conflicting explanations for a pause in the president-elect’s briefings. While the acting defense secretary, Christopher Miller, cited a “mutually-agreed upon holiday pause” to explain the interruption, Biden’s advisers said they never agreed to such a pause and argued the briefings were more necessary than ever. Axios reported earlier today that Miller had ordered Pentagon officials to stop cooperating with the Biden transition team.
Updated at 01.50 GMT
19 Dec 2020 01.17 GMT “I would anticipate that we likely will see shots in the arm by the very early part of next week,” Dr Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), told NBC earlier today. NIAID worked with Moderna in developing the vaccine. Unlike the Pfizer vaccine, the Moderna vaccine deliveries will be managed by the federal government, using funding from Operation Warp Speed, the Trump administration’s program to quickly develop and disseminate Covid-19 vaccines and treatments.
Updated at 01.32 GMT
19 Dec 2020 01.08 GMT Jessica Glenza Importantly, Moderna’s vaccine holds two distinct advantages over Pfizer’s. First, it does not require ultra-cold storage. That means the vaccine could be less susceptible to wastage and will be easier to transport to rural communities. It also does not require dilution or mixing, like Pfizer’s vaccine. The second advantage is more subtle – Moderna’s Phase III clinical trial data showed no members of the vaccinated group developed severe Covid-19, where 30 placebo group members did. This means for the 6% of people who do not receive the preventive effects of the vaccine, the vaccine may still reduce severity of symptoms. The Pfizer vaccine is authorized in children as young as 16, but Moderna’s vaccine can only be used in adults 18 and older.
19 Dec 2020 00.54 GMT Jessica Glenza “With the availability of two vaccines now for the prevention of COVID-19, the FDA has taken another crucial step in the fight against this global pandemic that is causing vast numbers of hospitalizations and deaths in the United States each day,” said FDA commissioner Stephen M. Hahn, in a statement. The Moderna vaccine was found to be more than 94% effective at preventing Covoid-19, in a trial of more than 30,000 patients. Moderna’s scientists said there were two allergic reactions in its trial, one in the placebo arm and another in a vaccine recipient. In the vaccine arm, the allergic reaction was more than 60 days after the participant received the vaccine, and was found to be related to a separate medical procedure. Moderna’s vaccine, like Pfizer’s, is be authorized for emergency use with the idea that the company would apply for a full approval in coming months.
19 Dec 2020 00.46 GMT Jessica Glenza The Pfizer vaccine was the first drug authorized by the FDA to prevent Covid-19 in the US. It was earlier authorized by the UK and Canada.
Like Pfizer’s vaccine, the drug developed by Moderna to prevent Covid-19 uses messenger RNA technology. This technology introduces the body to the spike protein coating the surface of the coronavirus. The vaccine was developed in a joint effort by Moderna Inc and NIAID. It received nearly $2.5bn in US government funding, and the federal government has already purchased 200m doses with an option to buy 300m more. Emergency approval of the second vaccine will put the US on track to potentially immunize up to 150 million people between now and mid-2021, if the government can effectively roll out the most logistically challenging public health campaign in history. Both vaccines require two-dose “booster” regimens.
19 Dec 2020 00.42 GMT FDA approves Moderna vaccine for distribution The Food and Drug Administration approved Moderna’s vaccine for emergency use. This is the second coronavirus vaccine to gain approval in the US. The government can now begin to distribute 5.9m doses of the Moderna vaccine across the US.
19 Dec 2020 00.39 GMT Lawmakers from both sides of the aisle said they were optimistic they could reach a deal on a coronavirus stimulus bill this weekend. The $900bn proposal currently on the table has been held up over an attempt by Republicans to curtail the Federal Reserve’s lending power - limiting its emergency lending efforts amid a deep economic crisis. Democrats said the provision would tie president-elect Joe Biden’s hands as he tries to rein in the economic fallout caused by the coronavirus crisis. The final proposal will likely include funds for a new round of stimulus payments to Americans - likely $600 for most Americans. Republicans have been trying to use their Federal Reserve provision as leverage, saying they’d agree to double the stimulus check amount if they get their way with the Fed.
19 Dec 2020 00.09 GMT Senate approves stopgap measure The measure has passed hours before the government is headed into a shutdown. Now Trump has to sign the measure.
19 Dec 2020 00.08 GMT If the Senate agrees to the stopgap spending bill and Trump signs it, lawmakers will have an additional 48 hours to finalize a coronavirus relief bill. But the stopgap measure could be held up by even a single senator objecting. Both Republican and Democratic senators weighed whether to do so. On the Republican side, senator Josh Hawley of Missouri expressed frustrations that lawmakers had been left in the dark about aspects of the bill, saying the situation is “beginning to reach the point of absurdity” – but backed off a threat to block the stopgap. On the other side, Bernie Sanders – who has been vocal in criticizing legislators who’ve dragged their feet on sending out another round of stimulus checks – has been non-committal when asked whether he’ll approve a stopgap.
Updated at 00.14 GMT
18 Dec 2020 23.41 GMT House approves stopgap spending bill The House approved a stopgap spending bill to fund government through Sunday, averting a shutdown for two days. The bill passed 380-60. It’s now up to the Senate to approve it.
18 Dec 2020 23.33 GMT Officials closed the Washington Monument today after interior secretary David Bernhardt, who tested positive for Covid-19 this week, led a private tour of the DC site. At least two staff working at the moment are in quarantine following exposure, according to the interior department. The Washington Post first reported the story. The Washington Monument, as the sun rises. Photograph: Alexander Drago/Reuters “As we do in all circumstances when an employee attests to having COVID-19, we work with our public health officials to ensure all guidance from the CDC is followed, such as identifying close contacts and cleaning areas as appropriate,” said interior spokesman Nicholas Goodwin in a statement to media. “The Secretary was recently at the Washington Monument. In working with our public officials and out of an abundance of caution, a couple of employees have quarantined resulting in a temporary workforce reduction at the monument and its temporary closure.”
Updated at 00.15 GMT
18 Dec 2020 23.16 GMT In order to protect a waning Democratic majority in the House, Joe Biden may stagger the confirmation of representatives he has chosen to serve in his cabinet, giving congressional Democrats to pass their 100-day agenda. The AP repoorts: President-elect Joe Biden’s decision to tap several House Democrats for administrative positions is putting Speaker Nancy Pelosi in a politically tough spot, having chiseled away at the party’s already slimming majority and leaving her potentially without enough votes to pass his legislative agenda. Democrats already were heading into the new Congress with a razor-thin margin over Republicans. But Biden’s overture to a third lawmaker, Rep. Deb Haaland, D-N.M., as the history-making first Native American interior secretary, set off a fresh round of pained conversations on what to do. Pelosi will start the Biden era with a narrow majority, 222-211, with a few races still undecided. But Pelosi’s leadership team has a plan. “We need to manage something like this,” Rep. James Clyburn of South Carolina, the Democratic whip and a top Biden ally, said in an interview with The Associated Press this week. According to Clyburn, an emerging strategy is to stagger the confirmations: Biden would hold off on formally submitting the nominations all at once so the House numbers don’t immediately drop. Under the plan, timing would unfold over the first several months of the new Congress, ample time for the House to pass the 100-days agenda, a typically important but symbolic, legislative sprint that takes on new importance aligned with Biden’s presidency. Biden’s first pick from the House, Rep. Cedric Richmond, D-La., would join the administration quickly once the president-elect is inaugurated Jan. 20, Clyburn said. Richmond is poised to become a senior adviser, a position that doesn’t require confirmation by the Senate. Biden would then wait to submit the other two nominees, Haaland and Rep. Marcia Fudge, D-Ohio, who was tapped as housing secretary, until after the March special election in Louisiana to fill Richmond’s seat. The lawmakers can remain in the House, voting as members, until they are Senate confirmed. Their nominations could be sent one after the other, in the months that follow. “Just manage it,” Clyburn said. The three House seats are in Democratic strongholds and expected to be off-limits to Republicans. But special elections can throw curveballs, and the staggered timing would also give the campaigns ample running room to shore up the candidates and races. Read more here.
Updated at 23.17 GMT
18 Dec 2020 22.58 GMT Pence – Space Force members will be known as 'Guardians' Martin Pengelly Members of the new United States Space Force will be known as “Guardians”, Vice-President Mike Pence announced on Friday, at a ceremony to mark the first birthday of one of Donald Trump’s signature policy initiatives. “It is my honor,” Pence said, “on behalf of the president of the United States, to announce that henceforth the men and women of the United States Space Force will be known as guardians. “Soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines and guardians will be defending our nation for generations to come.” On Twitter, the Space Force added: “The opportunity to name a force is a momentous responsibility. Guardians is a name with a long history in space operations, tracing back to the original command motto of Air Force Space Command in 1983, ‘Guardians of the High Frontier.’ “The name Guardians connects our proud heritage and culture to the important mission we execute 24/7, protecting the people and interest of the US and its allies.
“Guardians. #SemperSupra!” The force’s Latin motto, adopted in July, means: “Always above.” Pence’s announcement came on the same day a US astronaut aboard the International Space Station transferred from the air force into the space force, but nonetheless it prompted familiar mirth on social media. As Military.com put it, “space enthusiasts and military members were quick to point out the name Guardians evokes the Marvel Comics’ Guardians of the Galaxy film franchise, about a motley crew of superheroes in space”. With the Trump administration on its way out of power, the future of the space force seems uncertain. As the Associated Press put it, delicately: “President-elect Joe Biden has yet to reveal his plans for the space force in the next administration.” Trump unveils logo for Starfleet ... er, Space Force ... and Trekkers take to Twitter Read more
Updated at 23.07 GMT
18 Dec 2020 22.36 GMT Kaiser Family Foundation Poll: Americans feel the worst is yet to come About 72% of Democrats and 32% of Republicans said the worst of the pandemic is yet to come, per a Kaiser Family Foundation poll. Among independents, half said the worst lies ahead. The majority of people from all three political leanings said they wore masks when leaving the house. As coronavirus cases surge across the US, enacting a disproportionate toll on people of color, about three in four Black adults (75%) and Hispanic adults (77%) said they were worried they or a family member would fall ill with Covid-19. About 64% of white adults expressed the same concern. Read the full findings of the December poll here.


theguardian--2020-12-18--Dr Jill Biden says op-ed attack a surprise – but won't let president-elect fight back

Dr Jill Biden has said her doctorate , the subject of a controversial opinion column in the Wall Street Journal , is one the achievements of which she is most proud .
“ That was such a surprise , ” she told CBS Late Show host Stephen Colbert on Thursday , seated next to her husband , Joe Biden .
“ It was really the tone of it … He called me ‘ kiddo ’ .
One of the things that I ’ m most proud of is my doctorate .
I mean , I worked so hard for it.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Epstein , a former adjunct professor at Northwestern University , suggested her doctorate in education from the University of Delaware did not entitle her to use the honorific “ Dr ” , as she was not medically qualified .
Her use of “ Dr ” therefore “ feels fraudulent , not to say a touch comic ” , he wrote .
The column met with widespread outrage and accusations of sexism , as well as delight in the apparent hypocrisy of many attendant rightwing attacks .
The Journal ’ s editorial page editor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ overwrought ” .
Dr Biden ’ s thesis was on maximising student retention in community colleges .
She also has two Masters degrees .
She has said she will continue to work in education while she is first lady .
“ I taught all eight years while I was second lady , right , ” she told Colbert , referring to the eight years in which her husband was vice-president to Barack Obama .
“ I ’ m really looking forward to being first lady and doing the things that I did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military families and education and free community college , cancer [ research ] that , you know , Joe and I have both worked on .
And then I ’ m going to teach as well.
” She also said her husband had attended when she defended her doctoral thesis – “ I got to hand her her doctorate on the stage , University of Delaware , ” he said – and expressed thanks to those who defended her against Epstein ’ s attack .
“ Look at all the people who came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
“ I mean , I am so grateful and I was , you know , I was just overwhelmed by how gracious people were.
” Colbert asked the president-elect if the column had made him want to stand up for his wife , “ to like get out the pool chain and go full Corn Pop on these people ” .
That was a reference to remarks for which he was criticised in the Democratic primary , when he reminisced about facing down a bully at a pool in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seemed tempted , but Dr Biden said : “ The answer is no.
” He said : “ I ’ ve been suppressing my Irishness for a long time.
” He was also asked if he will be willing to work with Republicans who have attacked him and particularly his son , Hunter Biden .
“ If it benefits the country , yes , I really mean it , ” he said .
“ It doesn ’ t mean I wasn ’ t angry .
This doesn ’ t mean if I were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I wouldn ’ t say , ‘ Come here , you know , and go a round.
” Perhaps sensing a relapse – Biden began his presidential run saying he wanted to fight Donald Trump – Dr Biden interjected again .
“ But you have to take the high road , ” she said .

Dr Jill Biden has said her doctorate, the subject of a controversial opinion column in the Wall Street Journal, is one the achievements of which she is most proud.
“That was such a surprise,” she told CBS Late Show host Stephen Colbert on Thursday, seated next to her husband, Joe Biden. “It was really the tone of it … He called me ‘kiddo’. One of the things that I’m most proud of is my doctorate. I mean, I worked so hard for it.”
Writing for the Journal, Joseph Epstein, a former adjunct professor at Northwestern University, suggested her doctorate in education from the University of Delaware did not entitle her to use the honorific “Dr”, as she was not medically qualified. Her use of “Dr” therefore “feels fraudulent, not to say a touch comic”, he wrote.
The column met with widespread outrage and accusations of sexism, as well as delight in the apparent hypocrisy of many attendant rightwing attacks. The Journal’s editorial page editor defended the column, calling its critics “overwrought”.
Dr Biden’s thesis was on maximising student retention in community colleges. She also has two Masters degrees. She has said she will continue to work in education while she is first lady.
“I taught all eight years while I was second lady, right,” she told Colbert, referring to the eight years in which her husband was vice-president to Barack Obama.
“I’m really looking forward to being first lady and doing the things that I did as second lady. Carrying on with military families and education and free community college, cancer [research] that, you know, Joe and I have both worked on. And then I’m going to teach as well.”
She also said her husband had attended when she defended her doctoral thesis – “I got to hand her her doctorate on the stage, University of Delaware,” he said – and expressed thanks to those who defended her against Epstein’s attack.
“Look at all the people who came out in support of me,” she said. “I mean, I am so grateful and I was, you know, I was just overwhelmed by how gracious people were.”
Colbert asked the president-elect if the column had made him want to stand up for his wife, “to like get out the pool chain and go full Corn Pop on these people”.
That was a reference to remarks for which he was criticised in the Democratic primary, when he reminisced about facing down a bully at a pool in the Delaware of his youth.
The president-elect seemed tempted, but Dr Biden said: “The answer is no.”
He said: “I’ve been suppressing my Irishness for a long time.”
He was also asked if he will be willing to work with Republicans who have attacked him and particularly his son, Hunter Biden.
“If it benefits the country, yes, I really mean it,” he said. “It doesn’t mean I wasn’t angry. This doesn’t mean if I were back in the days in high school, I wouldn’t say, ‘Come here, you know, and go a round.”
Perhaps sensing a relapse – Biden began his presidential run saying he wanted to fight Donald Trump – Dr Biden interjected again.
“But you have to take the high road,” she said.


theguardian--2020-12-18--The Guardian view on Julian Assange: do not extradite him | Editorial

On 4 January , a British judge is set to rule on whether Julian Assange should be extradited to the United States , where he could face a 175-year sentence in a high-security “ supermax ” prison .
He should not .
The charges against him in the US undermine the foundations of democracy and press freedom in both countries .
The secret military and diplomatic files provided by Chelsea Manning , and made public by WikiLeaks working with the Guardian and other media organisations , revealed horrifying abuses by the US and other governments .
Giving evidence in Mr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the lauded whistleblower whose leak of the Pentagon Papers shed grim light on the US government ’ s actions in the Vietnam war , observed : “ The American public needed urgently to know what was being done routinely in their name , and there was no other way for them to learn it than by unauthorized disclosure.
” No one has been brought to book for the crimes exposed by WikiLeaks .
Instead , the Trump administration has launched a full-scale assault on the international criminal court for daring to investigate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursuing the man who brought them to light .
It has taken the unprecedented step of prosecuting him under the Espionage Act for publishing confidential information .
( Mike Pompeo , secretary of state and former CIA director , has previously described Wikileaks as a “ non-state hostile intelligence agency ” ) .
In doing so , it chose to attack one of the very bases of journalism : its ability to share vital information that the government would rather suppress .
No public interest defence is permissible under the act .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way could consider itself safe were this extradition attempt to succeed – wherever it was based ; the acts of which Mr Assange is accused ( which also include one count of conspiring to hack into a Pentagon computer network ) took place when he was outside the US .
The decision to belatedly broaden the indictment looks more like an attempt to dilute criticisms from the media than to address the concerns .
The real motivation for this case is clear .
His lawyers argue not only that the prosecution misrepresents the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursued for a political offence , for which extradition is expressly barred in the US-UK treaty .
Previous cases relating to Mr Assange should not be used to confuse the issue .
Sweden has dropped the investigation into an accusation of rape , which he denied .
He has served his 50-week sentence for skipping bail in relation to those allegations , imposed after British police dragged him from the Ecuadorian embassy .
Yet while the extradition process continues , he remains in Belmarsh prison , where a Covid-19 outbreak has led to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UN special rapporteur on torture , has argued that his treatment is “ neither necessary nor proportionate and clearly lacks any legal basis ” .
He previously warned that Mr Assange is showing all the symptoms associated with prolonged exposure to psychological torture and should not be extradited to the US .
His lawyers say he would be at high risk of suicide .
Such considerations have played a part in halting previous extraditions , such as that of Lauri Love , who denied US allegations that he had hacked into government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ January , the losing side is likely to appeal ; legal proceedings will probably drag on for years .
A political solution is required .
Stella Moris , Mr Assange ’ s partner and mother of his two young children , is among those who have urged Donald Trump to pardon him .
But Joe Biden may be more willing to listen .
The incoming president could let Mr Assange walk free .
He should do so .

On 4 January, a British judge is set to rule on whether Julian Assange should be extradited to the United States, where he could face a 175-year sentence in a high-security “supermax” prison. He should not. The charges against him in the US undermine the foundations of democracy and press freedom in both countries.
The secret military and diplomatic files provided by Chelsea Manning, and made public by WikiLeaks working with the Guardian and other media organisations, revealed horrifying abuses by the US and other governments. Giving evidence in Mr Assange’s defence, Daniel Ellsberg, the lauded whistleblower whose leak of the Pentagon Papers shed grim light on the US government’s actions in the Vietnam war, observed: “The American public needed urgently to know what was being done routinely in their name, and there was no other way for them to learn it than by unauthorized disclosure.”
No one has been brought to book for the crimes exposed by WikiLeaks. Instead, the Trump administration has launched a full-scale assault on the international criminal court for daring to investigate these and other offences, and is pursuing the man who brought them to light. It has taken the unprecedented step of prosecuting him under the Espionage Act for publishing confidential information. (Mike Pompeo, secretary of state and former CIA director, has previously described Wikileaks as a “non-state hostile intelligence agency”). In doing so, it chose to attack one of the very bases of journalism: its ability to share vital information that the government would rather suppress.
No public interest defence is permissible under the act. No publisher covering national security in any serious way could consider itself safe were this extradition attempt to succeed – wherever it was based; the acts of which Mr Assange is accused (which also include one count of conspiring to hack into a Pentagon computer network) took place when he was outside the US. The decision to belatedly broaden the indictment looks more like an attempt to dilute criticisms from the media than to address the concerns. The real motivation for this case is clear. His lawyers argue not only that the prosecution misrepresents the facts, but that he is being pursued for a political offence, for which extradition is expressly barred in the US-UK treaty.
Previous cases relating to Mr Assange should not be used to confuse the issue. Sweden has dropped the investigation into an accusation of rape, which he denied. He has served his 50-week sentence for skipping bail in relation to those allegations, imposed after British police dragged him from the Ecuadorian embassy. Yet while the extradition process continues, he remains in Belmarsh prison, where a Covid-19 outbreak has led to his solitary confinement. Nils Melzer, the UN special rapporteur on torture, has argued that his treatment is “neither necessary nor proportionate and clearly lacks any legal basis”. He previously warned that Mr Assange is showing all the symptoms associated with prolonged exposure to psychological torture and should not be extradited to the US. His lawyers say he would be at high risk of suicide.
Such considerations have played a part in halting previous extraditions, such as that of Lauri Love, who denied US allegations that he had hacked into government websites. But whatever the outcome in January, the losing side is likely to appeal; legal proceedings will probably drag on for years.
A political solution is required. Stella Moris, Mr Assange’s partner and mother of his two young children, is among those who have urged Donald Trump to pardon him. But Joe Biden may be more willing to listen. The incoming president could let Mr Assange walk free. He should do so.


theguardian--2020-12-17--Fight to vote: the most important voting rights stories of the year

This will be our last newsletter of 2020 and I ’ m feeling emotional .
( By emotional , I mean completely exhausted by the wildest news cycle I ’ ve ever known . )
So I thought the best way to cap 2020 was with a list of the most important voting rights stories we reported .
These are stories about policies and politics that have stopped people from voting , and the efforts to overcome these threats to democracy .
But most importantly , they are stories about the American people , and their right to the ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biggest voting rights victory in recent history This definitive piece by Sam Levine digs into Amendment 4 – a ballot measure that was meant to give more than 1 million people with felony convictions the right to vote after leaving prison – and how it was in effect dismantled .
2 Bloody Sunday remembered : civil rights marchers tell story of their iconic photos The Guardian traveled to Selma , Alabama – the birthplace of the voting rights movement – in February .
In this piece , Lauren Aratani located activists from some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1960s marches to tell their stories .
3 How the US Postal Service became central to the election The Guardian was one of the first publications to cover the tumult within the agency , and its impact on mail-in voting , which surged due to the coronavirus pandemic .
This set of pieces by Jake Bittle , Sam Levine and Alvin Chang follows that story .
• None ‘ Disastrous at a time like this ’ : the US Postal Service is on the brink of crisis • None Revealed : evidence shows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 4 Alabama blocked a man from voting because he owed $ 4 In a true example of how backwards voting rights laws can disenfranchise Americans , Sam Levine traveled to Tuscaloosa to tell the story of Alfonso Tucker , who lost his ability to cast a ballot over just a few dollars .
We teamed up with ProPublica and the University of Florida researcher Michael McDonald to track mail-in ballot requests , returns and rejections in key states before and after the election .
This is the first year the US has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the varying rules and deadlines made this process a little bumpy .
Our tracker revealed those inconsistencies , as well as how the preponderance of mail-in ballots influenced the results .
6 ‘ Just like propaganda ’ : the three men enabling Trump ’ s voter fraud lies In this prescient story , Sam Levine , Spenser Mestel and Anna Massoglia revealed how the conservative lawyers and politicians Hans von Spakovsky , J Christian Adams and Kris Kobach spent years sowing seeds of doubt in the voting system with their baseless claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that false narrative play out when Donald Trump undermined the election results .
Erum Salam and Sam Levine investigated one of the most egregious examples of the Republican crackdown on mail-in voting during the election .
In the days before the vote , Greg Abbott , governor of Texas , limited the number of drop boxes for mail-in ballots to one per county , despite mail delays and the pandemic .
It hit diverse cities the hardest .
These pieces by Sam Levine , Alvin Chang and David Daley underscored how Republicans will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state legislatures , and the power to draw electoral districts – a procedure that only happens every 10 years .
• None ‘ Democracy is broken ’ : state races aim to undo decade of Republican map-rigging • None As Biden won the presidency , Republicans cemented their grip on power for the next decade 9 ‘ A perfect storm ’ : US census imperiled by Trump rhetoric and growing distrust Reporting by Sam Levine and Madeleine Gregory on the decennial census count in January set the stage for a year of census @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hit .
In the months that followed , the attempt to count every living person in the US would become fraught as Trump attempted to exclude undocumented immigrants and curbed outreach amid the raging virus , We have yet to fully understand the impact of these moves .
10 Why this election calls into question whether America is a democracy In this seminal piece , Sam Levine considered a year of tumultuous voting rights issues to ask a crucial question : is America a democracy ?
Thank you , as always , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Vote has illuminated an aspect of US democracy that often goes unnoticed and amplified the voices of civil rights activists and those left out of the process .
We look forward to taking on these stories again next year and hope you will join us .
Our first stop next year will be the Senate runoffs in Georgia , and it certainly won ’ t be our last .

Dear Fight to Vote readers,
This will be our last newsletter of 2020 and I’m feeling emotional. (By emotional, I mean completely exhausted by the wildest news cycle I’ve ever known.) So I thought the best way to cap 2020 was with a list of the most important voting rights stories we reported. These are stories about policies and politics that have stopped people from voting, and the efforts to overcome these threats to democracy. But most importantly, they are stories about the American people, and their right to the ballot box.
Without further ado:
1 How Republicans gutted the biggest voting rights victory in recent history
This definitive piece by Sam Levine digs into Amendment 4 – a ballot measure that was meant to give more than 1 million people with felony convictions the right to vote after leaving prison – and how it was in effect dismantled.
2 Bloody Sunday remembered: civil rights marchers tell story of their iconic photos
The Guardian traveled to Selma, Alabama – the birthplace of the voting rights movement – in February. In this piece, Lauren Aratani located activists from some of the most memorable photos of the 1960s marches to tell their stories.
3 How the US Postal Service became central to the election
The Guardian was one of the first publications to cover the tumult within the agency, and its impact on mail-in voting, which surged due to the coronavirus pandemic. This set of pieces by Jake Bittle, Sam Levine and Alvin Chang follows that story.
4 Alabama blocked a man from voting because he owed $4
In a true example of how backwards voting rights laws can disenfranchise Americans, Sam Levine traveled to Tuscaloosa to tell the story of Alfonso Tucker, who lost his ability to cast a ballot over just a few dollars.
5 Mail-in ballot tracker: counting election votes in US swing states
We teamed up with ProPublica and the University of Florida researcher Michael McDonald to track mail-in ballot requests, returns and rejections in key states before and after the election. This is the first year the US has used vote by mail so extensively, and the varying rules and deadlines made this process a little bumpy. Our tracker revealed those inconsistencies, as well as how the preponderance of mail-in ballots influenced the results.
6 ‘Just like propaganda’: the three men enabling Trump’s voter fraud lies
In this prescient story, Sam Levine, Spenser Mestel and Anna Massoglia revealed how the conservative lawyers and politicians Hans von Spakovsky, J Christian Adams and Kris Kobach spent years sowing seeds of doubt in the voting system with their baseless claims. After the election, we saw that false narrative play out when Donald Trump undermined the election results.
7 Texas limits ballot drop boxes
Erum Salam and Sam Levine investigated one of the most egregious examples of the Republican crackdown on mail-in voting during the election. In the days before the vote, Greg Abbott, governor of Texas, limited the number of drop boxes for mail-in ballots to one per county, despite mail delays and the pandemic. It hit diverse cities the hardest.
8 Democrats lost the gerrymandering battle of 2021
These pieces by Sam Levine, Alvin Chang and David Daley underscored how Republicans will continue to dominate next year’s state legislatures, and the power to draw electoral districts – a procedure that only happens every 10 years.
9 ‘A perfect storm’: US census imperiled by Trump rhetoric and growing distrust
Reporting by Sam Levine and Madeleine Gregory on the decennial census count in January set the stage for a year of census battles, even before the coronavirus pandemic hit. In the months that followed, the attempt to count every living person in the US would become fraught as Trump attempted to exclude undocumented immigrants and curbed outreach amid the raging virus, We have yet to fully understand the impact of these moves.
10 Why this election calls into question whether America is a democracy
In this seminal piece, Sam Levine considered a year of tumultuous voting rights issues to ask a crucial question: is America a democracy?
Thank you, as always, for reading our newsletter. We hope Fight to Vote has illuminated an aspect of US democracy that often goes unnoticed and amplified the voices of civil rights activists and those left out of the process. We look forward to taking on these stories again next year and hope you will join us. Our first stop next year will be the Senate runoffs in Georgia, and it certainly won’t be our last.
– Ankita


theguardian--2020-12-19--Republicans strategize for next elections: 'Their plan is to make it harder for voters to participat

Republicans strategize for next elections: 'Their plan is to make it harder for voters to participate'

After record turnout in the 2020 presidential election , Republicans in some states are already signaling they will pursue measures that make it harder to vote in the coming years .
The Republican efforts come after an election in which nearly 160 million people voted , the highest in a presidential election in over a century .
About half of voters cast their ballots by mail , a big increase from 2016 , while about another quarter cast their ballots in person ahead of election day .
The GOP backlash underscores how swiftly and severely the party is willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs of a changing electorate .
The baseless accusations of fraud that Donald Trump and other allies continue to levy about the election has offered election officials justification for passing the measures .
“ There will be some states where it is very clear that the existing power structure is worried about their voters .
And part of their job security plan is to make it harder for their voters to participate , ” said Myrna Pérez , director of the voting rights and elections program at the Brennan Center for Justice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the center of the push are Georgia and Texas , where Republicans are already advocating measures to scale back mail-in voting and other access to the ballot .
Both states , traditionally seen as Republican strongholds , are increasingly seen as politically competitive because of demographic shifts , with the electorate becoming much more diverse .
In Georgia , there has been significant growth among Black , Hispanic and Asian eligible voters over the last two decades , while Texas has seen a surge in its Latino population .
“ I am not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Texas and Georgia that I think are on the cusp of a big shift , ” Pérez said .
“ You have some dinosaurs who are not going to stay in power much longer trying to suppress votes.
” In Georgia , a state where record numbers of voters cast their ballots by mail , Republicans who control the state legislature have said they want to pass a slew of new restrictions focused on mail-in voting .
They have said they want to require voters to submit a copy of their ID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drop boxes .
While Georgia currently allows anyone to vote-by-mail , Republicans said they intend to work on a new law that would only allow voters to cast a mail-in ballot if they have an excuse .
Newt Gingrich , the conservative Georgian and former speaker of the US House , complained earlier this month that Republicans were helping Democrats by making it easier to vote .
The Republican push to do away with no-excuse absentee voting comes just 15 years after the party embraced the practice and adopted a state law doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by mail .
In previous elections , Republicans in the state have used the practice more widely than Democrats , said Charles Bullock , a political science professor at the University of Georgia .
“ Now , they ’ re clearly operating on the premise that : ‘ fewer votes , we win ’ , ” he said .
“ Making it harder to do absentee voting , assuming we don ’ t remain all locked in our homes because of the pandemic , that may hurt Republicans more than Democrats .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knee jerk reaction to an election they very narrowly lost.
” Helen Butler , the executive director of the Georgia Coalition for the People ’ s Agenda , a civil rights group that works on expanding voter access , questioned why Republicans were suddenly interested in restricting access to vote by mail .
“ I ’ m just gon na be honest , more white people used vote by mail than people of color , because they didn ’ t trust the process – now that we ’ ve got them trusting the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in and change the rules , ” she told the Guardian earlier this month .
In Texas , which already has some of the most stringent rules around voting in the country , lawmakers have pre-filed several bills with new restrictions .
One bill would prevent state officials from sending out applications to vote by mail .
The measure comes after election officials in Harris county tried to mail applications to all 2.4 million registered voters in the county .
“ There are differently going to be those same efforts , like we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what local election administrators are doing to try and innovate to try and make voting more convenient and safer , ” said Anthony Gutierrez , the executive director of Common Cause Texas , a government watchdog group .
“ Texas is always on the cutting edge of finding new ways to suppress the vote.
” Another measure would require state officials to investigate anyone who casts a ballot while swearing they don ’ t have an acceptable form of photo identification ( something currently allowed under Texas law ) .
The same bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its voter rolls with a Department of Homeland Security data to try and find registered non-citizens , a process that has been shown to be inaccurate in the past .
In 2019 , Texas officials announced they had found nearly 100,000 non-citizens on its voter rolls , but were forced to retract that accusation once the data was shown to be inaccurate .
This isn ’ t the first time that lawmakers have moved to cut off voting access after turnout surged , Pérez said .
After the 2008 presidential election , Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and were more likely to pass voting restrictions in places where there were high minority populations or high turnout among minority voters .
“ People don ’ t get threatened about participation levels until they start reaching a certain threshold where they can actually disrupt the power structure , ” she said .
Keith Bentele , a professor at the Southwest Institute for Research on Women at the University of Arizona who has studied efforts to restrict voting access , said it was “ extremely likely ” that Republicans – who will still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would pass new voting restrictions .
“ Given the extraordinarily intense amplification of the voter fraud myth by President Trump and allies unfolding currently , it would seem odd if state legislators did not follow through with legislation to address these alleged ( and in nearly all cases immaterial ) issues of election integrity , ” he wrote in an email .
Pérez questioned what kind of message it would send to the American public to see politicians so swiftly restrict access to voting after many people used it for the first time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the American population to have to see our politicians being so self serving .
So brazen in their attempts to make it harder for people to vote ?
, ” she said .
“ It ’ s just gon na tell a really ugly story about America .
”

After record turnout in the 2020 presidential election, Republicans in some states are already signaling they will pursue measures that make it harder to vote in the coming years.
The Republican efforts come after an election in which nearly 160 million people voted, the highest in a presidential election in over a century. About half of voters cast their ballots by mail, a big increase from 2016, while about another quarter cast their ballots in person ahead of election day.
The GOP backlash underscores how swiftly and severely the party is willing to cut off access to the ballot amid signs of a changing electorate. The baseless accusations of fraud that Donald Trump and other allies continue to levy about the election has offered election officials justification for passing the measures.
“There will be some states where it is very clear that the existing power structure is worried about their voters. And part of their job security plan is to make it harder for their voters to participate,” said Myrna Pérez, director of the voting rights and elections program at the Brennan Center for Justice.
Two states that appear to be at the center of the push are Georgia and Texas, where Republicans are already advocating measures to scale back mail-in voting and other access to the ballot. Both states, traditionally seen as Republican strongholds, are increasingly seen as politically competitive because of demographic shifts, with the electorate becoming much more diverse. In Georgia, there has been significant growth among Black, Hispanic and Asian eligible voters over the last two decades, while Texas has seen a surge in its Latino population.
“I am not at all surprised to see this happening in Texas and Georgia that I think are on the cusp of a big shift,” Pérez said. “You have some dinosaurs who are not going to stay in power much longer trying to suppress votes.”
In Georgia, a state where record numbers of voters cast their ballots by mail, Republicans who control the state legislature have said they want to pass a slew of new restrictions focused on mail-in voting. They have said they want to require voters to submit a copy of their ID with their mail-in ballot and eliminate ballot drop boxes. While Georgia currently allows anyone to vote by mail, Republicans said they intend to work on a new law that would only allow voters to cast a mail-in ballot if they have an excuse. Newt Gingrich, the conservative Georgian and former speaker of the US House, complained earlier this month that Republicans were helping Democrats by making it easier to vote.
The Republican push to do away with no-excuse absentee voting comes just 15 years after the party embraced the practice and adopted a state law doing away with the excuse requirement to vote by mail. In previous elections, Republicans in the state have used the practice more widely than Democrats, said Charles Bullock, a political science professor at the University of Georgia.
“Now, they’re clearly operating on the premise that: ‘fewer votes, we win’,” he said. “Making it harder to do absentee voting, assuming we don’t remain all locked in our homes because of the pandemic, that may hurt Republicans more than Democrats. It’s kind of a simple, kneejerk reaction to an election they very narrowly lost.”
Helen Butler, the executive director of the Georgia Coalition for the People’s Agenda, a civil rights group that works on expanding voter access, questioned why Republicans were suddenly interested in restricting access to vote by mail. “I’m just gonna be honest, more white people used vote by mail than people of color, because they didn’t trust the process – now that we’ve got them trusting the process, now they want to go in and change the rules,” she told the Guardian earlier this month.
In Texas, which already has some of the most stringent rules around voting in the country, lawmakers have pre-filed several bills with new restrictions. One bill would prevent state officials from sending out applications to vote by mail. The measure comes after election officials in Harris county tried to mail applications to all 2.4 million registered voters in the county.
“There are definitely going to be those same efforts, like we saw during the election, to combat what local election administrators are doing to try and innovate to try and make voting more convenient and safer,” said Anthony Gutierrez, the executive director of Common Cause Texas, a government watchdog group. “Texas is always on the cutting edge of finding new ways to suppress the vote.”
Another measure would require state officials to investigate anyone who casts a ballot while swearing they don’t have an acceptable form of photo identification (something currently allowed under Texas law). The same bill would require the state to regularly compare its voter rolls with a Department of Homeland Security data to try and find registered non-citizens, a process that has been shown to be inaccurate in the past. In 2019, Texas officials announced they had found nearly 100,000 non-citizens on its voter rolls, but were forced to retract that accusation once the data was shown to be inaccurate.
This isn’t the first time that lawmakers have moved to cut off voting access after turnout surged, Pérez said. After the 2008 presidential election, Republicans took control of state legislatures in 2010 and were more likely to pass voting restrictions in places where there were high minority populations or high turnout among minority voters. “People don’t get threatened about participation levels until they start reaching a certain threshold where they can actually disrupt the power structure,” she said.
Keith Bentele, a professor at the Southwest Institute for Research on Women at the University of Arizona who has studied efforts to restrict voting access, said it was “extremely likely” that Republicans – who will still wield enormous power over state legislatures – would pass new voting restrictions.
“Given the extraordinarily intense amplification of the voter fraud myth by President Trump and allies unfolding currently, it would seem odd if state legislators did not follow through with legislation to address these alleged (and in nearly all cases immaterial) issues of election integrity,” he wrote in an email.
Pérez questioned what kind of message it would send to the American public to see politicians so swiftly restrict access to voting after many people used it for the first time.
“What does it do to the American population to have to see our politicians being so self serving. So brazen in their attempts to make it harder for people to vote?,” she said. “It’s just gonna tell a really ugly story about America.”


theguardian--2020-12-19--Joe Biden will face an inbox of complex foreign policy problems from the start

Joe Biden ’ s foreign policy in-tray is only looking more difficult as he approaches inauguration day – even as the US still confronts the pressing issue of record coronavirus deaths and infections .
The massive and ongoing hack of US federal agencies – blamed on Russia – has so far elicited no response from Donald Trump , who has a long history of denying or downplaying Russian interventions .
Iran , say reports , has restarted work on its nuclear site at Fordo .
Then there is the knotty issue of what direction relations with China will follow after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Washington .
On top of all that add North Korea , which – despite Trump ’ s flip-flopping between threats and craven courting – now has both longrange missile capabilities on top of being a nuclear power , a huge failure in terms of US longterm policy .
Some hangovers of the Trump era will be easier to fix – not least rapidly rejoining the World Health Organization and the Paris Climate Accord .
But the thorniest issues are likely to be circumscribed by the overwhelming pressure of domestic considerations – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate and continue in a spirit of obstructionism .
Most pressing right now , however , is how to respond to Russia if its agencies are confirmed as being behind the latest hack .
In the aftermath of the SolarWinds hack , Biden has signaled that he is considering a far more proactive response to state-sponsored hacking .
“ We need to disrupt and deter our adversaries from undertaking significant cyber attacks in the first place , ” Biden said in a statement .
“ Our adversaries should know that , as president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the face of cyber assaults on our nation.
” What is less clear is what that means in practical terms .
One first step would be for the incoming administration to explicitly point the finger of blame .
“ I would imagine that the incoming administration wants a menu of what the options are and then is going to choose , ” said Sarah Mendelson , a Carnegie Mellon University public policy professor and former US ambassador to the UN ’ s Economic and Social Council .
“ Is there a graduated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
How much out of the gate do you want to do ?
” In some respects , the hack – if formally laid at the feet of the Kremlin – may offer an opportunity for Biden not only to draw a clear line with Trump ’ s dealings with Putin but also to carve out a more muscular response than Barack Obama managed after Russian interference in the 2016 election .
While Tehran has indicated that it was keen quickly to reopen talks with the US about the nuclear deal , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from nuclear deal to build up its bargaining chips again in terms of stockpiles of nuclear material and allegedly undertaking new work .
Biden will also be confronted by the same lobbying from Israel and Republicans in Congress who set themselves against the original Iran nuclear agreement – and who will remain determined to undermine any new version of the deal .
All of which poses the question of how Biden will run his foreign policy confronted with so many challenges .
Biden ’ s instincts for a well-managed technocratic foreign policy are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alliances .
But as Thomas Wright , a senior fellow in the Project on International Order and Strategy at the Brookings Institution , wrote in a paper in November , the current moment may call for a more aggressive approach not least on China .
Biden has indicated that he sometimes chafed against Obama ’ s more cautious approach .
Perhaps the biggest question relates to this .
The isolationism and withdrawal from the world of the Trump years built on trends already apparent under his predecessor – not least Obama ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Middle East in Syria .
In that respect , the domestic foreign policy consensus that Biden grew up with may no longer actually exist .
“ [ Biden ] obviously trusts many of Obama ’ s senior officials and is proud of the administration ’ s record .
At the same time , he chafed against Obama ’ s caution and incrementalism – for example , Biden wanted to send lethal assistance to Ukraine , when Obama did not , ” wrote Wright .
“ Biden has spoken more explicitly than Obama about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he favours a foreign policy that works for the [ US ] middle class.
” Again , Wright sees an opportunity in the policy on China if Biden chooses a tougher approach than Obama , who he served under .
“ Biden should use competition with China as a bridge to Senate Republicans .
Their instinct may be obstructionist , particularly because Trump is pressuring them not to recognize Biden ’ s win as legitimate , but many of them also know that the US can not afford four years of legislative gridlock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

Joe Biden’s foreign policy in-tray is only looking more difficult as he approaches inauguration day – even as the US still confronts the pressing issue of record coronavirus deaths and infections.
The massive and ongoing hack of US federal agencies – blamed on Russia – has so far elicited no response from Donald Trump, who has a long history of denying or downplaying Russian interventions.
Iran, say reports, has restarted work on its nuclear site at Fordo.
Then there is the knotty issue of what direction relations with China will follow after four years of mounting friction with Trump’s Washington.
On top of all that add North Korea, which – despite Trump’s flip-flopping between threats and craven courting – now has both long-range missile capabilities on top of being a nuclear power, a huge failure in terms of US long-term policy.
Some hangovers of the Trump era will be easier to fix – not least rapidly rejoining the World Health Organization and the Paris climate accord. But the thorniest issues are likely to be circumscribed by the overwhelming pressure of domestic considerations – especially if Republicans retain control of the Senate and continue in a spirit of obstructionism.
Most pressing right now, however, is how to respond to Russia if its agencies are confirmed as being behind the latest hack.
In the aftermath of the SolarWinds hack, Biden has signaled that he is considering a far more proactive response to state-sponsored hacking.
“We need to disrupt and deter our adversaries from undertaking significant cyber attacks in the first place,” Biden said in a statement.
“Our adversaries should know that, as president, I will not stand idly by in the face of cyber assaults on our nation.”
What is less clear is what that means in practical terms. One first step would be for the incoming administration to explicitly point the finger of blame.
“I would imagine that the incoming administration wants a menu of what the options are and then is going to choose,” said Sarah Mendelson, a Carnegie Mellon University public policy professor and former US ambassador to the UN’s Economic and Social Council.
“Is there a graduated assault? Is there an all-out assault? How much out of the gate do you want to do?”
In some respects, the hack – if formally laid at the feet of the Kremlin – may offer an opportunity for Biden not only to draw a clear line with Trump’s dealings with Putin but also to carve out a more muscular response than Barack Obama managed after Russian interference in the 2016 election.
Iran is more complex.
While Tehran has indicated that it was keen quickly to reopen talks with the US about the nuclear deal, it has also used Washington’s withdrawal from nuclear deal to build up its bargaining chips again in terms of stockpiles of nuclear material and allegedly undertaking new work.
Biden will also be confronted by the same lobbying from Israel and Republicans in Congress who set themselves against the original Iran nuclear agreement – and who will remain determined to undermine any new version of the deal.
All of which poses the question of how Biden will run his foreign policy confronted with so many challenges.
Biden’s instincts for a well-managed technocratic foreign policy are heavily oriented toward longstanding democratic institutions and alliances. But as Thomas Wright, a senior fellow in the Project on International Order and Strategy at the Brookings Institution, wrote in a paper in November, the current moment may call for a more aggressive approach not least on China.
Biden has indicated that he sometimes chafed against Obama’s more cautious approach.
Perhaps the biggest question relates to this.
The isolationism and withdrawal from the world of the Trump years built on trends already apparent under his predecessor – not least Obama’s reluctance to get further entangled in the Middle East in Syria. In that respect, the domestic foreign policy consensus that Biden grew up with may no longer actually exist.
“[Biden] obviously trusts many of Obama’s senior officials and is proud of the administration’s record. At the same time, he chafed against Obama’s caution and incrementalism – for example, Biden wanted to send lethal assistance to Ukraine, when Obama did not,” wrote Wright.
“Biden has spoken more explicitly than Obama about competition with China and Russia, and he favours a foreign policy that works for the [US] middle class.”
Again, Wright sees an opportunity in the policy on China if Biden chooses a tougher approach than Obama, who he served under.
“Biden should use competition with China as a bridge to Senate Republicans. Their instinct may be obstructionist, particularly because Trump is pressuring them not to recognize Biden’s win as legitimate, but many of them also know that the US cannot afford four years of legislative gridlock if it is to compete with China.”