theguardian--2020-11-08--The time to create a new future is now. And the cultural realm has a role to play | Hal Foster

Some key events seem to occur twice , Marx warned us long ago , “ the first time as tragedy , the second time as farce ” .
For American children of the radical 1960s like me , Reagan was the tragedy and Trump is the farce .
( This takes nothing away from the double travesty that was Bush I and II . )
The question now is : what comes after farce ?
Tragedy followed by farce is at least a narrative , however bathetic .
But maybe even that bit of coherence was an illusion .
Certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is guaranteed .
Today the old-time religion of “ the moral arc of the universe bending toward justice ” ( King ) , believing in “ a place called Hope ” ( Clinton ) , or striving “ toward a more perfect union ” ( Obama ) , rings very hollow .
Yet the recognition that nothing is guaranteed is not the same thing as resignation ; on the contrary , it is a call to persist .
During this fraught period I clutch at etymological straws .
Originally a “ farce ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ farcir , to stuff – was a comic interlude in a religious play .
The Trump farce , then , might be seen as an interim moment , perhaps along the lines of “ the morbid interregnum ” diagnosed by Gramsci circa 1930 .
At the very least an interlude suggests that another time will arrive .
On this score “ debacle ” , which also comes from the French , for “ downfall , collapse , disaster , ” is a more suggestive term .
Its root is débâcler , to free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breaking up of ice on a river ” , as in a flood in spring .
A debacle is thus a sudden release of force , certainly for the bad but also potentially for the good .
Debacle might even point to a dialectic of breaking and remaking with regard to laws , institutions and conventions .
Such is the chance afforded by the current conjuncture : to transform chaotic emergency into structural change .
Enough with the breaking , now for the remaking .
This is likely too tall an order for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have wreaked too much havoc on institutions of state and society , and it might be that morbidity is now the rule , not an interregnum at all .
Silver linings are for the birds , yet one thing that the Trump gang has done , inadvertently , is to reanimate critical aspects of cultural life .
Lately many museums , universities and related institutions have been recharged , largely as a result of three developments : an increased awareness , thanks to Occupy Wall Street , of the plutocratic order that underwrites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the # MeToo movement , of structures of sexism and patriarchy that persist in them ; and a renewed agitation , thanks to Black Lives Matter , regarding their colonialist bases and racialist hierarchies .
Although much can be debated here in terms of tactics and effects , one result of these interventions is an unexpected return of some museums and universities as possible sites of a public sphere , where some critiques can be voiced and some correctives proposed .
At the very least they have emerged as pressure points for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked to explore the tensions between the public commitments of such institutions and the private interests that direct them .
Only several years ago not many museums would consider the restitution of expropriated objects , nor many universities acknowledge ( let alone redress ) the legacy of racist practices .
Reparations is no longer an idle topic of conversation .
In 1927 , the Austrian novelist Robert Musil argued that most statues were noteworthy only for being un-noteworthy , and that our obliviousness to them abetted our obliviousness to each other .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggested that most museums had more than a phonetic association with mausoleums , that these “ family sepulchres of art ” testify “ to the neutralization of culture ” .
Neither is automatically the case today .
What philosopher Walter Benjamin called “ the now of recognizability ” – the view of the past that the present opens up – has exposed the Jim Crow ideology inscribed in Confederate monuments and the dynastic public relations embedded in donor-named galleries .
Many statue settings and museum spaces have become almost purgatorial , along the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great novel Lincoln in the Bardo ( 2017 ) : “ …the very buildings and monuments here not stable and the greater city not stable and the wide world not stable .
All alter , are altering , in every instance.
” The now of recognizability has revealed some long-obscured pasts , and yet if we are ever to exit this limbo we will need forms of memory that move toward the future as well – that speak not a hypothetical future tense but , as Tina Campt argues in relation to racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as in that which will have had to happen .
This “ involves living the future now ” , Campt writes , “ as an imperative rather than subjunctive , as a striving for the future you want to see , right now , in the present ” .
It is this imperative that , in June , drove hundreds of thousands into the streets ( another public site recently deemed politically outmoded ) .
It is a striving to believe in still .
• None Hal Foster is Townsend Martin professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His latest book is What Comes After Farce ?

Some key events seem to occur twice, Marx warned us long ago, “the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce”. For American children of the radical 1960s like me, Reagan was the tragedy and Trump is the farce. (This takes nothing away from the double travesty that was Bush I and II.) The question now is: what comes after farce?
Tragedy followed by farce is at least a narrative, however bathetic. But maybe even that bit of coherence was an illusion. Certainly nothing necessarily comes after farce; nothing is guaranteed. Today the old-time religion of “the moral arc of the universe bending toward justice” (King), believing in “a place called Hope” (Clinton), or striving “toward a more perfect union” (Obama), rings very hollow. Yet the recognition that nothing is guaranteed is not the same thing as resignation; on the contrary, it is a call to persist.
During this fraught period I clutch at etymological straws. Originally a “farce” – the word derives from the French farcir, to stuff – was a comic interlude in a religious play. The Trump farce, then, might be seen as an interim moment, perhaps along the lines of “the morbid interregnum” diagnosed by Gramsci circa 1930. At the very least an interlude suggests that another time will arrive.
On this score “debacle”, which also comes from the French, for “downfall, collapse, disaster,” is a more suggestive term. Its root is débâcler, to free and its first meaning concerned “the breaking up of ice on a river”, as in a flood in spring. A debacle is thus a sudden release of force, certainly for the bad but also potentially for the good. Debacle might even point to a dialectic of breaking and remaking with regard to laws, institutions and conventions. Such is the chance afforded by the current conjuncture: to transform chaotic emergency into structural change. Enough with the breaking, now for the remaking.
This is likely too tall an order for Biden and Harris. Trump and company have wreaked too much havoc on institutions of state and society, and it might be that morbidity is now the rule, not an interregnum at all. Silver linings are for the birds, yet one thing that the Trump gang has done, inadvertently, is to reanimate critical aspects of cultural life. Lately many museums, universities and related institutions have been recharged, largely as a result of three developments: an increased awareness, thanks to Occupy Wall Street, of the plutocratic order that underwrites them; a reanimated critique, thanks to the #MeToo movement, of structures of sexism and patriarchy that persist in them; and a renewed agitation, thanks to Black Lives Matter, regarding their colonialist bases and racialist hierarchies.
Although much can be debated here in terms of tactics and effects, one result of these interventions is an unexpected return of some museums and universities as possible sites of a public sphere, where some critiques can be voiced and some correctives proposed. At the very least they have emerged as pressure points for activist artists and critics, who have worked to explore the tensions between the public commitments of such institutions and the private interests that direct them. Only several years ago not many museums would consider the restitution of expropriated objects, nor many universities acknowledge (let alone redress) the legacy of racist practices. Reparations is no longer an idle topic of conversation.
In 1927, the Austrian novelist Robert Musil argued that most statues were noteworthy only for being un-noteworthy, and that our obliviousness to them abetted our obliviousness to each other. In 1953, the cultural theorist Theodor Adorno suggested that most museums had more than a phonetic association with mausoleums, that these “family sepulchres of art” testify “to the neutralization of culture”. Neither is automatically the case today. What philosopher Walter Benjamin called “the now of recognizability” – the view of the past that the present opens up – has exposed the Jim Crow ideology inscribed in Confederate monuments and the dynastic public relations embedded in donor-named galleries.
Many statue settings and museum spaces have become almost purgatorial, along the lines suggested by George Saunders in his great novel Lincoln in the Bardo (2017): “…the very buildings and monuments here not stable and the greater city not stable and the wide world not stable. All alter, are altering, in every instance.”
The now of recognizability has revealed some long-obscured pasts, and yet if we are ever to exit this limbo we will need forms of memory that move toward the future as well – that speak not a hypothetical future tense but, as Tina Campt argues in relation to racial justice, a committed future-real conditional tense, as in that which will have had to happen. This “involves living the future now”, Campt writes, “as an imperative rather than subjunctive, as a striving for the future you want to see, right now, in the present”. It is this imperative that, in June, drove hundreds of thousands into the streets (another public site recently deemed politically outmoded). It is a striving to believe in still.


theguardian--2020-11-08--Donald Trump’s defeat is wonderful for the world and trouble for Boris Johnson | Andrew Rawnsley

Only Americans have a vote in their presidential election , but the whole world has a stake .
Never more so has that been the case than in 2020 .
The planet has been mesmerised by the compelling theatre of American democracy and nowhere more so than the UK .
Some here – all right , me – have become as transfixed as any American psephological nerd by voting patterns in Clayton County , Georgia .
Not only does the winner occupy one of the most potent seats on the planet , America ’ s choice of president can set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Because of a common language , historical ties and political classes that interact a lot , the cross-currents across the Atlantic can be highly influential .
America turned decisively to the right when it chose Ronald Reagan in 1980 , doing so 18 months after Britain had executed a similar shift by electing Margaret Thatcher .
Mrs Thatcher , so unpopular at the time that there was talk among Tories about removing her , was fortified and emboldened by the arrival of an ideological soulmate in the Oval Office .
By taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats ” in 1992 , Bill Clinton provided ideas and inspiration for Tony Blair ’ s New Labour .
During that decade , and to the consternation of rivals to both left and right , their “ Third Way ” style of politics swept through progressive parties from Brazil to Germany .
The Brexit vote here in June 2016 , our stark break with postwar history , was a harbinger of another great rupture , Donald Trump ’ s victory that November .
This , in turn , energised nationalist populists around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future belonged to them .
It contributed to the febrile climate in which the Tory party decided that a punt on another reckless gambler with startling blond hair and a record of mendacity was not as outlandish as it had previously seemed .
There is already much rune-reading of the long-term reverberations of this US election .
A clutch of conservative commentators and politicians gleefully notes that the Democrats failed to sweep all before them and conclude that leftwing “ identity politics ” has been quashed .
Yet the larger failure is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics whose ultra-bellicose and previously most successful champion has lost the US presidency by the thumping margin of more than 4m votes .
A set of leftwing commentators and politicians has a converse explanation for why a “ blue wave ” did not materialise in sufficient strength to achieve control of both houses of Congress for the Democrats .
On an account that glides over the fact that Joe Biden has actually won the presidency , they argue that the Democrats ought to have put up a more radically leftish candidate .
Conveniently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compares an election that did happen with one that did not .
What we do have experience of , and very recently , is what happened when a leftwing populist was pitted against a rightwing populist in another English-speaking democracy .
You may recall that Labour was crushed by a landslide .
In a country that rarely denies a second term to the incumbent , Mr Trump ’ s defeat is a feat as extraordinary as it is welcome .
Mr Biden ’ s victory contradicts the notion that we live in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ the establishment ” candidate , disabling to be a seasoned , thoughtful and temperate person and hopeless to be a consensus-seeking moderate .
This was Mr Biden ’ s third run at the presidency , having been at the heart of Washington for decades .
He will be 78 when he moves in to the White House .
He vanquished Mr Trump not by offering himself as the leftwing mirror image of the incumbent , but by personifying a contrasting kind of political character .
By both reputation and demeanour , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We always do better as one America , ” was one of the signature lines of his campaign .
No presidential candidate in American history has won with as many votes as the man his rival ridiculed as “ Sleepy Joe ” .
He represents a revival of a kind of politics that many told us was deceased in the opening decades of the 21st century .
It is a triumph for the centrist grandad .
The first and most important consequence of President Biden is that he means the eviction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidency “ a bully pulpit ” , a description that has taken on a much more sinister meaning over the four years when the presidency was occupied by a thug .
The imperative to defeat him was underlined by the manner of his losing .
His televised rants attempted to subvert American democracy itself by spraying baseless claims that the presidency was being “ stolen ” .
Mr Trump will still be around after January , a bad loser raving conspiracy theories , but he will no longer have that White House pulpit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more than America .
The Trump presidency so despoiled the office and undermined his country ’ s claim to the world ’ s respect that smirking authoritarians pointed to its hideous dysfunctionality to justify their dictatorships while liberal democracies lost their faith in American leadership .
Where Mr Trump stoked polarisation at home and division abroad , Mr Biden will seek to build bridges , not walls .
Barack Obama commended his vice-president to the American people on the grounds that they would no longer have to worry that their president would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That is not a small point and it has relevance beyond America .
The planet will no longer have to twitch over the US president ’ s Twitter feed .
Mr Biden will seek to restore his country ’ s reputation as a trustworthy and predictable ally and recommit to international agreements that have been shredded by his predecessor .
Most importantly , the US will re-engage with tackling a climate crisis that Mr Trump dismissed as a “ hoax ” .
This reversion to an internationalist presidency will be broadly in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a liberal democracy and an upper-middling power , the UK is best served by a rules-based global order rather than living in a rogue world where smaller countries are trampled underfoot by competing authoritarians .
British officials predict that it will be much easier to work with Mr Biden , but the vanquishing of Mr Trump is unnerving for Boris Johnson .
As I remarked a couple of weeks ago in anticipation of this result , it renders him more marginalised on the world stage .
A president who yelled for Brexit will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr Johnson ’ s defining policy as a feckless act of British self-harm that jeopardises the Good Friday agreement .
The Tory leader , who has never met the next American president , has a lot of skilful diplomacy to perform if he is to convince the new administration that he is not a mini-Trump .
Even if he can manage that , he will struggle to make the UK seem particularly relevant to a US administration that will prioritise reviving America ’ s relationships with the EU .
Another peril for Mr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vendor of an ideological style that has been rejected in its largest market .
Mr Trump will no longer be the most famous example of what some took to be an irresistible global trend of nationalist populism .
It will become more common to see him as a shaming aberration in America ’ s modern history .
John Quincy Adams , the sixth man to hold the office , observed : “ There is nothing more pathetic than a former president.
” Except – Mr Johnson might take note – the imitator of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is already beginning to debate how Trumpian its future should be and that argument will be reflected this side of the Atlantic .
For more traditional Tories , the US election result demonstrates that entrusting their future to rightwing populism not only debases institutions and values that conservatives ought to hold precious , but also leads to an electoral dead end .
Others on the right can be heard contending that , while Trump may have been defeated , Trumpism is far from exhausted as a force and a technique .
While they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long contention , some liberals are already fretting over whether Mr Biden will be able to achieve all that much when America is so deeply polarised and hyper-partisan .
There will be time enough for angst .
Today doesn ’ t have to be over-complicated .
A complex election has delivered an unequivocal cause for pure and simple celebration .
On 20 January next year , the current resident will be evicted from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue , under armed escort if he insists on that kind of exit , and we will no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same sentence as White House .
• Andrew Rawnsley is Chief Political Commentator of the Observer

Only Americans have a vote in their presidential election, but the whole world has a stake. Never more so has that been the case than in 2020. The planet has been mesmerised by the compelling theatre of American democracy and nowhere more so than the UK. Some here – all right, me – have become as transfixed as any American psephological nerd by voting patterns in Clayton County, Georgia.
Not only does the winner occupy one of the most potent seats on the planet, America’s choice of president can set, confirm or reverse global ideological trends. Because of a common language, historical ties and political classes that interact a lot, the cross-currents across the Atlantic can be highly influential.
America turned decisively to the right when it chose Ronald Reagan in 1980, doing so 18 months after Britain had executed a similar shift by electing Margaret Thatcher. Mrs Thatcher, so unpopular at the time that there was talk among Tories about removing her, was fortified and emboldened by the arrival of an ideological soulmate in the Oval Office. By taking the White House for the “New Democrats” in 1992, Bill Clinton provided ideas and inspiration for Tony Blair’s New Labour. During that decade, and to the consternation of rivals to both left and right, their “Third Way” style of politics swept through progressive parties from Brazil to Germany.
01:55 Boris Johnson congratulates Biden and Harris: 'There is more that unites us than divides us' – video
The Brexit vote here in June 2016, our stark break with postwar history, was a harbinger of another great rupture, Donald Trump’s victory that November. This, in turn, energised nationalist populists around the planet and encouraged them to think that the future belonged to them. It contributed to the febrile climate in which the Tory party decided that a punt on another reckless gambler with startling blond hair and a record of mendacity was not as outlandish as it had previously seemed.
There is already much rune-reading of the long-term reverberations of this US election. A clutch of conservative commentators and politicians gleefully notes that the Democrats failed to sweep all before them and conclude that leftwing “identity politics” has been quashed. Yet the larger failure is that of rightwing “culture war” politics whose ultra-bellicose and previously most successful champion has lost the US presidency by the thumping margin of more than 4m votes. A set of leftwing commentators and politicians has a converse explanation for why a “blue wave” did not materialise in sufficient strength to achieve control of both houses of Congress for the Democrats. On an account that glides over the fact that Joe Biden has actually won the presidency, they argue that the Democrats ought to have put up a more radically leftish candidate. Conveniently for proponents of this thesis, it compares an election that did happen with one that did not. What we do have experience of, and very recently, is what happened when a leftwing populist was pitted against a rightwing populist in another English-speaking democracy. You may recall that Labour was crushed by a landslide.
The Trump presidency so despoiled the office that smirking authoritarians pointed to its hideous dysfunctionality to justify their dictatorship
In a country that rarely denies a second term to the incumbent, Mr Trump’s defeat is a feat as extraordinary as it is welcome. Mr Biden’s victory contradicts the notion that we live in an era where it is fatal to be “the establishment” candidate, disabling to be a seasoned, thoughtful and temperate person and hopeless to be a consensus-seeking moderate. This was Mr Biden’s third run at the presidency, having been at the heart of Washington for decades. He will be 78 when he moves in to the White House. He vanquished Mr Trump not by offering himself as the leftwing mirror image of the incumbent, but by personifying a contrasting kind of political character. By both reputation and demeanour, he is a pragmatist and a unifier. “We always do better as one America,” was one of the signature lines of his campaign. No presidential candidate in American history has won with as many votes as the man his rival ridiculed as “Sleepy Joe”. He represents a revival of a kind of politics that many told us was deceased in the opening decades of the 21st century. It is a triumph for the centrist grandad.
The first and most important consequence of President Biden is that he means the eviction of President Trump. Theodore Roosevelt called the presidency “a bully pulpit”, a description that has taken on a much more sinister meaning over the four years when the presidency was occupied by a thug. The imperative to defeat him was underlined by the manner of his losing. His televised rants attempted to subvert American democracy itself by spraying baseless claims that the presidency was being “stolen”. Mr Trump will still be around after January, a bad loser raving conspiracy theories, but he will no longer have that White House pulpit to bully from. This matters to much more than America. The Trump presidency so despoiled the office and undermined his country’s claim to the world’s respect that smirking authoritarians pointed to its hideous dysfunctionality to justify their dictatorships while liberal democracies lost their faith in American leadership. Where Mr Trump stoked polarisation at home and division abroad, Mr Biden will seek to build bridges, not walls.
Barack Obama commended his vice-president to the American people on the grounds that they would no longer have to worry that their president would say or do something “crazy”. That is not a small point and it has relevance beyond America. The planet will no longer have to twitch over the US president’s Twitter feed.
Mr Biden will seek to restore his country’s reputation as a trustworthy and predictable ally and recommit to international agreements that have been shredded by his predecessor. Most importantly, the US will re-engage with tackling a climate crisis that Mr Trump dismissed as a “hoax”. This reversion to an internationalist presidency will be broadly in our country’s interests. As a liberal democracy and an upper-middling power, the UK is best served by a rules-based global order rather than living in a rogue world where smaller countries are trampled underfoot by competing authoritarians.
British officials predict that it will be much easier to work with Mr Biden, but the vanquishing of Mr Trump is unnerving for Boris Johnson. As I remarked a couple of weeks ago in anticipation of this result, it renders him more marginalised on the world stage. A president who yelled for Brexit will be replaced by a president who regards Mr Johnson’s defining policy as a feckless act of British self-harm that jeopardises the Good Friday agreement. The Tory leader, who has never met the next American president, has a lot of skilful diplomacy to perform if he is to convince the new administration that he is not a mini-Trump. Even if he can manage that, he will struggle to make the UK seem particularly relevant to a US administration that will prioritise reviving America’s relationships with the EU.
Another peril for Mr Johnson is that he looks like the vendor of an ideological style that has been rejected in its largest market. Mr Trump will no longer be the most famous example of what some took to be an irresistible global trend of nationalist populism. It will become more common to see him as a shaming aberration in America’s modern history. John Quincy Adams, the sixth man to hold the office, observed: “There is nothing more pathetic than a former president.” Except – Mr Johnson might take note – the imitator of a rejected president.
The Republican party is already beginning to debate how Trumpian its future should be and that argument will be reflected this side of the Atlantic. For more traditional Tories, the US election result demonstrates that entrusting their future to rightwing populism not only debases institutions and values that conservatives ought to hold precious, but also leads to an electoral dead end. Others on the right can be heard contending that, while Trump may have been defeated, Trumpism is far from exhausted as a force and a technique. While they start wrestling with what will be a long contention, some liberals are already fretting over whether Mr Biden will be able to achieve all that much when America is so deeply polarised and hyper-partisan.
There will be time enough for angst. Today doesn’t have to be over-complicated. A complex election has delivered an unequivocal cause for pure and simple celebration. On 20 January next year, the current resident will be evicted from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, under armed escort if he insists on that kind of exit, and we will no longer have to put Donald Trump in the same sentence as White House.


theguardian--2020-11-08--Hoping for a return to normal after Trump? That's the last thing we need | Yanis Varoufakis

Normalcy and the restoration of a modicum of decorum to the White House : that is what many elite supporters of Joe Biden hope for now that he has won the election .
But the rest of us are turned off by this meagre ambition .
Voters who loathe Trump celebrate his loss , but the majority rue the return to what used to pass as normal or ethical .
When Trump contracted Covid-19 , his opponents feared he might benefit from a sympathy vote .
But Trump is not a normal president seeking voters ’ sympathy .
He doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needs nor banks on it .
Trump trades on anger , weaponises hatred and meticulously cultivates the dread with which the majority of Americans have been living after the financial bubble burst in 2008 .
Obscenities and contempt for the rules of polite society were his means of connecting with a large section of American society .
The reason 2008 was a momentous year wasn ’ t just because of the magnitude of the crisis , but because it was the year when normality was shattered once-and-for-all .
The original postwar social contract @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanent real median earnings stagnation .
It was replaced by a promise to America ’ s working class of another route to prosperity : rising house prices and financialised pension schemes .
When Wall Street ’ s house of cards collapsed in 2008 , so did this postwar social contract between America ’ s working class and its rulers .
After the crash of 2008 , big business deployed the central bank money that refloated Wall Street to buy back their own shares , sending share prices ( and , naturally , their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while starving Main Street of serious investment in good-quality jobs .
A majority of Americans were thus treated , in quick succession , to negative equity , home repossessions , collapsing pension kitties and casualised work – all that against the spectacle of watching wealth and power concentrate in the hands of so few .
By 2016 , the majority of Americans were deeply frustrated .
On the one hand , they lived with the private anguish caused by the permanent austerity to which their communities had been immersed since 2008 .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see a ruling class whose losses were socialised by the government , which defined the response to the crash .
Donald Trump simply took advantage of that frustration .
And he did so with tactics that , to this day , keep his liberal opponents in disarray .
Democrats protested that Trump was a nobody , and thus unfit to be president .
That did not work in a society shaped by media which for years elevated inconsequential celebrities .
Even worse for Trump ’ s opponents , portraying him as incompetent is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not merely incompetent .
George W Bush was incompetent .
No , Trump is much worse than that .
Trump combines gross incompetence with rare competence .
On the one hand , he can not string two decent sentences together to make a point , and has failed spectacularly to protect millions of Americans from Covid-19 .
But , on the other hand , he tore up Nafta , the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement that took decades to put together .
Remarkably , he replaced it swiftly with one that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the perspective of American blue-collar workers or , even , Mexican factory workers who now enjoy an hourly wage considerably greater than before .
Moreover , despite his belligerent posturing , Trump not only kept his promise to not start new wars but , additionally , he withdrew American troops from a variety of theatres where their presence had caused considerable misery with no tangible benefits for peace or , indeed , American influence .
Trump ’ s opponents also frequently called him a liar .
But Trump is not simply a liar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is far worse .
He has an ability to spew the most incredible untruths , while , at the very same time , telling crucial truths that no president would ever admit to .
For example , when accused that he was de-funding the post office for electoral gain , he destabilised his accusers by admitting that , yes , he was restricting funding to USPS to make it harder for Democrats to vote .
Trump ’ s rudeness to his opponents , however disagreeable , might have even brought some relief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s politeness with the gentle mercies that the former vice-president reserves for Wall Street and the super-rich who bankrolled his campaign .
Not unreasonably , they see Biden as a polite emissary of the bankers who repossessed their homes and , at once , a member of an administration that bailed out – with public money – those same bankers .
They hear Biden ’ s sleek , well-mannered speeches about unity , respect , tolerance and bringing citizens together and they think “ no , thanks , I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tolerant of , those who got rich by shoving me in a hole ” .
To them , Trump ’ s behaviour is an ugly but welcome manifestation of solidarity with ordinary folks who feel empowered by the combination of the president ’ s vulgarity and his evocations of America ’ s irrepressible greatness – even if , deep down , they never expected their prospects to improve significantly when America becomes “ great again ” .
The tragedy of progressives is that Trump ’ s supporters are not entirely wrong .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its determination to prevent any challenge to the powerful that are responsible for the pain , anger and humiliation that propelled Trump to the White House .
Democrats can talk until the cows come home about racial justice , the need for more women in positions of power , the rights of the LGBT community etc .
But , the moment politicians like Bernie Sanders threaten to challenge the power structures that keep black Americans , women , minorities and the poor in society ’ s margins , they go all out to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are unlikely to articulate this in so many words .
However , their contempt for the liberal establishment is rooted in the realisation that the rich Democrats behind the Biden-Harris ticket won ’ t ever truly change conditions for the poor .
Any redistribution of wealth and power that threatens their kids ’ trust fund , or soaring asset prices on Wall Street , are off-limits – and those voters know that .
Against this background , however hard Biden tries to speak the language of some Green New Deal , no one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Franklin Roosevelt ’ s , who referring to bankers once said : “ They are unanimous in their hate for me – and I welcome their hatred.
” Without a readiness to confront the greatest concentration of corporate power in the history of the United States , even the most amiable of presidents will fail to deliver either social justice or serious climate change mitigation .
At least Trump wasn ’ t hypocritical , his supporters might say .
So yes , Joe Biden has won .
And thank goodness for that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ did so despite , not because of , his social graces or promise to restore normality to the White House .
The confluence of discontent that powered Trump to power in 2016 has not gone away .
To pretend like it has is only to invite future disaster – for America and the rest of the world .
• None Yanis Varoufakis is the co-founder of DiEM25 ( Democracy in Europe Movement ) , former finance minister of Greece and author of And the Weak Suffer What They Must ?
Europe ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Normalcy and the restoration of a modicum of decorum to the White House: that is what many elite supporters of Joe Biden hope for now that he has won the election. But the rest of us are turned off by this meagre ambition. Voters who loathe Trump celebrate his loss, but the majority rue the return to what used to pass as normal or ethical.
When Trump contracted Covid-19, his opponents feared he might benefit from a sympathy vote. But Trump is not a normal president seeking voters’ sympathy. He doesn’t do sympathy. He neither needs nor banks on it. Trump trades on anger, weaponises hatred and meticulously cultivates the dread with which the majority of Americans have been living after the financial bubble burst in 2008. Obscenities and contempt for the rules of polite society were his means of connecting with a large section of American society.
The reason 2008 was a momentous year wasn’t just because of the magnitude of the crisis, but because it was the year when normality was shattered once-and-for-all. The original postwar social contract broke in the early 1970s, yielding permanent real median earnings stagnation. It was replaced by a promise to America’s working class of another route to prosperity: rising house prices and financialised pension schemes. When Wall Street’s house of cards collapsed in 2008, so did this postwar social contract between America’s working class and its rulers.
After the crash of 2008, big business deployed the central bank money that refloated Wall Street to buy back their own shares, sending share prices (and, naturally, their directors’ bonuses) through the stratosphere while starving Main Street of serious investment in good-quality jobs. A majority of Americans were thus treated, in quick succession, to negative equity, home repossessions, collapsing pension kitties and casualised work – all that against the spectacle of watching wealth and power concentrate in the hands of so few.
The Democratic party has demonstrated time and again its determination to prevent any challenge to the powerful
By 2016, the majority of Americans were deeply frustrated. On the one hand, they lived with the private anguish caused by the permanent austerity to which their communities had been immersed since 2008. And, on the other, they could see a ruling class whose losses were socialised by the government, which defined the response to the crash.
Donald Trump simply took advantage of that frustration. And he did so with tactics that, to this day, keep his liberal opponents in disarray. Democrats protested that Trump was a nobody, and thus unfit to be president. That did not work in a society shaped by media which for years elevated inconsequential celebrities.
Even worse for Trump’s opponents, portraying him as incompetent is an own goal: Donald J Trump is not merely incompetent. George W Bush was incompetent. No, Trump is much worse than that. Trump combines gross incompetence with rare competence. On the one hand, he cannot string two decent sentences together to make a point, and has failed spectacularly to protect millions of Americans from Covid-19. But, on the other hand, he tore up Nafta, the North American Free Trade Agreement that took decades to put together. Remarkably, he replaced it swiftly with one that is certainly not worse – at least from the perspective of American blue-collar workers or, even, Mexican factory workers who now enjoy an hourly wage considerably greater than before.
Moreover, despite his belligerent posturing, Trump not only kept his promise to not start new wars but, additionally, he withdrew American troops from a variety of theatres where their presence had caused considerable misery with no tangible benefits for peace or, indeed, American influence.
Trump’s opponents also frequently called him a liar. But Trump is not simply a liar. Bill Clinton lied. Again, Trump is far worse. He has an ability to spew the most incredible untruths, while, at the very same time, telling crucial truths that no president would ever admit to. For example, when accused that he was de-funding the post office for electoral gain, he destabilised his accusers by admitting that, yes, he was restricting funding to USPS to make it harder for Democrats to vote.
Trump’s rudeness to his opponents, however disagreeable, might have even brought some relief to the forgotten Americans who associate Biden’s politeness with the gentle mercies that the former vice-president reserves for Wall Street and the super-rich who bankrolled his campaign. Not unreasonably, they see Biden as a polite emissary of the bankers who repossessed their homes and, at once, a member of an administration that bailed out – with public money – those same bankers.
They hear Biden’s sleek, well-mannered speeches about unity, respect, tolerance and bringing citizens together and they think “no, thanks, I don’t want to be united with, or tolerant of, those who got rich by shoving me in a hole”. To them, Trump’s behaviour is an ugly but welcome manifestation of solidarity with ordinary folks who feel empowered by the combination of the president’s vulgarity and his evocations of America’s irrepressible greatness – even if, deep down, they never expected their prospects to improve significantly when America becomes “great again”.
The tragedy of progressives is that Trump’s supporters are not entirely wrong. The Democratic party has demonstrated time and again its determination to prevent any challenge to the powerful that are responsible for the pain, anger and humiliation that propelled Trump to the White House. Democrats can talk until the cows come home about racial justice, the need for more women in positions of power, the rights of the LGBT community etc. But, the moment politicians like Bernie Sanders threaten to challenge the power structures that keep black Americans, women, minorities and the poor in society’s margins, they go all out to stop them.
Trump’s supporters are unlikely to articulate this in so many words. However, their contempt for the liberal establishment is rooted in the realisation that the rich Democrats behind the Biden-Harris ticket won’t ever truly change conditions for the poor. Any redistribution of wealth and power that threatens their kids’ trust fund, or soaring asset prices on Wall Street, are off-limits – and those voters know that.
Against this background, however hard Biden tries to speak the language of some Green New Deal, no one can imagine him uttering a phrase like Franklin Roosevelt’s, who referring to bankers once said: “They are unanimous in their hate for me – and I welcome their hatred.” Without a readiness to confront the greatest concentration of corporate power in the history of the United States, even the most amiable of presidents will fail to deliver either social justice or serious climate change mitigation. At least Trump wasn’t hypocritical, his supporters might say.
So yes, Joe Biden has won. And thank goodness for that. But let’s understand that he did so despite, not because of, his social graces or promise to restore normality to the White House. The confluence of discontent that powered Trump to power in 2016 has not gone away. To pretend like it has is only to invite future disaster – for America and the rest of the world.
Yanis Varoufakis is the co-founder of DiEM25 (Democracy in Europe Movement), former finance minister of Greece and author of And the Weak Suffer What They Must? Europe’s Crisis and America’s Economic Future


theguardian--2020-11-08--Was Libertarian candidate Jo Jorgensen a 'spoiler' for Trump?

When it became increasingly clear that a handful of battleground states would decide the winner in 2020 ’ s US presidential election , many were struck by the razor-thin margins that emerged .
The results also revealed a striking data point : Libertarian candidate Jo Jorgensen ’ s share of the vote in some of these states was higher than margins between Joe Biden and Donald Trump .
Before Biden became president-elect , this breakdown of ballots prompted questions whether Jorgensen – a third-party candidate who did not have a serious chance of winning in 2020 – drew votes away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Georgia , which will award 16 electoral college votes , Biden presently bests Trump by fewer than 8,000 ballots .
The percentage-based breakdown puts this into sharp relief : Biden has won 49.5 % of the votes compared to Trump ’ s 49.3 % .
Jorgensen has won the remaining 1.2 % – which now totals 61,792 votes .
That number is more than seven times the Trump-Biden split there .
The Associated Press has not yet called Georgia ’ s results .
On Friday , state officials announced a recount .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has already called in favor of Biden , are also noteworthy .
With 90 % of the vote counted , Biden holds 1,626,943 votes to Trump ’ s 1,606,370 – a 49.6 to 48.9 % divide .
Jorgensen has landed 49,182 votes , or 1.5 % .
Arizona awards 11 electoral college votes .
In Wisconsin , which Trump won by 22,748 votes in 2016 , Biden has been called as the winner , with 1,630,570 votes compared to his opponent ’ s 1,610,030 .
Jorgensen got 38,415 votes , which is more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin has 10 electoral college votes .
That said , a vote for Jorgensen is not by any means necessarily a vote that Trump would have otherwise won .
Jorgensen herself doesn ’ t believe she is responsible for Republicans ’ losses , and that the party ’ s candidates are to blame .
“ They should be mad at those candidates for not following through on their campaign promises , ” Jorgensen told the Greenville News , which is in her home state of South Carolina , earlier this week .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were “ recovering Democrats ” who want US troops brought home from abroad , as well as Republicans tired with federal spending .
“ If I can get Republicans to start acting like Republicans and cutting the deficit .
And if I can get the Democrats to go back to being the party of peace , bringing our troops home , and giving the average individual their rights ?
Then yes , I would be very pleased , ” she told the newspaper .
“ In the personal conversations I had [ on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people would say , ‘ Yeah , in 2016 I voted for Trump .
I was so excited and then he didn ’ t follow through on his promises.
’ ” Several experts do not believe Jorgensen was a Trump “ spoiler ” in 2020 .
The Cato Institute ’ s David Boaz , who has penned books on Libertarianism , told Reuters earlier this week : “ We just don ’ t know what would have happened if the Libertarians had not run a candidate.
” He added : “ Libertarians also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not bother voting if they didn ’ t have another choice.
” Moreover , it ’ s unclear which party is more heavily affected by Libertarian votes .
Kenneth Mayer , American politics professor at the University of Wisconsin , told Reuters earlier this week : “ It ’ s possible she played a role , but there is no way to know , and it doesn ’ t matter .
The results of the election are the results of the election.
” Third-party candidates rarely impact overall election results .
The 2000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 97,000 votes in Florida , and George W Bush won this state by 537 votes – is a rare exception , Mayer rsaid .
Neither Jorgensen nor the Libertarian party immediately responded to requests for comment .

When it became increasingly clear that a handful of battleground states would decide the winner in 2020’s US presidential election, many were struck by the razor-thin margins that emerged.
The results also revealed a striking data point: Libertarian candidate Jo Jorgensen’s share of the vote in some of these states was higher than margins between Joe Biden and Donald Trump.
Before Biden became president-elect, this breakdown of ballots prompted questions whether Jorgensen – a third-party candidate who did not have a serious chance of winning in 2020 – drew votes away from Trump.
In the Republican stronghold of Georgia, which will award 16 electoral college votes, Biden presently bests Trump by fewer than 8,000 ballots. The percentage-based breakdown puts this into sharp relief: Biden has won 49.5% of the votes compared to Trump’s 49.3%.
Jorgensen has won the remaining 1.2% – which now totals 61,792 votes. That number is more than seven times the Trump-Biden split there. The Associated Press has not yet called Georgia’s results. On Friday, state officials announced a recount.
Numbers from Arizona, which the AP has already called in favor of Biden, are also noteworthy. With 90% of the vote counted, Biden holds 1,626,943 votes to Trump’s 1,606,370 – a 49.6 to 48.9% divide. Jorgensen has landed 49,182 votes, or 1.5%. Arizona awards 11 electoral college votes.
In Wisconsin, which Trump won by 22,748 votes in 2016, Biden has been called as the winner, with 1,630,570 votes compared to his opponent’s 1,610,030. Jorgensen got 38,415 votes, which is more than the difference between these candidates. Wisconsin has 10 electoral college votes.
That said, a vote for Jorgensen is not by any means necessarily a vote that Trump would have otherwise won.
Jorgensen herself doesn’t believe she is responsible for Republicans’ losses, and that the party’s candidates are to blame.
“They should be mad at those candidates for not following through on their campaign promises,” Jorgensen told the Greenville News, which is in her home state of South Carolina, earlier this week. She reportedly said that many of her supporters were “recovering Democrats” who want US troops brought home from abroad, as well as Republicans tired with federal spending.
“If I can get Republicans to start acting like Republicans and cutting the deficit. And if I can get the Democrats to go back to being the party of peace, bringing our troops home, and giving the average individual their rights? Then yes, I would be very pleased,” she told the newspaper.
“In the personal conversations I had [on the campaign trail] a lot of people would say, ‘Yeah, in 2016 I voted for Trump. I was so excited and then he didn’t follow through on his promises.’”
04:42 The path to Joe Biden’s victory: five days in five minutes - video highlights
Several experts do not believe Jorgensen was a Trump “spoiler” in 2020.
The Cato Institute’s David Boaz, who has penned books on Libertarianism, told Reuters earlier this week: “We just don’t know what would have happened if the Libertarians had not run a candidate.”
He added: “Libertarians also get votes of people who just would not bother voting if they didn’t have another choice.”
Moreover, it’s unclear which party is more heavily affected by Libertarian votes.
Kenneth Mayer, American politics professor at the University of Wisconsin, told Reuters earlier this week: “It’s possible she played a role, but there is no way to know, and it doesn’t matter. The results of the election are the results of the election.”
Third-party candidates rarely impact overall election results. The 2000 Presidential election – where Ralph Nader won 97,000 votes in Florida, and George W Bush won this state by 537 votes – is a rare exception, Mayer rsaid.
Neither Jorgensen nor the Libertarian party immediately responded to requests for comment.


theguardian--2020-11-08--Unity amid diversity: key takeaways from Biden's and Harris's speeches

Throughout his campaign , Joe Biden spoke about how he was running to restore “ the soul of America ” , and he returned to the sentiment again and again in his victory speech .
There was the Obamaesque : “ I pledge to be a president who seeks not to divide , but to unify ; who doesn ’ t see red and blue states , but a United States.
” There was the biblical : “ The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season – a time to build , a time to reap , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to heal .
This is the time to heal in America.
” And there was plain-spoken Joe from Scranton : “ Let ’ s give each other a chance.
” From the moment that Kamala Harris , in suffragette white , appeared on stage to the strains of Mary J Blige ’ s Work That , it was clear that this pair of leaders would celebrate America as it is – not hearken back to the whiter America of the past .
Biden celebrated “ the broadest and most diverse coalition in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , progressives , moderates , conservatives , young , old urban , suburban , rural , gay , straight , transgender , white , Latino , Asian , Native Americans , ” as well as “ the African American community ” , which he especially praised for standing up for him “ when this campaign was at its lowest ebb ” .
“ We must make the promise of the country real for everybody , no matter their race , their ethnicity , their faith , their identity , or their disability , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to her mother , who immigrated to the US from India at the age of 19 , not knowing her daughter would go on to be , as Biden said , “ the first woman , first Black woman , first woman of South Asian descent , and first daughter of immigrants ever elected to national office in this country ” .
It was a night to celebrate finally breaking that stubborn glass ceiling .
“ I may be the first woman in this office , ” Harris said .
“ I won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned away from its “ darkest impulses ” – but it was close Biden only mentioned Donald Trump once , and only in reference to the people who voted for the president , but the specter of the sitting president loomed over both speeches .
Both Harris and Biden made reference to the fragile state of American democracy – and the other direction things could have gone .
“ Our very democracy was on the ballot in this election , ” Harris said .
Biden called for the end of “ this grim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s time to put away the harsh rhetoric , to lower the temperature , to see each other again , to listen to each other again.
” Perhaps the closest Biden came to directly invoking the ugly racism and demagoguery of the Trump era came in a reference to Abraham Lincoln ’ s first inaugural address : “ Our nation is shaped by the constant battle between our better angels and our darkest impulses .
It is time for our better angels to prevail.
” There is a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starts with controlling Covid As much as Americans may want to sit back and let a pair of competent , even-tempered adults take the wheel for the next four years , both Harris and Biden were clear that the country is not in the best shape – and fixing it won ’ t necessarily be easy .
“ Now is when the real work begins – the hard work , the necessary work , the good work , ” Harris said .
Biden spoke of “ the great battles of our time ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus , the economy , healthcare , “ the battle to achieve racial justice and root out systemic racism ” , the climate crisis and “ the battle to restore decency , defend democracy and give everybody in this country a fair shot ” .
Addressing the pandemic will be the first order of business , he said , and something he will begin addressing with the appointment of scientists to a Covid transition team on Monday .
“ Our work begins with getting Covid under control , ” he said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to turn this pandemic around.
” America ’ s reputation abroad is looking up Though Biden made few references to the rest of the world , what he said of America ’ s role within it will undoubtedly be reassuring to many .
“ Tonight , the whole world is watching America , ” Biden said .
“ I believe at our best , America is a beacon for the globe , and we lead not by the example of our power , but by the power of our example.
” For the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in horror or fearful anticipation of what would fall out of the president ’ s mouth next .
On Saturday night , over the course of 30 minutes , Harris and Biden stood before the world to speak of shared values and aspirations , without insulting any nation or group of people , without invoking hatred or fear , and without threats or rancor .
That sound you hear ?
That ’ s the sound of billions of people exhaling .
It ’ s been a long four years .

Joe Biden calls for unity, unity, unity
Throughout his campaign, Joe Biden spoke about how he was running to restore “the soul of America”, and he returned to the sentiment again and again in his victory speech. There was the Obamaesque: “I pledge to be a president who seeks not to divide, but to unify; who doesn’t see red and blue states, but a United States.” There was the biblical: “The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season – a time to build, a time to reap, a time to sow, and a time to heal. This is the time to heal in America.” And there was plain-spoken Joe from Scranton: “Let’s give each other a chance.”
This pair will celebrate America’s diversity
From the moment that Kamala Harris, in suffragette white, appeared on stage to the strains of Mary J Blige’s Work That, it was clear that this pair of leaders would celebrate America as it is – not hearken back to the whiter America of the past. Biden celebrated “the broadest and most diverse coalition in history – Democrats, Republicans, independents, progressives, moderates, conservatives, young, old urban, suburban, rural, gay, straight, transgender, white, Latino, Asian, Native Americans,” as well as “the African American community”, which he especially praised for standing up for him “when this campaign was at its lowest ebb”.
10:50 'You chose truth': Kamala Harris's historic victory speech in full – video
“We must make the promise of the country real for everybody, no matter their race, their ethnicity, their faith, their identity, or their disability,” he added.
Harris paid tribute to her mother, who immigrated to the US from India at the age of 19, not knowing her daughter would go on to be, as Biden said, “the first woman, first Black woman, first woman of South Asian descent, and first daughter of immigrants ever elected to national office in this country”. It was a night to celebrate finally breaking that stubborn glass ceiling. “I may be the first woman in this office,” Harris said. “I won’t be the last.”
America turned away from its “darkest impulses” – but it was close
Biden only mentioned Donald Trump once, and only in reference to the people who voted for the president, but the specter of the sitting president loomed over both speeches. Both Harris and Biden made reference to the fragile state of American democracy – and the other direction things could have gone. “Our very democracy was on the ballot in this election,” Harris said.
Biden called for the end of “this grim era of demonization”, saying: “It’s time to put away the harsh rhetoric, to lower the temperature, to see each other again, to listen to each other again.” Perhaps the closest Biden came to directly invoking the ugly racism and demagoguery of the Trump era came in a reference to Abraham Lincoln’s first inaugural address: “Our nation is shaped by the constant battle between our better angels and our darkest impulses. It is time for our better angels to prevail.”
There is a lot of work to be done – and it starts with controlling Covid
As much as Americans may want to sit back and let a pair of competent, even-tempered adults take the wheel for the next four years, both Harris and Biden were clear that the country is not in the best shape – and fixing it won’t necessarily be easy.
“Now is when the real work begins – the hard work, the necessary work, the good work,” Harris said. Biden spoke of “the great battles of our time” and delineated six key priorities: the coronavirus, the economy, healthcare, “the battle to achieve racial justice and root out systemic racism”, the climate crisis and “the battle to restore decency, defend democracy and give everybody in this country a fair shot”.
Addressing the pandemic will be the first order of business, he said, and something he will begin addressing with the appointment of scientists to a Covid transition team on Monday. “Our work begins with getting Covid under control,” he said. “I will spare no effort or commitment to turn this pandemic around.”
'We must restore the soul of America': Joe Biden's victory speech in full – video
America’s reputation abroad is looking up
Though Biden made few references to the rest of the world, what he said of America’s role within it will undoubtedly be reassuring to many. “Tonight, the whole world is watching America,” Biden said. “I believe at our best, America is a beacon for the globe, and we lead not by the example of our power, but by the power of our example.”
For the past four years, many have watched in horror or fearful anticipation of what would fall out of the president’s mouth next. On Saturday night, over the course of 30 minutes, Harris and Biden stood before the world to speak of shared values and aspirations, without insulting any nation or group of people, without invoking hatred or fear, and without threats or rancor.
That sound you hear? That’s the sound of billions of people exhaling. It’s been a long four years.


theguardian--2020-11-07--Loyal Trump outlets cry betrayal after Fox News calls election for Biden

The announcement of a Joe Biden victory on Saturday morning exacerbated an internal conflict in conservative media , in which Fox News in particular has been singled out for criticism by a flotilla of smaller , angrier , pro-Trump outlets .
The conservative cable news channel , which angered Trumpists by calling Arizona for Biden before any other network , has been subject to attacks from the president and his most fervent supporters , who have seen Fox ’ s refusal to distort the truth about the vote count as a betrayal .
Reportedly , Trumpist dismay at the call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Trump himself calling in a complaint to Rupert Murdoch , who stood by the network ’ s coverage .
Writing in the conspiracist hub WND on Saturday morning , attorney Larry Klayman – who the Southern Poverty Law Center describes as “ pathologically litigious ” – wrote : “ Do not be fooled by the gyrations of Fox News or other ‘ mainstream ’ so-called conservative media , which are , as usual , holding out false hope that the legal system will right the wrongs that occurred on 3 November.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ mainstream ” to a description of any outlet is fighting talk , and “ mainstream conservative ” is tantamount to an accusations of treason .
On the Trumpist website American Greatness , the site ’ s prolific opinionista Christopher Gage fumed : “ I ’ m not sure what they think they are doing , nor who think they are , nor whether they know their game is up and they ’ re enjoying one last spasm of untruth , but Fox News is not the electoral college , nor is it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AP ’ s call was dutifully reported by Fox , pro-Trump Breitbart News sulkily listed them , along with CNN and MSNBC , as one of the “ corporate media outlets ” that had called the election for Biden .
On the conspiracy-minded Gateway Pundit , Jim Hoft likewise assimilated “ Faux FOX ” to the “ Alphabet Media ” outlets which together had carried out a “ coordinated attack against the president as he was out golfing ” .
Other News Corp outlets appeared to pile on to Trump during the week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which characterized a meandering Trump speech on Thursday as “ downcast ” , and correctly described his claims about election fraud as “ baseless ” .
Throughout October , the same newspaper , almost alone among mainstream outlets , had retailed the widely criticized story based on a supposed copy of the contents of Hunter Biden ’ s laptop .
What was at stake on election night for Trump was a narrative he had been preparing in advance : a close and “ rigged ” election , whose result he hoped to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Post-election , pro-Trump media resented the Decision Desk for undermining their attempts to mobilize the president ’ s supporters to disrupt outstanding counts in contested states .
For many of these outlets , their preferred tool was a torrent of disinformation encouraging the idea that the election had been stolen .
By Saturday , a stream of stories alleging that isolated ( and expected ) voter machine glitches were evidence that Democrats had orchestrated election theft were published on PJ Media , Infowars and WND .
Meanwhile , Maga-world grifters such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike Tokes ” ) urged Trump loyalists to mobilize for protests at “ EVERY STATE CAPITOL ” in an effort inelegantly marketed as “ # stopthesteal ” .
( On Wednesday , Trump was told by his advisers that his own demand to “ stop the count ” would instantly cost him the election . )
Fox News , for the most part , did not play along .
Their White House reporter , John Roberts , held out the “ chance ” on Friday morning that the president might concede a loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unity of the nation ” .
On Saturday , they featured a parade of guests , including prominent Republicans like Karl Rove , who each endorsed the AP projection , further isolating the president and his supporters .
( Other establishment conservative outlets such as the National Review also followed Fox ’ s lead in acknowledging the reality of Biden ’ s victory . )
It is worth noting that the network was not wholly unanimous in its message that Trump had lost the election .
On Friday night , Tucker Carlson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Revolver website and a former Trump speechwriter who was fired in 2018 for attending an event alongside white nationalists .
Carlson allowed Beattie , whose website was a key vector for the “ Pizzagating ” of Hunter Biden , to assert that the post-election situation in the US was a “ very specific kind of coup … a ‘ Color Revolution ’ ” , being coordinated by a lawyer inside the “ national security apparatus ” .
But other hosts appeared to be speaking directly to the president – a habitual Fox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him down gently .
On Friday night ’ s Ingraham Angle , host Laura Ingraham set out an obsequious account of Trump ’ s supposed achievements .
But she then appeared to appeal to the president ’ s vanity and the shreds of his supporters ’ belief in the legitimacy of the political process .
“ Losing , if that ’ s what happens , is awful .
But President Trump ’ s legacy will only become more significant if he focuses on moving the country forward .
And then , the love @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is only going to grow stronger ” .
She urged him to accept defeat with “ grace and composure ” .
If it made an impression on the president , it was not evident in his tweets on Saturday morning , nor in a statement he issued asserting – with little basis – that the election was “ far from over ” .

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The announcement of a Joe Biden victory on Saturday morning exacerbated an internal conflict in conservative media, in which Fox News in particular has been singled out for criticism by a flotilla of smaller, angrier, pro-Trump outlets.
The conservative cable news channel, which angered Trumpists by calling Arizona for Biden before any other network, has been subject to attacks from the president and his most fervent supporters, who have seen Fox’s refusal to distort the truth about the vote count as a betrayal.
Reportedly, Trumpist dismay at the call was voiced at the highest levels, with Trump himself calling in a complaint to Rupert Murdoch, who stood by the network’s coverage.
Writing in the conspiracist hub WND on Saturday morning, attorney Larry Klayman – who the Southern Poverty Law Center describes as “pathologically litigious” – wrote: “Do not be fooled by the gyrations of Fox News or other ‘mainstream’ so-called conservative media, which are, as usual, holding out false hope that the legal system will right the wrongs that occurred on 3 November.”
Inside the rightwing media bubble, appending “mainstream” to a description of any outlet is fighting talk, and “mainstream conservative” is tantamount to an accusation of treason.
On the Trumpist website American Greatness, the site’s prolific opinionista Christopher Gage fumed: “I’m not sure what they think they are doing, nor who think they are, nor whether they know their game is up and they’re enjoying one last spasm of untruth, but Fox News is not the electoral college, nor is it the supreme court.”
Later, after AP’s call was dutifully reported by Fox, pro-Trump Breitbart News sulkily listed them, along with CNN and MSNBC, as one of the “corporate media outlets” that had called the election for Biden.
On the conspiracy-minded Gateway Pundit, Jim Hoft likewise assimilated “Faux FOX” to the “Alphabet Media” outlets which together had carried out a “coordinated attack against the president as he was out golfing”.
Other News Corp outlets appeared to pile on to Trump during the week, including the New York Post, which characterized a meandering Trump speech on Thursday as “downcast”, and correctly described his claims about election fraud as “baseless”. Throughout October, the same newspaper, almost alone among mainstream outlets, had retailed the widely criticized story based on a supposed copy of the contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop.
What was at stake on election night for Trump was a narrative he had been preparing in advance: a close and “rigged” election, whose result he hoped to have determined in his favor by friendly courts. Post-election, pro-Trump media resented the Decision Desk for undermining their attempts to mobilize the president’s supporters to disrupt outstanding counts in contested states.
For many of these outlets, their preferred tool was a torrent of disinformation encouraging the idea that the election had been stolen. By Saturday, a stream of stories alleging that isolated (and expected) voter machine glitches were evidence that Democrats had orchestrated election theft were published on PJ Media, Infowars and WND.
Meanwhile, Maga-world grifters such as Mike Coudrey (formerly known as “Mike Tokes”) urged Trump loyalists to mobilize for protests at “EVERY STATE CAPITOL” in an effort inelegantly marketed as “#stopthesteal”. (On Wednesday, Trump was told by his advisers that his own demand to “stop the count” would instantly cost him the election.)
Fox News, for the most part, did not play along. Their White House reporter, John Roberts, held out the “chance” on Friday morning that the president might concede a loss “for the preservation of democracy and the unity of the nation”.
01:28 The moment Fox News projected Joe Biden will win 2020 presidential election – video
On Saturday, they featured a parade of guests, including prominent Republicans like Karl Rove, who each endorsed the AP projection, further isolating the president and his supporters. (Other establishment conservative outlets such as the National Review also followed Fox’s lead in acknowledging the reality of Biden’s victory.)
It is worth noting that the network was not wholly unanimous in its message that Trump had lost the election. On Friday night, Tucker Carlson hosted Darren Beattie, the founder of the Revolver website and a former Trump speechwriter who was fired in 2018 for attending an event alongside white nationalists.
Carlson allowed Beattie, whose website was a key vector for the “Pizzagating” of Hunter Biden, to assert that the post-election situation in the US was a “very specific kind of coup … a ‘Color Revolution’”, being coordinated by a lawyer inside the “national security apparatus”.
But other hosts appeared to be speaking directly to the president – a habitual Fox News viewer – and attempting to let him down gently. On Friday night’s Ingraham Angle, host Laura Ingraham set out an obsequious account of Trump’s supposed achievements. But she then appeared to appeal to the president’s vanity and the shreds of his supporters’ belief in the legitimacy of the political process.
“Losing, if that’s what happens, is awful. But President Trump’s legacy will only become more significant if he focuses on moving the country forward. And then, the love and respect his supporters feel for him is only going to grow stronger”. She urged him to accept defeat with “grace and composure”.
If it made an impression on the president, it was not evident in his tweets on Saturday morning, nor in a statement he issued asserting – with little basis – that the election was “far from over”.


theguardian--2020-11-08--'Spread the faith': Biden and Harris victory speeches offer message of unity - video highlights

Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have offered a message of unity as the pair spoke following their election victory .
@ @ @ @ @ the first woman to be vice-president , paid tribute to her mother .
For Biden @ @ @ @ @ opportunity to offer an olive branch to his political rivals after nearly four years of @ @ @ @ @ 'We must restore the soul of America ' : Joe Biden 's victory speech in @ @ @

Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have offered a message of unity as the pair spoke following their election victory. Harris, who will be the first woman to be vice-president, paid tribute to her mother. For Biden, his speech was an opportunity to offer an olive branch to his political rivals after nearly four years of division under Donald Trump


theguardian--2020-11-09--Pacific nations herald Biden presidency amid hope for action on climate emergency

Joe Biden ’ s presidential ascension had not even been settled when Fiji ’ s forthright prime minister was already urging greater US action on climate change from the incoming American leader .
“ Congratulations Joe Biden , ” Frank Bainimarama tweeted on Saturday afternoon .
“ Together , we have a planet to save from a climate emergency and a global economy to build back better from Covid-19.
” Bainimarama said the whole world , but particularly the imperilled Paific , would look to the US for global leadership in addressing the climate crisis .
“ Now , more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the helm of these multilateral efforts - and back in the Paris Agreement as soon as possible !
” Bainimarama has even invited the US president-elect to attend the annual Pacific Islands Forum leaders ’ meeting in Suva – “ to the frontlines of climate change ” - in August next year .
If Biden accepts , he will be the first US president ever to attend the Pacific ’ s major multilateral meeting , Hillary Clinton having attended as secretary of state in 2011 .
Biden has already committed the US to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first day of his presidency , and to convening a global climate summit within his first 100 days in office .
He has a strong personal connection with the Pacific region , and with Papua New Guinea in particular .
Born at the height of the second world war , Biden has said his young life was shaped by stories of his family ’ s service in the Pacific theatre .
Four uncles on his mother ’ s side sought to enrol in the military the day after the Japanese bombing of Pearl @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Papua New Guinea , that ’ s where my two uncles ended up , in the Army Air Corps of the United States Army , ” Biden said in a speech in 2017 .
“ My mother ’ s number two brother , Ambrose Finnegan … was shot down , and his body was never found , in Papua New Guinea .
“ And the other came home with malaria and was sick , off and on , for the better part of his life.
” After the election was called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joined the global chorus of congratulations .
Action on climate change , and the selection of Senator Kamala Harris – the first woman of colour elected vice-president – on the presidential ticket , were consistent themes .
Papua New Guinea ’ s prime minister , James Marape , said the US election “ captivated the whole world … with our people glued to their TV screens ” .
The New Zealand prime minister , Jacinda Ardern , said her country would work alongside the US to secure the “ prosperity , security , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Island regions ” .
“ The campaign by the president-elect has also shown the shared interests we have in addressing global challenges like Covid-19 and climate change.
” Niuean Dr Colin Tukuitonga , the former director-general of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community , said Biden ’ s election , and commitment to the Paris Agreement was “ great news for the planet and my beloved Pacific Islands ” .
The Cook Islands prime minister , Mark Brown , praised Biden ’ s choice of Harris as his running mate , describing it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US territories in the Pacific also welcomed a new commander-in-chief .
Guam , whose residents are US citizens but not entitled to vote , supported Biden in an informal straw poll taken alongside local elections last Tuesday .
“ I look forward to working with your administration for the good of our people , our island , our culture , and our national security in this part of the Pacific world , ” Guam Governor , Lou Leon Guerrero , said .
“ Let us choose unity over division , love over hate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sablan , the non-voting delegate to the US house of representatives from the US Pacific territory of the Northern Mariana Islands , said he would work “ to advance the Biden-Harris agenda of controlling the pandemic , reviving the economy , continuing the fight against poverty , moving forward on racial justice … , and addressing the threat of climate change ” .
The editorial board of the Samoa Observer wrote : “ Mr Biden is a world away from President Trump on the issue of climate change ... there are reasons for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be optimistic.
” Joe Biden has promised significant commitment to the Pacific , particularly in the face of growing Chinese influence across the region .
Vice-president under Obama ’ s “ pivot ” to the Asia-Pacific , Biden has consistently argued the US “ is a Pacific country ” and will remain a power in the region “ as long as we exist ” .
“ In the Asia Pacific in the 21st century , the United States of America is ‘ all in ’ , ” he said in Sydney in 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s dedication and staying power in the Asia-Pacific simply is not paying attention .
”

Joe Biden’s presidential ascension had not even been settled when Fiji’s forthright prime minister was already urging greater US action on climate change from the incoming American leader.
“Congratulations Joe Biden,” Frank Bainimarama tweeted on Saturday afternoon. “Together, we have a planet to save from a climate emergency and a global economy to build back better from Covid-19.”
Bainimarama said the whole world, but particularly the imperilled Paific, would look to the US for global leadership in addressing the climate crisis.
“Now, more than ever we need the USA at the helm of these multilateral efforts - and back in the Paris Agreement as soon as possible!”
Bainimarama has even invited the US president-elect to attend the annual Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ meeting in Suva – “to the frontlines of climate change” - in August next year.
If Biden accepts, he will be the first US president ever to attend the Pacific’s major multilateral meeting, Hillary Clinton having attended as secretary of state in 2012.
Congratulations, @JoeBiden.
Together, we have a planet to save from a #ClimateEmergency and a global economy to build back better from #COVID19.
Now, more than ever, we need the USA at the helm of these multilateral efforts (and back in the #ParisAgreement — ASAP!) pic.twitter.com/mhX9HWR5HI — Frank Bainimarama (@FijiPM) November 7, 2020
Biden has already committed the US to re-joining the Paris Climate Accord on the first day of his presidency, and to convening a global climate summit within his first 100 days in office.
He has a strong personal connection with the Pacific region, and with Papua New Guinea in particular. Born at the height of the second world war, Biden has said his young life was shaped by stories of his family’s service in the Pacific theatre.
Four uncles on his mother’s side sought to enrol in the military the day after the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbour drew the US into the war.
“Papua New Guinea, that’s where my two uncles ended up, in the Army Air Corps of the United States Army,” Biden said in a speech in 2017.
“My mother’s number two brother, Ambrose Finnegan … was shot down, and his body was never found, in Papua New Guinea.
“And the other came home with malaria and was sick, off and on, for the better part of his life.”
After the election was called on Sunday morning, other Pacific leaders joined the global chorus of congratulations. Action on climate change, and the selection of Senator Kamala Harris – the first woman of colour elected vice-president – on the presidential ticket, were consistent themes.
Papua New Guinea’s prime minister, James Marape, said the US election “captivated the whole world … with our people glued to their TV screens”.
The New Zealand prime minister, Jacinda Ardern, said her country would work alongside the US to secure the “prosperity, security, and sustainability in the Indo-Pacific and Pacific Island regions”.
“The campaign by the president-elect has also shown the shared interests we have in addressing global challenges like Covid-19 and climate change.”
New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and Fiji’s Frank Bainimarama, pictured here in Tuvalu, have led Pacific congratulations to the president-elect. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
Niuean Dr Colin Tukuitonga, the former director-general of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, said Biden’s election, and commitment to the Paris Agreement was “great news for the planet and my beloved Pacific Islands”.
The Cook Islands prime minister, Mark Brown, praised Biden’s choice of Harris as his running mate, describing it as “aspirational”.
Leaders from US territories in the Pacific also welcomed a new commander-in-chief.
Guam, whose residents are US citizens but not entitled to vote, supported Biden in an informal straw poll taken alongside local elections last Tuesday.
“I look forward to working with your administration for the good of our people, our island, our culture, and our national security in this part of the Pacific world,” Guam Governor, Lou Leon Guerrero, said. “Let us choose unity over division, love over hate, and healing over bitterness.”
Gregorio Sablan, the non-voting delegate to the US house of representatives from the US Pacific territory of the Northern Mariana Islands, said he would work “to advance the Biden-Harris agenda of controlling the pandemic, reviving the economy, continuing the fight against poverty, moving forward on racial justice …, and addressing the threat of climate change”.
The editorial board of the Samoa Observer wrote: “Mr Biden is a world away from President Trump on the issue of climate change ... there are reasons for Samoa – and the Pacific – to be optimistic.”
Joe Biden has promised significant commitment to the Pacific, particularly in the face of growing Chinese influence across the region. Vice-president under Obama’s “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, Biden has consistently argued the US “is a Pacific country” and will remain a power in the region “as long as we exist”.
“In the Asia Pacific in the 21st century, the United States of America is ‘all in’,” he said in Sydney in 2016.
“Anyone who questions America’s dedication and staying power in the Asia-Pacific simply is not paying attention.”


theguardian--2020-11-09--Trump continues to promote ballot misinformation after Biden victory – US election live

One obstacle to a smooth transition between Trump and Biden may be Emily Murphy , a little-known Trump appointee who is in charge of the General Services Administration , according to a new story out this evening from the Washington Post : Murphy is “ refusing to sign a letter allowing Biden ’ s transition team to formally begin its work this week ” , the Post reported , noting that her job includes signing “ paperwork officially turning over millions of dollars , as well as giving access to government officials , office space and equipment authorized for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This is a rarely-discussed duty , typically executed without incident in the period after a new president is elected .
It ’ s a formal letter from the federal government acknowledging the winner of the race , separate from the media calls .
But the Post found that almost 36 hours after the projection of a Biden win , Murphy had not written the letter , and that the “ the Trump administration , in keeping with the president ’ s failure to concede the election , has no immediate plans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead to the first delay in modern history of a transition process , other than the supreme court dispute in 2000 surrounding the Florida recount , the paper said .
A Biden spokesperson told the Post in a statement : Now that the election has been independently called for Joe Biden , we look forward to the GSA Administrator quickly ascertaining Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as the President-elect and Vice President-elect .
America ’ s national security and economic interests depend on the federal government signaling clearly and swiftly that the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the American people and engage in a smooth and peaceful transfer of power .
”

Sam Levin  (now), Tom Lutz, Oliver Holmes  and Martin Belam (earlier)

9 Nov 2020 09.28 GMT Reuters have a quick snap here that the Kremlin has said it would wait for the official results of the US presidential election before commenting on its outcome, and that it had noted incumbent Donald Trump’s announcement of legal challenges related to the vote.
Vladimir Putin has remained silent on the issue since Democrat Joe Biden clinched the presidency on Saturday. Speaking to reporters on a conference call, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Moscow deemed it was better to wait for the official results before commenting.
Peskov added that Putin had repeatedly said he was ready to work with any US leader and that Russia hoped it could establish dialogue with the new administration and find a way to normalise relations.
9 Nov 2020 08.40 GMT Julian Borger After celebrating the winning of a Joe Biden presidency, Democrats are waking to the hangover of figuring out how to govern under the shadow of a runaway pandemic and the potential for gridlock imposed by the man who likes to call himself the Grim Reaper, the Republican Senate leader, Mitch McConnell. The imagined “blue wave” that was to bring Democratic control over the Senate did not materialize, but Biden’s party has not entirely given up hope. There will be two Senate run-off races in Georgia on 5 January, and if Democrats win both, that will scrape a 50-50 tie in the chamber, allowing Kamala Harris, as vice-president, to cast tie-breaking votes. McConnell was just reelected in Kentucky by 20 points. Photograph: Timothy D Easley/AP It is not impossible. Voter registration drives look to have succeeded in turning the state blue in the presidential election for the first time since 1992. But it will be an uphill task, and most Georgia observers expect the parties to emerge from the runoffs with one seat apiece, leaving the Senate split 51-49 in the Republicans’ favor. In that case, a Biden presidency would have to contend with the veteran senator from Kentucky who relishes the nickname of Grim Reaper for his lethal treatment of almost all Democratic legislation. He said in 2010 that “the single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president”. McConnell failed in that task but made up for it by killing off mounds of Democratic legislation and Obama nominations for administrative positions. So despite winning more votes than anyone in US political history, Biden will have to share power with the head of a chamber in which Wyoming (population 586,107) has the same clout as California (nearly 40 million). “Mitch McConnell will force Joe Biden to negotiate every single cabinet secretary, every single district court judge, every single US attorney with him,” the Democratic senator Chris Murphy told Politico. “My guess is we’ll have a constitutional crisis pretty immediately.” Read the full piece here: Will Mitch McConnell strangle Joe Biden's legislative program at birth? Read more
Updated at 08.41 GMT
9 Nov 2020 07.24 GMT Donald Trump was a unique American president. He was the only one to be impeached, fail to win re-election AND lose the popular vote – TWICE. This Venn diagram captures Trump’s historic uniqueness:
The definitive Venn Diagram of troubled presidencies. pic.twitter.com/LehTdpjQsu — ian bremmer (@ianbremmer) November 9, 2020
9 Nov 2020 07.21 GMT This tedious repetition of the patently false accusation of voter fraud by the peculiar shirt-tucker Rudy Giuliani, who will say literally anything to sustain the next Trump grift which is coming as sure as the sunrise, bears mentioning only because of how long is his list of the states where they got beaten. Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, Wisconsin, Nevada – oh don’t forget Arizona, that was bad, and Maine, that district in Nebraska … The Biden selection by the Crooked Media is based on unlawful votes in PA, Mich, GA, Wisc, Nevada et al.
We will prove it all. — Rudy W. Giuliani (@RudyGiuliani) November 9, 2020
Updated at 07.45 GMT
9 Nov 2020 06.41 GMT To the genre of the cathartic Trump sayonara, Tim Miller of the conservative anti-Trump Bulwark adds this prize: On the eve of the 2016 election, the one thing that I most looked forward to was the prospect of never having to consider Donald Trump again. Never having to waste another solitary brain particle on him. Alas it wasn’t to be then. It certainly hasn’t been the case during this week’s 50+ hour Steve Kornacki Big Board binge fest. Nor will it be going forward. We are not done with Donald Trump as a malignant force in American politics just because he was defeated in his re-election bid. He will still be in office for eleven critical weeks. Then we will have to contend with him for years to come. He may have broken something fundamental in our country that will take a generation to fix. I understand all that. But those impending threats shouldn’t minimize the enormity of what we accomplished in brushing him back. And it doesn’t make this next sentence any less sweet. Donald Trump: You’re Fucking Fired. Read the full piece here.
9 Nov 2020 06.28 GMT How is the national healing going? Some prominent Americans on the Biden side are preaching reconciliation: the first thing I did when the presidency was called is text and call my family members who do not agree and tell them I love them and am here for them. #FamilyFirst. Call your family today. Happy Sunday. ♥ — KATY PERRY (@katyperry) November 8, 2020 If someone you love and care about voted the other way, today might be a good day to reach out. Not to talk politics, but to talk about things that will remind them (and yourself) why you love and care about them. — Pete Buttigieg (@PeteButtigieg) November 8, 2020 But judging by the replies to those tweets, many people do not see reconciliation as a possibility, and some accuse the tweeters of blindness to the threat Trump represented and the damage he has done.
9 Nov 2020 06.18 GMT Martin Farrer Financial markets around the world have received a marked boost in the wake of Joe Biden’s victory in the US presidential election, with Japanese shares hitting their highest level for nearly three decades and oil prices also climbing. Stock prices in Europe and New York were also expected to rise sharply on Monday after the president-elect pledged to try to bring unity to the US after four tumultuous years under the Trump administration. Good morning: It's risk on in Asia! Best so far in USD in 5 days:
Nikkei 225 +9.6%
Australia +9.1%
Singapore +8.6%
Indonesia +8.4% pic.twitter.com/ttQs9GgWlZ — Trinh (@Trinhnomics) November 9, 2020 The Nikkei index in Tokyo led the way with a rise of 2.3% as traders in Asia Pacific got the first chance to give their verdict on the Biden victory declared over the weekend. In China, the Shanghai Composite was also up more than 2%, Hong Kong shares rose 1.5% and the ASX200 in Sydney jumped 1.74%. Read further: Biden win boosts global stock markets as Japanese shares soar to 29-year high Read more