theguardian--2020-09-06--'Cacophony of chaos': why the US election outcome is more uncertain than ever

It was just like old times .
Donald Trump stood at a presidential lectern , encouraging a rambunctious crowd of supporters – few of whom wore face masks or physically distanced – to turn and boo the “ fake news ” media .
Behind him Air Force One bathed in a glorious sunset , a huge US flag dangled from a crane and two giant signs declared , “ Make America great again !
” Thursday ’ s outdoor campaign rally at an airport hangar in Latrobe , Pennsylvania , carried echoes of 2016 when Trump whipped up excitement in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conventional wisdom and edge out Hillary Clinton .
Once again , Trump is drawing bigger and noisier crowds than his rival Joe Biden .
But in 2020 the political crystal ball is cloudier than ever .
It was President George W Bush ’ s defense secretary , Donald Rumsfeld , who once ruminated on “ known knowns ” , “ known unknowns ” and “ unknown unknowns – the ones we don ’ t know we don ’ t know ” .
The 2020 presidential election is now a smorgasbord of all three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or are they missing “ hidden ” Trump voters ?
Could Biden , like Clinton , win the popular vote but lose the electoral college ?
Will people vote by mail , despite the president ’ s efforts to undermine the postal service , or feel safe queuing to vote on election day in the middle of a global pandemic ?
Will the result be known on election night or take days or even weeks ?
Could the result – like 2000 – by decided in the courts ?
“ You couldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short of hurricanes and earthquakes taking place at the same time across the country , ” said Tara Setmayer , a political analyst and former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill .
“ It is a cacophony of chaos being mixed together all at once as we approach election day.
” The miasma of uncertainty was apparent over the past week when a batch of polls and burst of campaigning gave conflicting signals .
Some observers were adamant they showed Biden holding on to a solid lead of seven or eight percentage points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same stage , and praised him for displaying both empathy and steeliness in a series of speeches .
“ 5 reasons Biden ’ s odds of victory look better than ever , ” ran a headline in New York magazine on Thursday .
Others , however , detected a shift in momentum and polls tightening , especially in swing states .
“ Of course Trump can win , ” ran a headline in the Washington Post .
Film-maker Michael Moore wrote : “ I ’ m warning you almost 10 weeks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 60 million in Trump ’ s base is OFF THE CHARTS !
For Joe , not so much.
” There was panic that Biden has been thrown on to the back foot by Trump ’ s demand for “ law and order ” .
The sense of lost bearings is compounded by less traditional metrics , ranging from social media activity – Russian meddling and all – to anecdotal counts of campaign signs in voters ’ front gardens to some pandemic-induced tactical wild cards .
The Politico website reported last month : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million doors a week .
Biden ’ s knocks on zero.
” Overshadowing it all are the cascading crises of public health , economic recession , racial injustice and a president waging asymmetric warfare in his willingness to say or do anything to retain power .
Monika McDermott , a political science professor at Fordham University in New York , said : “ It ’ s just a perfect storm of dysfunction .
That ’ s what we ’ re looking toward right now .
It ’ s a road we ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stunning upset win in 2016 led to a widespread belief that the polling industry is fundamentally broken .
In fact the national polls were generally accurate in predicting that Clinton would win the popular vote by nearly 3m ballots .
But they failed to spot how Trump would thread the needle of winning Michigan , Pennsylvania and Wisconsin by a combined total of fewer than 80,000 votes .
Axios recently warned that the public should have “ even less confidence ” this time around , arguing that the flaws in state polling persist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveys that take into account typical Trump voter demographics , such as people who did not attend university .
Axios also noted that the pandemic is expected to lead to a record number of mail-in ballots but the postal service lack experience and states could struggle to process them .
People ’ s ability to vote in-person on 3 November is another known unknown , for example due to shortages of poll workers .
McDermott added : “ The reports of the death of polling were much exaggerated and too soon : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote .
It was much more accurate on a national level than it had been in either of the previous two presidential elections .
For that , the polling industry deserves huge kudos because it was a relatively unknown situation with Donald Trump ’ s candidacy .
“ But I think the problem was that we don ’ t have enough polling in the states to know what ’ s going to happen with the electoral college so we can ’ t run the kind of reliable averages or things like that that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Horse race narratives in the media are also shaped by perception .
Peaceful protests in Kenosha , Wisconsin , and elsewhere tend to pass unremarked but scenes of burning buildings and looting draw cameras and received wall-to-wall exposure on the conservative Fox News network .
Trump seized on the images with a racially divisive message to accuse Democratic state governors and mayors of appeasing “ domestic terrorists ” and warn that a Biden victory would bring similar carnage to every city and suburb .
The former vice-president was forced to respond , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , fueling commentary that he was on the defensive and losing control of a narrative that he wanted to focus on Trump ’ s mishandling of the virus .
Alarm bells have also been rung by everything from Fox News ’ s high ratings to the popularity of conservative pundits on social media .
Kevin Roose of the New York Times wrote : “ Listen , liberals .
If you don ’ t think Donald Trump can get re-elected in November , you need to spend more time on Facebook.
” Roose detailed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the platform found that conservative politicians , pundits and topics dominate .
“ Pro-Trump political influencers have spent years building a well-oiled media machine that swarms around every major news story , creating a torrent of viral commentary that reliably drowns out both the mainstream media and the liberal opposition , ” he added .
To illustrate the point , a visit by Nancy Pelosi , the Democratic House speaker , to a hair salon in San Francisco , where she was seen indoors without a face mask in violation of the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mainstream media coverage but was the number one story on Facebook .
It was also amplified by Fox News , adding to worries that , in this polarised society of self-affirming bubbles , no one can see the full picture .
Some longtime observers believe that Trump ’ s strength may be underestimated , an effect magnified by the arbitrary distortions of the electoral college .
Larry Sabato , the founder and director of the University of Virginia ’ s Center for Politics , said : “ Everybody laughs about this because I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re not supposed to do anything that ’ s not based on the data , but my scientific method leads me to add a point or two to Trump because there is actually a small hidden Trump vote .
“ There is .
We all know it .
We ’ ve seen it in our offices and in our families .
They ’ re always the silent ones .
They don ’ t tell you they ’ re for Biden or for Clinton .
They just don ’ t say .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I just hate the way it ’ s so negative ’ .
Those kind of comments are a dead giveaway.
” Sabato added : “ So it ’ s a point or two and then you have to add another couple of points for the electoral college .
Trump lost the popular vote by two points in 2016 , but he could lose it by three or four and probably win this time around .
No Democrat will ever be able to do it but for a Republican it ’ s easy.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , three and a half points to where he is in the polls .
It ’ s close .
Biden ’ s still ahead .
Biden should win but it ’ s close enough so that this would not take some kind of massive dramatic turnaround for Trump to win , assuming things go well for him.
” To top it all , Biden is the oldest major party nominee in history , running mate Kamala Harris is the first woman of colour on a major party ticket and Trump himself is perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Setmayer , the host of the Honestly Speaking podcast , said : “ Conventional wisdom has been thrown out the window since Donald Trump came down the escalator [ to launch his campaign at Trump Tower ] in 2015 and his tenure as president has only reinforced the fact that we don ’ t know anything about how things will play out.
” She added : “ One of the strategies that Trump employs is chaos , and he thrives in that environment , that ’ s the way he ’ s governed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s campaigning.
” Democrats are often accused of “ quadrennial bedwetting ” ahead of elections which is , at least , a safeguard against complacency .
The known unknowns include three presidential debates that could change the trajectory of the race .
Trump may yet spring an “ October surprise ” by announcing a Covid-19 vaccine .
And in 2020 of all years , there are bound to be unknown unknowns .
John Zogby , a pollster and author , acknowledged that “ Trump is on the ropes ” but added : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looks especially competitive in the battleground states .
So I would say at this point , 60-40 Biden .
Which means I would bet you $ 50 – but I wouldn ’ t bet you $ 500 .
”

It was just like old times. Donald Trump stood at a presidential lectern, encouraging a rambunctious crowd of supporters – few of whom wore face masks or physically distanced – to turn and boo the “fake news” media. Behind him Air Force One bathed in a glorious sunset, a huge US flag dangled from a crane and two giant signs declared, “Make America great again!”
Thursday’s outdoor campaign rally at an airport hangar in Latrobe, Pennsylvania, carried echoes of 2016 when Trump whipped up excitement in unglamorous corners of battleground states to overthrow conventional wisdom and edge out Hillary Clinton. Once again, Trump is drawing bigger and noisier crowds than his rival Joe Biden.
But in 2020 the political crystal ball is cloudier than ever.
It was President George W Bush’s defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, who once ruminated on “known knowns”, “known unknowns” and “unknown unknowns – the ones we don’t know we don’t know”. The 2020 presidential election is now a smorgasbord of all three.
Can the opinion polls be trusted, or are they missing “hidden” Trump voters? Could Biden, like Clinton, win the popular vote but lose the electoral college? Will people vote by mail, despite the president’s efforts to undermine the postal service, or feel safe queuing to vote on election day in the middle of a global pandemic? Will the result be known on election night or take days or even weeks? Could the result – like 2000 – by decided in the courts?
“You couldn’t script this any worse, short of hurricanes and earthquakes taking place at the same time across the country,” said Tara Setmayer, a political analyst and former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill. “It is a cacophony of chaos being mixed together all at once as we approach election day.”
One of the strategies Trump employs is chaos...that’s the way he’s governed and that’s the way he’s campaigning Tara Setmayer
The miasma of uncertainty was apparent over the past week when a batch of polls and burst of campaigning gave conflicting signals. Some observers were adamant they showed Biden holding on to a solid lead of seven or eight percentage points, higher than Clinton’s at the same stage, and praised him for displaying both empathy and steeliness in a series of speeches. “5 reasons Biden’s odds of victory look better than ever,” ran a headline in New York magazine on Thursday.
Others, however, detected a shift in momentum and polls tightening, especially in swing states. “Of course Trump can win,” ran a headline in the Washington Post. Film-maker Michael Moore wrote: “I’m warning you almost 10 weeks in advance. The enthusiasm level for the 60 million in Trump’s base is OFF THE CHARTS! For Joe, not so much.” There was panic that Biden has been thrown on to the back foot by Trump’s demand for “law and order”.
Supporters of Donald Trump cheer as he arrives to speak during a campaign rally at Arnold Palmer regional airport in Latrobe. Photograph: Evan Vucci/AP
The sense of lost bearings is compounded by less traditional metrics, ranging from social media activity – Russian meddling and all – to anecdotal counts of campaign signs in voters’ front gardens to some pandemic-induced tactical wild cards. The Politico website reported last month: “Trump’s campaign knocks on a million doors a week. Biden’s knocks on zero.”
Overshadowing it all are the cascading crises of public health, economic recession, racial injustice and a president waging asymmetric warfare in his willingness to say or do anything to retain power.
Monika McDermott, a political science professor at Fordham University in New York, said: “It’s just a perfect storm of dysfunction. That’s what we’re looking toward right now. It’s a road we’ve never travelled before.”
Trump’s stunning upset win in 2016 led to a widespread belief that the polling industry is fundamentally broken. In fact the national polls were generally accurate in predicting that Clinton would win the popular vote by nearly 3m ballots. But they failed to spot how Trump would thread the needle of winning Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin by a combined total of fewer than 80,000 votes.
Axios recently warned that the public should have “even less confidence” this time around, arguing that the flaws in state polling persist because there are not enough big sample surveys that take into account typical Trump voter demographics, such as people who did not attend university.
Axios also noted that the pandemic is expected to lead to a record number of mail-in ballots but the postal service lack experience and states could struggle to process them. People’s ability to vote in-person on 3 November is another known unknown, for example due to shortages of poll workers.
McDermott added: “The reports of the death of polling were much exaggerated and too soon: the national polls nailed Hillary Clinton’s vote. It was much more accurate on a national level than it had been in either of the previous two presidential elections. For that, the polling industry deserves huge kudos because it was a relatively unknown situation with Donald Trump’s candidacy.
It’s just a perfect storm of dysfunction. That’s what we’re looking toward right now Monika McDermott
“But I think the problem was that we don’t have enough polling in the states to know what’s going to happen with the electoral college so we can’t run the kind of reliable averages or things like that that we do for the national vote.”
Horse race narratives in the media are also shaped by perception.
Peaceful protests in Kenosha, Wisconsin, and elsewhere tend to pass unremarked but scenes of burning buildings and looting draw cameras and received wall-to-wall exposure on the conservative Fox News network. Trump seized on the images with a racially divisive message to accuse Democratic state governors and mayors of appeasing “domestic terrorists” and warn that a Biden victory would bring similar carnage to every city and suburb.
The former vice-president was forced to respond, and travelled to Kenosha two days after Trump, fueling commentary that he was on the defensive and losing control of a narrative that he wanted to focus on Trump’s mishandling of the virus. Alarm bells have also been rung by everything from Fox News’s high ratings to the popularity of conservative pundits on social media.
Joe Biden bows his head in prayer during a community meeting at Grace Lutheran church in Kenosha, Wisconsin. Photograph: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters
Kevin Roose of the New York Times wrote: “Listen, liberals. If you don’t think Donald Trump can get re-elected in November, you need to spend more time on Facebook.”
Roose detailed how his analysis of partisan content on the platform found that conservative politicians, pundits and topics dominate. “Pro-Trump political influencers have spent years building a well-oiled media machine that swarms around every major news story, creating a torrent of viral commentary that reliably drowns out both the mainstream media and the liberal opposition,” he added.
To illustrate the point, a visit by Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic House speaker, to a hair salon in San Francisco, where she was seen indoors without a face mask in violation of the city’s health guidelines, got little mainstream media coverage but was the number one story on Facebook. It was also amplified by Fox News, adding to worries that, in this polarised society of self-affirming bubbles, no one can see the full picture.
Some longtime observers believe that Trump’s strength may be underestimated, an effect magnified by the arbitrary distortions of the electoral college. Larry Sabato, the founder and director of the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics, said: “Everybody laughs about this because I’m a stats guy and you’re not supposed to do anything that’s not based on the data, but my scientific method leads me to add a point or two to Trump because there is actually a small hidden Trump vote.
“There is. We all know it. We’ve seen it in our offices and in our families. They’re always the silent ones. They don’t tell you they’re for Biden or for Clinton. They just don’t say. They’re ‘undecided’ or ‘I just hate the way it’s so negative’. Those kind of comments are a dead giveaway.”
Sabato added: “So it’s a point or two and then you have to add another couple of points for the electoral college. Trump lost the popular vote by two points in 2016, but he could lose it by three or four and probably win this time around. No Democrat will ever be able to do it but for a Republican it’s easy.”
The pandemic is expected to lead to a record number of mail-in ballots but the postal service lack experience and states could struggle to process them. Photograph: Logan Cyrus/AFP/Getty Images
“So you’re adding three, three and a half points to where he is in the polls. It’s close. Biden’s still ahead. Biden should win but it’s close enough so that this would not take some kind of massive dramatic turnaround for Trump to win, assuming things go well for him.”
To top it all, Biden is the oldest major party nominee in history, running mate Kamala Harris is the first woman of colour on a major party ticket and Trump himself is perhaps the least predictable candidate in history.
Setmayer, the host of the Honestly Speaking podcast, said: “Conventional wisdom has been thrown out the window since Donald Trump came down the escalator [to launch his campaign at Trump Tower] in 2015 and his tenure as president has only reinforced the fact that we don’t know anything about how things will play out.”
She added: “One of the strategies that Trump employs is chaos, and he thrives in that environment, that’s the way he’s governed and that’s the way he’s campaigning.”
Democrats are often accused of “quadrennial bedwetting” ahead of elections which is, at least, a safeguard against complacency. The known unknowns include three presidential debates that could change the trajectory of the race. Trump may yet spring an “October surprise” by announcing a Covid-19 vaccine. And in 2020 of all years, there are bound to be unknown unknowns.
John Zogby, a pollster and author, acknowledged that “Trump is on the ropes” but added: “It’s competitive. It looks especially competitive in the battleground states. So I would say at this point, 60-40 Biden. Which means I would bet you $50 – but I wouldn’t bet you $500.”


theguardian--2020-09-06--Speaking for Myself review: Sarah Sanders writes one for the Trump team

The former White House press secretary also has political ambitions of her own , back home in Arkansas Toward the end of Speaking for Myself , Sarah Huckabee Sanders recalls a conversation with Donald Trump in which she advises him her book will be aimed at defending his reputation .
“ I think you will like it , ” says the president ’ s second press secretary .
“ You have been falsely attacked and misrepresented for too long and it ’ s time for America to know the real story.
” An approving president replies : “ Can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it will be great.
” Whether Sanders has succeeded is open to debate .
Speaking for Myself does a better job in burnishing her brand in advance of a possible run for the Arkansas governorship in 2022 .
It is very much a would-be candidate ’ s autobiography , even as it devotes countless pages to its author ’ s time in the White House .
Sanders shares her experiences of being the daughter of Mike Huckabee , governor of Arkansas and two-time candidate for the Republican presidential nomination .
She also describes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she met her husband and life as a working mother .
Personal normalcy and faith are the dominant themes , the narrative a mixture of whitewashing and score-settling but with the emphasis on the former .
Sanders describes her father ’ s 2008 presidential run , including his win in the Iowa caucus .
She heaps praise on a campaign ad featuring the martial-arts eminence Chuck Norris , and goes out of her way to knock Mitt Romney , a rival to her father who would win the nomination in 2012 , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every major issue ” .
The tension between Romney and the Huckabees predates his vote this year , as a senator from Utah , to convict Trump on impeachment charges .
Rather , it is tribal .
Unmentioned by Sanders is her father having attacked Romney ’ s faith .
In the run-up to Iowa , Huckabee , an ordained Baptist minister , declared the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints a “ religion ” , not a “ cult ” .
But in the next breath , he pondered whether Mormons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brothers ” .
Evangelicals comprised three-fifths of Iowa ’ s Republican caucus-goers .
Among them , Huckabee trounced Romney by more than 25 points .
Not surprisingly , when Sanders describes her time in the Trump White House she goes full-bore at Robert Mueller , doing her best to play the victim .
As is to be expected , she regurgitates the “ no-collusion ” party line and offers full-throated endorsements of Bill Barr , Trump ’ s second attorney general , and Pat Cipollone , his second White House counsel , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too is personal .
In the aftermath of James Comey ’ s dismissal as FBI director in May 2017 , Sanders did her best to trash his reputation , including falsely stating “ the rank and file of the FBI had lost confidence in their director ” .
Questioned by a reporter on her version of reality , Sanders remained unyielding : “ Look , we ’ ve heard from countless members of the FBI.
” Pressed by the special counsel , Sanders characterized those remarks as a “ slip of the tongue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the moment ” and “ not founded on anything ” .
Now , time has passed , an election looms and Sanders isn ’ t having any of it .
She accuses Mueller ’ s staff of “ totally ” misrepresenting her statements , for no purpose other than to “ vilify ” and “ falsely ” attack her .
Likewise , she draws no line between her baseless accusations and prosecutors ’ concerns about obstruction of justice .
Sanders remains silent about the fact Mueller issued a correction of Barr ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , though she denies collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia , the Senate intelligence committee recently cast a different light on the operative facts .
In its report , the committee confirmed Trump lied to the special counsel and that Paul Manafort – the campaign manager whose departure paved the way for Steve Bannon – worked hand in glove with a Russian intelligence officer in an effort to help his candidate .
Whether any of it altered the election result is a different story .
From the looks of things , Comey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an act of grace , Sanders goes easy on Cliff Sims , a former White House staffer who lashed into her in Team of Vipers , his tell-all from 2019 .
As press secretary , Sims wrote , Sanders “ didn ’ t press as hard as she could have for the rock-bottom truth ” .
He also said her “ gymnastics with the truth would tax even the nimblest of prevaricators , and Sanders was not that ” .
Sanders turns the other cheek , acknowledging Sims as the author of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daily briefing and crediting him as “ an excellent writer and fellow southerner ” .
Sims was banished from the administration and sued the president , but recently worked as a speechwriter at the Republican convention .
To Sanders , Jim Acosta of CNN and the former national security adviser John Bolton are different .
Extracts attacking Bolton were leaked to coincide with the release of his book , The Room Where It Happened , this summer .
Acosta is accused of “ grandstanding to build his media profile ” , Sanders questioning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right ” .
Unfortunately , Sanders can go overboard with ethnic reductionism .
Or , at least , she could have used some editing .
Sanders does a cultural compare-and-contrast with Josh Raffel , a former staffer who handled public relations for Ivanka Trump and her husband , Jared Kushner .
Raffel , Sanders observes , was a “ liberal , aggressive , foulmouthed Jew from New York City ” .
Substitute , “ non-church-going Presbyterian ” for “ Jew ” and you would have a description of the 45th president .
Sanders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ grown to love Josh ” and heaps praise on his sense of humor .
One of few Trump aides to leave the West Wing smiling and of her free will , Sanders ’ spouse and children have not spoken out .
This is as candid as we are going to get .
It is not an audition for another Trump-tied gig .
She has her eyes on a different executive mansion – in Little Rock , Arkansas .

Toward the end of Speaking for Myself, Sarah Huckabee Sanders recalls a conversation with Donald Trump in which she advises him her book will be aimed at defending his reputation.
“I think you will like it,” says the president’s second press secretary. “You have been falsely attacked and misrepresented for too long and it’s time for America to know the real story.”
An approving president replies: “Can’t wait. I’m sure it will be great.”
Whether Sanders has succeeded is open to debate. Speaking for Myself does a better job in burnishing her brand in advance of a possible run for the Arkansas governorship in 2022. It is very much a would-be candidate’s autobiography, even as it devotes countless pages to its author’s time in the White House.
Sanders shares her experiences of being the daughter of Mike Huckabee, governor of Arkansas and two-time candidate for the Republican presidential nomination. She also describes her time as a student, how she met her husband and life as a working mother. Personal normalcy and faith are the dominant themes, the narrative a mixture of whitewashing and score-settling but with the emphasis on the former.
Sanders describes her father’s 2008 presidential run, including his win in the Iowa caucus. She heaps praise on a campaign ad featuring the martial-arts eminence Chuck Norris, and goes out of her way to knock Mitt Romney, a rival to her father who would win the nomination in 2012, for his “flip-flops” on “nearly every major issue”.
The tension between Romney and the Huckabees predates his vote this year, as a senator from Utah, to convict Trump on impeachment charges. Rather, it is tribal.
Unmentioned by Sanders is her father having attacked Romney’s faith. In the run-up to Iowa, Huckabee, an ordained Baptist minister, declared the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints a “religion”, not a “cult”. But in the next breath, he pondered whether Mormons believe “Jesus and the devil are brothers”. Evangelicals comprised three-fifths of Iowa’s Republican caucus-goers. Among them, Huckabee trounced Romney by more than 25 points.
Not surprisingly, when Sanders describes her time in the Trump White House she goes full-bore at Robert Mueller, doing her best to play the victim. As is to be expected, she regurgitates the “no-collusion” party line and offers full-throated endorsements of Bill Barr, Trump’s second attorney general, and Pat Cipollone, his second White House counsel, for their defense of the president.
This too is personal. In the aftermath of James Comey’s dismissal as FBI director in May 2017, Sanders did her best to trash his reputation, including falsely stating “the rank and file of the FBI had lost confidence in their director”. Questioned by a reporter on her version of reality, Sanders remained unyielding: “Look, we’ve heard from countless members of the FBI.”
Pressed by the special counsel, Sanders characterized those remarks as a “slip of the tongue”, made “in the heat of the moment” and “not founded on anything”.
Now, time has passed, an election looms and Sanders isn’t having any of it. She accuses Mueller’s staff of “totally” misrepresenting her statements, for no purpose other than to “vilify” and “falsely” attack her. Likewise, she draws no line between her baseless accusations and prosecutors’ concerns about obstruction of justice.
Sanders remains silent about the fact Mueller issued a correction of Barr’s characterization of his report. Likewise, though she denies collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia, the Senate intelligence committee recently cast a different light on the operative facts.
In its report, the committee confirmed Trump lied to the special counsel and that Paul Manafort – the campaign manager whose departure paved the way for Steve Bannon – worked hand in glove with a Russian intelligence officer in an effort to help his candidate.
Whether any of it altered the election result is a different story. From the looks of things, Comey probably had a greater impact.
In an act of grace, Sanders goes easy on Cliff Sims, a former White House staffer who lashed into her in Team of Vipers, his tell-all from 2019. As press secretary, Sims wrote, Sanders “didn’t press as hard as she could have for the rock-bottom truth”. He also said her “gymnastics with the truth would tax even the nimblest of prevaricators, and Sanders was not that”.
Sanders turns the other cheek, acknowledging Sims as the author of the “script” she delivered at each daily briefing and crediting him as “an excellent writer and fellow southerner”. Sims was banished from the administration and sued the president, but recently worked as a speechwriter at the Republican convention.
To Sanders, Jim Acosta of CNN and the former national security adviser John Bolton are different. Extracts attacking Bolton were leaked to coincide with the release of his book, The Room Where It Happened, this summer. Acosta is accused of “grandstanding to build his media profile”, Sanders questioning his commitment to getting the “story right”.
Unfortunately, Sanders can go overboard with ethnic reductionism. Or, at least, she could have used some editing.
Sanders does a cultural compare-and-contrast with Josh Raffel, a former staffer who handled public relations for Ivanka Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner. Raffel, Sanders observes, was a “liberal, aggressive, foulmouthed Jew from New York City”. Substitute, “non-church-going Presbyterian” for “Jew” and you would have a description of the 45th president.
Sanders also lets the reader know she had “grown to love Josh” and heaps praise on his sense of humor.
One of few Trump aides to leave the West Wing smiling and of her free will, Sanders’ spouse and children have not spoken out. This is as candid as we are going to get. It is not an audition for another Trump-tied gig. She has her eyes on a different executive mansion – in Little Rock, Arkansas.


theguardian--2020-09-06--Michael Cohen alleges Trump racist outbursts and role in Stormy Daniels payoff in new book

Michael Cohen ’ s tell-all memoir makes the case that president Donald Trump is “ guilty of the same crimes ” that landed his former fixer in federal prison , offering a blow-by-blow account of Trump ’ s alleged role in a hush money scandal that once overshadowed his presidency .
It also alleges that Trump made numerous racist remarks , according to the Washington Post , including saying that Barack Obama only got into Columbia University and Harvard Law School because of “ fucking affirmative action ” .
Trump had “ hatred and contempt ” for Obama , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ career by promoting the “ birther ” conspiracy theory that falsely claimed Obama was not born in the US .
CNN also reports that Cohen ’ s book claims that before he became president “ Trump hired a ‘ Faux-Bama ’ to participate in a video in which Trump ‘ ritualistically belittled the first black president and then fired him ’ .
” CNN included a picture it said was from the book of Trump in an office facing a black man across a desk .
According to the Post , Cohen alleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low opinion of all black folks ” .
Trump said : “ Tell me one country run by a black person that isn ’ t a shithole .
They are all complete fucking toilets , ” Cohen claims , and praised apartheid-era South Africa , saying : “ Mandela fucked the whole country up .
Now it ’ s a shithole .
Fuck Mandela .
He was no leader.
” Of all the crises Cohen confronted working for Trump , none proved as vexing as the adult film actor Stormy Daniels and her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Cohen writes in Disloyal : The True Story of the Former Personal Attorney to President Donald J Trump .
Trump , despite his later protestations , green-lighted the $ 130,000 payment to silence Daniels ahead of the 2016 election , reasoning he would “ have to pay ” his wife a far greater sum if the affair ever became known , Cohen writes , adding the president later reimbursed him with “ fake legal fees ” .
“ It never pays to settle these things , but many , many friends have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , according to Cohen .
“ If it comes out , I ’ m not sure how it would play with my supporters .
But I bet they ’ d think it ’ s cool that I slept with a porn star.
” “ He readily admits to lying routinely but expects people to believe him now so that he can make money from book sales , ” White House spokesman Brian Morgenstern said in a statement .
“ It ’ s unfortunate that the media is exploiting this sad and desperate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Associated Press obtained an early copy of the book , which is scheduled to be released on Tuesday .
Cohen writes that Trump ’ s three oldest children came to his office after Trump ’ s acerbic and racist campaign announcement in 2015 , asking him to convince their father to drop out of the race because of the damage his rhetoric would do to the company .
“ MC , you ’ ve got to get dad to stop the campaign .
It ’ s killing the company , ” Cohen quotes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was undeterred and unconcerned with the harm to his businesses .
“ Plus , I will never get the Hispanic vote , ” Trump said , according to Cohen .
“ Like the blacks , they ’ re too stupid to vote for Trump .
They ’ re not my people.
” The Washington Post , which also said it had obtained a copy , also reports that Cohen writes that Trump “ inadvertently ” made a crude sexual comment about Cohen ’ s 15-year-old daughter , saying : “ Look at that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of that.
” And , according to the Post , Cohen alleges that he and Trump watched a strip show which included simulated urination in Las Vegas in 2013 .
On Russia , the Post reported that Cohen wrote Trump ’ s admiration of president Vladimir Putin was simply down to his love of money , saying he wrongly identified Putin as “ the richest man in the world by a multiple ” .
It reported : “ Trump loved Putin , Cohen wrote , because the Russian leader had the ability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and run it like it was his personal company — like the Trump Organization , in fact.
” Cohen , who pleaded guilty to campaign finance violations and other crimes , including lying to Congress , calls himself the “ star witness ” of a hush-money conspiracy that still could culminate in charges for Trump after he leaves office .
He described his new book as a “ fundamental piece of evidence ” of the president ’ s guilt .
Cohen ’ s allegations – his most detailed to date – are part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Trump .
Cohen assails Trump as an “ organized crime don ” and “ master manipulator ” , but allows that he saw much of himself in a man he once considered a father figure .
“ I care for Donald Trump , even to this day , ” Cohen writes , “ and I had and still have a lot of affection for him.
” Cohen remains at a loss to explain his unswerving allegiance to a cut-throat businessman who abandoned him at the most vulnerable point in his life .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mental illness and said he thought of himself as acting like an alcoholic or drug user in need of an intervention .
“ It seemed to them that I wouldn ’ t listen to anyone , not even the people who loved me most , as I gradually gave up control of my mind to Trump , ” Cohen writes .
“ I confess I never really did understand why pleasing Trump meant so much to me , ” Cohen adds .
“ To this day I don ’ t have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book that he stayed loyal to Trump for so long , despite the dirty work and volatile personality , because he wanted to stay close to his celebrity and power .
“ I was the canary in the coal mine for the millions of Americans who are still mesmerized by the power of Trump , ” Cohen writes .
The memoir offers an introspective – and at times self-loathing – apology for the role Cohen played in Trump ’ s political ascent .
He urged Trump for years to run for president but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation and maybe even the world to the brink of disaster ” .
“ I thought Trump was a visionary with a no-nonsense attitude and the charisma to attract all kinds of voters , ” he writes .
But the real reason he wanted Trump in the White House , Cohen concedes , “ was because I wanted the power that he would bring to me ” .
But Cohen expresses little to no remorse for his federal crimes , saying he was “ railroaded ” by the government and pleaded guilty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I was in the grip of the conviction machine , ” he writes .
“ I was the ham sandwich , and I had been indicted.
” Cohen has led a publicity blitz around his memoir even as he continues serving his federal sentence in home confinement .
A federal judge ruled this summer that authorities had retaliated against him – sending him back to prison in upstate New York after he had been furloughed because of the coronavirus pandemic – for publishing the book ahead of the November election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ July and the government lifted a ban on him speaking publicly .
“ This story is all I have left for my wife , my children and the country I love so much , ” Cohen writes .
Associated Press contributed to this report

Michael Cohen’s tell-all memoir makes the case that president Donald Trump is “guilty of the same crimes” that landed his former fixer in federal prison, offering a blow-by-blow account of Trump’s alleged role in a hush money scandal that once overshadowed his presidency.
It also alleges that Trump made numerous racist remarks, according to the Washington Post, including saying that Barack Obama only got into Columbia University and Harvard Law School because of “fucking affirmative action”. Trump had “hatred and contempt” for Obama, the book says.
Trump began his political career by promoting the “birther” conspiracy theory that falsely claimed Obama was not born in the US. CNN also reports that Cohen’s book claims that before he became president “Trump hired a ‘Faux-Bama’ to participate in a video in which Trump ‘ritualistically belittled the first black president and then fired him’.” CNN included a picture it said was from the book of Trump in an office facing a black man across a desk.
NEW: In tell-all book, Michael Cohen says Trump hired a "Faux-Bama" during White House run https://t.co/gW4b3KopoY pic.twitter.com/LotdVzUlZ0 — CNN Politics (@CNNPolitics) September 6, 2020
According to the Post, Cohen alleges that the US president has a “low opinion of all black folks”.
Trump said: “Tell me one country run by a black person that isn’t a shithole. They are all complete fucking toilets,” Cohen claims, and praised apartheid-era South Africa, saying: “Mandela fucked the whole country up. Now it’s a shithole. Fuck Mandela. He was no leader.”
Of all the crises Cohen confronted working for Trump, none proved as vexing as the adult film actor Stormy Daniels and her claims of an extramarital affair with Trump, Cohen writes in Disloyal: The True Story of the Former Personal Attorney to President Donald J Trump.
Trump, despite his later protestations, green-lighted the $130,000 payment to silence Daniels ahead of the 2016 election, reasoning he would “have to pay” his wife a far greater sum if the affair ever became known, Cohen writes, adding the president later reimbursed him with “fake legal fees”.
“It never pays to settle these things, but many, many friends have advised me to pay,” Trump said, according to Cohen. “If it comes out, I’m not sure how it would play with my supporters. But I bet they’d think it’s cool that I slept with a porn star.”
The White House called Cohen’s memoir “fan fiction”.
“He readily admits to lying routinely but expects people to believe him now so that he can make money from book sales,” White House spokesman Brian Morgenstern said in a statement. “It’s unfortunate that the media is exploiting this sad and desperate man to attack president Trump.”
The Associated Press obtained an early copy of the book, which is scheduled to be released on Tuesday.
Cohen writes that Trump’s three oldest children came to his office after Trump’s acerbic and racist campaign announcement in 2015, asking him to convince their father to drop out of the race because of the damage his rhetoric would do to the company.
“MC, you’ve got to get dad to stop the campaign. It’s killing the company,” Cohen quotes Ivanka as saying.
Cohen says Trump was undeterred and unconcerned with the harm to his businesses. “Plus, I will never get the Hispanic vote,” Trump said, according to Cohen. “Like the blacks, they’re too stupid to vote for Trump. They’re not my people.”
The Washington Post, which also said it had obtained a copy, also reports that Cohen writes that Trump “inadvertently” made a crude sexual comment about Cohen’s 15-year-old daughter, saying: “Look at that piece of ass. I would love some of that.”
And, according to the Post, Cohen alleges that he and Trump watched a strip show which included simulated urination in Las Vegas in 2013.
On Russia, the Post reported that Cohen wrote Trump’s admiration of president Vladimir Putin was simply down to his love of money, saying he wrongly identified Putin as “the richest man in the world by a multiple”.
It reported: “Trump loved Putin, Cohen wrote, because the Russian leader had the ability “to take over an entire nation and run it like it was his personal company — like the Trump Organization, in fact.”
Cohen, who pleaded guilty to campaign finance violations and other crimes, including lying to Congress, calls himself the “star witness” of a hush-money conspiracy that still could culminate in charges for Trump after he leaves office. He described his new book as a “fundamental piece of evidence” of the president’s guilt.
Cohen’s allegations – his most detailed to date – are part of an unsparing and deeply personal put-down of Trump. Cohen assails Trump as an “organized crime don” and “master manipulator”, but allows that he saw much of himself in a man he once considered a father figure.
“I care for Donald Trump, even to this day,” Cohen writes, “and I had and still have a lot of affection for him.”
I thought Trump was a visionary with a no-nonsense attitude and the charisma to attract all kinds of voters Michael Cohen
Cohen remains at a loss to explain his unswerving allegiance to a cut-throat businessman who abandoned him at the most vulnerable point in his life. He likens his fealty to Trump to a mental illness and said he thought of himself as acting like an alcoholic or drug user in need of an intervention.
“It seemed to them that I wouldn’t listen to anyone, not even the people who loved me most, as I gradually gave up control of my mind to Trump,” Cohen writes. “I confess I never really did understand why pleasing Trump meant so much to me,” Cohen adds. “To this day I don’t have the full answer.”
Cohen says in the book that he stayed loyal to Trump for so long, despite the dirty work and volatile personality, because he wanted to stay close to his celebrity and power. “I was the canary in the coal mine for the millions of Americans who are still mesmerized by the power of Trump,” Cohen writes.
The memoir offers an introspective – and at times self-loathing – apology for the role Cohen played in Trump’s political ascent. He urged Trump for years to run for president but now laments that his election “led the nation and maybe even the world to the brink of disaster”.
“I thought Trump was a visionary with a no-nonsense attitude and the charisma to attract all kinds of voters,” he writes. But the real reason he wanted Trump in the White House, Cohen concedes, “was because I wanted the power that he would bring to me”.
But Cohen expresses little to no remorse for his federal crimes, saying he was “railroaded” by the government and pleaded guilty after prosecutors threatened to indict his wife.
“I was in the grip of the conviction machine,” he writes. “I was the ham sandwich, and I had been indicted.”
Cohen has led a publicity blitz around his memoir even as he continues serving his federal sentence in home confinement. A federal judge ruled this summer that authorities had retaliated against him – sending him back to prison in upstate New York after he had been furloughed because of the coronavirus pandemic – for publishing the book ahead of the November election.
He was released to home confinement in July and the government lifted a ban on him speaking publicly.
“This story is all I have left for my wife, my children and the country I love so much,” Cohen writes.
Associated Press contributed to this report


theguardian--2020-09-06--A ‘tyrant-clown’ has destroyed my love affair with America | Robert McCrum

Once upon a time , at the start of the last century , PG Wodehouse declared , with the fervour of the convert , that to live in America was “ like being in heaven … without the bother and expense of dying ” .
America used to do that to a certain kind of Brit , and to those who saw themselves as Greeks to the Americans ’ Romans : we ’ d fall hopelessly in love , however much they abused the relationship .
My own long affair with America , as an idea as much as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1976 , with a graduate scholarship to the University of Pennsylvania .
Among the lovely red brick of old Philadelphia , I maxed out on the promise and possibilities of the American revolution , its majesty , optimism and rhetoric .
Those pioneers of radical political self-expression , Jefferson , Franklin , et al , became idols of deep faith .
For instance , years later , on a return visit to the Constitution Center , I was brought to tears by a video devoted to that love letter to democratic principles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eternal magic of “ We , the people ” .
Today , after the pre-election convention season , it ’ s almost impossible to imagine such emotions .
Like many Europeans who once looked across the Atlantic at a great democratic experiment , I ’ ve quit .
Somehow , I must cultivate indifference to disguise the end of a long love affair .
It ’ s become an agony to express this disillusion , but I have to try .
The first intimations of this crisis probably occurred when , visiting New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ famous Public Theater production of Shakespeare ’ s Julius Caesar in Central Park .
From the moment a strawberry blond Caesar ( Gregg Henry in a Maga baseball cap ) bounded on stage in a white shirt and a long red tie , this was a polemical interpretation that set cultivated New Yorkers at odds with the culture warriors of Fox News .
Now , it seems eerily prescient of America ’ s nightmare : the disintegration of a great society under the leadership of an orange monster , half-clown , half-tyrant .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve made allowances for a necessary disruption .
I ’ ve argued with sceptical friends that America is not “ broken ” , the federal system remains resilient , and the grip of the constitution still sure .
But once my admiration for the United States choked and died this year , bludgeoned by the racism , cruelty , corruption and outright stupidity of the current administration , this loss of faith became desolating .
I have always loved America for its language , the snap of Twain or Lincoln and the sonorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last , it ’ s a society built of words and ideas , those uplifting expressions of reason and the pursuit of happiness , that quest for “ a more perfect union ” , the new world ’ s dream .
The ideas of the founding fathers , reiterated by Americans from FDR and LBJ , to MLK and even Ronald Reagan , were fierce and idealistic but always humane .
Part of the US ’ s appeal , as a democratic experiment , is its Anglo-Saxon pragmatism , its willingness always to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work-in-progress .
As former president Obama said at John Lewis ’ s memorial , any ordinary person could take up the unfinished work of the society , and remake it with new words .
To many Britons , imprisoned by ancient , arteriosclerotic continuities , such drive is exhilarating .
The audacity of a country constructing itself , from generation to generation , in the language and ideas of the moment , remains the age of reason ’ s most breathtaking assertion of human ambition .
The genius of the Declaration of Independence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which it conscripts the American vernacular to serve a flag .
Language makes unfinished humanity human .
Without words , there can be no expressions of thought or sympathy ; and thought nourishes the inward mind .
This was the faculty the founders recognised as the republic ’ s best guarantee .
None of this is plain sailing .
An exuberant process , full of life and optimism , the ferment of ideas is noisy , messy and occasionally violent .
Yes , the tree of liberty was watered by the blood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fundamental humanity would always be an inspiration to writers and poets , performers , lawyers and politicians .
Now it feels as if the well of US independence has been poisoned , and the air contaminated with noxious gas from half-baked conspiracy theories .
Where language once provided a narrative line , now we find hate-filled presidential tweets .
Ideas used to be a basis for community , now they only sponsor a raucous shouting match .
Once , this experiment was arbitrated by trial and error , the interplay of trust and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opinion .
This has now devolved into visceral internecine vendettas .
What ’ s died in the process are two fine American monosyllables : good faith .
For the whole world , this is a democratic emergency .
America was always a country where – with the usual caveats surrounding power politics – we could witness a society engaged in moral choices about improving the way people live .
This was the shining city of the American ideal .
Today , for millions across the “ good Earth ” of the astronaut Frank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ light has gone out .
We , once faithful supporters , no longer have any appetite for a noble experiment consumed with rage , ever more vulnerable to the manipulation of untrammelled power , and tormented by habitual untruths .
It ’ s these lies that are most lethal .
Whatever treasury of words and judgments was stored up in Philadelphia during the 1770s , that bank is bust .
This infamous 45th president will be remembered for many things , but the worst is the blizzard of his more than 20,000 outrageous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body politic .
When we contemplate the imminent battle between Democrats and Republicans , the former so eager for government but so incompetent at elections , the latter so ready for the fight but so deficient in sympathetic political capital , it ’ s hard not to become dismayed and fearful .
How to preserve this democracy ?
Whence a new chapter of American revival ?
And is it too late for the voters to renew their lease on paradise ?

Once upon a time, at the start of the last century, PG Wodehouse declared, with the fervour of the convert, that to live in America was “like being in heaven … without the bother and expense of dying”.
America used to do that to a certain kind of Brit, and to those who saw themselves as Greeks to the Americans’ Romans: we’d fall hopelessly in love, however much they abused the relationship.
My own long affair with America, as an idea as much as a reality, began in the bicentennial year, 1976, with a graduate scholarship to the University of Pennsylvania. Among the lovely red brick of old Philadelphia, I maxed out on the promise and possibilities of the American revolution, its majesty, optimism and rhetoric. Those pioneers of radical political self-expression, Jefferson, Franklin, et al, became idols of deep faith. For instance, years later, on a return visit to the Constitution Center, I was brought to tears by a video devoted to that love letter to democratic principles, the US constitution, and the eternal magic of “We, the people”.
Today, after the pre-election convention season, it’s almost impossible to imagine such emotions. Like many Europeans who once looked across the Atlantic at a great democratic experiment, I’ve quit. Somehow, I must cultivate indifference to disguise the end of a long love affair. It’s become an agony to express this disillusion, but I have to try.
The first intimations of this crisis probably occurred when, visiting New York in 2017, I attended a famous Public Theater production of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar in Central Park. From the moment a strawberry blond Caesar (Gregg Henry in a Maga baseball cap) bounded on stage in a white shirt and a long red tie, this was a polemical interpretation that set cultivated New Yorkers at odds with the culture warriors of Fox News. Now, it seems eerily prescient of America’s nightmare: the disintegration of a great society under the leadership of an orange monster, half-clown, half-tyrant.
Like many US admirers, I’ve made allowances for a necessary disruption. I’ve argued with sceptical friends that America is not “broken”, the federal system remains resilient, and the grip of the constitution still sure. But once my admiration for the United States choked and died this year, bludgeoned by the racism, cruelty, corruption and outright stupidity of the current administration, this loss of faith became desolating.
I have always loved America for its language, the snap of Twain or Lincoln and the sonorities of Douglass and Melville. First and last, it’s a society built of words and ideas, those uplifting expressions of reason and the pursuit of happiness, that quest for “a more perfect union”, the new world’s dream. The ideas of the founding fathers, reiterated by Americans from FDR and LBJ, to MLK and even Ronald Reagan, were fierce and idealistic but always humane.
The National Constitution Center, Philadelphia. Photograph: Maurice Savage/Alamy
Part of the US’s appeal, as a democratic experiment, is its Anglo-Saxon pragmatism, its willingness always to frame its radicalism as provisional, a work-in-progress. As former president Obama said at John Lewis’s memorial, any ordinary person could take up the unfinished work of the society, and remake it with new words. To many Britons, imprisoned by ancient, arteriosclerotic continuities, such drive is exhilarating. The audacity of a country constructing itself, from generation to generation, in the language and ideas of the moment, remains the age of reason’s most breathtaking assertion of human ambition.
The genius of the Declaration of Independence as a mission statement is the way in which it conscripts the American vernacular to serve a flag. Language makes unfinished humanity human. Without words, there can be no expressions of thought or sympathy; and thought nourishes the inward mind. This was the faculty the founders recognised as the republic’s best guarantee.
None of this is plain sailing. An exuberant process, full of life and optimism, the ferment of ideas is noisy, messy and occasionally violent. Yes, the tree of liberty was watered by the blood of patriots. But America’s fundamental humanity would always be an inspiration to writers and poets, performers, lawyers and politicians.
Now it feels as if the well of US independence has been poisoned, and the air contaminated with noxious gas from half-baked conspiracy theories. Where language once provided a narrative line, now we find hate-filled presidential tweets. Ideas used to be a basis for community, now they only sponsor a raucous shouting match. Once, this experiment was arbitrated by trial and error, the interplay of trust and truth in the free traffic of well-founded opinion. This has now devolved into visceral internecine vendettas.
What’s died in the process are two fine American monosyllables: good faith. For the whole world, this is a democratic emergency. America was always a country where – with the usual caveats surrounding power politics – we could witness a society engaged in moral choices about improving the way people live. This was the shining city of the American ideal. Today, for millions across the “good Earth” of the astronaut Frank Borman’s inspired description, that light has gone out.
We, once faithful supporters, no longer have any appetite for a noble experiment consumed with rage, ever more vulnerable to the manipulation of untrammelled power, and tormented by habitual untruths. It’s these lies that are most lethal. Whatever treasury of words and judgments was stored up in Philadelphia during the 1770s, that bank is bust. This infamous 45th president will be remembered for many things, but the worst is the blizzard of his more than 20,000 outrageous falsehoods, the cynical disabling of the body politic.
When we contemplate the imminent battle between Democrats and Republicans, the former so eager for government but so incompetent at elections, the latter so ready for the fight but so deficient in sympathetic political capital, it’s hard not to become dismayed and fearful. How to preserve this democracy? Whence a new chapter of American revival? And is it too late for the voters to renew their lease on paradise?


theguardian--2020-09-06--On Labor Day, remember this: Trump's America works only for the rich | Robert Reich

On Labor Day weekend , eight weeks before one of the most consequential elections in American history , it ’ s useful to consider the inequalities of income and wealth that fueled Donald Trump ’ s victory four years ago – and which are now wider than ever .
No other developed nation has nearly the inequities found in the US , even though all have been exposed to the same forces of globalization and technological change .
Jeff Bezos ’ s net worth recently reached $ 200bn and Elon Musk ’ s $ 100bn , even as 30 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have enough food .
America ’ s richest 1 % now own half the value of the US stock market , and the richest 10 % own 92 % .
American capitalism is off the rails .
The main reason is that large corporations , Wall Street banks and a relative handful of exceedingly rich individuals have gained enough political power to game the system .
Chief executives have done everything possible to prevent the wages of most workers rising in tandem with productivity gains , so most gains go instead into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They ’ ve outsourced abroad , installed labor-replacing technologies and switched to part-time and contract work .
They ’ ve busted unions , whose membership shrank from 35 % of the private-sector workforce 40 years ago to 6.4 % today .
They ’ ve pushed government to slash their own taxes , unravel safety nets for the poor and middle class and reduce investment in education and infrastructure .
They ’ ve eliminated a raft of labor protections .
They ’ ve defanged antitrust enforcement , allowing their monopolies free rein .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by crony capitalism , corporate bailouts and corporate welfare .
This massive power shift laid the groundwork for Trump .
In 1964 , almost two-thirds of Americans believed government was run for the benefit of all the people .
By 2013 almost 80 % believed government was run by a few big interests .
The erosion in public trust was particularly steep in the wake of the Wall Street bailout and Great Recession .
In 2006 , 59 % of Americans thought government corruption was widespread .
By 2013 , 79 % did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a Gallup poll found that 77 % of Americans were satisfied with opportunities to get ahead by working hard , and only 22 % dissatisfied .
By 2014 , only 54 % were satisfied and 45 % dissatisfied .
According to the Pew Research Center , the percentage of Americans who believe most people who want to get ahead can do so through hard work dropped by 13 points between 2000 and 2015 .
Much of the political establishment wants to attribute Trump ’ s rise solely to racism .
Racism did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but racism ’ s sordid history in American politics long predates Trump .
What has given Trump ’ s racism – as well as his hateful xenophobia , misogyny and jingoism – particular virulence has been his capacity to channel the intensifying anger of the white working class .
It is hardly the first time a demagogue has used scapegoats to deflect public attention from the real causes of its distress .
Trump speaks the language of authoritarian populism but acts in the interests of America ’ s emerging oligarchy .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : he ’ d stoke divisiveness so Americans wouldn ’ t see how the oligarchy has taken over the reins , twisted government to its benefit and siphoned off the economic rewards .
He ’ d make Americans so angry at each other that they wouldn ’ t pay attention to CEOs getting exorbitant pay while slicing the pay of average workers , wouldn ’ t notice the giant tax cut that went to big corporations and the wealthy , and wouldn ’ t be outraged by a boardroom culture that tolerates financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outright bribery of public officials through unlimited campaign donations .
This way , the moneyed interests could rig the system while the president complained that the system was rigged by a “ deep state ” .
Notwithstanding all this , Trump trails Joe Biden in the polls .
Trump ’ s inexcusable failure to contain the coronavirus is having a larger impact on swing voters than the divisiveness he foments .
Death has a way of concentrating the mind .
But if Biden is elected , he would be well advised to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power , and to begin the task of remedying them .
The solution is not found in mere redistribution of income .
It is found redistributing power .
Income isn ’ t a zero-sum game in which some people ’ s gains require other people ’ s losses , but power indubitably is .
Some have it only to the extent others don ’ t .
If wealth continues to concentrate at the top , no one will be able to contain the corrupting influence of big money on the American system and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Louis D Brandeis once said : “ We can have democracy in this country or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few , but we can ’ t have both.
” • None Robert Reich , a former US secretary of labor , is professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and the author of Saving Capitalism : For the Many , Not the Few and The Common Good .
His new book , The System : Who Rigged It , How We Fix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a columnist for Guardian US

On Labor Day weekend, eight weeks before one of the most consequential elections in American history, it’s useful to consider the inequalities of income and wealth that fueled Donald Trump’s victory four years ago – and which are now wider than ever.
No other developed nation has nearly the inequities found in the US, even though all have been exposed to the same forces of globalization and technological change. Jeff Bezos’s net worth recently reached $200bn and Elon Musk’s $100bn, even as 30 million Americans reported their households didn’t have enough food. America’s richest 1% now own half the value of the US stock market, and the richest 10% own 92%.
American capitalism is off the rails.
The main reason is that large corporations, Wall Street banks and a relative handful of exceedingly rich individuals have gained enough political power to game the system.
Chief executives have done everything possible to prevent the wages of most workers rising in tandem with productivity gains, so most gains go instead into the pockets of top executives and major investors. They’ve outsourced abroad, installed labor-replacing technologies and switched to part-time and contract work.
They’ve busted unions, whose membership shrank from 35% of the private-sector workforce 40 years ago to 6.4% today.
Trump speaks the language of authoritarian populism but acts in the interests of America’s emerging oligarchy
They’ve pushed government to slash their own taxes, unravel safety nets for the poor and middle class and reduce investment in education and infrastructure. They’ve eliminated a raft of labor protections. They’ve defanged antitrust enforcement, allowing their monopolies free rein. The free market has been taken over by crony capitalism, corporate bailouts and corporate welfare.
This massive power shift laid the groundwork for Trump. In 1964, almost two-thirds of Americans believed government was run for the benefit of all the people. By 2013 almost 80% believed government was run by a few big interests. The erosion in public trust was particularly steep in the wake of the Wall Street bailout and Great Recession. In 2006, 59% of Americans thought government corruption was widespread. By 2013, 79% did.
At the start of the century, a Gallup poll found that 77% of Americans were satisfied with opportunities to get ahead by working hard, and only 22% dissatisfied. By 2014, only 54% were satisfied and 45% dissatisfied. According to the Pew Research Center, the percentage of Americans who believe most people who want to get ahead can do so through hard work dropped by 13 points between 2000 and 2015.
Much of the political establishment wants to attribute Trump’s rise solely to racism. Racism did play a part, to be sure, but racism’s sordid history in American politics long predates Trump.
What has given Trump’s racism – as well as his hateful xenophobia, misogyny and jingoism – particular virulence has been his capacity to channel the intensifying anger of the white working class. It is hardly the first time a demagogue has used scapegoats to deflect public attention from the real causes of its distress.
Trump speaks the language of authoritarian populism but acts in the interests of America’s emerging oligarchy. His deal with the moneyed interests was simple: he’d stoke divisiveness so Americans wouldn’t see how the oligarchy has taken over the reins, twisted government to its benefit and siphoned off the economic rewards.
He’d make Americans so angry at each other that they wouldn’t pay attention to CEOs getting exorbitant pay while slicing the pay of average workers, wouldn’t notice the giant tax cut that went to big corporations and the wealthy, and wouldn’t be outraged by a boardroom culture that tolerates financial conflicts of interest, insider trading and the outright bribery of public officials through unlimited campaign donations.
This way, the moneyed interests could rig the system while the president complained that the system was rigged by a “deep state”.
Notwithstanding all this, Trump trails Joe Biden in the polls. Trump’s inexcusable failure to contain the coronavirus is having a larger impact on swing voters than the divisiveness he foments. Death has a way of concentrating the mind.
But if Biden is elected, he would be well advised to remember the forces Trump exploited to gain power, and to begin the task of remedying them. The solution is not found in mere redistribution of income. It is found redistributing power. Income isn’t a zero-sum game in which some people’s gains require other people’s losses, but power indubitably is. Some have it only to the extent others don’t.
If wealth continues to concentrate at the top, no one will be able to contain the corrupting influence of big money on the American system and the anger it unleashes. As Justice Louis D Brandeis once said: “We can have democracy in this country or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both.”


theguardian--2020-09-07--Joe Biden if president will push allies like Australia to do more on climate, adviser says

Joe Biden will not pull any punches with allies including Australia in seeking to build international momentum for stronger action on the climate crisis , an adviser to the US presidential candidate has said .
If elected in November , Biden will hold heavy emitters such as China accountable for doing more “ but he ’ s also going to push our friends to do more as well ” , according to Jake Sullivan , who was the national security adviser to Biden when he was vice-president and is now in the candidate ’ s inner circle .
In a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Institute , Sullivan also signalled that Biden would work closely with Australia and other regional allies in responding to the challenges posed by the rise of China .
While Australia ’ s prime minister , Scott Morrison , is likely to welcome the pledge of US coordination with allies on regional security issues , there may be unease in government ranks about the potential for tough conversations about Australia ’ s climate policies .
The Coalition government has resisted calls to embrace a target of net-zero emissions by 2050 and it proposes to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s 2030 emission reductions pledge .
Some Coalition backbenchers still openly dispute climate science .
Sullivan said climate change would be a big priority for Biden , both in domestic policy – with climate and clean energy issues placed at the heart of his economic recovery visions – and in foreign policy , where he would do more than just reverse Donald Trump ’ s decision to abandon the Paris agreement .
“ He has said right out of the gate , we ’ re not just rejoining Paris – we are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world to get everyone to up their game , to elevate their ambition , to do more , ” Sullivan told the Lowy Institute .
“ And in that regard he will hold countries like China accountable for doing more but he ’ s also going to push our friends to do more as well and to step up and fulfil their responsibilities to what is fundamentally a global problem , that every country needs to be participating in and contributing to.
” Sullivan said there was “ no reason it has to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The vice-president is not going to come to play games around that issue if he ’ s fortunate enough to be elected .
He ’ ll lay it out in the way only Joe Biden can do – just plain and straight , down the line , respectful – but he ’ s not going to pull any punches on it.
” Sullivan made the remarks in an interview with Michael Fullilove , the executive director of the Lowy Institute , who told Guardian Australia last month that climate was likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue in US foreign policy under a Biden administration ” and that it “ may be harder to say no to a Biden administration ” .
Biden has vowed to put the US on “ an irreversible path to achieve net-zero emissions , economy-wide ” by 2050 , and to rally the rest of the world to meet the climate threat – indicating that he would “ fully integrate climate change ” into US foreign policy and national security strategies , as well as its approach to trade .
The economist Ross Garnaut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could lead to Australia being placed “ in the naughty corner ” on climate policy .
More broadly , Sullivan said Biden would be “ eager to develop a really strong relationship ” with Morrison – who has formed close working ties with Trump , even though the Australian government has emphasised points of difference from time to time .
Sullivan said Biden had a deep respect for Australia and its contributions to US security and the history of the alliance between the two countries .
Biden and Morrison were likely to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because the former vice-president saw Australia as the kind of partner that was central to a finding successful strategies when faced with a range of issues in a fast-changing world .
Sullivan said Biden put like-minded democratic allies at the heart of his foreign policy , because he believed that was the platform upon which the US could most effectively deal with great power competition and transnational challenges .
“ Allies are going to have pride of place in the hierarchy of priorities in a Biden administration foreign policy , ” Sullivan said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Japan , South Korea and Nato were important not just on regional issues but more broadly .
“ And yes , the rise of China is at or near the top of the list of big global challenges that we all have to be working effectively together on .
”

Joe Biden will not pull any punches with allies including Australia in seeking to build international momentum for stronger action on the climate crisis, an adviser to the US presidential candidate has said.
If elected in November, Biden will hold heavy emitters such as China accountable for doing more “but he’s also going to push our friends to do more as well”, according to Jake Sullivan, who was the national security adviser to Biden when he was vice-president and is now in the candidate’s inner circle.
In a wide-ranging podcast interview with the Sydney-based Lowy Institute, Sullivan also signalled that Biden would work closely with Australia and other regional allies in responding to the challenges posed by the rise of China.
While Australia’s prime minister, Scott Morrison, is likely to welcome the pledge of US coordination with allies on regional security issues, there may be unease in government ranks about the potential for tough conversations about Australia’s climate policies.
The Coalition government has resisted calls to embrace a target of net-zero emissions by 2050 and it proposes to use Kyoto carryover credits to meet Australia’s 2030 emission reductions pledge. Some Coalition backbenchers still openly dispute climate science.
Sullivan said climate change would be a big priority for Biden, both in domestic policy – with climate and clean energy issues placed at the heart of his economic recovery visions – and in foreign policy, where he would do more than just reverse Donald Trump’s decision to abandon the Paris agreement.
“He has said right out of the gate, we’re not just rejoining Paris – we are going to rally the nations of the world to get everyone to up their game, to elevate their ambition, to do more,” Sullivan told the Lowy Institute.
“And in that regard he will hold countries like China accountable for doing more but he’s also going to push our friends to do more as well and to step up and fulfil their responsibilities to what is fundamentally a global problem, that every country needs to be participating in and contributing to.”
05:31 Why Trump abandoning the climate fight puts the planet in even more danger – video explainer
Sullivan said there was “no reason it has to get awkward” for countries like Australia.
“The vice-president is not going to come to play games around that issue if he’s fortunate enough to be elected. He’ll lay it out in the way only Joe Biden can do – just plain and straight, down the line, respectful – but he’s not going to pull any punches on it.”
Sullivan made the remarks in an interview with Michael Fullilove, the executive director of the Lowy Institute, who told Guardian Australia last month that climate was likely to “come roaring back as an issue in US foreign policy under a Biden administration” and that it “may be harder to say no to a Biden administration”.
Biden has vowed to put the US on “an irreversible path to achieve net-zero emissions, economy-wide” by 2050, and to rally the rest of the world to meet the climate threat – indicating that he would “fully integrate climate change” into US foreign policy and national security strategies, as well as its approach to trade.
The economist Ross Garnaut has also speculated that a Biden win could lead to Australia being placed “in the naughty corner” on climate policy.
More broadly, Sullivan said Biden would be “eager to develop a really strong relationship” with Morrison – who has formed close working ties with Trump, even though the Australian government has emphasised points of difference from time to time.
Sullivan said Biden had a deep respect for Australia and its contributions to US security and the history of the alliance between the two countries.
Biden and Morrison were likely to “get off to a strong start” because the former vice-president saw Australia as the kind of partner that was central to a finding successful strategies when faced with a range of issues in a fast-changing world.
Sullivan said Biden put like-minded democratic allies at the heart of his foreign policy, because he believed that was the platform upon which the US could most effectively deal with great power competition and transnational challenges.
“Allies are going to have pride of place in the hierarchy of priorities in a Biden administration foreign policy,” Sullivan said. He said allies including Australia, Japan, South Korea and Nato were important not just on regional issues but more broadly.
“And yes, the rise of China is at or near the top of the list of big global challenges that we all have to be working effectively together on.”


theguardian--2020-09-07--Neil Kinnock on Biden’s plagiarism 'scandal' and why he deserves to win: ‘Joe’s an honest guy'

Anyone under 30 might have been puzzled when Kellyanne Conway , the outgoing White House counselor , recently accused Joe Biden of serial plagiarism and presented Neil Kinnock , the former leader of Britain ’ s Labour party , as exhibit A .
The reference harked back to 1987 and a blunder that ended Biden ’ s first bid for the American presidency .
In his closing remarks at a Democratic primary debate , he lifted passages from one of Kinnock ’ s most moving speeches without attribution .
The resulting plagiarism “ scandal ” sank Biden ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preparing for three presidential debates against Donald Trump and has the full support of Lord Kinnock , now a Labour peer who always regarded the incident as an innocent mistake .
“ Joe ’ s an honest guy , ” the 78-year-old said by phone from his home in north London .
“ If Trump had done it , I would know that he was lying.
” A gifted orator , Kinnock made his speech to the Welsh Labour party conference in Llandudno in May 1987 , kicking off a general election campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Why am I the first Kinnock in a thousand generations to be able to get to university ?
” he asked .
“ Why is my wife , Glenys , the first woman in her family in a thousand generations to be able to get to university ?
” None of that , nor the passages that followed , were in his original script .
He recalls : “ I was making a decent speech that I ’ d written overnight and I knew I had the audience gripped .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the great majority of people but I knew I hadn ’ t lit the touch paper .
So I went off my written speech and made the bit about my own family and Glenys ’ s family , which was obviously entirely authentic.
” “ As usual , even though I wrote every speech myself , the best bits were always the ones that I hadn ’ t written before .
Anyway , that was the one that was picked up by the news and used and it benefited us in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a party election broadcast filmed by Hugh Hudson , director of the Oscar-winning Chariots of Fire , that made waves internationally .
In September 1987 , Maureen Dowd of the New York Times wrote that American presidential campaign strategists admired the way it portrayed Kinnock “ as a man of character ” , noting : “ Senator Joseph R Biden Jr of Delaware , a Democratic hopeful , was particularly taken with it.
” Biden duly sprinkled phrases from the speech into his own remarks on the campaign trail but was always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a debate with Michael Dukakis , Jesse Jackson , Al Gore and others at the Iowa State Fair , he rushed through the Kinnock passage in his closing statement and forgot to name its source .
Jeff Wilser ’ s biography , The Book of Joe , recounts : “ Nailed it , he thought .
The crowd was silent , enthralled , and even in tears .
Biden left the stage feeling pretty good about things.
” “ Only one problem .
An aide leaned in and said , ‘ Pssst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Shit .
In his hurry , he had failed to squeeze in the usual accreditation .
Prior to this , he had never claimed it as his own , and it had never been a problem.
” Now it would be a problem .
Kinnock , who led Labour from 1983 to 1992 , says : “ One of the guys working for the Dukakis campaign was the son of the then secretary of the parliamentary Labour party , Bryan Davies .
He recognised it , told his superiors in the Dukakis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it that this wasn ’ t original Joe , this was Kinnock .
And the rest is history.
” The Dukakis campaign made sure the media got to know about it .
In September 1987 , Biden announced he was dropping out of the race .
The New York Times has observed : “ He has suggested his whole life might have changed if he had said two words on the debate stage : ‘ Like Kinnock… ’ ” In 1988 , Biden came to Britain .
Kinnock remembers : “ We had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supper together with his lad , Beau , who sadly died , and we got on like a house on fire .
He ’ s good company and he ’ s one of the good fellas.
” In 2007 , as Biden made a second run for president , the pair met again at his office on Capitol Hill in Washington .
Kinnock says : “ I went in and he greeted me and he called into the various smaller rooms and said , ‘ Hey , folks , come here , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So his staff came out – and obviously by comparison with an MP ’ s staff , that ’ s a pretty large number – and he said , ‘ Folks , I want you to meet my greatest ever speechwriter.
’ And we all laughed.
” Kinnock , who lost two general elections , fervently hopes that Biden can make it third time lucky in his own career .
“ I ’ ve got five reasons for that and they ’ re all my grandchildren , because whether we like it or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States impinges on all our lives and certainly the lives of future generations .
I know that they ’ d be better served , like the kids in the USA , by Joe Biden than they could ever be by Trump .
“ Joe is honest , he ’ s courageous , he ’ s well-informed and experienced , and most of all , he ’ s rational , all things that Trump isn ’ t .
One of Joe ’ s greatest strengths , I think , certainly a natural attribute is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really is the well-informed guy off the street and in an age when voters are looking for authenticity , he is the real thing.
” And what does Kinnock make of Trump ?
“ Oh , God , ” he says , sounding anguished .
“ I tell you what , I ’ ve got 74 % left in my battery and it would run out if I were to regale you with my views .
I find it profoundly depressing .
My wife and I rage at the television every time the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a miracle that our TV has survived .
So far .
”

Anyone under 30 might have been puzzled when Kellyanne Conway, the outgoing White House counselor, recently accused Joe Biden of serial plagiarism and presented Neil Kinnock, the former leader of Britain’s Labour party, as exhibit A.
The reference harked back to 1987 and a blunder that ended Biden’s first bid for the American presidency. In his closing remarks at a Democratic primary debate, he lifted passages from one of Kinnock’s most moving speeches without attribution. The resulting plagiarism “scandal” sank Biden’s campaign.
A generation later, Biden is preparing for three presidential debates against Donald Trump and has the full support of Lord Kinnock, now a Labour peer who always regarded the incident as an innocent mistake.
“Joe’s an honest guy,” the 78-year-old said by phone from his home in north London. “If Trump had done it, I would know that he was lying.”
If Trump had done it, I would know that he was lying Neil Kinnock
A gifted orator, Kinnock made his speech to the Welsh Labour party conference in Llandudno in May 1987, kicking off a general election campaign against the Conservative prime minister, Margaret Thatcher. “Why am I the first Kinnock in a thousand generations to be able to get to university?” he asked. “Why is my wife, Glenys, the first woman in her family in a thousand generations to be able to get to university?”
None of that, nor the passages that followed, were in his original script. He recalls: “I was making a decent speech that I’d written overnight and I knew I had the audience gripped. It was a speech about what freedom really means for the great majority of people but I knew I hadn’t lit the touch paper. So I went off my written speech and made the bit about my own family and Glenys’s family, which was obviously entirely authentic.
“As usual, even though I wrote every speech myself, the best bits were always the ones that I hadn’t written before. Anyway, that was the one that was picked up by the news and used and it benefited us in the election campaign.”
The rousing oratory featured in a party election broadcast filmed by Hugh Hudson, director of the Oscar-winning Chariots of Fire, that made waves internationally. In September 1987, Maureen Dowd of the New York Times wrote that American presidential campaign strategists admired the way it portrayed Kinnock “as a man of character”, noting: “Senator Joseph R Biden Jr of Delaware, a Democratic hopeful, was particularly taken with it.”
He’s courageous, he’s well-informed and experienced, and most of all, he’s rational, all things that Trump isn’t Neil Kinnock
Biden duly sprinkled phrases from the speech into his own remarks on the campaign trail but was always careful to credit Kinnock. However, in a debate with Michael Dukakis, Jesse Jackson, Al Gore and others at the Iowa State Fair, he rushed through the Kinnock passage in his closing statement and forgot to name its source.
Jeff Wilser’s biography, The Book of Joe, recounts: “Nailed it, he thought. The crowd was silent, enthralled, and even in tears. Biden left the stage feeling pretty good about things.”
“Only one problem. An aide leaned in and said, ‘Pssst, you forgot to credit Kinnock.’
“Shit. In his hurry, he had failed to squeeze in the usual accreditation. Prior to this, he had never claimed it as his own, and it had never been a problem.”
Now it would be a problem. Kinnock, who led Labour from 1983 to 1992, says: “One of the guys working for the Dukakis campaign was the son of the then secretary of the parliamentary Labour party, Bryan Davies. He recognised it, told his superiors in the Dukakis campaign and they immediately latched on to it that this wasn’t original Joe, this was Kinnock. And the rest is history.”
The Dukakis campaign made sure the media got to know about it. In September 1987, Biden announced he was dropping out of the race. The New York Times has observed: “He has suggested his whole life might have changed if he had said two words on the debate stage: ‘Like Kinnock …’”
Senator Joseph Biden announces on 23 September 1987 that he is withdrawing from the race for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination. Photograph: Jérôme Delay/AFP/Getty Images
In 1988, Biden came to Britain. Kinnock remembers: “We had a long meeting and we had we supper together with his lad, Beau, who sadly died, and we got on like a house on fire. He’s good company and he’s one of the good fellas.”
In 2007, as Biden made a second run for president, the pair met again at his office on Capitol Hill in Washington. Kinnock says: “I went in and he greeted me and he called into the various smaller rooms and said, ‘Hey, folks, come here, I want you to meet somebody’. So his staff came out – and obviously by comparison with an MP’s staff, that’s a pretty large number – and he said, ‘Folks, I want you to meet my greatest ever speechwriter.’ And we all laughed.”
Kinnock, who lost two general elections, fervently hopes that Biden can make it third time lucky in his own career.
“I’ve got five reasons for that and they’re all my grandchildren, because whether we like it or not, the president of the United States impinges on all our lives and certainly the lives of future generations. I know that they’d be better served, like the kids in the USA, by Joe Biden than they could ever be by Trump.
“Joe is honest, he’s courageous, he’s well-informed and experienced, and most of all, he’s rational, all things that Trump isn’t. One of Joe’s greatest strengths, I think, certainly a natural attribute is that he’s normal. He really is the well-informed guy off the street and in an age when voters are looking for authenticity, he is the real thing.”
And what does Kinnock make of Trump? “Oh, God,” he says, sounding anguished. “I tell you what, I’ve got 74% left in my battery and it would run out if I were to regale you with my views. I find it profoundly depressing. My wife and I rage at the television every time the man’s on and it is a miracle that our TV has survived. So far.”


theguardian--2020-09-07--Saudi king tells Trump he wants a fair and permanent solution for Palestinians

Saudi Arabia ’ s King Salman has told Donald Trump that the kingdom is eager to achieve a fair and permanent solution to the Palestinian issue , which he said was the main starting point of the kingdom ’ s proposed Arab Peace Initiative , the state news agency reported .
The leaders spoke by phone following a historic US-brokered accord last month under which the United Arab Emirates agreed to become the third Arab state to normalise ties with Israel , after Egypt and Jordan .
King Salman told Trump he appreciated US efforts to support peace and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and permanent solution to the Palestinian issue based on the Arab peace initiative proposed by the kingdom in 2002 .
Under the proposal , Arab nations have offered Israel normalised ties in return for a statehood deal with the Palestinians and full Israeli withdrawal from territory captured in the 1967 Middle East war .
Saudi Arabia , the birthplace of Islam and site of its holiest shrines , does not recognise Israel .
However , this month the kingdom said it would allow flights between UAE and Israel , including by Israeli airliners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House adviser and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner has said he hoped another Arab country normalised ties with within months .
No other Arab state has said so far it is considering following the UAE .
King Salman ’ s son , Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman , and Kushner discussed the need for the Palestinians and the Israelis to resume negotiations and reach a lasting peace after Kushner visited the UAE last month .
The UAE-Israel deal was met by overwhelming Palestinian opposition .
This story was amended after a correction was issued @ @

Saudi Arabia’s King Salman has told Donald Trump that the kingdom is eager to achieve a fair and permanent solution to the Palestinian issue, which he said was the main starting point of the kingdom’s proposed Arab Peace Initiative, the state news agency reported.
The leaders spoke by phone following a historic US-brokered accord last month under which the United Arab Emirates agreed to become the third Arab state to normalise ties with Israel, after Egypt and Jordan.
King Salman told Trump he appreciated US efforts to support peace and that Saudi Arabia wanted to see a fair and permanent solution to the Palestinian issue based on the Arab peace initiative proposed by the kingdom in 2002.
Under the proposal, Arab nations have offered Israel normalised ties in return for a statehood deal with the Palestinians and full Israeli withdrawal from territory captured in the 1967 Middle East war.
Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Islam and site of its holiest shrines, does not recognise Israel.
However, this month the kingdom said it would allow flights between UAE and Israel, including by Israeli airliners, to use its airspace.
White House adviser and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner has said he hoped another Arab country normalised ties with within months.
No other Arab state has said so far it is considering following the UAE.
King Salman’s son, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and Kushner discussed the need for the Palestinians and the Israelis to resume negotiations and reach a lasting peace after Kushner visited the UAE last month.
The UAE-Israel deal was met by overwhelming Palestinian opposition.
This story was amended after a correction was issued by Reuters