theguardian--2020-07-20--Once a Republican bastion, Arizona is now a key state that could decide the election

Ten years ago , Arizona enacted one of the strictest and most contentious immigration measures in the nation – the so-called “ show me your papers ” law – and a generation of young Latinos revolted .
Hundreds of Latino activists and high school students marched through the streets of downtown Phoenix , to protest against a piece of legislation they believed authorized police to discriminate against anybody who looked like them .
That was SB 1070 .
“ We were optimistic that we could stop [ then governor ] Jan Brewer from signing that bill , ” said Raquel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state capitol that day .
“ Obviously we didn ’ t , but it showed that we had the capacity to mobilize our communities.
” Today Terán works in the copper-domed capitol building where she used to protest .
She was elected as a Democrat in 2018 to represent a majority-Hispanic district in the Arizona house of representatives .
The decade-long backlash to the immigration law , accelerated by the election of Donald Trump , demographic change and population growth , is reshaping the state ’ s political landscape , turning one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a key place that could determine control of the White House and the Senate .
With less than four months until the election , polls show Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ahead of the president in Arizona , a state Trump won in 2016 by fewer than four percentage points , a far narrower margin than past Republican nominees .
Then , in 2018 , in November ’ s midterm elections , young Latino voters cast votes in record numbers , joining white moderates in the suburbs , to elect Kyrsten Sinema @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US senate seat in Arizona in decades .
In this year ’ s Arizona Senate race , several surveys have found Democrat Mark Kelly , a former astronaut and husband of former congresswoman Gabby Giffords , polling ahead of the Republican incumbent Martha McSally , who was appointed to the seat after the death of John McCain in 2018 .
While Trump ’ s embrace of hardline , anti-immigrant rhetoric seemed to rally his base in the midwest , operatives in both parties believe it has hurt him in Arizona , a border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move beyond the divisive politics that had tarnished their brand with Latino voters .
When lawmakers in 2010 introduced SB 1070 , which included a provision requiring law enforcement to determine the immigration status of anyone officers had “ reasonable suspicion ” to believe was in the country illegally , the political , economic and cultural backlash was swift .
Businesses , sports teams , musicians , even the city of Los Angeles , boycotted the state , and Jon Stewart mocked it as the “ meth lab of democracy ” .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and court rulings curtailed its most controversial elements .
“ There was political overreach from the right , and SB 1070 was the straw that broke the camel ’ s back , ” said Marisa Franco , the co-founder of the social justice advocacy group Mijente .
“ It awakened an electorate that ’ s , I think , more justice-minded.
” After the death of George Floyd in May , Black Lives Matter protests spread from diverse cities like Phoenix and Tucson to largely white , conservative corners of the state such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think it ’ s very possible for Arizona to turn not just blue , but even a shade further , ” Franco said .
“ There ’ s potential for Arizona to support not just the most moderate Democratic agenda , but go beyond that.
” Arizona , home to Barry Goldwater , the senator and 1964 Republican presidential nominee considered the godfather of modern conservatism in America , has long eluded Democrats .
No Democratic presidential candidate has won the state since 1996 , and between 2008 and 2018 , no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Now , the Grand Canyon state is a top target for the Biden campaign .
In recent years , an influx of new residents from more liberal states like California , and a growing electoral clout of Latinos , have slowly shifted Arizona ’ s political landscape , as its population becomes more diverse and less rural .
Yet a key factor driving its competitiveness this cycle are the residents living in the Valley ’ s famous suburban sprawl , who are abandoning the Republican party .
“ SB 1070 turned on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that started pushing out moderates and replacing them with very rabid , Anglo anti-immigrant Republicans , ” said Arizona congressman Ruben Gallego , who was among the Latino activists swept to elected office in the years after the law went into effect .
“ Now you have a generation of young Latinos who are starting to vote aligning with a new coalition of moderate suburban women.
” The trick for Democrats , Gallego added , is how to mobilize the young Latinos demanding systemic change without alienating white moderates craving stability and leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state is the boiling frustration over the handling of the coronavirus pandemic by Trump and Arizona ’ s Republican governor Doug Ducey .
Arizona is facing one of the worst outbreaks in the nation , after the state raced to reopen bars , restaurants and businesses .
More than 143,600 people have contracted Covid-19 in Arizona , overwhelming hospitals .
Maricopa county , which encompasses Phoenix , has ordered multiple refrigerated trucks as morgues reach capacity .
Ducey initially prevented local governments from setting their own coronavirus-related policies but reversed course in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sharply .
In July , he asked the Trump administration to send hundreds of healthcare workers to the state to help .
As elsewhere , the pandemic has exacted a disproportionate toll on Arizona ’ s Black , Latino , and Native American residents .
In a widely-shared obituary published by the Arizona Republic , a daughter blamed her father ’ s death from Covid-19 on “ the carelessness of the politicians who continue to jeopardize the health of brown bodies through a clear lack of leadership ” .
What remains unclear is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latino voters to cast ballots .
In 2016 and 2018 , Latinos voted at higher rates than in previous elections but organizers have warned that Democrats must invest more deeply in turning out this critical constituency .
Strategists believe the playbook for Democrats to be successful in the state is moderation and an appeal to bipartisanship .
In a post-mortem memo drafted after McSally ’ s 2018 loss , her campaign noted that Sinema had “ hugged McCain tightly , and never once had the word ‘ Democrat ’ in a TV advertisement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consultant and former Arizona state senator , said : “ The only way to win statewide as a Democrat in Arizona is to act like you ’ re not a Democrat.
” Barnes is skeptical that Republicans are headed for a political reckoning in November .
He said Democrats have moved too far left for a state that remains largely in Republican control .
Particularly on issues like policing , Barnes said Democrats are at risk of alienating white moderate voters who have historically sided with the “ law-and-order side of the equation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a message of “ law and order , ” despite dramatic shifts away from his views on issues of race and policing in America .
In a naked appeal to white suburban voters this week , the president said that a Biden presidency would “ obliterate ” their way of life , declaring : “ Suburbia will be no longer as we know it.
” But in a sign Trump sees a fight in the desert , he has visited the state twice in two months , once in May to tour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a rally in June , as coronavirus cases rose sharply in the state .
Because Latino voters in Arizona tend to overwhelmingly support Democratic candidates , whether or not the state will turn blue , “ really hinges on turnout , ” said Lisa Sanchez , a political scientist at the University of Arizona .
“ You ’ d think during the election of Donald Trump , we would have seen even more mobilization , ” Sanchez said .
“ You ’ d think all the anti-immigrant anti-Latino rhetoric would have fired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the groundwork for years , led by groups like One Arizona , a coalition of organizations focused on Latino civic engagement that was formed in the wake of SB 1070 .
Tried and tested methods like voter registration and canvassing helped power Democratic gains in 2018 - and , they hope , will dramatically reshape the electorate in 2020 .
“ Our folks were those people that would potentially not vote – not because they didn ’ t want to , but because they just simply didn ’ t know how to or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Liz Zamudio , One Arizona ’ s deputy field director said .
Immigration is a priority for many Latino voters in the state but so too are healthcare and education , Zamudio said , especially as the coronavirus devastates their communities and a debate rages over when to return children to schools .
Yet organizers and strategists have expressed concern that Democrats are not doing enough to mobilize young Latino voters , particularly in swing states like Arizona , where they could determine the outcome .
Josh Ulibarri , a Phoenix-based Democratic pollster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six weeks surveying voters in Arizona , conducting thousands of interviews from across the state .
“ I ’ ve yet to pull a survey out of a field where I felt comfortable with where we are with Latino voters , ” he said , adding : “ I am really worried about enthusiasm .
And I ’ m really worried about motivation.
” In recent weeks , Biden has scaled up his Latino outreach efforts while building out his operation in the state .
Priorities USA , the main pro-Biden Super Pac @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a mobilization and vote-by-mail effort targeting Black and Latino voters in key states , including Arizona .
For liberal activists in Arizona , a surge in Latino turnout would be the ultimate repudiation of the nativist politics that defined their youths .
The success of candidates like Terán in 2018 , they say , is a testament to the years they spent building a grassroots movement .
Born in Douglas , Arizona , Terán was raised on the Mexican side of the border and crossed into the US every day for school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rising hostility to immigrants in her state , Terán ’ s first political act was to register Latino voters .
Years later , she asked for their vote .
Days after winning her seat , Terán was served a lawsuit challenging her citizenship in court .
She saw it as a strain of the birther movement , promoted by Trump , that questioned the citizenship of Barack Obama , the nation ’ s first black president .
The case was dismissed but for Terán and her supporters , it was a reminder of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arizona .
“ Ten years ago I was standing outside the capitol with a megaphone , ” she said .
“ Now I have a microphone and a seat at the table .
”

Ten years ago, Arizona enacted one of the strictest and most contentious immigration measures in the nation – the so-called “show me your papers” law – and a generation of young Latinos revolted.
Hundreds of Latino activists and high school students marched through the streets of downtown Phoenix, to protest against a piece of legislation they believed authorized police to discriminate against anybody who looked like them. That was SB 1070.
“We were optimistic that we could stop [then governor] Jan Brewer from signing that bill,” said Raquel Terán, who joined protesters at the state capitol that day. “Obviously we didn’t, but it showed that we had the capacity to mobilize our communities.”
Today Terán works in the copper-domed capitol building where she used to protest. She was elected as a Democrat in 2018 to represent a majority-Hispanic district in the Arizona house of representatives.
The decade-long backlash to the immigration law, accelerated by the election of Donald Trump, demographic change and population growth, is reshaping the state’s political landscape, turning one of the last conservative bastions of the south-west into a key place that could determine control of the White House and the Senate.
With less than four months until the election, polls show Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ahead of the president in Arizona, a state Trump won in 2016 by fewer than four percentage points, a far narrower margin than past Republican nominees. Then, in 2018, in November’s midterm elections, young Latino voters cast votes in record numbers, joining white moderates in the suburbs, to elect Kyrsten Sinema – the first Democrat to win a US senate seat in Arizona in decades.
In this year’s Arizona Senate race, several surveys have found Democrat Mark Kelly, a former astronaut and husband of former congresswoman Gabby Giffords, polling ahead of the Republican incumbent Martha McSally, who was appointed to the seat after the death of John McCain in 2018.
Operatives in both parties believe Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric has hurt him in Arizona
While Trump’s embrace of hardline, anti-immigrant rhetoric seemed to rally his base in the midwest, operatives in both parties believe it has hurt him in Arizona, a border state where many Republicans were trying to move beyond the divisive politics that had tarnished their brand with Latino voters.
When lawmakers in 2010 introduced SB 1070, which included a provision requiring law enforcement to determine the immigration status of anyone officers had “reasonable suspicion” to believe was in the country illegally, the political, economic and cultural backlash was swift. Businesses, sports teams, musicians, even the city of Los Angeles, boycotted the state, and Jon Stewart mocked it as the “meth lab of democracy”. The law remains in effect, though lawsuits and court rulings curtailed its most controversial elements.
“There was political overreach from the right, and SB 1070 was the straw that broke the camel’s back,” said Marisa Franco, the co-founder of the social justice advocacy group Mijente. “It awakened an electorate that’s, I think, more justice-minded.”
After the death of George Floyd in May, Black Lives Matter protests spread from diverse cities like Phoenix and Tucson to largely white, conservative corners of the state such as Fountain Hills and Kingman.
“I think it’s very possible for Arizona to turn not just blue, but even a shade further,” Franco said. “There’s potential for Arizona to support not just the most moderate Democratic agenda, but go beyond that.”
Arizona, home to Barry Goldwater, the senator and 1964 Republican presidential nominee considered the godfather of modern conservatism in America, has long eluded Democrats.
No Democratic presidential candidate has won the state since 1996, and between 2008 and 2018, no Democrat was elected statewide at any level. Now, the Grand Canyon state is a top target for the Biden campaign.
In recent years, an influx of new residents from more liberal states like California, and a growing electoral clout of Latinos, have slowly shifted Arizona’s political landscape, as its population becomes more diverse and less rural. Yet a key factor driving its competitiveness this cycle are the residents living in the Valley’s famous suburban sprawl, who are abandoning the Republican party.
“SB 1070 turned on this radical element in the Republican party that started pushing out moderates and replacing them with very rabid, Anglo anti-immigrant Republicans,” said Arizona congressman Ruben Gallego, who was among the Latino activists swept to elected office in the years after the law went into effect.
“Now you have a generation of young Latinos who are starting to vote aligning with a new coalition of moderate suburban women.”
The trick for Democrats, Gallego added, is how to mobilize the young Latinos demanding systemic change without alienating white moderates craving stability and leadership.
Another reason for Democratic optimism in the state is the boiling frustration over the handling of the coronavirus pandemic by Trump and Arizona’s Republican governor Doug Ducey.
Trump with Doug Ducey as the president tours a section of the border wall in June. Photograph: Evan Vucci/AP
Arizona is facing one of the worst outbreaks in the nation, after the state raced to reopen bars, restaurants and businesses. More than 143,600 people have contracted Covid-19 in Arizona, overwhelming hospitals. Maricopa county, which encompasses Phoenix, has ordered multiple refrigerated trucks as morgues reach capacity.
Ducey initially prevented local governments from setting their own coronavirus-related policies but reversed course in mid-June, as cases and hospitalizations rose sharply. In July, he asked the Trump administration to send hundreds of healthcare workers to the state to help.
As elsewhere, the pandemic has exacted a disproportionate toll on Arizona’s Black, Latino, and Native American residents. In a widely-shared obituary published by the Arizona Republic, a daughter blamed her father’s death from Covid-19 on “the carelessness of the politicians who continue to jeopardize the health of brown bodies through a clear lack of leadership”.
What remains unclear is the extent to which anger will propel Latino voters to cast ballots. In 2016 and 2018, Latinos voted at higher rates than in previous elections but organizers have warned that Democrats must invest more deeply in turning out this critical constituency.
Strategists believe the playbook for Democrats to be successful in the state is moderation and an appeal to bipartisanship. In a post-mortem memo drafted after McSally’s 2018 loss, her campaign noted that Sinema had “hugged McCain tightly, and never once had the word ‘Democrat’ in a TV advertisement”.
Stan Barnes, a conservative consultant and former Arizona state senator, said: “The only way to win statewide as a Democrat in Arizona is to act like you’re not a Democrat.”
Barnes is skeptical that Republicans are headed for a political reckoning in November. He said Democrats have moved too far left for a state that remains largely in Republican control. Particularly on issues like policing, Barnes said Democrats are at risk of alienating white moderate voters who have historically sided with the “law-and-order side of the equation”.
Trump has staked his candidacy on a message of “law and order,” despite dramatic shifts away from his views on issues of race and policing in America. In a naked appeal to white suburban voters this week, the president said that a Biden presidency would “obliterate” their way of life, declaring: “Suburbia will be no longer as we know it.”
I think it’s very possible for Arizona to turn not just blue, but even a shade further Marisa Franco
But in a sign Trump sees a fight in the desert, he has visited the state twice in two months, once in May to tour a plant producing respiratory masks and again for a rally in June, as coronavirus cases rose sharply in the state.
Because Latino voters in Arizona tend to overwhelmingly support Democratic candidates, whether or not the state will turn blue, “really hinges on turnout,” said Lisa Sanchez, a political scientist at the University of Arizona.
“You’d think during the election of Donald Trump, we would have seen even more mobilization,” Sanchez said. “You’d think all the anti-immigrant anti-Latino rhetoric would have fired people up.”
Activists have been laying the groundwork for years, led by groups like One Arizona, a coalition of organizations focused on Latino civic engagement that was formed in the wake of SB 1070. Tried and tested methods like voter registration and canvassing helped power Democratic gains in 2018 - and, they hope, will dramatically reshape the electorate in 2020.
“Our folks were those people that would potentially not vote – not because they didn’t want to, but because they just simply didn’t know how to or there was a language barrier,” Liz Zamudio, One Arizona’s deputy field director said.
Immigration is a priority for many Latino voters in the state but so too are healthcare and education, Zamudio said, especially as the coronavirus devastates their communities and a debate rages over when to return children to schools.
Yet organizers and strategists have expressed concern that Democrats are not doing enough to mobilize young Latino voters, particularly in swing states like Arizona, where they could determine the outcome.
Josh Ulibarri, a Phoenix-based Democratic pollster, said he has spent the past six weeks surveying voters in Arizona, conducting thousands of interviews from across the state. “I’ve yet to pull a survey out of a field where I felt comfortable with where we are with Latino voters,” he said, adding: “I am really worried about enthusiasm. And I’m really worried about motivation.”
In recent weeks, Biden has scaled up his Latino outreach efforts while building out his operation in the state. Priorities USA, the main pro-Biden Super Pac, announced it is investing $24m in a mobilization and vote-by-mail effort targeting Black and Latino voters in key states, including Arizona.
For liberal activists in Arizona, a surge in Latino turnout would be the ultimate repudiation of the nativist politics that defined their youths. The success of candidates like Terán in 2018, they say, is a testament to the years they spent building a grassroots movement.
Born in Douglas, Arizona, Terán was raised on the Mexican side of the border and crossed into the US every day for school. Alarmed by what she saw as rising hostility to immigrants in her state, Terán’s first political act was to register Latino voters. Years later, she asked for their vote.
Days after winning her seat, Terán was served a lawsuit challenging her citizenship in court.
She saw it as a strain of the birther movement, promoted by Trump, that questioned the citizenship of Barack Obama, the nation’s first black president. The case was dismissed but for Terán and her supporters, it was a reminder of the formidable opposition that still exists in Arizona.
“Ten years ago I was standing outside the capitol with a megaphone,” she said. “Now I have a microphone and a seat at the table.”


theguardian--2020-07-21--'He's quit on you': Joe Biden says Trump does not care about America – video

Joe Biden , in a scathing speech in his campaign to become the next US president , said Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ US citizens and did not care about America .
In a speech on his plan @ @ @ @ @ which he promised to expand access to preschool for working families , directly linking the @ @ @ @ @ America ’ s economic recovery , Biden said Trump was not taking the public health @ @ @ @ @ refuses to commit to accepting election result as Biden enjoys poll lead

Joe Biden, in a scathing speech in his campaign to become the next US president, said Donald Trump had 'quit' on US citizens and did not care about America.
In a speech on his plan for the economy, in which he promised to expand access to preschool for working families, directly linking the need for affordable childcare to America's economic recovery, Biden said Trump was not taking the public health crisis seriously.


theguardian--2020-07-21--'Well done': Mike Pompeo congratulates UK and Dominic Raab on Huawei decision – video

The US secretary of state , Mike Pompeo , has congratulated the UK on its decision to ban Huawei and @ @ @ @ @ after having a 'very productive ' conversation with the UK foreign secretary , Dominic Raab @ @ @ @ @ press conference after discussing Hong Kong , Russia and China during lunch on Tuesday • @ @ @ @ @ for inquiry into Russian interference in Brexit referendum - live news • US threatens sanctions @ @ @ @ @ partners

The US secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has congratulated the UK on its decision to ban Huawei and opening an invitation to Hongkongers after having a 'very productive' conversation with the UK foreign secretary, Dominic Raab.
The pair held a press conference after discussing Hong Kong, Russia and China during lunch on Tuesday


theguardian--2020-07-22--Coronavirus US: Trump admits pandemic will get worse as daily deaths pass 1,000 – live

Joe Biden and Barack Obama sat down for a socially distant conversation , which will be shared tomorrow on the two Democrats ’ social media pages .
The Biden campaign released a one-minute teaser of the two leaders ’ discussion , which included some harsh criticism of Trump ’ s handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
The beginning of the video shows the former president and former vice president arriving , both of them wearing black face masks .
The prominent display of the masks seemed to be an implicit rebuke of Trump , who spent months refusing to endorse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread of coronavirus .
( However , the president strongly urged Americans to wear masks during his briefing yesterday . )
The snippets of conversation shared in the teaser show Obama and Biden criticizing Trump and comparing his leadership to their own .
“ Can you imagine standing up when you were president and saying , ‘ It ’ s not my responsibility .
I take no responsibility.
’ Literally .
Literally , ” Biden says .
Obama replies , “ Those words didn ’ t come out of our mouths when we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s long career in government .
“ If you can connect those struggles to somebody else ’ s struggles , then you ’ re going to work hard for it .
And that ’ s always what ’ s motivated you to get into public service , ” Obama says in the teaser .
The former president first endorsed Biden in April , and last month , he participated in a fundraiser with his former second-in-command .
The event was Biden ’ s most successful fundraiser to date , with more @ @ @ @ @ @

23 Jul 2020 01.00 BST Summary From me and Joan E Greve: Daily coronavirus deaths in the US surpassed 1,000 yesterday for the first time since 2 June. In another coronavirus briefing, Donald Trump, who appeared without his top public health officials, linked the surge in cases to protests, young people at beaches and Mexicans.
In another coronavirus briefing, Donald Trump, who appeared without his top public health officials, linked the surge in cases to protests, young people at beaches and Mexicans. Trump, in a separate briefing, announced a “surge” of federal law enforcement to US cities, including Chicago. He and attorney general William Barr made baseless claims linking protests against police brutality with an uptick in violent crimes. The influences driving short-term ups and downs in crime rates are complex, and similar links made by officials following protests sparked by the police killing of Michael Brown in 2014 were debunked in studies.
He and attorney general made baseless claims linking protests against police brutality with an uptick in violent crimes. The influences driving short-term ups and downs in crime rates are complex, and similar links made by officials following protests sparked by the police killing of Michael Brown in 2014 were debunked in studies. Chicago officials said the city would not see undercover federal law enforcement patrolling and making arrests, as was the case in Portland. But Mayor Lori Lightfoot told Chicagoans to stay alert and report suspicious policing.
But Mayor Lori Lightfoot told Chicagoans to stay alert and report suspicious policing. Portland’s city council passed a resolution instructing local police to stop collaborating with federal law enforcement recently deployed to the city . The measure asks Portland police to stop providing or requesting “operational support” from federal officers and stipulates that any local officer who violates the directive will “be subject to discipline” per the resolution.
. The measure asks Portland police to stop providing or requesting “operational support” from federal officers and stipulates that any local officer who violates the directive will “be subject to discipline” per the resolution. Fifteen mayors sent a letter objecting to federal agents being sent to Portland, Oregon. The letter, which was addressed to attorney general William Barr and acting secretary of the Department of Homeland Security Chad Wolf, described the deployment of federal agents to cities without the approval of local leaders as an “abuse of power”.
The letter, which was addressed to attorney general and acting secretary of the Department of Homeland Security described the deployment of federal agents to cities without the approval of local leaders as an “abuse of power”. The Ohio governor unveiled a statewide mask mandate, as his state grapples with a surge in new cases of coronavirus. Ohio joins 28 other states in requiring masks statewide.
as his state grapples with a surge in new cases of coronavirus. Ohio joins 28 other states in requiring masks statewide. Florida Republican congressman Ted Yoho apologized for accosting congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on the Capitol steps earlier this week. But Yoho denied calling the progressive congresswoman “disgusting” and a “fucking bitch”, as the Hill reported. In response, Ocasio-Cortez accused Yoho of “refusing responsibility” for his actions.
Updated at 01.53 BST
22 Jul 2020 00.37 BST Protests, crime and echoes of 2014 As the federal government pledges to send federal law enforcement to cities, and Donald Trump and William Barr connect Black Lives Matter protest against police brutality to alleged spikes in violence, here’s some more context to keep in mind: this isn’t the first time people have pointed to an increase in crime following protests against unjust policing. It happened in 2014, after the police killing of Michael Brown sparked national protests. Police called it “the Ferguson effect” and argued that protesters had made police afraid to do their jobs. But studies in the years that followed found that the protests didn’t seem to impact policing, and fewer arrests didn’t correlate with increased crime.
Updated at 01.54 BST
22 Jul 2020 00.18 BST Portland instructs local police to avoid collaboration with federal law enforcement The Portland city council passed a resolution instructing local police to stop communicating and collaborating with federal law enforcement. The measure asks Portland police to stop providing or requesting “operational support” from federal officers sent as a result of Donald Trump’s executive order. Any local officer who violates the directive will “be subject to discipline”, per the resolution. City Commissioner Jo Ann Hardesty said local police were lying to the public and had been working with federal forces. “Though we didn’t bring in the federal people, it is clear the Portland Police Association welcomed their involvement as well as the Portland Police Bureau,” she said at a council meeting. “Let me be clear, the opening came for 45 to send in this militia squad because of the over-aggressive actions of Portland police,” she said. “We cannot put the blame totally on this federal secret police force.”
Updated at 01.56 BST
22 Jul 2020 23.50 BST The House voted to remove Confederate monuments from the Capitol, with 72 Republicans joining all the House Democrats to approve the measures. “It’s time to sweep away the last vestiges of Jim Crow and the dehumanizing of individuals because of the color of their skin that intruded for too long on the sacred spaces of our democracy,” the House majority leader, Steny Hoyer, a Democrat of Maryland, said at a press conference. Karen Bass, a Democrat of California and the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus told reporters that there was a jail in the Capitol complex, and “maybe that would be a proper location for these statues” of Confederate figures.
Updated at 00.06 BST
22 Jul 2020 23.26 BST Some highlights from that briefing: Trump said he never asked his ambassador to the UK to push the British government to promote his golf course as a venue for the British Open. He couldn’t help but add that the golf resort is “one of the best in the world”. Yesterday the New York Times broke a story that the US ambassador to the UK told colleagues that Trump had asked him to push the British government to promote his property.
Asked why his public health officials were absent, Trump said they are briefing him so that he can brief the public.
Asked about his push to reopen schools as cases surge, Trump said “a lot of people are saying” that children don’t transmit the virus. “They don’t bring it home with them. They don’t catch it easily.” A recent study found that while children under 10 seem to transmit the infection less, they still can pass on coronavirus. And older children and teens can spread the virus.
Updated at 01.59 BST
22 Jul 2020 22.58 BST Donald Trump is speaking again – this time delivering a coronavirus update. Once again, he has appeared at the podium without his top health experts. He said he sends a “message of support and hope to every senior citizen who has been dealing with the struggle of isolation in what should be the golden years of your life”.
Updated at 23.38 BST
22 Jul 2020 22.47 BST In Chicago, the increased presence of federal agents will not resemble Portland, where undercover officers made arrests. More than 200 extra agents would “be folded into the current FBI, ATF, DEA and homeland security teams that are already working in Chicago with the Chicago police department and the other local and state law enforcement,” US attorney John Lausch said in an interview with the Chicago Sun-Times. Chicago mayor Lori Lightfoot said that city officials came to a compromise with the federal government and agreed that undercover agents in unmarked vehicles would not patrol the city the way they did in Portland. But, she warned, “that doesn’t mean” Trump “isn’t going to try it here in Chicago”. “If you see something that doesn’t look right, please don’t hesitate to report it,” she said at a press conference.
Updated at 23.39 BST
22 Jul 2020 22.09 BST Sending federal agents to cities is not uncommon, the AP reports. Hundreds of federal agents already have been sent to Kansas City, Missouri, to help quell a record rise in violence after the shooting death of a young boy there. Barr announced a similar surge effort in December for seven cities. Usually, the Justice Department sends agents under its own umbrella, like agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives or the Drug Enforcement Agency. But this surge effort will include at least 100 Department of Homeland Security Investigations officers working in the region who generally conduct drug trafficking and child exploitation investigations.
22 Jul 2020 21.49 BST During a virtual town hall, Joe Biden said that Trump was the first “racist” to be elected president. “We’ve had racists, and they’ve existed, they’ve tried to get elected president. He’s the first one that has,” Trump’s Democratic challenger said, the Washington Post reports. The statement is far from true for so, so many reasons, including that former US presidents owned slaves, they waged war and violence against Native Americans, they openly expressed racist views and enacted racist policies ... This does appear to be the first time that Biden, who has accused the president of stoking racial division, has actually labeled Trump a racist.
Updated at 21.51 BST


theguardian--2020-07-22--'Tired of being the canary in the mine': pressure grows to push oil and gas wells away from homes

Ashley Hernandez was in middle school when her family moved into its first house , in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Wilmington .
For years , her undocumented parents had moved around in search of steady work , gone without meals , rented out too-small apartments .
Finally they had a place of their own , with three bedrooms and even a yard .
“ My parents were really excited about that American dream that we ’ d always talked about , ” Hernandez said .
But their new home was just 500 feet from an active oil drilling site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the family learned to keep the windows shut so they wouldn ’ t breathe in particulate matter .
Soot piled up on their cars .
The lights and the noise from the oilfield made it hard to think .
Hernandez regularly woke up to a pillow soaked through from a nosebleed that ran all night .
Wilmington is the home of the Port of Los Angeles , but it is also host to the largest oilfield in the state by production , the third-largest in the nation .
Logos for oil companies such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the local library branch , the YMCA , even stamped on free pencils they give out in schools .
Today , the 27-year-old Hernandez still lives with her family near the oilfield , and works as an advocate for residents who face health issues they blame on oil drilling .
She ’ s also part of a coalition pushing California lawmakers to establish a setback : a minimum distance oil and gas developments must keep from homes , schools , hospitals , and other sites .
Experts say that more than a decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of California , and one on a Texas community – has made it clear that current setback distances , in states where they exist , are inadequate to protect public health .
Now , political pressure to push oil and gas wells about half a mile from homes and other buildings is peaking across the country , over industry alarm that such measures could amount to a de facto ban on drilling .
In the United States , about 17.6 million people live within one mile of an oil or gas well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state regulations and municipal ordinances ; there is no federal standard .
Many states have a setback requirement , but most are in the range of 150 to 500 feet ( 45 to 152 meters ) .
The most stringent state rule among the major oil and gas producing states is Colorado ’ s : a 1,000 foot setback from high-occupancy buildings , such as schools and hospitals .
There are currently initiatives to expand setback requirements in several major oil and gas producing states .
In Pennsylvania , a state grand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two-year investigation into the hydraulic fracturing industry and the state ’ s handling of it .
Number one among its eight recommendations : “ Expanding no-drill zones in Pennsylvania from the required 500 feet ( 152 meters ) to 2,500 feet ( 762 meters ) .
” In Colorado , a citizen coalition is pursuing several options for a setback proposal in 2020 after a failed referendum it backed for a 2,500-foot setback became a flashpoint in the state ’ s 2018 midterm elections .
And in California , a bill that would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( currently there is none related to residences ) of up to 2,500 feet has passed the state Assembly and is working its way to a Senate vote .
University of Pittsburgh radiation oncologist Marsha Haley started digging into setbacks after a fracking well was proposed in 2014 for a lot near her then-eight-year-old daughter ’ s school in Mars , Pennsylvania – part of a five-school campus .
Given her day job , Haley was concerned about the levels of radiation she had read were in fracking wastewater .
The more she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Putting it 500 feet from the school , it just seemed very counterintuitive , ” she said .
“ I was curious how the state came up with that number.
” For a study she published with colleagues in 2016 , Haley analyzed setback distances across heavily drilled natural gas shale regions in Texas , Colorado and Pennsylvania .
Setbacks , they concluded , were largely not based on data , but on political compromise .
State and municipal setback distances set long ago were based more on “ immediate quality-of-life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of health effects at different distances , explained Ann Alexander , senior attorney with the Natural Resources Defense Council .
“ Oil and gas wells are noisy and ugly and they smell bad , ” Alexander said .
States and local governments trying to reach agreements with residents and industry players , she added , essentially “ threw a dart at a board ” .
“ You ended up with setbacks that were way less than what the new science suggests is necessary.
” Those findings have tended to focus on health impacts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Studies on births and childhood cancers , for example , involve subjects whose residences are recorded on birth certificates and who aren ’ t likely to have moved around very much .
These papers have consistently shown a correlation between proximity to oil and gas developments and negative health effects , from increased stress , dizziness , headaches and asthma , to premature births and low birth weights , hospitalizations for heart conditions , bladder cancer and leukemia .
The health issues , scientists say , are tied to noise , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from oil and gas developments , including carcinogenic compounds such as benzene , and diesel exhaust from trucks .
Most of the studies in this arena so far have focused on the technology of fracking , but the two recent California studies now link some of the same health impacts to conventional oil and gas wells .
In one , researchers at Stanford University analyzed close to a quarter-million births between 1998 and 2011 from mothers living within six miles of oil and gas wells in California ’ s San Joaquin Valley .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ found that the closer to the wells the women lived , and the more wells they lived near , the more likely they were to experience preterm births .
“ A key next step , I think , is finding out explicitly how close you need to be to a well for it to cause harm , ” the study ’ s co-author and Stanford associate professor Marshall Burke , said in a press release .
The question of a “ safe ” distance from oil and gas development has been debated for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maryland analysis recommended a 2,000-foot ( 609 meter ) setback , based on an assessment of potential hazards including air and water quality , noise levels , and earthquake risk .
A 2018 survey of experts across health and environmental sectors reached a consensus that setbacks should be at least a quarter-mile , or 1,320 feet ( 402 meters ) .
For its part , the oil and gas industry sees steeper setbacks as threatening its very existence .
In Colorado , the industry spent $ 40m to defeat the 2018 setback referendum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The setback requirement would have applied to any new development permits , and also to the repermitting of old wells that had been abandoned .
An analysis of a potential 2,500-foot ( 762 meter ) setback conducted by a state agency found that it would have made 94 % of non-federal land off-limits for drilling .
“ That ’ s a ban , and we campaigned hard to defeat that ban , ” said Dan Haley , Colorado Oil and Gas Association president and CEO , via email .
As for the health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cited a 2019 report by the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment , which used emissions data from oil and gas operations in the state to estimate potential health risks .
“ Even during those hypothetical , worst-case conditions , the study found there would be low health risks from any acute emission exposure , ” he said .
“ And perhaps most importantly , the results confirmed there are no anticipated long-term health impacts , including cancer , for people living near oil and natural gas development.
” When it comes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two new ones in California , Uni Blake , a public health toxicologist at the American Petroleum Institute , said that they rely on estimates based on how close people were to facilities , not actual exposure levels .
She said the industry is following best practices and government regulations to minimize or mitigate exposures to potentially harmful substances .
The California setback measure was first introduced in 2019 and is backed by a broad coalition including the Center on Race , Poverty & the Environment ; Physicians for Social Responsibility-LA ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alliance ; and the local Wilmington group Communities for a Better Environment , where Ashley Hernandez works as an organizer .
If passed , the California setback requirement would likely apply to new permits .
But there is potential to also include permits to rework an existing well – deepening it , reboring it , drilling a new borehole right next to the old one – so that eventually all existing wells within 2,500 feet of a home would be phased out .
Nonetheless , a large coalition of groups including the Los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state and local Black and Hispanic chambers of congress , have united in opposition .
“ A one-size-fits-all approach for the entire state does little to protect health and safety and will result in a significant loss of jobs and cost the state billions , ” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd , president of the Western States Petroleum Association , a member of the coalition .
Back in Wilmington , Hernandez is sure that , at the very least , 600 feet is too close .
“ The best way to protect people from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it in the ground , ” Hernandez said .
“ We want to see a setback .
We ’ re not taking anything less .
I feel the shaking and quaking .
I ’ ll smell something and I ’ ll just get scared .
And I ’ m tired of people in my community being the canary birds in the mine.
” • None This story was produced by FairWarning ( www.fairwarning.org ) , a nonprofit news organization based in Southern California that focuses on public health , consumer , labor and @ @ @

Ashley Hernandez was in middle school when her family moved into its first house, in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Wilmington. For years, her undocumented parents had moved around in search of steady work, gone without meals, rented out too-small apartments. Finally they had a place of their own, with three bedrooms and even a yard.
“My parents were really excited about that American dream that we’d always talked about,” Hernandez said.
But their new home was just 500 feet from an active oil drilling site.
It wasn’t long before the family learned to keep the windows shut so they wouldn’t breathe in particulate matter. Soot piled up on their cars. The lights and the noise from the oilfield made it hard to think. Hernandez regularly woke up to a pillow soaked through from a nosebleed that ran all night.
Wilmington is the home of the Port of Los Angeles, but it is also host to the largest oilfield in the state by production, the third-largest in the nation. Logos for oil companies such as Marathon and Valero crop up at the local library branch, the YMCA, even stamped on free pencils they give out in schools. Today, the 27-year-old Hernandez still lives with her family near the oilfield, and works as an advocate for residents who face health issues they blame on oil drilling. She’s also part of a coalition pushing California lawmakers to establish a setback: a minimum distance oil and gas developments must keep from homes, schools, hospitals and other sites.
Experts say that more than a decade of research – including two new studies out of California, and one on a Texas community – has made it clear that current setback distances, in states where they exist, are inadequate to protect public health. Now, political pressure to push oil and gas wells about half a mile from homes and other buildings is peaking across the country, over industry alarm that such measures could amount to a de facto ban on drilling.
A patchwork of regulations
In the United States, about 17.6 million people live within one mile of an oil or gas well. Yet setbacks are largely a patchwork of state regulations and municipal ordinances; there is no federal standard.
Many states have a setback requirement, but most are in the range of 150 to 500 feet (45 to 152 meters). The most stringent state rule among the major oil and gas producing states is Colorado’s: a 1,000ft setback from high-occupancy buildings, such as schools and hospitals.
There are currently initiatives to expand setback requirements in several major oil- and gas-producing states. In Pennsylvania, a state grand jury recently released a report after a two-year investigation into the hydraulic fracturing industry and the state’s handling of it. Number one among its eight recommendations: “Expanding no-drill zones in Pennsylvania from the required 500 feet (152 meters) to 2,500 feet (762 meters).” In Colorado, a citizen coalition is pursuing several options for a setback proposal in 2020 after a failed referendum it backed for a 2,500ft setback became a flashpoint in the state’s 2018 midterm elections. And in California, a bill that would force the state to establish a setback (currently there is none related to residences) of up to 2,500ft has passed the state assembly and is working its way to a senate vote.
University of Pittsburgh radiation oncologist Marsha Haley started digging into setbacks after a fracking well was proposed in 2014 for a lot near her then eight-year-old daughter’s school in Mars, Pennsylvania – part of a five-school campus. Given her day job, Haley was concerned about the levels of radiation she had read were in fracking wastewater. The more she read, the more worried she became.
“Putting it 500ft from the school, it just seemed very counterintuitive,” she said. “I was curious how the state came up with that number.”
For a study she published with colleagues in 2016, Haley analyzed setback distances across heavily drilled natural gas shale regions in Texas, Colorado and Pennsylvania. Setbacks, they concluded, were largely not based on data, but on political compromise.
State and municipal setback distances set long ago were based more on “immediate quality-of-life concerns” than on a careful analysis of health effects at different distances, explained Ann Alexander, senior attorney with the Natural Resources Defense Council.
“Oil and gas wells are noisy and ugly and they smell bad,” Alexander said. States and local governments trying to reach agreements with residents and industry players, she added, essentially “threw a dart at a board”.
“You ended up with setbacks that were way less than what the new science suggests is necessary.”
Negative health effects
Those findings have tended to focus on health impacts that can be easily tied to geography.
Studies on births and childhood cancers, for example, involve subjects whose residences are recorded on birth certificates and who are unlikely to have moved around very much. These papers have consistently shown a correlation between proximity to oil and gas developments and negative health effects, from increased stress, dizziness, headaches and asthma, to premature births and low birth weights, hospitalizations for heart conditions, bladder cancer and leukemia.
Logos for oil companies regularly crop up all over the Los Angeles neighborhood of Wilmington. Photograph: Alexandra Tempus/FairWarning
The health issues, scientists say, are tied to noise, as well as air and water pollutants emanating from oil and gas developments, including carcinogenic compounds such as benzene, and diesel exhaust from trucks.
Most of the studies in this arena so far have focused on the technology of fracking, but the two recent California studies now link some of the same health impacts to conventional oil and gas wells.
In one, researchers at Stanford University analyzed close to a quarter-million births between 1998 and 2011 from mothers living within six miles of oil and gas wells in California’s San Joaquin Valley. Controlling for outside factors, the team found that the closer to the wells the women lived, and the more wells they lived near, the more likely they were to experience pre-term births.
“A key next step, I think, is finding out explicitly how close you need to be to a well for it to cause harm,” the study’s co-author and Stanford associate professor Marshall Burke, said in a press release.
What is a ‘safe’ distance
The question of a “safe” distance from oil and gas development has been debated for years. An influential 2014 University of Maryland analysis recommended a 2,000ft (609 meter) setback, based on an assessment of potential hazards including air and water quality, noise levels and earthquake risk. A 2018 survey of experts across health and environmental sectors reached a consensus that setbacks should be at least a quarter-mile, or 1,320ft (402 meters).
For its part, the oil and gas industry sees steeper setbacks as threatening its very existence. In Colorado, the industry spent $40m to defeat the 2018 setback referendum, outspending advocates 43 to 1. The setback requirement would have applied to any new development permits, and also to the repermitting of old wells that had been abandoned. An analysis of a potential 2,500ft (762 meter) setback conducted by a state agency found that it would have made 94% of non-federal land off-limits for drilling.
“That’s a ban, and we campaigned hard to defeat that ban,” said Dan Haley, Colorado Oil and Gas Association president and CEO, via email.
As for the health risks to those living nearby, Haley cited a 2019 report by the Colorado department of public health and environment, which used emissions data from oil and gas operations in the state to estimate potential health risks. “Even during those hypothetical, worst-case conditions, the study found there would be low health risks from any acute emission exposure,” he said. “And perhaps most importantly, the results confirmed there are no anticipated long-term health impacts, including cancer, for people living near oil and natural gas development.”
When it comes to the current epidemiological studies, like the two new ones in California, Uni Blake, a public health toxicologist at the American Petroleum Institute, said that they rely on estimates based on how close people were to facilities, not actual exposure levels. She said the industry is following best practices and government regulations to minimize or mitigate exposures to potentially harmful substances.
‘I feel the shaking and quaking’
The California setback measure was first introduced in 2019 and is backed by a broad coalition including the Center on Race, Poverty & the Environment; Physicians for Social Responsibility-LA; the California Environmental Justice Alliance; FracTracker Alliance; and the local Wilmington group Communities for a Better Environment, where Ashley Hernandez works as an organizer.
If passed, the California setback requirement would probably apply to new permits. But there is potential to also include permits to rework an existing well – deepening it, reboring it, drilling a new borehole right next to the old one – so that eventually all existing wells within 2,500ft of a home would be phased out.
Nonetheless, a large coalition of groups including the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce and several state and local Black and Hispanic chambers of congress, have united in opposition.
“A one-size-fits-all approach for the entire state does little to protect health and safety and will result in a significant loss of jobs and cost the state billions,” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd, president of the Western States Petroleum Association, a member of the coalition.
Back in Wilmington, Hernandez is sure that, at the very least, 600ft is too close.
“The best way to protect people from the impacts of oil drilling is by keeping it in the ground,” Hernandez said. “We want to see a setback. We’re not taking anything less. I feel the shaking and quaking. I’ll smell something and I’ll just get scared. And I’m tired of people in my community being the canary birds in the mine.”


theguardian--2020-07-22--Revealed: states' restrictive voter ID laws have cost taxpayers $36m

Restrictive ‘ voter identification ’ laws pushed by Republicans , and widely regarded to be ineffective and discriminatory , have cost taxpayers at least $ 36m in just a few states , the Guardian can reveal .
It ’ s well documented that restrictive voter ID laws are ineffective and discriminatory .
The type of voter fraud they claim to prevent is a myth , and the burden of showing an ID disproportionately lands on students , low-income voters , and African Americans .
However , these laws are also extraordinarily expensive to implement and defend .
Based on information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guardian has found that the partial costs of litigation , free identification cards , public education and other fees amount to tens of millions across the country .
However , even with many states having to slash their budgets due to the economic crisis , one state , Kentucky , has decided to spend millions implementing a new ID law .
While the rest of the state was under “ stay-at-home ” advisories because of coronavirus , the Kentucky legislature convened in early March and April in order to pass its voter ID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor ’ s veto .
When SB2 went into effect on 15 July , Kentucky became the 19th state , according to the National Conference of State Legislatures , that requires voters to present a photo ID at the polls , and voters who apply for absentee ballots must include a copy of their ID .
But passing this bill required some expensive tweaks – most significantly , the state would have to offer IDs for free to all residents or the law would likely be be ruled unconstitutional , says Wendy Weiser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Brennan Center for Justice , a nonpartisan think tank and public interest law center .
According to the bill ’ s fiscal note statement , just that provision of the law could cost up to $ 3.6m a year .
Senator Robert Mills , the bill ’ s primary sponsor , didn ’ t respond to a request for comments about whether SB2 was an appropriate use of taxpayers ’ money , nor did 11 of the co-sponsors .
When Georgia passed its original voter ID bill in 2006 , it offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they could afford them .
According to a report from the Brennan Center , a federal court later blocked that aspect because “ many voters for whom a fee would pose a burden might be reluctant to take the oath out of embarrassment or because they do not believe they are indigent ” .
In fact , the Missouri supreme court found that the state must pay even for the documents required to get the ID , such as a birth certificate .
Since 1 January 2006 , Indiana , which also has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly $ 30.5m to issue roughly 2.7m of these free IDs .
Meanwhile , in Texas , the process of implementing a strict voter ID law dragged on for almost seven years , during which the state spent at least $ 3.5m on attorney ’ s fees , outside counsel , travel expenses , and expert witnesses .
In addition , the litigation was so time-consuming that the attorney general had to pull in lawyers from other departments .
In total , the state invested more than 12,400 hours in these cases .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ these challenges – but at a high price .
In May , a federal judge ordered the state to pay the plaintiffs ’ $ 6.8m in legal fees ( the state says it will appeal the ruling ) .
Often these lengthy lawsuits exacerbate another set of costs for states : educating the public every time there ’ s a change .
After Georgia passed its ID law , it ran public service announcements on unpopular radio stations during off-peak hours and planned to distribute a letter that , according to the courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reach the voters who are most likely to lack a photo ID ” .
However , that court went on to add that “ if the state undertakes sufficient steps to inform voters of the [ law ’ s ] requirements before future elections , the statute might well survive a challenge ” .
During the first three years of its ID laws , Kansas spent at least $ 430,000 on its public outreach , while Wisconsin spent $ 631,899 in its first year alone .
Even with heavily discounted rates from TV @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state has spent nearly $ 1.2m on its “ Bring It to the Ballot ” campaign , which includes radio spots , brochures , and TV ads .
Yet the $ 36m price tag may only be the tip of the iceberg .
The Departments of Justice in several states claim that their lawyers don ’ t track their time , making it impossible to document the bulk of the costs of defending these ID laws .
“ We want to get you what you need , ” said Gillian Drummond , Communications @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a breakdown of the agency ’ s litigation expenses , “ but I can ’ t create something that wasn ’ t tracked previously.
” Despite the recent passage of SB2 in Kentucky , the legal tide may be turning .
When these voter ID laws first were ratified , “ the understanding of voter fraud was very ill-formed ” , says Weiser .
“ The supreme court ’ s decision to uphold the [ Indiana ] law was based on conjecture and was highly deferential to states.
” Since then , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws are in practice , which has helped persuade at least one justice that they aren ’ t constitutional .
Richard Posner , a Reagan appointee , wrote the original decision upholding Indiana ’ s ID law .
However , in 2014 , he voted to suspend Wisconsin ’ s law , writing that legislation like it was “ a mere fig leaf for efforts to disenfranchise voters likely to vote for the political party that does not control the state government ” .
As expected , Kentucky ’ s SB2 was challenged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Says one of the lawsuits , “ Put simply , a pandemic is no time to impose a new requirement for identification that forces voters to enter government offices , have in-person interactions with election officials , and/or enter other public spaces to obtain a copy of their ID.
” The case could reach the supreme court , which has recently been voting to uphold voter restrictions in Florida , Wisconsin and Alabama .
Experts say it ’ s likely the law will be ruled constitutional , but either way , taxpayers @ @ @ @ @ @

Restrictive “voter identification” laws pushed by Republicans, and widely regarded to be ineffective and discriminatory, have cost taxpayers at least $36m in just a few states, the Guardian can reveal.
It’s well documented that restrictive voter ID laws are ineffective and discriminatory. The type of voter fraud they claim to prevent is a myth, and the burden of showing an ID disproportionately lands on students, low-income voters and African Americans.
However, these laws are also extraordinarily expensive to implement and defend. Based on information obtained through open records requests, the Guardian has found that the partial costs of litigation, free identification cards, public education and other fees amount to tens of millions across the country.
However, even with many states having to slash their budgets due to the economic crisis, one state, Kentucky, has decided to spend millions implementing a new ID law.
While the rest of the state was under “stay-at-home” advisories because of coronavirus, the Kentucky legislature convened in early March and April in order to pass its voter ID bill and then again to override the governor’s veto. When SB2 went into effect on 15 July, Kentucky became the 19th state, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures, that requires voters to present a photo ID at the polls, and voters who apply for absentee ballots must include a copy of their ID.
But passing this bill required some expensive tweaks – most significantly, the state would have to offer IDs for free to all residents or the law would probably be ruled unconstitutional, says Wendy Weiser, director of the Democracy program at the Brennan Center for Justice, a non-partisan thinktank and public interest law center. According to the bill’s fiscal note statement, just that provision of the law could cost up to $3.6m a year. Senator Robert Mills, the bill’s primary sponsor, didn’t respond to a request for comments about whether SB2 was an appropriate use of taxpayers’ money, nor did 11 of the co-sponsors.
When Georgia passed its original voter ID bill in 2006, it offered free IDs only to those who swore they could not afford them. According to a report from the Brennan Center, a federal court later blocked that aspect because “many voters for whom a fee would pose a burden might be reluctant to take the oath out of embarrassment or because they do not believe they are indigent”. In fact, the Missouri supreme court found that the state must pay even for the documents required to get the ID, such as a birth certificate.
Often these lengthy lawsuits exacerbate another set of costs for states: educating the public every time there’s a change
Since 1 January 2006, Indiana, which also has a photo ID law, has spent nearly $30.5m to issue roughly 2.7m of these free IDs.
Meanwhile, in Texas, the process of implementing a strict voter ID law dragged on for almost seven years, during which the state spent at least $3.5m on attorney’s fees, outside counsel, travel expenses and expert witnesses. In addition, the litigation was so time-consuming that the attorney general had to pull in lawyers from other departments. In total, the state invested more than 12,400 hours in these cases.
Ultimately, Texas’s ID law survived these challenges – but at a high price. In May, a federal judge ordered the state to pay the plaintiffs’ $6.8m in legal fees (the state says it will appeal against the ruling).
Often these lengthy lawsuits exacerbate another set of costs for states: educating the public every time there’s a change.
After Georgia passed its ID law, it ran public service announcements on unpopular radio stations during off-peak hours and planned to distribute a letter that, according to the courts, was “not reasonably calculated to reach the voters who are most likely to lack a photo ID”. However, that court went on to add that “if the state undertakes sufficient steps to inform voters of the [law’s] requirements before future elections, the statute might well survive a challenge”.
During the first three years of its ID laws, Kansas spent at least $430,000 on its public outreach, while Wisconsin spent $631,899 in its first year alone. Even with heavily discounted rates from TV and radio stations, the critical swing state has spent nearly $1.2m on its “Bring It to the Ballot” campaign, which includes radio spots, brochures and TV ads.
Yet the $36m price tag may only be the tip of the iceberg. The departments of justice in several states claim that their lawyers don’t track their time, making it impossible to document the bulk of the costs of defending these ID laws. “We want to get you what you need,” said Gillian Drummond, communications director for the Wisconsin DoJ when asked for a breakdown of the agency’s litigation expenses, “but I can’t create something that wasn’t tracked previously”.
Despite the recent passage of SB2 in Kentucky, the legal tide may be turning. When these voter ID laws first were ratified, “the understanding of voter fraud was very ill-formed”, says Weiser. “The supreme court’s decision to uphold the [Indiana] law was based on conjecture and was highly deferential to states.”
Since then, empirical research has shown how discriminatory these laws are in practice, which has helped persuade at least one judge that they aren’t constitutional. Richard Posner, a Reagan appointee, wrote the original decision upholding Indiana’s ID law. However, in 2014, he voted to suspend Wisconsin’s law, writing in a dissent on the 7th circuit court of appeals that legislation like it was “a mere fig leaf for efforts to disenfranchise voters likely to vote for the political party that does not control the state government”.
As expected, Kentucky’s SB2 was challenged almost immediately in state and federal court. Says one of the lawsuits, “Put simply, a pandemic is no time to impose a new requirement for identification that forces voters to enter government offices, have in-person interactions with election officials, and/or enter other public spaces to obtain a copy of their ID.”
The case could reach the supreme court, which has recently been voting to uphold voter restrictions in Florida, Wisconsin and Alabama. Experts say it’s likely the law will be ruled constitutional, but either way, taxpayers will foot a sizeable bill.


theguardian--2020-07-22--The US politicians volunteering other people’s lives to fight Covid-19

On Friday , Governor Mike Parson of Missouri weighed in on the schools reopening debate by suggesting that children who contract the coronavirus will “ get over it ” .
“ When they go to school – they ’ re not going to the hospitals .
They ’ re not going to have to sit in doctor ’ s offices .
They ’ re going to go home and they ’ re going to get over it … We got ta move forward , ” Parson said in an interview on local radio .
If that surprises you , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the TV host Dr Mehmet Oz called reopening schools an “ appetizing opportunity ” – citing a Lancet paper that showed that reopening schools would “ only cost us 2 to 3 % in terms of mortality ” .
Both join a long list of journalists , pundits and – importantly – politicians who have casually suggested that everyday Americans would be willing to sacrifice their lives for the US to reopen .
Here ’ s a list .
Grandparents should be willing to die for America Remember back in March , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and people were already eager for the US economy to reopen ?
One person , the lieutenant governor of Texas , Dan Patrick , felt particularly strongly about that : arguing the elderly should be sacrificed to make it happen .
Patrick , himself a senior citizen , said : “ No one reached out to me and said , as a senior citizen , are you willing to take a chance on your survival in exchange for keeping the America that all America loves for your children and grandchildren ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people In April , Trey Hollingsworth , a congressman from Indiana , said it was time to choose between restarting the economy and saving lives – with a surprising answer as to which he thought was the “ lesser of two evils ” .
Referring to Covid-19 as a “ biological challenge ” , he said : “ We do have a biological challenge in this problem but the economic challenge is growing and is much larger .
“ Both of these decisions will lead to harm for individuals , whether that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s loss of life .
But it ’ s always the American government ’ s position to say , in the choice between the loss of our way of life as Americans and the loss of life of American lives , we have to always choose the latter , ” he told Indianapolis ’ s WIBC .
The people of Las Vegas offered up as a ‘ control group ’ In April , Mayor Carolyn Goodman of Las Vegas told CNN ’ s Anderson Cooper that she would be willing to offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group ” for reopening , saying that the shutdown orders had gone on too long .
Goodman was a staunch supporter of casinos reopening early in Las Vegas , telling MSNBC earlier that week : “ Let the businesses open and competition will destroy that business if , in fact , they become evident that they have disease , they ’ re closed down .
It ’ s that simple.
” And of course … Ah yes , the president .
In March , just weeks into lockdown , Trump was already on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resurrection – willing American businesses to reopen again by Easter .
Then , at a White House press briefing on Covid-19 , he spoke candidly with reporters about what sorts of sacrifices might need to be made .
“ The whole concept of death is terrible , ” the president said .
“ But there ’ s a tremendous difference between one per cent and four or five or even three per cent .
”

On Friday, Governor Mike Parson of Missouri weighed in on the schools reopening debate by suggesting that children who contract the coronavirus will “get over it”.
“When they go to school – they’re not going to the hospitals. They’re not going to have to sit in doctor’s offices. They’re going to go home and they’re going to get over it … We gotta move forward,” Parson said in an interview on local radio.
If that surprises you, just consider that as early as April, the TV host Dr Mehmet Oz called reopening schools an “appetizing opportunity” – citing a Lancet paper that showed that reopening schools would “only cost us 2 to 3% in terms of mortality”.
Both join a long list of journalists, pundits and – importantly – politicians who have casually suggested that everyday Americans would be willing to sacrifice their lives for the US to reopen. Here’s a list.
Grandparents should be willing to die for America
Remember back in March, when we were barely into state-wide shutdown orders, and people were already eager for the US economy to reopen? One person, the lieutenant governor of Texas, Dan Patrick, felt particularly strongly about that: arguing the elderly should be sacrificed to make it happen.
Patrick, himself a senior citizen, said: “No one reached out to me and said, as a senior citizen, are you willing to take a chance on your survival in exchange for keeping the America that all America loves for your children and grandchildren?”
Texas Lt Gov Dan Patrick went on national tv & argued elderly people should die for the health of the market. Capitalism is a system that priorities profits over people. This fight is literally a matter of life or death. Battle lines are being drawn. Which side are you on? pic.twitter.com/GI3LQZG7uo — Chris Brooks (@chactivist) March 24, 2020
The American way of life versus the people
In April, Trey Hollingsworth, a congressman from Indiana, said it was time to choose between restarting the economy and saving lives – with a surprising answer as to which he thought was the “lesser of two evils”.
Referring to Covid-19 as a “biological challenge”, he said: “We do have a biological challenge in this problem but the economic challenge is growing and is much larger.
“Both of these decisions will lead to harm for individuals, whether that’s dramatic economic harm or whether it’s loss of life. But it’s always the American government’s position to say, in the choice between the loss of our way of life as Americans and the loss of life of American lives, we have to always choose the latter,” he told Indianapolis’s WIBC.
The people of Las Vegas offered up as a ‘control group’
In April, Mayor Carolyn Goodman of Las Vegas told CNN’s Anderson Cooper that she would be willing to offer up its people as a “control group” for reopening, saying that the shutdown orders had gone on too long.
Goodman was a staunch supporter of casinos reopening early in Las Vegas, telling MSNBC earlier that week: “Let the businesses open and competition will destroy that business if, in fact, they become evident that they have disease, they’re closed down. It’s that simple.”
A short thread:
This is Carolyn Goodman, the major of Las Vegas. On CNN she offered to make the city and its casinos a "control group" for the end of lockdown - in which people may die because of the end of social distancing pic.twitter.com/p2qOPxl8qJ — Matthew Garrahan (@MattGarrahan) April 22, 2020
And of course …
Ah yes, the president. In March, just weeks into lockdown, Trump was already on Fox News talking about a great American resurrection – willing American businesses to reopen again by Easter. Then, at a White House press briefing on Covid-19, he spoke candidly with reporters about what sorts of sacrifices might need to be made.
“The whole concept of death is terrible,” the president said. “But there’s a tremendous difference between one per cent and four or five or even three per cent.”


theguardian--2020-07-22--‘The sleepers are waking up’: hope for Democrats in city that backed Trump

Hopes had been high in the US lakeside city of Erie that this was going to be its “ year to shine ” , with millions of dollars of investment and the mayor unveiling a plan for new “ family-sustaining jobs ” .
In January , the city ’ s mayor unveiled a plan to develop new apartments and office buildings in the Bayfront area of the city , Pennsylvania ’ s third-largest , which sits on the south of Lake Erie and is home to about 100,000 people and a major port .
Then , in late March , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” the editorial board of GoErie , the local paper of record , lamented , as the county was placed under a stay-at-home order due to the pandemic .
More bad news would follow .
In late April , the local Wabtec plant permanently laid off 300 frontline workers who make locomotives , saying national rail traffic was down 10 % .
By mid-May the unemployment rate was about 13 % , up from 3.6 % the prior year .
This could all be bad news for Donald Trump because what happens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – has been of national import since November 2016 when the longtime Democratic stronghold swung narrowly for him .
Trump ’ s victory – by fewer than 2,000 votes in Erie – helped deliver him Pennsylvania and the presidency , even as he lost the popular vote .
What voters are saying now Erie county has plenty to recommend it – a lakeside perch , four colleges , and a lush state park that draws 4 million visitors a year .
But it also suffers from economic stagnation and sky-high levels of racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Erie County ’ s median income declined in spite of the economic expansion .
It ’ s also home to one of the poorest ZIP codes in the United States .
Erie resident Sydney Zimmerman , 27 , has had a virtual front-row seat to the unfolding events of the last few months from the pandemic , its economic fallout , and the mass protests following the killing of George Floyd .
She has been engaging in a canvassing operation as part of her work for Erie County United , a progressive advocacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoken to residents struggling to get food or to appointments after the bus system cut routes and rideshares became untenable .
She said some residents wanted Covid-19 tests but could not afford them , and she has spoken to others who have struggled to secure unemployment insurance .
Erie county has not been one of the state ’ s hotspots , but it has been one of the slower counties to meet the state ’ s standards for reopening , causing economic strain .
Zimmerman says the pandemic and the protests against police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s feelings ” about politics .
And yet there are some “ sleepers who are waking up ” , according to Zimmerman .
She recalls a conversation with a waitress whose concern about college debt had her thinking she might be a closet Democrat .
That ’ s the job of Erie United , to activate residents around a set of progressive issues .
Some data points suggest that Erie voters might be turning against Trump .
A research firm conducting online focus groups in more than a half-dozen states found that seven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supported Joe Biden if the election were held in mid-June .
That shift was the first that contained more opponents than supporters of Trump since the Engagious/Schlesinger Group began its research of swing voters in March of last year .
The RealClear Politics average of state-level polls gives Biden a 6.5 point lead in Pennsylvania .
‘ I ’ m really conflicted about the race problem ’ Still many of Trump ’ s supporters are sticking by him .
Verel Salmon , a part-time farmer , and chair of the Erie county Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Democrats who have switched their party registration to Republican in recent years .
He said he recently stood in a line of socially distanced farmers at a cooperative feed mill who seemed happy with the president .
The aid to farmers had taken the “ edge off the loss ” created by the tariffs the president had imposed .
“ You can go into any store or Walmart and hear very similar sentiments , ” Salmon said .
The economy is the first reason Judy Phelps gives when explaining her support of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social worker voted for Obama in 2012 before throwing her strong support to Trump in 2016 .
“ The economy is better .
I ’ m glad that he ’ s done a lot for the veterans .
He ’ s done a lot for the country as far as protecting us , ” says Phelps , an avid fan of Fox News who wasn ’ t that focused on politics until Trump came along .
Phelps ’ work with people living with addiction has given her empathy for people who have made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ However , she says she is unsure what to think about the Black Lives Matter movement .
“ I ’ m really conflicted about the race problem .
Is it manufactured , or is it a real problem ?
” she said .
Recent polls show support for the Black Lives Matter movement shot up precipitously after protests erupted around the country , including in Erie .
The vast majority of Republicans maintain a negative perception of the movement , according to Civiqs , a daily tracking of registered voters .
‘ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human being ’ Voters like Kim Snyder , 26 , could make the difference in 2020 .
She ’ d voted for Bernie Sanders in the 2016 primary , and cast a ballot for the Libertarian candidate , Gary Johnson , in the general , deeming Hillary Clinton a hawk and untrustworthy .
In June , Snyder cast her ballot for Biden in the Pennsylvania primary .
She was drawing state unemployment insurance for the first time , and said she was waiting for her job as a spa manager to begin again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but he seems like a significantly less bad option , ” says Snyder .
She wants someone who would appoint a competent cabinet and listen to scientists .
“ Basically , I ’ m just looking for a decent human being.
” William Panitzke , a business agent for the Steamfitter ’ s Local 449 , seems like he ’ s in a similar frame of mind , concerned about Trump ’ s suitability as a leader .
An independent by temperament , he ’ s a registered Democrat who votes his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at times , he feels conflicted .
Most of his Erie county members work in construction and many are back at work .
But he represents all of western Pennsylvania , where steamfitters have jobs in the energy sector – in coal , natural gas , at the Shell cracker plant 220 miles south in Beaver county , where Trump held a press conference last August .
“ Do you support the guy that ’ s going to help your industry and keep your guys working , or the one who wants to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bargaining rights ?
” Panitzke said .
( Biden has said he would ban new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters , but has not proposed banning fracking as Republicans have claimed . )
Still , he finds Trump ’ s governing style anathema , particularly his treatment of the former US secretary of defense James Mattis , who he says is revered by former marines like himself .
In Erie , like everywhere else , small businesses – including restaurants – have suffered mightily .
George Gourlias , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said business is down 60 or 70 % and he would be sunk without the paycheck protection program ( PPP ) loan .
Even so , he worries about how he will pay it back .
In order for it to be forgiven , the loan contract requires that he maintain full employment , an impossibility , he says , when he ’ s gone down from serving 20 tables to nothing during the earlier period of restrictions ( restaurants can now welcome customers at 50 % capacity ) .
As a restaurateur @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who is 51 , would rather not talk about politics .
But Gary Horton , who heads the local NAACP chapter , doesn ’ t mind broaching the subject .
“ I see blue , ” he says , assuming there is no voter suppression .
Horton , speaking while he was working on getting essential workers to access to Covid-19 testing and coordinating the distribution of hot meals to vulnerable residents .
Black residents , and some white people , “ recognize the disparities that the pandemic uncovered , and they don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what some other people call normal ” , Horton said .
Racial disparities are stark .
Erie county made it on to 24/7 Wall Street ’ s list of 15 worst places for African Americans to live in last year , and Erie had one of the highest black mortality rates of any metro area , according to that report .
In 2018 , the poverty rate among African Americans – who make up about 7 % of the county ’ s population – was 39 % , compared with 13 % for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share of the population – face even higher poverty rates of 45 % .
Those disparities are exacerbated by the state ’ s rock-bottom minimum wage of $ 7.25 an hour , the same as the federal minimum wage .
Horton is also concerned about Erie ’ s new arrivals ; he runs a non-profit that serves refugees from places including Kosovo , Iraq , Rwanda , Burundi and Tanzania , who make up about 16 % of the city ’ s population , according to city officials .
Some are prosperous and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Deng William Rag fled Sudan ’ s civil war for Erie , and a string of low-wage jobs , including at McDonald ’ s and a plastics factory .
Fluent in three languages , he returned to school and now , at 49 , is a case manager at the Erie Housing Authority .
In mid-May , when Erie was still under the stay-at-home orders , he was delivering meals to residents of Harbor Homes , a public housing project .
The need was apparent .
“ Most of the time we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
Rag thinks that the Trump administration ’ s handling of the pandemic will only energize the county ’ s population of New Americans – the preferred term for refugees as many of them are citizens and , like Rag , have been in the country for years .
They are already repelled by the president ’ s anti-immigrant rhetoric , he said .
“ I just came back from distributing meals [ and ] early voting ballot forms , ” said Rag .
“ The first thing they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote Trump out of office .
’ ”

Hopes had been high in the US lakeside city of Erie that this was going to be its “year to shine”, with millions of dollars of investment and the mayor unveiling a plan for new “family-sustaining jobs”.
In January, the city’s mayor unveiled a plan to develop new apartments and office buildings in the Bayfront area of the city, Pennsylvania’s third-largest, which sits on the south of Lake Erie and is home to about 100,000 people and a major port.
Then, in late March, “commerce came to a crashing halt,” the editorial board of GoErie, the local paper of record, lamented, as the county was placed under a stay-at-home order due to the pandemic.
More bad news would follow. In late April, the local Wabtec plant permanently laid off 300 frontline workers who make locomotives, saying national rail traffic was down 10%. By mid-May the unemployment rate was about 13%, up from 3.6% the prior year.
This could all be bad news for Donald Trump because what happens in Erie county – economically and politically – has been of national import since November 2016 when the longtime Democratic stronghold swung narrowly for him. Trump’s victory – by fewer than 2,000 votes in Erie – helped deliver him Pennsylvania and the presidency, even as he lost the popular vote.
The Erie Coke Corp plant in Erie, Pennsylvania, which closed at the end of 2019, having faced regulatory pressure over its environmental record. Photograph: Christopher Millette/AP
What voters are saying now
Erie county has plenty to recommend it – a lakeside perch, four colleges, and a lush state park that draws 4 million visitors a year. But it also suffers from economic stagnation and sky-high levels of racial inequality. Between 2017 and 2018, Erie County’s median income declined in spite of the economic expansion. It’s also home to one of the poorest ZIP codes in the United States.
Erie resident Sydney Zimmerman, 27, has had a virtual front-row seat to the unfolding events of the last few months from the pandemic, its economic fallout, and the mass protests following the killing of George Floyd.
She has been engaging in a canvassing operation as part of her work for Erie County United, a progressive advocacy organization.
Sydney Zimmermann says she has spoken to residents struggling in the wake of the pandemic. Photograph: Joanne Kim
She says she’s spoken to residents struggling to get food or to appointments after the bus system cut routes and rideshares became untenable. She said some residents wanted Covid-19 tests but could not afford them, and she has spoken to others who have struggled to secure unemployment insurance.
Erie county has not been one of the state’s hotspots, but it has been one of the slower counties to meet the state’s standards for reopening, causing economic strain. Zimmerman says the pandemic and the protests against police brutality have only “exaggerated people’s feelings” about politics.
And yet there are some “sleepers who are waking up”, according to Zimmerman. She recalls a conversation with a waitress whose concern about college debt had her thinking she might be a closet Democrat. That’s the job of Erie United, to activate residents around a set of progressive issues.
Some data points suggest that Erie voters might be turning against Trump. A research firm conducting online focus groups in more than a half-dozen states found that seven of nine Erie swing voters would have supported Joe Biden if the election were held in mid-June. That shift was the first that contained more opponents than supporters of Trump since the Engagious/Schlesinger Group began its research of swing voters in March of last year.
The RealClear Politics average of state-level polls gives Biden a 6.5 point lead in Pennsylvania.
‘I’m really conflicted about the race problem’
Still many of Trump’s supporters are sticking by him. Verel Salmon, a part-time farmer, and chair of the Erie county Republican party, draws hope from the number of Democrats who have switched their party registration to Republican in recent years.
He said he recently stood in a line of socially distanced farmers at a cooperative feed mill who seemed happy with the president. The aid to farmers had taken the “edge off the loss” created by the tariffs the president had imposed. “You can go into any store or Walmart and hear very similar sentiments,” Salmon said.
The economy is the first reason Judy Phelps gives when explaining her support of Trump. Phelps, a 72-year-old retired social worker voted for Obama in 2012 before throwing her strong support to Trump in 2016.
I’m really conflicted about the race problem. Is it manufactured, or is it a real problem? Judy Phelps
“The economy is better. I’m glad that he’s done a lot for the veterans. He’s done a lot for the country as far as protecting us,” says Phelps, an avid fan of Fox News who wasn’t that focused on politics until Trump came along.
Phelps’ work with people living with addiction has given her empathy for people who have made mistakes in life, she says. However, she says she is unsure what to think about the Black Lives Matter movement. “I’m really conflicted about the race problem. Is it manufactured, or is it a real problem?” she said.
Recent polls show support for the Black Lives Matter movement shot up precipitously after protests erupted around the country, including in Erie. The vast majority of Republicans maintain a negative perception of the movement, according to Civiqs, a daily tracking of registered voters.
‘I’m just looking for a decent human being’
Voters like Kim Snyder, 26, could make the difference in 2020. She’d voted for Bernie Sanders in the 2016 primary, and cast a ballot for the Libertarian candidate, Gary Johnson, in the general, deeming Hillary Clinton a hawk and untrustworthy.
In June, Snyder cast her ballot for Biden in the Pennsylvania primary. She was drawing state unemployment insurance for the first time, and said she was waiting for her job as a spa manager to begin again.
Kim Snyder, 26, is hoping for a candidate who will listen to scientists. Photograph: Joanne Kim
“I have concerns about Biden, but he seems like a significantly less bad option,” says Snyder. She wants someone who would appoint a competent cabinet and listen to scientists. “Basically, I’m just looking for a decent human being.”
William Panitzke, a business agent for the Steamfitter’s Local 449, seems like he’s in a similar frame of mind, concerned about Trump’s suitability as a leader.
An independent by temperament, he’s a registered Democrat who votes his union’s interest, but, at times, he feels conflicted. Most of his Erie county members work in construction and many are back at work. But he represents all of western Pennsylvania, where steamfitters have jobs in the energy sector – in coal, natural gas, at the Shell cracker plant 220 miles south in Beaver county, where Trump held a press conference last August.
“Do you support the guy that’s going to help your industry and keep your guys working, or the one who wants to end your industry but keep your collective bargaining rights?” Panitzke said. (Biden has said he would ban new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters, but has not proposed banning fracking as Republicans have claimed.)
Still, he finds Trump’s governing style anathema, particularly his treatment of the former US secretary of defense James Mattis, who he says is revered by former marines like himself.
In Erie, like everywhere else, small businesses – including restaurants – have suffered mightily. George Gourlias, who owns Bistro 26 with his wife, said business is down 60 or 70% and he would be sunk without the paycheck protection program (PPP) loan.
Even so, he worries about how he will pay it back. In order for it to be forgiven, the loan contract requires that he maintain full employment, an impossibility, he says, when he’s gone down from serving 20 tables to nothing during the earlier period of restrictions (restaurants can now welcome customers at 50% capacity).
Disparities
As a restaurateur in a purple county, Gourlias, who is 51, would rather not talk about politics. But Gary Horton, who heads the local NAACP chapter, doesn’t mind broaching the subject. “I see blue,” he says, assuming there is no voter suppression.
Horton, speaking while he was working on getting essential workers to access to Covid-19 testing and coordinating the distribution of hot meals to vulnerable residents. Black residents, and some white people, “recognize the disparities that the pandemic uncovered, and they don’t want to go back to what some other people call normal”, Horton said.
Racial disparities are stark. Erie county made it on to 24/7 Wall Street’s list of 15 worst places for African Americans to live in last year, and Erie had one of the highest black mortality rates of any metro area, according to that report.
Gary Horton, president of the Erie chapter of the NAACP. Photograph: Joanne Kim
In 2018, the poverty rate among African Americans – who make up about 7% of the county’s population – was 39%, compared with 13% for white residents. Latinos – a smaller share of the population – face even higher poverty rates of 45%. Those disparities are exacerbated by the state’s rock-bottom minimum wage of $7.25 an hour, the same as the federal minimum wage.
Horton is also concerned about Erie’s new arrivals; he runs a non-profit that serves refugees from places including Kosovo, Iraq, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania, who make up about 16% of the city’s population, according to city officials. Some are prosperous and run businesses, and others require assistance.
Deng William Rag fled Sudan’s civil war for Erie, and a string of low-wage jobs, including at McDonald’s and a plastics factory.
Fluent in three languages, he returned to school and now, at 49, is a case manager at the Erie Housing Authority. In mid-May, when Erie was still under the stay-at-home orders, he was delivering meals to residents of Harbor Homes, a public housing project. The need was apparent. “Most of the time we find them waiting at the door,” he said.
Rag thinks that the Trump administration’s handling of the pandemic will only energize the county’s population of New Americans – the preferred term for refugees as many of them are citizens and, like Rag, have been in the country for years. They are already repelled by the president’s anti-immigrant rhetoric, he said.
“I just came back from distributing meals [and] early voting ballot forms,” said Rag. “The first thing they were telling us is ‘let’s vote Trump out of office.’”
This article is published in partnership with the award-winning nonprofit publication Capital and Main, as part of a year-long series on inequality in the US, ahead of the 2020 election.