theguardian--2020-10-15--Trump is ending the census count early. It's a feat of profound political cynicism | Andrew Gawthorp

Trump is ending the census count early. It's a feat of profound political cynicism | Andrew Gawthorpe

A Supreme Court ruling this week allowed the Trump administration to end the 2020 census two weeks early , risking an undercount of members of the population who are difficult to reach – particularly immigrants , transients , and the poor .
From the beginning , the administration has attempted to meddle with what is usually a scrupulously non-partisan process in order to advance its goal of disenfranchising and immiserating parts of the country which do not vote Republican .
And following this court ruling , it is on track to get away with it .
Even by Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ self-dealing , the weaponization of the census has been cynical and alarming .
By deliberately attempting to produce an undercount in certain parts of the country , and by trying to seize control of the process whereby the census is used to allocate seats in the House of Representatives and Electoral College , the administration is leaving behind a tainted legacy .
Why does the census even matter ?
As well as being the basis for distributing political power between and within the states , the data from the census guides the allocation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each year .
The constitution states that the census has to take place every ten years and be based on an “ actual enumeration ” of residents , meaning that the Census Bureau is not permitted to use statistical models to make up for an inaccurate count .
If the census isn ’ t accurate , then the country has to live with the consequences until the next one takes place a decade later .
The Trump administration ’ s interference began with its attempt to insert a citizenship question into the census @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from immigrants .
After the Supreme Court found that excuses for inserting the question were “ contrived ” , Trump claimed the right to unilaterally alter the Census Bureau ’ s count to exclude undocumented immigrants .
The administration is now rushing to end the census early in order to ensure that Trump , and not a successor with more respect for the constitution , is still in the White House to transmit the altered figures .
The immediate result of this move would be diminished political representation and federal resources for communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the more long-term result would be the delegitimization of yet another vital institution .
In recent years , Republicans have cynically stacked the Supreme Court and undermined confidence in the electoral process through baseless conspiracy theories about mail-in ballots .
Now they refuse to carry out the simple act of counting how many people are resident in the country in order to fairly distribute power and resources .
With every institution they bring low , they undermine the trust that makes governing a large and diverse democracy possible .
The politicization of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these other developments .
It is a basic principle of democracy that power and resources be distributed based on population – one person , one vote , one equal share .
As Republicans face the reality of a demographic shift away from their ageing white base , they would rather deny the very existence of groups to which they are unfavorable – particularly immigrants – than share power and resources .
It wouldn ’ t be the first time the party has pulled this trick .
After the 1920 census showed that city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – outnumbered rural residents for the first time in American history , the Republican-led House of Representatives refused to reapportion Congressional seats accordingly .
It took decades and the intervention of the Supreme Court to restore a semblance of fairness .
As they attempt to cope with yet another Republican attack on democracy , Democrats have no clear guidelines on how to respond .
This time it is they who control the House of Representatives , but it is unclear what will happen if Democrats simply refuse to accept the incorrect figures transmitted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most likely outcome is that no reapportionment will happen at all , freezing the country in an unfair and regressive status quo .
And for so long as the filibuster stifles the Senate , legal changes which might ameliorate the negative impacts of a sabotaged count will be hard if not impossible to achieve .
But the broader issue raised by the census is how Republican nativism and partisanship exert a death grip on American politics .
When one of the two main parties no longer believes in democracy , it forces people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most basic of principles – even the right to have their existence acknowledged – rather than working to address the country ’ s very real problems .
Removing Republicans from power in November won ’ t free the nation from this problem .
The battle to rejuvenate American democracy will still be long and hard .
But it will at least be a victory for the principle that every vote has a right to be counted and every voice has a right to be heard .
And from there , a true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ begin .
• None Andrew Gawthorpe is a historian of the United States at Leiden University , and host of the podcast America Explained

A Supreme Court ruling this week allowed the Trump administration to end the 2020 census two weeks early, risking an undercount of members of the population who are difficult to reach – particularly immigrants, transients, and the poor. From the beginning, the administration has attempted to meddle with what is usually a scrupulously non-partisan process in order to advance its goal of disenfranchising and immiserating parts of the country which do not vote Republican. And following this court ruling, it is on track to get away with it.
Even by Trump’s own standards of naked partisanship and self-dealing, the weaponization of the census has been cynical and alarming. By deliberately attempting to produce an undercount in certain parts of the country, and by trying to seize control of the process whereby the census is used to allocate seats in the House of Representatives and Electoral College, the administration is leaving behind a tainted legacy.
Why does the census even matter? As well as being the basis for distributing political power between and within the states, the data from the census guides the allocation of about $1.5t in federal funding each year. The constitution states that the census has to take place every ten years and be based on an “actual enumeration” of residents, meaning that the Census Bureau is not permitted to use statistical models to make up for an inaccurate count. If the census isn’t accurate, then the country has to live with the consequences until the next one takes place a decade later.
The Trump administration’s interference began with its attempt to insert a citizenship question into the census, which was designed to suppress responses from immigrants. After the Supreme Court found that excuses for inserting the question were “contrived”, Trump claimed the right to unilaterally alter the Census Bureau’s count to exclude undocumented immigrants. The administration is now rushing to end the census early in order to ensure that Trump, and not a successor with more respect for the constitution, is still in the White House to transmit the altered figures.
The immediate result of this move would be diminished political representation and federal resources for communities with large numbers of such immigrants. But the more long-term result would be the delegitimization of yet another vital institution. In recent years, Republicans have cynically stacked the Supreme Court and undermined confidence in the electoral process through baseless conspiracy theories about mail-in ballots. Now they refuse to carry out the simple act of counting how many people are resident in the country in order to fairly distribute power and resources. With every institution they bring low, they undermine the trust that makes governing a large and diverse democracy possible.
The politicization of the census is just as disturbing as these other developments. It is a basic principle of democracy that power and resources be distributed based on population – one person, one vote, one equal share. As Republicans face the reality of a demographic shift away from their ageing white base, they would rather deny the very existence of groups to which they are unfavorable – particularly immigrants – than share power and resources. It wouldn’t be the first time the party has pulled this trick. After the 1920 census showed that city dwellers – many of whom were immigrants – outnumbered rural residents for the first time in American history, the Republican-led House of Representatives refused to reapportion Congressional seats accordingly. It took decades and the intervention of the Supreme Court to restore a semblance of fairness.
As they attempt to cope with yet another Republican attack on democracy, Democrats have no clear guidelines on how to respond. This time it is they who control the House of Representatives, but it is unclear what will happen if Democrats simply refuse to accept the incorrect figures transmitted by the Trump White House. The most likely outcome is that no reapportionment will happen at all, freezing the country in an unfair and regressive status quo. And for so long as the filibuster stifles the Senate, legal changes which might ameliorate the negative impacts of a sabotaged count will be hard if not impossible to achieve.
But the broader issue raised by the census is how Republican nativism and partisanship exert a death grip on American politics. When one of the two main parties no longer believes in democracy, it forces people to expend time and energy battling for the most basic of principles – even the right to have their existence acknowledged – rather than working to address the country’s very real problems. Removing Republicans from power in November won’t free the nation from this problem. The battle to rejuvenate American democracy will still be long and hard. But it will at least be a victory for the principle that every vote has a right to be counted and every voice has a right to be heard. And from there, a true reckoning with what ails the nation can begin.


theguardian--2020-10-15--Demi Lovato has made the most damning protest song of the Trump era

How do you solve a problem like Donald ?
Like Nixon , Reagan and Thatcher before him , President Trump has been a great catalyst for protest in the arts but his villainy is so absurd and flamboyant that it is hard to attack him without stating the obvious .
Assaulting him head-on is like staring into the sun .
It is no surprise that his most effective satirist is the comedian Sarah Cooper , who lip-syncs to his own words rather than writing her own .
In music , to sing about the US these past four years is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House .
Trump ’ s influence is often oblique : his presence seeps into records like poison gas .
In songs such as Childish Gambino ’ s This Is America , Kendrick Lamar ’ s XXX , the 1975 ’ s Love It If We Made It or Hurray for the Riff Raff ’ s Pa ’ lante , he is mentioned briefly or not at all .
So who would have predicted that one of the most powerful songs about Trump – Demi Lovato ’ s Commander in Chief – would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and be so direct ?
It ’ s not that it ’ s unusual for a mainstream pop artist to speak out at the risk of losing fans .
The likes of Beyoncé , Taylor Swift and Katy Perry have been moved to take political positions and even channel them into songs , such as Swift ’ s Miss Americana & the Heartbreak Prince or Lana Del Rey ’ s Looking for America .
Lovato , who describes herself as “ a queer , Hispanic woman ” , has previously been vocal about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ image : her most recent hit was called OK Not to Be OK .
Still , there is something wonderfully unexpected and bold about the moral clarity of her latest song that she debuted at the Billboard music awards last night .
I ’ ve listened to nothing else since .
Produced by Eren Cannata and Billie Eilish ’ s brother Finneas , the song sounds like a heartbreak ballad .
In a sense that ’ s what it is , as it expresses the emotional pain of the Trump era , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s not without lyrical flourishes ( “ Fighting fires with flyers and praying for rain ” ) , it is largely plain-spoken and direct , conveying grief , resilience and disgust .
Lovato has said that she has often thought of writing Trump a letter , or sitting down with him to ask him why he behaves the way he does , but that a song opens these questions up to everybody : “ I ’ m not the only one / That ’ s been affected and resented every story you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lucky one / ’ Cause there are people worse off that have suffered enough.
” In the arrestingly stark video , a diverse range of Americans lip-sync the song before Lovato takes over for the final minute .
Commander in Chief opens with a wholesome , relatable line about the values that we are supposedly taught ( unless our father is Fred Trump ) when we are young .
It ’ s not really partisan .
Lovato the protest singer is an exasperated everywoman , interrogating Trump ’ s failings as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : his corruption , his vanity , his carelessness , his sadism .
The line , “ Do you get off on pain ?
” reminds me of Adam Serwer ’ s classic 2018 Atlantic essay , The Cruelty Is the Point .
She gets to the fundamental incomprehensibility of Trump ’ s callousness : “ Honestly , if I did the things you do , I couldn ’ t sleep , seriously.
” The gospel-elevated bridge rises above the president ’ s toxic headspace and turns to the summer ’ s Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ll be in the streets while you ’ re bunkering down.
” The final line of the chorus ( “ How does it feel to still be able to breathe ?
” ) references both Covid-19 , which has killed more than 215,000 Americans on Trump ’ s watch , and the BLM slogan “ I can ’ t breathe ” .
That formulation might be a deliberate callback to Dear Mr President , Pink ’ s open letter of a song to George W Bush in 2006 , which asked “ What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How do you sleep ?
” But it also reminds me , oddly , of Crass ’ s 1982 broadside against Margaret Thatcher , How Does It Feel ( to Be the Mother of a Thousand Dead ) ?
Both questions are moral condemnations but Crass ’ s song is all punk-rock venom , while Lovato ’ s is calmer .
If you were to put these lyrics into a rock , hip-hop or folk song , the effect would perhaps be too familiar because that ’ s what protest music usually sounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Enemy ’ s recent election song State of the Union ( STFU ) .
While it is a thrilling call to “ rock the vote or vote for hell ” , we ’ ve heard Public Enemy take on presidents many times before .
What we don ’ t usually hear is similar sentiments conveyed in the form of an aching , melismatic pop ballad by the former teen star of Camp Rock 2 : The Final Jam .
Not to make a hyperbolic comparison , but the potency of Marvin Gaye @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came from a previously apolitical artist deciding that he just couldn ’ t stay quiet any more .
Commander in Chief is likewise the sound of someone ’ s patience snapping .
Responding to the scolding of a Republican fan on Instagram on Wednesday , she wrote : “ I literally don ’ t care if this ruins my career .
This isn ’ t about that … I made a piece of art that stands for something I believe in.
” Lovato has timed the song ’ s release to encourage younger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign approaches its conclusion .
The single ’ s artwork depicts her in a mask with VOTE written on it .
Commander in Chief skilfully captures the emotion that will likely drive more voters to the polls than any policy : a soul-sick exhaustion with Trump and what he has done to his country , and how he has squatted , rent-free , in so many heads for so long .
You do not have to love Joe Biden to want to be rid of that – to throw open the windows and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lovato and her collaborators have created an extraordinary protest song that is perfectly of-the-moment , but I hope it sounds even better after 3 November .

How do you solve a problem like Donald? Like Nixon, Reagan and Thatcher before him, President Trump has been a great catalyst for protest in the arts but his villainy is so absurd and flamboyant that it is hard to attack him without stating the obvious. Assaulting him head-on is like staring into the sun. It is no surprise that his most effective satirist is the comedian Sarah Cooper, who lip-syncs to his own words rather than writing her own.
In music, to sing about the US these past four years is to allude to the elephant in the White House. Trump’s influence is often oblique: his presence seeps into records like poison gas. In songs such as Childish Gambino’s This Is America, Kendrick Lamar’s XXX, the 1975’s Love It If We Made It or Hurray for the Riff Raff’s Pa’lante, he is mentioned briefly or not at all. So who would have predicted that one of the most powerful songs about Trump – Demi Lovato’s Commander in Chief – would come so late in the day, and be so direct?
It’s not that it’s unusual for a mainstream pop artist to speak out at the risk of losing fans. The likes of Beyoncé, Taylor Swift and Katy Perry have been moved to take political positions and even channel them into songs, such as Swift’s Miss Americana & the Heartbreak Prince or Lana Del Rey’s Looking for America. Lovato, who describes herself as “a queer, Hispanic woman”, has previously been vocal about issues such as mental health and body image: her most recent hit was called OK Not to Be OK. Still, there is something wonderfully unexpected and bold about the moral clarity of her latest song that she debuted at the Billboard music awards last night. I’ve listened to nothing else since.
Produced by Eren Cannata and Billie Eilish’s brother Finneas, the song sounds like a heartbreak ballad. In a sense that’s what it is, as it expresses the emotional pain of the Trump era, and 2020 in particular. While it’s not without lyrical flourishes (“Fighting fires with flyers and praying for rain”), it is largely plain-spoken and direct, conveying grief, resilience and disgust. Lovato has said that she has often thought of writing Trump a letter, or sitting down with him to ask him why he behaves the way he does, but that a song opens these questions up to everybody: “I’m not the only one / That’s been affected and resented every story you’ve spun / And I’m a lucky one / ’Cause there are people worse off that have suffered enough.” In the arrestingly stark video, a diverse range of Americans lip-sync the song before Lovato takes over for the final minute.
Commander in Chief opens with a wholesome, relatable line about the values that we are supposedly taught (unless our father is Fred Trump) when we are young. It’s not really partisan. Lovato the protest singer is an exasperated everywoman, interrogating Trump’s failings as a human being as much as a politician: his corruption, his vanity, his carelessness, his sadism. The line, “Do you get off on pain?” reminds me of Adam Serwer’s classic 2018 Atlantic essay, The Cruelty Is the Point. She gets to the fundamental incomprehensibility of Trump’s callousness: “Honestly, if I did the things you do, I couldn’t sleep, seriously.” The gospel-elevated bridge rises above the president’s toxic headspace and turns to the summer’s Black Lives Matter protests: “We’ll be in the streets while you’re bunkering down.” The final line of the chorus (“How does it feel to still be able to breathe?”) references both Covid-19, which has killed more than 215,000 Americans on Trump’s watch, and the BLM slogan “I can’t breathe”.
‘The song expresses the emotional pain of the Trump era’ ... Lovato’s call for votes during her Billboard music awards performance. Photograph: Christopher Polk/AP
That formulation might be a deliberate callback to Dear Mr President, Pink’s open letter of a song to George W Bush in 2006, which asked “What do you feel?” and “How do you sleep?” But it also reminds me, oddly, of Crass’s 1982 broadside against Margaret Thatcher, How Does It Feel (to Be the Mother of a Thousand Dead)? Both questions are moral condemnations but Crass’s song is all punk-rock venom, while Lovato’s is calmer. If you were to put these lyrics into a rock, hip-hop or folk song, the effect would perhaps be too familiar because that’s what protest music usually sounds like. Take, for example, Public Enemy’s recent election song State of the Union (STFU). While it is a thrilling call to “rock the vote or vote for hell”, we’ve heard Public Enemy take on presidents many times before. What we don’t usually hear is similar sentiments conveyed in the form of an aching, melismatic pop ballad by the former teen star of Camp Rock 2: The Final Jam. Not to make a hyperbolic comparison, but the potency of Marvin Gaye’s What’s Going On came from a previously apolitical artist deciding that he just couldn’t stay quiet any more. Commander in Chief is likewise the sound of someone’s patience snapping. Responding to the scolding of a Republican fan on Instagram on Wednesday, she wrote: “I literally don’t care if this ruins my career. This isn’t about that … I made a piece of art that stands for something I believe in.”
Lovato has timed the song’s release to encourage younger Americans to vote as an ugly election campaign approaches its conclusion. The single’s artwork depicts her in a mask with VOTE written on it. Commander in Chief skilfully captures the emotion that will likely drive more voters to the polls than any policy: a soul-sick exhaustion with Trump and what he has done to his country, and how he has squatted, rent-free, in so many heads for so long. You do not have to love Joe Biden to want to be rid of that – to throw open the windows and let out the poison gas at last. Lovato and her collaborators have created an extraordinary protest song that is perfectly of-the-moment, but I hope it sounds even better after 3 November.


theguardian--2020-10-15--As a young Texan I feel like a political outsider everywhere

On 8 November 2016 , the night Trump became president , I was a senior at Texas A & M , a large football university in the small town of College Station .
When I walked across the stage and grabbed hold of my degree a few weeks later , I couldn ’ t wait for it to become my one-way ticket to New York .
I wanted nothing more than to leave my state of Texas , especially because of its unchanging political climate .
Both inside and outside of my lecture halls , I felt surrounded by narrow-minded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservatism .
The subtle racism and intolerance I had observed as a child became increasingly overt during and after the election .
Growing up desi in Texas my existence was pulled between learning square dancing in elementary school and scurrying off to Nanna ’ s house to learn Arabic afterwards .
The monologues I memorized as a teenager from my favorite Bollywood movies sat awkwardly among the Brooks and Dunn country tracks in my head .
I never fully belonged to one part of my hyphenated identity and nor do I now .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ much , with its sprawling landscape , comfort foods , and friendly disposition also became my enemy .
Where was I supposed to fit within its Republican values of religious guilt and intolerance ?
In hushed conversations by boys in pastel shorts and fishing shirts , I heard racial slurs slung around without remorse and the women who dared to speak up to them called “ annoying bitches ” .
Gross , misogynistic and racist memes saying immigrants should go back to “ their country ” got shared on my timeline by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Did they know other people could see what they were sharing ?
Did we not receive the same education ?
So I fled Texas for New York , hoping to find my political home .
As someone who left Texas to escape the ignorance that surrounded me , it was surprising for me to land in New York and find a different kind of intolerance .
I have seen many people talk about how much they want Trump out of office , while simultaneously denouncing young people ’ s “ unrealistic ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country .
As a 25-year-old burdened with student loans and part of the first generation to be worse off than our parents , I found it disheartening to see my generation ’ s politics dismissed by people with disproportionately less social and financial burdens than their younger , more diverse counterparts .
I fled the rampant racism of the south , only to come face to face with the disconnected elitism on the east coast .
Supposed liberals , laughing off ideas that would make the lives of the less wealthy tangibly better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ universal basic income , the erasure of student debt .
These ideas are only radical if you don ’ t need them .
My generation is not lazy , idealistic or apolitical .
We are the creatives pioneering on TikTok ; the generation who need two jobs instead of one to get by .
We work harder than our older counterparts to make rent and pay off student debt , while being dismissively referred to as “ side-hustlers ” .
Yes , we are hustlers .
But not by choice .
Young people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We ’ re told we don ’ t show up to the polls because we don ’ t care .
It is true that 40 % of non-voters in 2016 were millennials , the reason for not showing up is not as cut and dried as apathy .
Young people are just as , if not more likely , to have contributed to a political campaign ; contacted an elected official , or canvassed in the last year as almost every age group except seniors .
My fellow young people are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The candidates that energize us are mocked .
When we backed Bernie Sanders , people called us radicals , bros , socialists .
When the Squad – the group of new , radical , congresswomen of color who have so inspired millennials – was dismissed by Nancy Pelosi as only speaking for “ their Twitter world ” , it feels like a self-important finger saying “ shh ” to America ’ s youth .
It ’ s another act of silencing that makes me feel like a political foreigner , wherever I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moved back to the suburbs of Houston .
In a global pandemic that forced us to become shut-ins , I wanted to leave the confines of my shoebox apartment and craved wide-open spaces .
Upon my return home , I found myself in the same position I was in a few years prior .
My morning drives were punctuated by Trump signs , pinned to the 10ft-tall windows of grand , lavish estates .
I know the people who inhabit these gated communities , tucked away behind perfectly manicured bushes .
They are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , my friend ’ s parents .
These charming members of my community know my family is Muslim – the group of people so vilified by the president he put a ban on people from “ Muslim countries ” from coming into the US .
They know my mother is a public school teacher – the group of people the secretary of education has abandoned and sent back to school amid a pandemic .
They know I am a journalist , the group of people set upon by vigilantes and police alike , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fake news media ” .
None of these facts matter to the people who continued to invite us over for summer barbecues or send me money every year on my birthday .
Their ability to separate our background from their politics is a luxury and privilege I envied .
Envy soon planted seeds of resentment .
Left and right , I cut ties with people I had known for years .
I began to look at everyone that crossed my path with Trump-colored glasses .
Is that a red ball cap ?
Is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ picture ?
Cancelled .
For four years , these thoughts consumed me .
They still do .
Just because I understand why my peers are experiencing political fatigue , doesn ’ t mean it ’ s easier to swallow .
In fact , it makes me feel more lonely .
What terrifies me is not the rampant , full-throated Trump supporters in Texas , it ’ s the people around me who seem so fed up with politics , they seem not to care about anything at all .
It ’ s like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , after being rebuffed by a friend who didn ’ t want to hear me complaining about compromised mail voting any more , I caught it , too .
“ Dude , we get it .
You care about politics and want to change the world .
Can we just watch a movie now ?
” my friend had said .
This was the very friend that spent her weekends nannying other people ’ s children to pay down the student loans she was drowning in .
How could she not care ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice warrior trope not just to older people , but to my peers as well .
Even though we belonged to the group of people that could benefit the most from political change , I felt like my friends had drunk the political Kool-Aid .
For the next few weeks , I barely read the news .
I didn ’ t have the energy .
What was the point ?
I accepted the fact that Trump may very well be re-elected .
For my mental health and sanity , I chose to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deep respect for the Greta Thunbergs and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezes of the world .
I hope to fight alongside them in some capacity .
But I often wonder if these warriors take breaks and lay down their armor if even just for a few hours to stare at a blank wall or go for a walk .
How do they keep pushing on when doors are slammed in their face ?
I am hoping to get there soon – especially as the news has become unavoidable again .
This past month , even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the earthquake of events that shook the nation .
Ruth Bader Ginsburg died .
The intimate details of Trump ’ s taxes were finally revealed , showing a president who pays less in tax than me .
And in the greatest plot twist of this never-ending , dystopian horror film in which we all live , Trump and a slew of other Republicans caught the very virus they spent months playing down .
The cynic in me knows these will be mere blips on the timeline of this presidency .
And the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heads to the polls , or when it chooses to stay home instead .
But in the meantime , I refuse to adopt a defeatist attitude .
I am back to being vocal and passionate .
Sometimes it ’ s just online .
Sometimes I just share a post .
I might not be screaming “ the end is near ” in the town square like the local lunatic any more , but I am having conversations with people if and when they are willing .
Recently a guy who I went to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , air-force Texan - responded to a post I put on my Facebook .
“ Apparently 12 years of tuition-free public schooling is not considered socialism .
But add four more years and suddenly it ’ s a communist plot , ” the post read .
“ Holy shit … That ’ s actually a really good point , ” he responded .
It might sound small , but it made me happy to know I can change the way someone I know looks at an issue , to make them look outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if that ’ s all I can achieve , I can sleep at night .

On 8 November 2016, the night Trump became president, I was a senior at Texas A&M, a large football university in the small town of College Station. When I walked across the stage and grabbed hold of my degree a few weeks later, I couldn’t wait for it to become my one-way ticket to New York.
I wanted nothing more than to leave my state of Texas, especially because of its unchanging political climate. Both inside and outside of my lecture halls, I felt surrounded by narrow-minded thinking, disguised as patriotism and fiscal conservatism. The subtle racism and intolerance I had observed as a child became increasingly overt during and after the election.
Growing up desi in Texas my existence was pulled between learning square dancing in elementary school and scurrying off to Nanna’s house to learn Arabic afterwards. The monologues I memorized as a teenager from my favorite Bollywood movies sat awkwardly among the Brooks and Dunn country tracks in my head. I never fully belonged to one part of my hyphenated identity and nor do I now. And so the state I loved so much, with its sprawling landscape, comfort foods, and friendly disposition also became my enemy. Where was I supposed to fit within its Republican values of religious guilt and intolerance?
In hushed conversations by boys in pastel shorts and fishing shirts, I heard racial slurs slung around without remorse and the women who dared to speak up to them called “annoying bitches”. Gross, misogynistic and racist memes saying immigrants should go back to “their country” got shared on my timeline by the same people who attended my high school. Did they know other people could see what they were sharing? Did we not receive the same education?
So I fled Texas for New York, hoping to find my political home.
As someone who left Texas to escape the ignorance that surrounded me, it was surprising for me to land in New York and find a different kind of intolerance.
I have seen many people talk about how much they want Trump out of office, while simultaneously denouncing young people’s “unrealistic” and “idealistic” hopes for this country.
Phone bank volunteers call potential voters from Bernie Sanders’ Colorado campaign office on 3 March. Photograph: Jason Connolly/AFP via Getty Images
As a 25-year-old burdened with student loans and part of the first generation to be worse off than our parents, I found it disheartening to see my generation’s politics dismissed by people with disproportionately less social and financial burdens than their younger, more diverse counterparts. I fled the rampant racism of the south, only to come face to face with the disconnected elitism on the east coast. Supposed liberals, laughing off ideas that would make the lives of the less wealthy tangibly better: a free healthcare system, a universal basic income, the erasure of student debt. These ideas are only radical if you don’t need them.
My generation is not lazy, idealistic or apolitical. We are the creatives pioneering on TikTok; the generation who need two jobs instead of one to get by. We work harder than our older counterparts to make rent and pay off student debt, while being dismissively referred to as “side-hustlers”. Yes, we are hustlers. But not by choice.
Young people are often blamed for their political apathy. We’re told we don’t show up to the polls because we don’t care. It is true that 40% of non-voters in 2016 were millennials, the reason for not showing up is not as cut and dried as apathy.
Young people are just as, if not more likely, to have contributed to a political campaign; contacted an elected official, or canvassed in the last year as almost every age group except seniors. My fellow young people are not uninformed or dispassionate; they are tired.
The candidates that energize us are mocked. When we backed Bernie Sanders, people called us radicals, bros, socialists. When the Squad – the group of new, radical, congresswomen of color who have so inspired millennials – was dismissed by Nancy Pelosi as only speaking for “their Twitter world”, it feels like a self-important finger saying “shh” to America’s youth.
It’s another act of silencing that makes me feel like a political foreigner, wherever I go.
US representatives, from left, Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez make up ‘the Squad’. Photograph: Erin Scott/Reuters
In April 2020, I moved back to the suburbs of Houston. In a global pandemic that forced us to become shut-ins, I wanted to leave the confines of my shoebox apartment and craved wide-open spaces.
Upon my return home, I found myself in the same position I was in a few years prior. My morning drives were punctuated by Trump signs, pinned to the 10ft-tall windows of grand, lavish estates. I know the people who inhabit these gated communities, tucked away behind perfectly manicured bushes. They are my neighbors, my parents’ friends, my friend’s parents.
These charming members of my community know my family is Muslim – the group of people so vilified by the president he put a ban on people from “Muslim countries” from coming into the US. They know my mother is a public school teacher – the group of people the secretary of education has abandoned and sent back to school amid a pandemic. They know I am a journalist, the group of people set upon by vigilantes and police alike, dubbed by the president as the “fake news media”. None of these facts matter to the people who continued to invite us over for summer barbecues or send me money every year on my birthday. Their ability to separate our background from their politics is a luxury and privilege I envied.
Envy soon planted seeds of resentment. Left and right, I cut ties with people I had known for years. I began to look at everyone that crossed my path with Trump-colored glasses. Is that a red ball cap? Is there a bald eagle in their profile picture? Cancelled. For four years, these thoughts consumed me. They still do.
A home bears signs supporting Donald Trump. Photograph: Shannon Stapleton/Reuters
Just because I understand why my peers are experiencing political fatigue, doesn’t mean it’s easier to swallow. In fact, it makes me feel more lonely.
What terrifies me is not the rampant, full-throated Trump supporters in Texas, it’s the people around me who seem so fed up with politics, they seem not to care about anything at all.
It’s like it’s contagious. One night, after being rebuffed by a friend who didn’t want to hear me complaining about compromised mail voting any more, I caught it, too.
“Dude, we get it. You care about politics and want to change the world. Can we just watch a movie now?” my friend had said. This was the very friend that spent her weekends nannying other people’s children to pay down the student loans she was drowning in. How could she not care?
I had come to embody the social justice warrior trope not just to older people, but to my peers as well. Even though we belonged to the group of people that could benefit the most from political change, I felt like my friends had drunk the political Kool-Aid. For the next few weeks, I barely read the news. I didn’t have the energy. What was the point? I accepted the fact that Trump may very well be re-elected. For my mental health and sanity, I chose to make peace with that reality.
I have a deep respect for the Greta Thunbergs and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezes of the world. I hope to fight alongside them in some capacity. But I often wonder if these warriors take breaks and lay down their armor if even just for a few hours to stare at a blank wall or go for a walk. How do they keep pushing on when doors are slammed in their face?
I am hoping to get there soon – especially as the news has become unavoidable again. This past month, even my politically disinterested friends felt the tremors from the earthquake of events that shook the nation. Ruth Bader Ginsburg died. The intimate details of Trump’s taxes were finally revealed, showing a president who pays less in tax than me. And in the greatest plot twist of this never-ending, dystopian horror film in which we all live, Trump and a slew of other Republicans caught the very virus they spent months playing down.
The cynic in me knows these will be mere blips on the timeline of this presidency. And the country will suffer from amnesia as it heads to the polls, or when it chooses to stay home instead.
But in the meantime, I refuse to adopt a defeatist attitude. I am back to being vocal and passionate. Sometimes it’s just online. Sometimes I just share a post. I might not be screaming “the end is near” in the town square like the local lunatic any more, but I am having conversations with people if and when they are willing.
Recently a guy who I went to high school with – a solid red, air-force Texan - responded to a post I put on my Facebook.
“Apparently 12 years of tuition-free public schooling is not considered socialism. But add four more years and suddenly it’s a communist plot,” the post read.
“Holy shit … That’s actually a really good point,” he responded.
It might sound small, but it made me happy to know I can change the way someone I know looks at an issue, to make them look outside of the scope of their usual outlets. And if that’s all I can achieve, I can sleep at night.


theguardian--2020-10-15--Amy Coney Barrett: key moments from the supreme court confirmation hearings – video

Amy Coney Barrett spent most of her time avoiding key questions during three days of Senate hearings to confirm her @ @ @ @ @ .
Barrett would become the third justice on the court to be appointed by Donald @ @ @ @ @ would give conservatives a bulletproof , six-justice majority on the nine-member court , which decides @ @ @ @ @ .
Barrett , a conservative Christian who has criticized the high court ’ s decision @ @ @ @ @ Act ( ACA ) , who has publicly opposed reproductive rights and who was a @ @ @ @ @ handbook included a stated opposition to same-sex marriage , is seen on the left as @ @ @ @ @ by Donald Trump

Amy Coney Barrett spent most of her time avoiding key questions during three days of Senate hearings to confirm her as a supreme court justice.
Barrett would become the third justice on the court to be appointed by Donald Trump – and her confirmation would give conservatives a bulletproof, six-justice majority on the nine-member court, which decides cases by a simple majority.
Barrett, a conservative Christian who has criticized the high court’s decision to uphold the Affordable Care Act (ACA), who has publicly opposed reproductive rights and who was a trustee at a school whose handbook included a stated opposition to same-sex marriage, is seen on the left as part of a power play by Donald Trump


theguardian--2020-10-16--Biden says he'll lay out stance on expanding supreme court before election

Joe Biden said at a town hall event Thursday night that he would announce before election day whether he favors expanding the supreme court .
Biden has repeatedly declined to lay out a stance on the issue amid an ongoing Republican sprint to install a third justice nominated by Donald Trump before the election , in what critics have called a naked power grab .
The Senate judiciary committee appeared poised to approve and hand off the nomination of judge Amy Coney Barrett to the full Senate next week .
Barrett ’ s installation on the court would make for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court in decades .
In part that ’ s because she would replace a liberal justice , the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
But the conservative court coup would also be the result of a successful plot by Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell to hold open a supreme court seat for almost a year in 2016 so that Trump could fill it instead of Barack Obama .
That fact , combined with similar maneuvering by McConnell at the district and appeals court levels , have led Biden backers to express outrage that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a position on so-called “ court-packing ” would create controversy .
The court has already been packed , Biden supporters say , by Trump , McConnell and their Republican surrogates and outside accomplices .
In a town hall in Philadelphia on Thursday night , Biden sought to hold the focus on the Republicans ’ conduct , telling host George Stephanopoulos that “ no matter what answer I gave you ” on court packing , “ if I say it that ’ s going to be the headline tomorrow.
’ ” As Stephanopoulos insisted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pass legislation to expand the court – all of this in the hypothetical instance in which Democrats win the White House in November , hold the House of Representatives , flip the Senate and then make court-packing a legislative priority – Biden said people would know how he felt “ before they vote ” .
Barrett ’ s likely confirmation would establish a solid 6-3 conservative majority on the court that could last decades .
Some progressives have called on the next Democratic president and Congress to add seats to the court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nine seats that has been in place since 1869 .
Other activists have called for term limits for judges to increase court turnover .
But none of those measures would be effective in the long term so long as Republicans in the senate , whenever in the majority , refuse to fill court vacancies with judges appointed by a Democratic president and then pump those vacancies full when a Republican president takes over .

Joe Biden said at a town hall event on Thursday night that he would announce before election day whether he favors expanding the supreme court.
Biden has repeatedly declined to lay out a stance on the issue amid an ongoing Republican sprint to install a third justice nominated by Donald Trump before the election, in what critics have called a naked power grab.
The Senate judiciary committee appeared poised to approve and hand off the nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the full Senate next week.
Barrett’s installation on the court would make for the most dramatic ideological realignment on the court in decades. In part that’s because she would replace a liberal justice, the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
But the conservative court coup would also be the result of a successful plot by the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, to hold open a supreme court seat for almost a year in 2016 so that Trump could fill it instead of Barack Obama.
That fact, combined with similar maneuvering by McConnell at the district and appeals court levels, have led Biden backers to express outrage that the candidate’s unwillingness to stake out a position on so-called “court-packing” would create controversy.
The court has already been packed, Biden supporters say, by Trump, McConnell and their Republican surrogates and outside accomplices.
In a town hall in Philadelphia on Thursday night, Biden sought to hold the focus on the Republicans’ conduct, telling host George Stephanopoulos that “no matter what answer I gave you” on court packing, “if I say it that’s going to be the headline tomorrow.’”
As Stephanopoulos insisted on knowing whether Biden would encourage Congress to pass legislation to expand the court – all of this in the hypothetical instance in which Democrats win the White House in November, hold the House of Representatives, flip the Senate and then make court-packing a legislative priority – Biden said people would know how he felt “before they vote”.
Barrett’s likely confirmation would establish a solid 6-3 conservative majority on the court that could last decades. Some progressives have called on the next Democratic president and Congress to add seats to the court, which would change the norm of nine seats that has been in place since 1869. Other activists have called for term limits for judges to increase court turnover.
But none of those measures would be effective in the long term so long as Republicans in the Senate, whenever in the majority, refuse to fill court vacancies with judges appointed by a Democratic president and then pump those vacancies full when a Republican president takes over.


theguardian--2020-10-16--Trump v Biden at TV town halls: a president kept in check – latest reaction live

Shannon Mulcahy of Whitestown , Indiana , voted for Trump in the last election .
This time his rival Joe Biden will get her vote .
For 18 years she worked at the Rexnord steel bearings plant in Indianapolis before it shut down in 2017 , moving operations to Mexico .
Mulcahy was one of 300 workers who lost their jobs .
Since losing her job , Mulcahy has struggled with depression while trying to find other work .
She ’ s managed to find a new job , though it pays significantly lower than what she was making at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of plant closings he could have stopped .
He talked the talk everyone wanted to hear about saving jobs .
I don ’ t see him saving any jobs , ” said Mulcahy .
“ I think it ’ s all fake .
It ’ s all a campaign thing .
He ’ s telling people what they want to hear.
” Trump won the 2016 election in part with his promise to keep manufacturing jobs like Mulcahy ’ s in the US .
A promise that helped him win former Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states .
Those promises have done little to turn around the long-term decline of manufacturing in the US .
The US gained roughly 500,000 manufacturing jobs between 2016 and 2019 , according to an analysis by the Economics Policy Institute .
Trump ’ s trade wars hurt manufacturing but then came the coronavirus pandemic .
Even after adding 66,000 manufacturing jobs in September , the sector is still 647,000 jobs short of where it was in February before the pandemic hit the US .
In the meantime , nearly 1,800 US factories disappeared @ @ @ @ @

Tom McCarthy (now) and Martin Belam (earlier)

16 Oct 2020 00.46 BST Minnesota traces Covid outbreak to Trump rally The Minnesota department of health said it has so far traced 20 Covid-19 cases to a Trump rally in Bemidji in September, CNN reports: The Minnesota Department of Health says it has so far traced 20 cases of Covid-19 back to a rally held by President Donald Trump in Bemidji last month
Two people are now hospitalized.
The state is describing it as an “outbreak.” — David P Gelles (@gelles) October 16, 2020 Sixteen of the 20 cases are people who were at the rally. Two people are now hospitalized, according to CNN.
16 Oct 2020 00.42 BST Donald Trump is now speaking at a rally in Macon, Georgia, attacking the media and Democrats with typical falsehoods and unsubstantiated claims. In his last speech today, the president repeatedly mocked Joe Biden for verbal slips, but misspoke in numerous bizarre ways himself, notes CNN’s fact checker Daniel Dale: In the same speech in which he has mocked Biden for making verbal slips, Trump has called hypersonic weapons “hydrosonic,” referred to some combo of Rick Scott and Matt Gaetz as “Rick Gates,” and mentioned the Obama-era crisis in “Henderson” before correcting to Ferguson. — Daniel Dale (@ddale8) October 16, 2020 At the Macon rally, one state representative and Trump supporter crowd-surfed, an activity that clearly violates social-distancing guidelines: Yes, Democratic @RepVernonJones really crowd-surfed at the Trump rally in Macon. And @AlyssaNo_L has the pic to prove it. #gapol pic.twitter.com/acXnJIzVMZ — Greg Bluestein (@bluestein) October 16, 2020
16 Oct 2020 00.32 BST Joe Kennedy III reports campaign finance violation Congressman Joe Kennedy III’s failed Senate campaign reported today that it improperly spent $1.5m of donations intended for the general election during the primary against Senator Ed Markey, the Boston Globe has just reported. 🚨 BREAKING🚨@joekennedy campaign
has self-reported a campaign finance violation to FEC in which his campaign spent $1.5 million of general election funds in final weeks of primary #masen
https://t.co/7kxrR24ZNb — Victoria McGrane (@vgmac) October 16, 2020 Federal campaign finance rules bar candidates from spending their general election funds on expenses during the primary, the Globe said. “After an internal review, I believe it was an honest mistake by those involved, resulting from misinformation, not malintent,” Kennedy said in a statement to the Globe. “But as the candidate, I take full responsibility for the error that occurred and have worked to rectify it as expeditiously as possible.” Kennedy also said he did not know about the improper spending. Markey won the tight race with support of progressive groups.
Updated at 00.44 BST
16 Oct 2020 23.49 BST 1,000 current and former CDC officers criticize Covid response More than 1,000 current and former officers of a disease-fighting program at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have authored an open letter criticizing the US response to Covid, the Wall Street Journal reports. “The absence of national leadership on Covid-19 is unprecedented and dangerous. CDC should be at the forefront of a successful response to this global public health emergency,” said the letter signed by officers from the Epidemic Intelligence Service program of the CDC. More details: More than 1,000 current & former officers of an elite disease-fighting program at the CDC have signed an open letter expressing dismay at the nation’s public-health response to the pandemic & calling for the federal agency to play a more central role.https://t.co/d3Ew1mlVMH — Rebecca Ballhaus (@rebeccaballhaus) October 16, 2020
16 Oct 2020 23.39 BST Trump’s cabinet is “scrambling to enact regulatory changes affecting millions of Americans” due to fears that he will lose his re-election, according to a new New York Times report. JUST POSTED: Facing the prospect that President Trump could lose his re-election bid, his cabinet is scrambling to enact regulatory changes affecting millions of Americans in a blitz so rushed it may leave some changes vulnerable to court challenges https://t.co/HZXUM7TvW9 — Eric Lipton (@EricLiptonNYT) October 16, 2020 The rushed proposed rules, the Times says, include: Labor department changes that would redefine what it means to be an “independent contractor”, affecting 19m people.
A department of homeland security rule that would make it much more difficult to sponsor an immigrant coming to the US.
A proposal that would loosen limits on how many hours some truckers can spend behind the wheel.
Another DHS proposal that would enable the government to more easily collect biometric data. The blitz is so hurried that some of the changes could be particularly vulnerable to court challenges, the Times reported.
16 Oct 2020 23.01 BST Joe Biden and Kamala Harris both tested negative for Covid-19 today, the campaigns said: New: @JoeBiden's campaign announces he once again tested negative for COVID-19, his 10th negative test since Trump tested positive.
"Vice President Biden underwent PCR testing for COVID-19 today and COVID-19 was not detected," the campaign advises, per pooler @karentravers — Molly Nagle (@MollyNagle3) October 16, 2020 Kamala Harris took another Covid test today and it was negative. — Christopher Cadelago (@ccadelago) October 16, 2020 This comes one day after both reported that they flew on planes this week with people who have tested positive for coronavirus, though they both said they did not have close contact with the affected people.
16 Oct 2020 22.53 BST Supreme court agrees to hear arguments in Census case Sam Levine The US supreme court agreed today to hear arguments in a closely-watched case over whether Donald Trump can exclude undocumented immigrants from the total population count used to determine how many US House seats each state gets. The court said Friday it will hear oral argument in the case on 30 November. Trump issued an executive order blocking undocumented people from the count earlier this summer, but a three-judge panel blocked the measure in early September. The constitution requires the census, which is used to apportion House seats, to count all “persons”. In September, the judges wrote that because the decennial census does not ask about citizenship, citizenship status could not be taken into account when apportioning seats. But the supreme court’s decision alone to hear the case is ominous. The case took a unique procedural route to the court and because it came from a three judge panel, the court is obligated to consider it. The court could have upheld the three judge panel’s ruling without an oral argument – the fact that it set one may be a signal it is open to overturning it. BREAKING: The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a #2020Census case on Nov. 30, increasing the potential for President Trump to try to exclude unauthorized immigrants from the numbers used to reallocate House seats while in office pic.twitter.com/SkxPWkvL0c — Hansi Lo Wang • 7⃣5⃣ DAYS (@hansilowang) October 16, 2020 Separately, the supreme court this week allowed the Trump administration to end counting for the census two weeks early, despite warnings it would result in an undercount of the population. Observers have speculated the Trump administration is trying to rush the census to ensure Trump has the opportunity to try and exclude undocumented immigrants from the count before he leaves office.
16 Oct 2020 22.47 BST Donald Trump called Hope Hicks, his senior advisor who tested positive for Covid earlier this month, up to the stage at his Florida rally: .@realDonaldTrump called up his Senior Advisor Hope Hicks to the stage during a campaign rally in Ocala, FL. pic.twitter.com/NIiMhsCZZG — Doug Mills (@dougmillsnyt) October 16, 2020 She was not wearing a mask, and said very little, but joked: “We can share a microphone now.” Trump is back on the campaign trail this week after his hospitalization for Covid. At a town hall last night, the president spread falsehoods about the virus and masks.
16 Oct 2020 22.31 BST Trump approves wildfire aid for California, reversing rejection Donald Trump reversed his administration’s decision to deny California’s request for additional federal wildfire aid, the state’s governor has announced. “Just got off the phone with President Trump who has approved our major disaster declaration request,” Gavin Newsom tweeted. “Grateful for his quick response.” Newsom’s tweet came hours after he said he was appealing the president’s rejection for additional aid to clean up the damage from six recent large fires. It has been a disastrous wildfire season in California, with more than 8,500 blazes burning more than 6,400 square miles (16,000 sq km) since the start of the year. Trump approves California’s wildfire aid request, reversing an earlier rejection Read more
16 Oct 2020 22.21 BST Senator Dianne Feinstein faces growing progressive backlash Hi all - Sam Levin in Los Angeles, taking over our live coverage for the rest of the day. California senator Dianne Feinstein, the top Democrat on the judiciary committee, is facing growing backlash from progressive groups who argue she has failed in her leadership role in the Amy Coney Barrett nomination hearings. After Demand Justice, a progressive group, called for her to step down yesterday, Naral Pro-Choice America, a leading reproductive rights group, has also called her “wildly out of step with the American people”, saying the “committee needs new leadership”: This is not normal, these hearings are not legitimate. Dianne Feinstein gave credibility to the process when the majority of Americans have been clear that they want to choose the next president—and the next president should fill the vacancy. The committee needs new leadership. pic.twitter.com/Szaxb2S6Wh — NARAL (@NARAL) October 16, 2020 Naral criticized Feinstein of offering “an appearance of credibility to the proceedings”. The ranking Democratic senator notably said, “This has been one of the best set of hearings that I’ve participated in,” and gave chairman Lindsey Graham a hug: I really can't get over what a betrayal this moment was to the thousands (millions?) of progressive activists who have worked their asses off fighting Barrett's confirmation tooth and nail. Feinstein should be ashamed, and she should step down immediately. https://t.co/uPVDeQgrlC — Mark Joseph Stern (@mjs_DC) October 15, 2020 California congresswoman Katie Porter, a Democrat, also criticized Feinstein, telling HuffPost, “I disagree strongly with senator Feinstein that that set of hearings was one of the best or was even acceptable. I think Amy Coney Barrett did not answer basic questions about her beliefs and stonewalled repeatedly. We got many fewer direct answers than we have out of most supreme court hearings.”
16 Oct 2020 22.14 BST Martin Pengelly The Los Angeles Times has obtained an early copy of another Trump book, this one called Tower of Lies: What My 18 Years of Working With Donald Trump Reveals About Him and by Barbara A Res, a former Trump Organization staffer. “The book recounts racist, anti-Semitic and sexist behavior,” the Times reports, “along with Trump’s ability to lie ‘so naturally’ that ‘if you didn’t know the actual facts, he could slip something past you.’” Res left Trump’s employ two decades ago and has been critical of him since. On the page, the Times said, she… …recalled Trump berating her when he spotted a Black worker on a construction site. “Get him off there right now,” he said, “and don’t ever let that happen again. I don’t want people to think that Trump Tower is being built by Black people.” Trump turned red-faced when she brought a young Black job applicant into the lobby of another building, she wrote. “Barbara, I don’t want Black kids sitting in the lobby where people come to buy million-dollar apartments!” Res wrote that Trump hired a German residential manager, believing his heritage made him “especially clean and orderly”, and then joked in front of Jewish executives that “this guy still reminisces about the ovens, so you guys better watch out for him”. Trump and his campaign often pointed to Res during the 2016 election as an example of his progressive history of hiring and promoting women. But during her 18-year tenure, she wrote, Trump talked frequently and graphically about women’s looks and his own sexual exploits – and forced Res to fire a woman because she was pregnant and bar her own secretary from important meetings because she did not look like a model. One might think – see below – that so close to the election, the seam of Trump books might be close to mined out. Tim Murtaugh, communications director for the Trump campaign, would hope so. He told the Times Res’s book was “transparently a disgruntled former employee packaging a bunch of lies in a book to make money”. A Very Stable Genius? No, a narcissist and a racist – a portrait of Trump from a vast library of books Read more
16 Oct 2020 22.01 BST Today so far That’s it from me today. My west coast colleague, Sam Levin, will take over the blog for the next few hours. Here’s where the day stands so far: The number of US coronavirus cases surpassed 8 million, which is more than any other country in the world. The US reported 63,610 new coronavirus cases yesterday, marking the highest single-day total since mid-August.
which is more than any other country in the world. The US reported 63,610 new coronavirus cases yesterday, marking the highest single-day total since mid-August. Despite those alarming statistics, Trump again claimed the country is “rounding the turn” in its coronavirus crisis. Speaking in Southfield, Michigan, Joe Biden criticized the president for suggesting the situation is improving. “It’s not disappearing. In fact, it’s on the rise again,” Biden said. “It’s getting worse, as predicted.”
Speaking in Southfield, Michigan, criticized the president for suggesting the situation is improving. “It’s not disappearing. In fact, it’s on the rise again,” Biden said. “It’s getting worse, as predicted.” Biden’s ABC town hall attracted more viewers than Trump’s NBC town hall last night. According to Nielsen, Biden’s event was watched by almost 1 million more viewers, even though Trump’s town hall was broadcast on more channels. The figures will likely enrage the ratings-obsessed president, who reportedly told aides he hoped to beat Biden and then use the numbers to humiliate them.
According to Nielsen, Biden’s event was watched by almost 1 million more viewers, even though Trump’s town hall was broadcast on more channels. The figures will likely enrage the ratings-obsessed president, who reportedly told aides he hoped to beat Biden and then use the numbers to humiliate them. The US has posted a record-high federal budget deficit of $3.1tr, which is three times as high as last year’s deficit. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, the country’s revenue has declined while government spending has soared this year.
which is three times as high as last year’s deficit. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, the country’s revenue has declined while government spending has soared this year. Barack Obama will campaign for Biden in Philadelphia next week. The Biden campaign announced Obama, who won Pennsylvania in 2008 and 2012, will travel to Philadelphia next Wednesday. Sam will have more coming up, so stay tuned.


theguardian--2020-10-16--How Native Americans’ right to vote has been systematically violated for generations

Voter suppression has taken centre stage in the race to elect potentially the 46th president of the United States .
But we ’ ve heard little about the 5.2 million Native Americans whose ancestors have called this land home before there was a US president .
The rights of indigenous communities – including the right to vote – have been systematically violated for generations with devastating consequences for access to clean air and water , health , education , economic opportunities , housing and sovereignty .
Voter turnout for Native Americans and Alaskan Natives is the lowest in the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters ( 1.2 million people ) are not registered to vote , according to the National Congress of American Indians .
In a new book , Voting in Indian County : The View from the Trenches , Jean Reith Schroedel , professor emerita of political science at Claremont Graduate University , weaves together historical and contemporary voting rights conflicts .
Is the right to vote struggle for Native Americans distinct from the wider struggle faced by marginalized groups in the US ?
One thing few Americans understand is that American Indians and Native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States to get citizenship and to get the vote .
Even after the civil war and the Reconstruction ( 13th , 14th and 15th ) amendments there was a supreme court decision that said indigenous people could never become US citizens , and some laws used to disenfranchise them were still in place in 1975 .
In fact first-generation violations used to deny – not just dilute voting rights – were in place for much longer for Native Americans than any other group .
It ’ s impossible to understand contemporary voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historical context .
Why didn ’ t the American Indian Citizenship Act 1924 nor the Voting Rights Act ( VRA ) 1965 guarantee Native Americans equal access to the ballot box ?
The motivation for the VRA was the egregious treatment of black people in the south , and for the first 10 years there was a question over whether it even applied to American Indian and Native Alaskan populations .
It wasn ’ t really discussed until a civil rights commission report in 1975 which included cases from South Dakota and Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ denial of right to vote towards Native Americans – and also Latinos .
When voter suppression is discussed by politicians , advocates and journalists , it ’ s mostly about African American voters , and to a lesser degree Latinos .
Why are Native Americans still excluded from the conversation ?
Firstly they are a small population and secondly most of the most egregious abuses routinely occur in rural isolated parts of Indian Country where there is little media focus .
But it ’ s happening – take Jackson county in South Dakota @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done little to protect people from Covid .
The county council has just decided to close the legally mandated early voting centre on the Pine Ridge Reservation , citing concerns about Covid , but not in the voting site in Kadoka , where the white people go .
Regardless of the intent , this will absolutely have a detrimental effect on Native people ’ s ability to vote .
And South Dakota , like many other states , is also a very hard place for Native people to vote by mail .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who registered to vote by mail increased by 1,000 % overall but there was no increase among reservation communities .
In Oglala county , which includes the eastern part of Pine Ridge , turnout was about 10 % .
The right to vote by mail is a hot political and civil rights issue in the 2020 election – could it help increase turnout in Indian Country ?
No , voting by mail is very challenging for Native Americans for multiple reasons .
First and foremost , most reservations do not have home mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ travel to post offices or postal provide sites – little places that offer minimal mail services and are located in places like gas stations and mini-marts .
Take the Navajo Nation that encompasses 27,425 square miles – it ’ s larger than West Virginia , yet there are only 40 places where people can send and receive mail .
In West Virginia , there are 725 .
Not a single PO box on the Navajo Nation has 24-hour access .
Preliminary data from my new research shows that all the mail sent from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office within one to three days .
Whereas around half sent from the reservation took three to 10 days .
Rural whites are doing a whole lot better than rural Native Americans .
This isn ’ t the only challenge : South Dakota requires mail ballots to be notarized but there are no notaries on reservations .
And the level of trust in voting is generally low among Native Americans , but drops dramatically when asked about voting by mail .
Are Native Americans denied the right to vote because of ID requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curtail voter fraud ?
It can make it very difficult for people who live on reservations where many roads don ’ t have names or numbers – so-called non-standard addresses , which are very problematic in states requiring IDs with residential addresses .
A number of states like South Dakota have chosen to make it a felony offense with prison terms and fines if someone votes using an address different to the one given to register , even though unstable housing is a big issue on reservations , and people crash in different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans who only have tribal ID be refused the vote ?
Tribal ID has not been accepted in a number of states in the past , including North Dakota and Minnesota .
In some places the problem is that the tribal ID may not have a residential street address , because those do not exist on many reservations , or that government entities have in their records an address that was arbitrarily assigned to people with non-standard addresses , and that address does not match another assigned address on a different government list @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , we honestly won ’ t know how big an issue it is until people try to vote .
We ’ ve heard about felony disenfranchisement in black communities , especially in states like Florida .
Does this impact Native Americans too ?
It ’ s a major unstudied issue but what we do know is that laws passed after Reconstruction and the VRA specifically to disenfranchise African Americans were also passed in places which didn ’ t have black people .
For example , Idaho put in place felony disenfranchisement around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a time when census data shows there were only 88 black people – it was designed to disenfranchise Native people .
Half the states with harshest felony disenfranchisement don ’ t have many black people , but have big Native Americans or Latino populations .
Why are the Dakotas so important in the struggle for equality at the ballot box ?
The Dakotas are the heart of what was the great Sioux Nations , who put together a cross-nation resistance to the incursion by Europeans , US military and militias .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worst massacres took place and it ’ s been one of the worst places for suppression of the Native American vote .
North Dakota has passed one law after another that made it harder and harder for people to vote , which I think [ most recently ] was a retaliation to further disenfranchise Native people for standing up against the Dakota Access pipeline .
In South Dakota , more than a quarter of the 2016 registered voters in Todd county – which is the Rosebud Sioux – had been purged by 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an unorganized county , so the administration of elections is handled by an adjacent white county .
These are red states , so little donor money goes into voting rights , but the white population is ageing , and younger whites are leaving the state .
It ’ s going to be fascinating to watch how the Dakotas deal with the much larger Native American voting populations over the next 10 years .
Which are the states to watch in this election for potential voter suppression of Native American votes ?
Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has all of the above issues ; Montana , which can be considered a success story with regards to Native American representation in recent years , but where a lack of in-person voting could have a big impact .
Alaska and Nevada have issues , and of course the Dakotas .

The US may face its biggest ever ballot brawl this November. Sign up to our weekly email Fight to Vote to stay informed on election integrity and voting rights.
Voter suppression has taken centre stage in the race to elect potentially the 46th president of the United States. But we’ve heard little about the 5.2 million Native Americans whose ancestors have called this land home before there was a US president.
The rights of indigenous communities – including the right to vote – have been systematically violated for generations with devastating consequences for access to clean air and water, health, education, economic opportunities, housing and sovereignty. Voter turnout for Native Americans and Alaskan Natives is the lowest in the country, and about one in three eligible voters (1.2 million people) are not registered to vote, according to the National Congress of American Indians.
In a new book, Voting in Indian County: The View from the Trenches, Jean Reith Schroedel, professor emerita of political science at Claremont Graduate University, weaves together historical and contemporary voting rights conflicts.
Is the right to vote struggle for Native Americans distinct from the wider struggle faced by marginalized groups in the US?
One thing few Americans understand is that American Indians and Native Alaskans were the last group in the United States to get citizenship and to get the vote. Even after the civil war and the Reconstruction (13th, 14th and 15th) amendments there was a supreme court decision that said indigenous people could never become US citizens, and some laws used to disenfranchise them were still in place in 1975. In fact first-generation violations used to deny – not just dilute voting rights – were in place for much longer for Native Americans than any other group. It’s impossible to understand contemporary voter suppression in Indian Country without understanding this historical context.
Why didn’t the American Indian Citizenship Act 1924 nor the Voting Rights Act (VRA) 1965 guarantee Native Americans equal access to the ballot box?
The motivation for the VRA was the egregious treatment of black people in the south, and for the first 10 years there was a question over whether it even applied to American Indian and Native Alaskan populations. It wasn’t really discussed until a civil rights commission report in 1975 which included cases from South Dakota and Arizona that showed equally egregious discrimination and absolute denial of right to vote towards Native Americans – and also Latinos.
When voter suppression is discussed by politicians, advocates and journalists, it’s mostly about African American voters, and to a lesser degree Latinos. Why are Native Americans still excluded from the conversation?
Firstly they are a small population and secondly most of the most egregious abuses routinely occur in rural isolated parts of Indian Country where there is little media focus. But it’s happening – take Jackson county in South Dakota, a state where the governor has done little to protect people from Covid. The county council has just decided to close the legally mandated early voting centre on the Pine Ridge Reservation, citing concerns about Covid, but not in the voting site in Kadoka, where the white people go. Regardless of the intent, this will absolutely have a detrimental effect on Native people’s ability to vote. And South Dakota, like many other states, is also a very hard place for Native people to vote by mail. In the primary, the number of people who registered to vote by mail increased by 1,000% overall but there was no increase among reservation communities. In Oglala county, which includes the eastern part of Pine Ridge, turnout was about 10%.
The right to vote by mail is a hot political and civil rights issue in the 2020 election – could it help increase turnout in Indian Country?
No, voting by mail is very challenging for Native Americans for multiple reasons. First and foremost, most reservations do not have home mail delivery. Instead, people need to travel to post offices or postal provide sites – little places that offer minimal mail services and are located in places like gas stations and mini-marts. Take the Navajo Nation that encompasses 27,425 square miles – it’s larger than West Virginia, yet there are only 40 places where people can send and receive mail. In West Virginia, there are 725. Not a single PO box on the Navajo Nation has 24-hour access.
Not a single PO box on the Navajo has 24-hour access
Preliminary data from my new research shows that all the mail sent from post offices off-reservation arrived at the election office within one to three days. Whereas around half sent from the reservation took three to 10 days. Rural whites are doing a whole lot better than rural Native Americans. This isn’t the only challenge: South Dakota requires mail ballots to be notarized but there are no notaries on reservations. And the level of trust in voting is generally low among Native Americans, but drops dramatically when asked about voting by mail.
Are Native Americans denied the right to vote because of ID requirements mandated by some states, supposedly to curtail voter fraud?
It can make it very difficult for people who live on reservations where many roads don’t have names or numbers – so-called non-standard addresses, which are very problematic in states requiring IDs with residential addresses. A number of states like South Dakota have chosen to make it a felony offense with prison terms and fines if someone votes using an address different to the one given to register, even though unstable housing is a big issue on reservations, and people crash in different places all the time.
Will Native Americans who only have tribal ID be refused the vote?
Tribal ID has not been accepted in a number of states in the past, including North Dakota and Minnesota. In some places the problem is that the tribal ID may not have a residential street address, because those do not exist on many reservations, or that government entities have in their records an address that was arbitrarily assigned to people with non-standard addresses, and that address does not match another assigned address on a different government list. But with respect to the upcoming election, we honestly won’t know how big an issue it is until people try to vote.
We’ve heard about felony disenfranchisement in black communities, especially in states like Florida. Does this impact Native Americans too?
It’s a major unstudied issue but what we do know is that laws passed after Reconstruction and the VRA specifically to disenfranchise African Americans were also passed in places which didn’t have black people. For example, Idaho put in place felony disenfranchisement around when it became the state, at a time when census data shows there were only 88 black people – it was designed to disenfranchise Native people. Half the states with harshest felony disenfranchisement don’t have many black people, but have big Native Americans or Latino populations.
Why are the Dakotas so important in the struggle for equality at the ballot box?
The Dakotas are the heart of what was the great Sioux Nations, who put together a cross-nation resistance to the incursion by Europeans, US military and militias. It’s a flashpoint where some of the worst massacres took place and it’s been one of the worst places for suppression of the Native American vote. North Dakota has passed one law after another that made it harder and harder for people to vote, which I think [most recently] was a retaliation to further disenfranchise Native people for standing up against the Dakota Access pipeline.
North Dakota has passed one law after another that made it harder and harder for people to vote
In South Dakota, more than a quarter of the 2016 registered voters in Todd county – which is the Rosebud Sioux – had been purged by 2020. This is huge. Todd county is an unorganized county, so the administration of elections is handled by an adjacent white county. These are red states, so little donor money goes into voting rights, but the white population is ageing, and younger whites are leaving the state. It’s going to be fascinating to watch how the Dakotas deal with the much larger Native American voting populations over the next 10 years.
Which are the states to watch in this election for potential voter suppression of Native American votes?
Arizona because it is a swing state and has all of the above issues; Montana, which can be considered a success story with regards to Native American representation in recent years, but where a lack of in-person voting could have a big impact. Alaska and Nevada have issues, and of course the Dakotas.


theguardian--2020-10-16--'It's all fake': Trump's manufacturing jobs promises ring hollow in midwest

“ I didn ’ t back down from my promises – and I ’ ve kept every single one , ” Donald Trump told the Republican national convention in August as he campaigned for a second term .
As the election nears , some of America ’ s hard-hit manufacturing workers are not convinced .
Shannon Mulcahy of Whitestown , Indiana , voted for Trump in the last election .
This time his rival Joe Biden will get her vote .
For 18 years she worked at the Rexnord steel bearings plant in Indianapolis before it shut down in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was one of 300 workers who lost their jobs .
Trump publicly criticized the plant ’ s closure in 2016 and 2017 , blaming the decision on the Obama administration and threatening to increase taxes on products made by companies like Rexnord in retaliation for moving jobs abroad .
But in 2018 the company cited $ 55m in savings from US tax reform in the wake of Trump ’ s tax cuts in December 2017 .
Mulcahy said she feels betrayed by the jobs promises Trump made throughout his 2016 election campaign .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggled with depression while trying to find other work .
She ’ s managed to find a new job , though it pays significantly lower than what she was making at the plant .
“ There are a lot of plant closings he could have stopped .
He talked the talk everyone wanted to hear about saving jobs .
I don ’ t see him saving any jobs , ” said Mulcahy .
“ I think it ’ s all fake .
It ’ s all a campaign thing .
He ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Trump won the 2016 election in part with his promise to keep manufacturing jobs like Mulcahy ’ s in the US .
A promise that helped him win former Democratic voters across the midwest ’ s manufacturing states .
Those promises have done little to turn around the long-term decline of manufacturing in the US .
The US gained roughly 500,000 manufacturing jobs between 2016 and 2019 , according to an analysis by the Economics Policy Institute .
Trump ’ s trade wars hurt manufacturing but then came the coronavirus pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ September , the sector is still 647,000 jobs short of where it was in February before the pandemic hit the US .
In the meantime , nearly 1,800 US factories disappeared between 2016 and 2018 , including several high-profile plants throughout midwestern swing states that were key to Trump ’ s election win .
Few people have had such a close view of the decline of manufacturing in the US as Chuck Jones .
Jones worked at the Rexnord plant in Indiana for over 40 years , and also served as president of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers at the Carrier plant in Indianapolis , Indiana , where Trump has repeatedly claimed he saved jobs from being outsourced to Mexico .
Carrier shut down a factory in Huntington , Indiana , in 2017 resulting in the loss of 700 jobs as work moved to Mexico .
Several assembly lines at the Indianapolis plant were also sent abroad , resulting in the loss of more than 600 jobs in 2017 and 2018 .
“ We put up a hell of a fight as far as rallies , protests , and trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ picked up on it .
He kept on mentioning Carrier during his campaign speeches and claiming if he was president , it wouldn ’ t happen , ” said Jones .
“ Almost four years into his term , he hasn ’ t proved at all he brought jobs back .
There ’ s the biggest trade deficit with China in history , ” added Jones .
“ People have to open their eyes up and realize he isn ’ t what he said he was .
He ’ s had four years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hell would anybody vote for him again under those circumstances.
” In Burlington , Iowa , Robert Morrison was forced to take early retirement when the steam turbine factory operated by Siemens where he worked for over 30 years shut down and moved production overseas in January 2019 .
One hundred and twenty-five workers were laid off due to the closure .
“ We reached out to President Trump and sent letters , emails , made phone calls .
The White House official response to the email I sent was that this was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was nothing they could do , ” said Morrison .
“ We were abandoned and betrayed , not only by Siemens , but also by President Trump.
” In Ohio , annual job growth declined from 36,200 jobs in 2016 to 3,700 in 2019 .
In July 2017 , Trump held a rally in Youngstown , Ohio , claiming the General Motors jobs in the area were “ coming back ” , and told his supporters : “ Don ’ t move , don ’ t sell your house.
” On the day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , GM cut 2,000 jobs at its Lordstown plant in Ohio .
The next year General Motors announced it would shut down its Lordstown plant for good as part of a plan to cut another 14,000 jobs in the US .
The news came even as GM received a tax windfall of $ 157m in the first three months of 2018 due to Trump ’ s tax cuts , which Trump and the company had praised as a job creator .
“ Promises were made , promises were broken , ” said Timothy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Local 1112 president and retired GM worker who worked at the plant for 41 years .
“ I ended up selling my house and moved to Kentucky .
It was ironic that was what Trump said not to do , hundreds of members of UAW Local 1112 members who worked at the GM plant ended up having to do it because they moved all across the country to keep working with General Motors.
” In September 2020 , during a campaign stop in Lordstown , Ohio , Trump falsely claimed the area ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lordstown Motors , which bought the plant and is producing electric truck vehicles , is slowly rolling out job opportunities with plans to employ 500 workers by the end of 2020 .
GM ’ s Lordstown plant employed 4,500 people in 2017 .
“ They can talk about how it ’ s going to be something good for the Mahoning Valley , to the little extent it will be , but it won ’ t be the same as the jobs lost when GM closed that facility , ” added O ’ Hara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Lordstown plant shut down , the third plant closure he experienced while working at General Motors for 20 years .
His fiancee , Cheryl , relocated to Tennessee to continue working for General Motors while Denison is currently trying to sell their house in Lordstown .
“ My family is still split up , ” said Denison .
“ So far Trump has done nothing but lie to the people around the midwest , the US , and the entire world about Lordstown .
”

“I didn’t back down from my promises – and I’ve kept every single one,” Donald Trump told the Republican national convention in August as he campaigned for a second term. As the election nears, some of America’s hard-hit manufacturing workers are not convinced.
Shannon Mulcahy of Whitestown, Indiana, voted for Trump in the last election. This time his rival Joe Biden will get her vote. For 18 years she worked at the Rexnord steel bearings plant in Indianapolis before it shut down in 2017, moving operations to Mexico. Mulcahy was one of 300 workers who lost their jobs.
Trump publicly criticized the plant’s closure in 2016 and 2017, blaming the decision on the Obama administration and threatening to increase taxes on products made by companies like Rexnord in retaliation for moving jobs abroad. But in 2018 the company cited $55m in savings from US tax changes in the wake of Trump’s tax cuts in December 2017.
Rexnord of Indiana is moving to Mexico and rather viciously firing all of its 300 workers. This is happening all over our country. No more! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 3, 2016
Mulcahy said she feels betrayed by the jobs promises Trump made throughout his 2016 election campaign. Since losing her job, Mulcahy has struggled with depression while trying to find other work. She’s managed to find a new job, though it pays significantly lower than what she was making at the plant.
“There are a lot of plant closings he could have stopped. He talked the talk everyone wanted to hear about saving jobs. I don’t see him saving any jobs,” said Mulcahy. “I think it’s all fake. It’s all a campaign thing. He’s telling people what they want to hear.”
Trump won the 2016 election in part with his promise to keep manufacturing jobs like Mulcahy’s in the US. A promise that helped him win former Democratic voters across the midwest’s manufacturing states.
Those promises have done little to turn around the long-term decline of manufacturing in the US. The US gained roughly 500,000 manufacturing jobs between 2016 and 2019, according to an analysis by the Economics Policy Institute. Trump’s trade wars hurt manufacturing but then came the coronavirus pandemic. Even after adding 66,000 manufacturing jobs in September, the sector is still 647,000 jobs short of where it was in February before the pandemic hit the US.
In the meantime, nearly 1,800 US factories disappeared between 2016 and 2018, including several high-profile plants throughout midwestern swing states that were key to Trump’s election win.
Few people have had such a close view of the decline of manufacturing in the US as Chuck Jones. Jones worked at the Rexnord plant in Indiana for over 40 years, and also served as president of United Steelworkers Local 1999, which represents workers at the Carrier plant in Indianapolis, Indiana, where Trump has repeatedly claimed he saved jobs from being outsourced to Mexico.
Carrier shut down a factory in Huntington, Indiana, in 2017 resulting in the loss of 700 jobs as work moved to Mexico. Several assembly lines at the Indianapolis plant were also sent abroad, resulting in the loss of more than 600 jobs in 2017 and 2018.
Trump blamed Jones personally for Carrier exporting jobs to Mexico.
“We put up a hell of a fight as far as rallies, protests, and trying to get the word out. Trump picked up on it. He kept on mentioning Carrier during his campaign speeches and claiming if he was president, it wouldn’t happen,” said Jones.
Chuck Jones, who is President of United Steelworkers 1999, has done a terrible job representing workers. No wonder companies flee country! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 8, 2016
“Almost four years into his term, he hasn’t proved at all he brought jobs back. There’s the biggest trade deficit with China in history,” added Jones. “People have to open their eyes up and realize he isn’t what he said he was. He’s had four years to prove it. Why in the hell would anybody vote for him again under those circumstances.”
In Burlington, Iowa, Robert Morrison was forced to take early retirement when the steam turbine factory operated by Siemens where he worked for over 30 years shut down and moved production overseas in January 2019. One hundred and twenty-five workers were laid off due to the closure.
“We reached out to President Trump and sent letters, emails, made phone calls. The White House official response to the email I sent was that this was a state or local matter and there was nothing they could do,” said Morrison. “We were abandoned and betrayed, not only by Siemens, but also by President Trump.”
In Ohio, annual job growth declined from 36,200 jobs in 2016 to 3,700 in 2019. In July 2017, Trump held a rally in Youngstown, Ohio, claiming the General Motors jobs in the area were “coming back”, and told his supporters: “Don’t move, don’t sell your house.”
On the day Trump was inaugurated, 20 January 2017, GM cut 2,000 jobs at its Lordstown plant in Ohio. The next year General Motors announced it would shut down its Lordstown plant for good as part of a plan to cut another 14,000 jobs in the US. The news came even as GM received a tax windfall of $157m in the first three months of 2018 due to Trump’s tax cuts, which Trump and the company had praised as a job creator.
President-elect Donald Trump tours a Carrier factory in Indianapolis, Indiana, on 1 December 2016. Photograph: Mike Segar/Reuters
“Promises were made, promises were broken,” said Timothy O’Hara, a former UAW Local 1112 president and retired GM worker who worked at the plant for 41 years. “I ended up selling my house and moved to Kentucky. It was ironic that was what Trump said not to do, hundreds of members of UAW Local 1112 members who worked at the GM plant ended up having to do it because they moved all across the country to keep working with General Motors.”
In September 2020, during a campaign stop in Lordstown, Ohio, Trump falsely claimed the area’s economy was “booming”. Lordstown Motors, which bought the plant and is producing electric truck vehicles, is slowly rolling out job opportunities with plans to employ 500 workers by the end of 2020. GM’s Lordstown plant employed 4,500 people in 2017.
“They can talk about how it’s going to be something good for the Mahoning Valley, to the little extent it will be, but it won’t be the same as the jobs lost when GM closed that facility,” added O’Hara.
Chuckie Denison took early retirement when the Lordstown plant shut down, the third plant closure he experienced while working at General Motors for 20 years.
His fiancee, Cheryl, relocated to Tennessee to continue working for General Motors while Denison is currently trying to sell their house in Lordstown.
“My family is still split up,” said Denison. “So far Trump has done nothing but lie to the people around the midwest, the US, and the entire world about Lordstown.”


theguardian--2020-10-16--Timeline: how 2020 US election scenarios could play out

Biden also has an army of lawyers at the ready Biden 's lawyers are planning a `` voter protection program @ @ @ @ @ of voter suppression and intimidation .
They 'll also have to respond to the Trump @ @ @ @ @

Biden also has an army of lawyers at the ready
Biden's lawyers are planning a "voter protection program" to respond to efforts of voter suppression and intimidation. They'll also have to respond to the Trump campaign's legal maneuvers.