theguardian--2020-01-13--Revealed: US listed climate activist group as ‘extremists’ alongside mass killers

A group of US environmental activists engaged in non-violent civil disobedience targeting the oil industry have been listed in internal Department of Homeland Security documents as “ extremists ” and some of its members listed alongside white nationalists and mass killers , documents obtained by the Guardian reveal .
The group have been dubbed the Valve Turners , after closing the valves on pipelines in four states carrying crude oil from Canada ’ s tar sands on 11 October , 2016 , which accounted for about 15 % of US daily consumption .
It was described as the largest coordinated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few hours the oil stopped flowing .
The five climate activists , members of Climate Direct Action , cut their way through fencing and turned the valves .
The activists notified the energy companies whose pipelines were being disrupted and posted videos of their protest online and waited patiently to be arrested .
They ’ ve since been dubbed the “ Valve Turners , ” profiled in the New York Times magazine , and featured in a recent documentary titled The Reluctant Radical .
Their trials have also tested the willingness of courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the necessity defense – the idea that a criminal action is justified if it helps to prevent greater future harm–as part of a legal strategy .
But the group ’ s actions attracted the attention of the DHS .
In a recent intelligence bulletin evaluating domestic terrorism threats between 2018 and 2020 , the department included the Valve Turners and described the group as “ suspected environmental rights extremists ” .
The document also listed two of the group ’ s members alongside violent white supremacists and other extremists who have engaged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behind the racist 2015 slaying of 9 black church-goers in Charleston , South Carolina .
The document obtained by the non-profit Property of the People through a Foia request defines domestic terrorism as “ any act of violence that is dangerous to human life or potentially destructive of critical infrastructure or key resources ” and that is intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population or government body .
The assessment is directed at departmental leadership and is based on a review of roughly 80 violent incidents between 2014 and 2017 , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to an uptick in “ sabotage attacks ” conducted by anarchist extremists , environmental rights and animal rights extremists against the Dakota Access pipeline in 2016 at the height of the pipeline protest .
Nearly 800 activists have been tried on a variety of North Dakota state charges , in relation to the pipeline protests , according to Water Protector Legal Collective , a legal support organization .
This activity was met with heavy law enforcement presence , FBI and DHS surveillance , and aggressive military style tactics deployed by pipeline security contractors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of domestic terrorism threats the document includes an appendix summarizing select incidents over the past few years .
Two of the Valve Turners are listed alongside violent white supremacists such as Dylann Roof and James Fields who have both been convicted of murdering innocent civilians .
Roof killed 9 black churchgoers in a rampage in South Carolina .
Fields drove his car into a group of activists protesting a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville , VA killing one and injuring at least 19 others .
The document also states that “ racial and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary drivers of terrorist attacks in the United States during this time .
Mike German , a former FBI agent who is now a fellow with the Brennan Center for Justice , wrote in an email that the DHS framing is “ highly misleading because white supremacists are responsible for the bulk of this violence and almost all of the fatalities that result , ” German said in an email .
“ There is little evidence , ” he added , “ that environmentalists have engaged in the types of deadly violence that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorism , as codified by Congress ” .
The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to multiple requests for comment .
Sam Jessup , one of the activists named in the document , said the bulletin sheds light on the role law enforcement and intelligence agencies have played in suppressing dissent .
“ Equating mass murder by white supremacists with what Michael and I did is totally obscene , ” Jessup said in an email .
“ This whole infrastructure of so-called security has done little more than secure the future of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into silence.
” Jessup , a 34-year-old who had served as a driver and videographer live streaming the action in North Dakota .
Michael Foster , a former family therapist who lives in Seattle , turned the valve .
Foster said even though the action involved a high level of legal risk , it was a small price to pay in light of the cascading impacts of climate change .
“ The only way to force society to change fast enough is to refuse to participate and fill the jails , ” Foster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convicted on felony conspiracy charges and Foster spent six months in jail .
During closing arguments the prosecutor compared Foster to the Unabomber and the 9/11 hijackers .
He ’ s now on probation and barred from engaging in direct action protest for another two years .
In the more than three years since the action , several states have passed legislation making it a crime to trespass on property containing critical infrastructure.The Trump administration has advocated for stiffer penalties against activists who engage in non-violent direct action targeting fossil fuel infrastructure .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Water Protector Legal Collective , which has defended a number of DAPL protesters , says the push to criminalize dissent is part of a larger right wing strategy that has also targeted the BDS movement and Black Lives Matter .
“ I think there is a strategy that right wing forces are using to criminalize dissent , ” Williams said .
“ This bulletin shows that dirty hand.
” But Williams also says it shows that these same movements are making inroads .
“ Liberation movements know that this is happening and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
“ They ’ re doing this because they ’ re afraid of the power of these movements .
”

A group of US environmental activists engaged in non-violent civil disobedience targeting the oil industry have been listed in internal Department of Homeland Security documents as “extremists” and some of its members listed alongside white nationalists and mass killers, documents obtained by the Guardian reveal.
The group have been dubbed the Valve Turners, after closing the valves on pipelines in four states carrying crude oil from Canada’s tar sands on 11 October 2016 which accounted for about 15% of US daily consumption. It was described as the largest coordinated action of its kind and for a few hours the oil stopped flowing.
The five climate activists, members of Climate Direct Action, cut their way through fencing and turned the valves. The activists notified the energy companies whose pipelines were being disrupted and posted videos of their protest online and waited patiently to be arrested.
They have since been dubbed the “Valve Turners”, profiled in the New York Times magazine and featured in a recent documentary titled The Reluctant Radical. Their trials have also tested the willingness of courts to allow climate activists to make use of the necessity defense – the idea that a criminal action is justified if it helps to prevent greater future harm – as part of a legal strategy.
But the group’s actions attracted the attention of the DHS.
In a recent intelligence bulletin evaluating domestic terrorism threats between 2018 and 2020, the department included the Valve Turners and described the group as “suspected environmental rights extremists”.
The document also listed two of the group’s members alongside violent white supremacists and other extremists who have engaged in mass killings, including the man behind the racist 2015 slaying of nine black churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina.
The document obtained by the not-for-profit Property of the People through a Foia request defines domestic terrorism as “any act of violence that is dangerous to human life or potentially destructive of critical infrastructure or key resources” and that is intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population or government body. The assessment is directed at departmental leadership and is based on a review of roughly 80 violent incidents between 2014 and 2017, according to the document.
The document points to an uptick in “sabotage attacks” conducted by anarchist extremists, environmental rights and animal rights extremists against the Dakota Access pipeline in 2016 at the height of the pipeline protest. Nearly 800 activists have been tried on a variety of North Dakota state charges, in relation to the pipeline protests, according to Water Protector Legal Collective, a legal support organization.
This activity was met with heavy law enforcement presence, FBI and DHS surveillance, and aggressive military style tactics deployed by pipeline security contractors.
In addition to providing an overview of domestic terrorism threats the document includes an appendix summarizing select incidents over the past few years. Two of the Valve Turners are listed alongside violent white supremacists such as Dylann Roof and James Fields, who have both been convicted of murdering innocent civilians. Roof killed nine black churchgoers in a rampage in South Carolina. Fields drove his car into a group of activists protesting a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, killing one and injuring at least 19 others.
The document also states that “racial and environmentally themed ideologies” were among the primary drivers of terrorist attacks in the United States during this time.
Mike German, a former FBI agent who is now a fellow with the Brennan Center for Justice, wrote in an email that the DHS framing was “highly misleading because white supremacists are responsible for the bulk of this violence and almost all of the fatalities that result”. “There is little evidence,” he added, “that environmentalists have engaged in the types of deadly violence that would meet the statutory definition of domestic terrorism, as codified by Congress”.
The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Sam Jessup, one of the activists named in the document, said the bulletin shed light on the role law enforcement and intelligence agencies have played in suppressing dissent.
“Equating mass murder by white supremacists with what Michael and I did is totally obscene,” Jessup said in an email. “This whole infrastructure of so-called security has done little more than secure the future of the fossil fuel industry by terrorizing people into silence.”
Jessup, 34, served as a driver and videographer, live-streaming the action in North Dakota. Michael Foster, a former family therapist who lives in Seattle, turned the valve.
Foster said even though the action involved a high level of legal risk, it was a small price to pay in light of the cascading impacts of climate change.
“The only way to force society to change fast enough is to refuse to participate and fill the jails,” Foster said.
Both he and Jessup were convicted on felony conspiracy charges and Foster spent six months in jail. During closing arguments the prosecutor compared Foster to the Unabomber and the 9/11 hijackers. He is now on probation and barred from engaging in direct action protest for another two years.
In the more than three years since the action , several states have passed legislation making it a crime to trespass on property containing critical infrastructure.The Trump administration has advocated for stiffer penalties against activists who engage in non-violent direct action targeting fossil fuel infrastructure.
Carl Williams, executive director of the Water Protector Legal Collective, which has defended a number of DAPL protesters, says the push to criminalize dissent is part of a larger rightwing strategy that has also targeted the BDS movement and Black Lives Matter.
“I think there is a strategy that rightwing forces are using to criminalize dissent,” Williams said. “This bulletin shows that dirty hand.”
But Williams also says it shows that these same movements are making inroads. “Liberation movements know that this is happening and we’re fighting against it,” he said. “They’re doing this because they’re afraid of the power of these movements.”
Adam Federman is a reporting fellow with Type Investigations.


theguardian--2020-01-13--Swing voters on Trump: 'He drives me crazy but he'll get my vote'

It is Neil Shaffer ’ s job to get Donald Trump re-elected in a patch of rural Iowa that saw the largest swing in voters in the country from America ’ s first black president to one of its most divisive in 2016 .
But even Shaffer , the Republican party chair in Howard county , is not sure he ’ ll be voting for Trump again .
The voters who migrated from Barack Obama to Trump in the county on Iowa ’ s border with Minnesota were among nearly 8 million across the US who switched parties four years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa they were decisive in delivering the White House to the Republicans .
Shaffer is confident that Trump can win their support again .
He argues that what the president ’ s opponents see as his negatives – his litany of false claims , Twitter battles and impeachment – will only strengthen a presidential campaign again built around the image of the outsider fighting the system .
“ He ’ s still a Don Quixote .
People like that .
They like a fighter , ” said Shaffer .
But the Republican county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in river conservation , is not without doubts .
He calls himself a 60/40 Republican because he likes most of what he sees about Trump .
Shaffer thinks the president has been good for the economy and is pleased with his conservative picks for the supreme court .
Shaffer also rates Trump for not getting the country into any big wars , unlike the last Republican in the White House – at least for now , as the world awaits the fallout of the US assassination of the Iranian general Qassem Suleimani .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ divisiveness , deeply dislikes his hostility to immigrants and wishes he would get off Twitter .
So while he is already mapping out the president ’ s campaign in Howard county , he has also been checking out the Democratic presidential contenders .
“ I ’ ve toyed with this whole idea of Pete Buttigieg just because I love his positive message .
That was what was so endearing about Ronald Reagan .
It was always that shining city on the hill .
Morning in America .
Tomorrow ’ s a new day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ na be better , ” he said of one of the Democratic frontrunners in Iowa .
“ I went and saw Pete Buttigieg in Decorah .
Sounded very moderate , very positive .
Hardly even mentioned Trump , which I like .
I like to listen to the plans not just the negativity.
” Howard county led a slew of counties across the midwest that flipped from Obama to Trump by significant margins four years ago and snatched the White House from Hillary Clinton even though she won the popular vote .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump in Howard county , alongside the surge in support for him in other parts of north-eastern Iowa , helped deliver the state to the president by the biggest Republican margin since Reagan ’ s first victory in 1980 .
In other midwestern states , big swings were instrumental in squeezing out narrow victories .
In Wisconsin , Trump overturned a 213,000-vote margin for Obama in 2012 to win by less than 23,000 or 0.77 % of the ballot .
In Michigan , the president pulled off the narrowest margin of victory in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state with a win by just 10,704 votes .
This week , and at various stages in the run-up to the 2020 presidential election , the Guardian is returning to three counties in Iowa , Wisconsin and Michigan that flipped from Obama to Trump to ask which way they will go in November .
Trump knows he can count on his core supporters , the ones frequently seen on television screens in Maga hats during his rallies .
They will excuse him of almost anything .
But victory in counties like Howard – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents and 98 % white – depends on a different set of voters .
Among them are women like spa owner Holly Rasmussen , who backed Obama twice and then flipped to Trump because she wanted to “ shake things up ” .
Rasmussen is typical of a kind of voter found across swing counties who have plenty of doubts about the president but give him credit for one big thing – the economy – and have yet to be presented with a reason not to vote for him again even as Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white nationalist , climate crisis denier and over dealings with Ukraine that have drawn accusations of treason .
Rasmussen backed Trump in 2016 because she was “ completely sick ” of what she regarded as government overregulation of her cosmetology school , which she closed in frustration , opening a spa and salon in its place .
Mostly she thinks Trump has done what he said he would .
Rasmussen mentions a commonly heard observation in Howard county that there are more jobs than workers even though one in 10 of the population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If you don ’ t have a job you ’ re not looking , ” she said .
“ The factories have trouble finding workers … That is one thing I think is a lot better and I think that is one thing President Trump did do right.
” Confidence in the economy has risen sharply during Trump ’ s three years in office and the president gets a good deal of credit for that even if Democrats say the ground was laid by Obama or question the quality of those jobs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ him in parts of America where steady work at decent pay can still be found even if few people feel prosperous .
For that they are prepared to forgive Trump other sins .
Rasmussen largely ignored the impeachment hearings until she caught a news report on a morning television show and began to pay attention .
But she thinks the process is politically motivated and so far it has not shifted her support for the president .
But Rasmussen , like a majority of Republicans , is concerned about some of Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The thing that drives me crazy is he just needs to climb down .
I ’ m not a Twitter fan , ” she said .
“ He seems so angry.
” Still , when Trump claims he is being unfairly treated there ’ s a twinge of recognition among those voters who see an east coast liberal establishment that has painted them as white supremacists and fellow travellers for voting for him .
For those who supported Obama and then jumped to Trump , accusations of racism don ’ t add @ @ @ @ @ @ @ smear intended to discount concerns whether it ’ s about the deepening struggle of the middle class to stay afloat financially or communities that feel increasingly alienated and left behind .
Rasmussen said she isn ’ t locked into voting for Trump again but so far hasn ’ t been persuaded not to , although like many others she is waiting to see who the Democratic candidate is .
“ I ’ m very open-minded , and I was last time , ” she said .
“ I don ’ t see a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the people I talk to .
They ’ ll say the same thing .
Zip it a little bit .
Bring it in .
Calm down .
But I don ’ t see them saying I ’ m not going to vote for him because he won ’ t do that.
” Some Democrats are tempted to turn away from the midwest , retreating from fighting to win a region that is whiter and older than many other parts of the country in favour of focusing on young and minority voters to deliver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ south .
But states such as Michigan and Wisconsin remain within reach for the Democrats and are crucial in putting together the electoral college votes to win the White House .
In Iowa , the challenge for Democrats is to flip back voters like Rasmussen , or find new ones to offset her support for Trump , and again win a state Obama took with two thumping victories .
In Howard county that falls to Laura Hubka , a US navy veteran who chairs the local Democratic party and who , like Shaffer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past four years .
Hubka was an enthusiastic Bernie Sanders supporter in 2016 .
After Clinton lost the election , she quit the party in disillusionment and wrote a furious denunciation of the Democrats under the headline “ We are not the ones we were waiting for ” .
“ We say ‘ the truth is on our side , ’ but what if we are part of the lie ?
” wrote Hubka who was a member of the Iowa Democratic state central committee and chair of the party in Howard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the party ’ s 2016 campaign was out of touch with the “ 99 % of American people who are struggling to work , live , eat and find some sort of American dream ” because the Democrats stopped talking to ordinary people and took their votes for granted .
In March 2018 , Hubka returned to the Democrats and again became the party chair in Howard county .
But she is not convinced that the party ’ s national leadership has learned the lessons she flagged up in her resignation blog @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they ’ ve come very far on it , ” she said .
Hubka , though , has changed .
Sanders ’ loss in 2016 was a salutary lesson .
She was drawn in by his plans for publicly funded healthcare for all and his long history of campaigning against income inequality .
Hubka thought the energy of Sanders ’ organisation and support would sweep him to the nomination .
“ And then when we butted up against reality .
I could see where America was and OK , we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This time around , Hubka is backing Buttigieg because she said he is less strident on issues such as healthcare reform , with his plan for a public insurance option alongside private plans .
She also thinks Buttigieg is more appealing and less vulnerable to attack on his record than Joe Biden .
The latest pollhas Buttigieg in a three-way tie with Sanders and the former vice-president in next month ’ s Iowa caucus although the Indiana mayor trails behind his closest rivals in national polls .
Hubka also reckons that if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that voters wanted to shake up the system , after four years of Trump they are looking for something different .
“ I feel from people that they want calm .
They ’ re tired .
Trump says crazy shit , ” she said .
Shaffer agrees that many voters are looking for less confrontational leadership and acknowledges that Trump is not the man to calm things down .
“ That ’ s going to be the battle .
Trump thinks the system ’ s a problem whereas Buttigieg or Biden are going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problems .
It ’ s a whole different way of looking at how to solve problems , ” he said .
Which has left Shaffer torn because both appeal to him in their way .
He , like many Americans , wants to see politicians work together but he also wants significant changes to the system .
“ I think my libertarian leanings allow me to be more open-minded to both sides of the political spectrum .
I honestly wouldn ’ t have had a hard time voting for Bill Clinton .
Pete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cultural issues .
Obviously , his gayness is an issue .
But we elected our first black man as president and we came pretty darn close to having our first woman as president .
So I don ’ t see that as that big of an issue today as it was 20 years ago.
” One problem Shaffer won ’ t have to face this year is the indifference of a Trump campaign that never really seemed to believe it could win four years ago .
In 2016 , the GOP county chair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign material to meet an unexpected demand for Vote Trump yard signs that were an early indication he was going to do better than predicted .
“ I had to go to a local sign store and have them design a sign and pay for it , ” he said .
This year , the national Republican party has already sent a campaign instruction manual .
Shaffer and the county GOP leadership held their first meeting on re-election strategy in December .
“ I think our ground game has been pretty well thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There ’ s a lot of apps and types things for door knocking and stuff.
” Shaffer finds that , the economy aside , Trump ’ s primary appeal is in ways that can seem un-Republican .
The president ’ s battles with the military hierarchy and the FBI may not go down well with the GOP leadership but Shaffer reckons Trump ’ s willingness to call it as he sees it has bolstered his credibility with ordinary voters .
“ He exposed the Bushes for being warlike and saying that Iraq @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ A lot of people in the back of their minds thought that .
But for patriotism , you didn ’ t say that.
” That goes down well in a region of the country that has sent disproportionately high number of soldiers to fight and die in conflicts that large numbers of Americans came to see as misguided at best .
“ Why are we going over there fighting wars for oil ?
.
” Trump ’ s order to kill Suleimani earlier this month may yet test the belief that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US into new conflicts .
But his earlier hesitancy to use force , such as the cancellation of a missile attack on Iran in June that would have cost dozens of lives , buys him the benefit of the doubt for now at least with voters who do not see a president as a warmonger .
Shaffer , though , is disturbed by Trump ’ s language about immigrants and the enthusiasm in his county for building a wall on the Mexican border even though he said some of the industrial dairy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heavily reliant on foreign workers .
“ A lot of those are undocumented workers .
It ’ s one of those things that we all know .
No one says anything , ” he said .
“ They are here working .
They ’ re doing a tremendous service for our economy .
I think Trump has politicised the dangers of it , exploited some tragedies , family tragedies for political gain .
Just the like the other side does .
It ’ s sad.
” Trump ’ s language on immigrants and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s view of the president .
In 2004 , with a husband serving on the frontline in Afghanistan , she voted for George W Bush .
Then she backed Obama twice .
In 2016 , she toyed with voting for Trump because she liked his promise to shake up the system and his business-oriented policies .
“ When Trump first came on the scene , I ’ m like , hell , yeah , ” said Gosch who moved to the county capital , Cresco , five years ago for her husband to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business .
“ Then he started talking about the wall and calling all Mexican people criminals .
And I ’ m just like , wait a minute , I ’ m brown.
” Gosch , who is mixed African American and Aborigine , is struck by “ how emboldened people are because the president is emboldening ” of racism .
Her children are biracial and she describes them as looking more Latino than black .
After other pupils saw Gosch at the school gates in Cresco , a 97 % white city , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is now 14 .
“ Ever since we moved here – she was in third grade , she ’ s now in eighth – she has been called a ‘ nigger ’ several times a year in school , ” she said .
Gosch said that the first time her daughter heard the word she did not know what it meant .
“ Then I ’ m having to have the uncomfortable conversation with my child about the history of slavery when she ’ s got a white father in the house.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time but it did not stop the abuse .
So she took to social media .
“ I made it public , calling on the parents to respond to me .
And it was amazing .
I did not get one bad feedback and I was connecting with people that I didn ’ t even know , ” she said .
But while she appreciated that parents came forward to express their support , she said they denied their own children were responsible for abuses and were dismissive of her view that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I feel like especially in this rural white town , people need to be uncomfortable and they need to talk about things .
What I try to convey to people is we ’ re already in dangerous territory with Trump being in office , ” she said .
“ Racism has always been there .
Bigotry has always been there .
People being idiots has always been there .
But it was so hush-hush .
Even the Ku Klux Klan , they wear masks .
But now , when you have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most important position in the universe , and he says things that he ’ s saying , it gives validity to people who are idiots .
”

It is Neil Shaffer’s job to get Donald Trump re-elected in a patch of rural Iowa that saw the largest swing in voters in the country from America’s first black president to one of its most divisive in 2016. But even Shaffer, the Republican party chair in Howard county, is not sure he’ll be voting for Trump again.
The voters who migrated from Barack Obama to Trump in the county on Iowa’s border with Minnesota were among nearly 8 million across the US who switched parties four years ago. In swing states such as Iowa they were decisive in delivering the White House to the Republicans.
Shaffer is confident that Trump can win their support again. He argues that what the president’s opponents see as his negatives – his litany of false claims, Twitter battles and impeachment – will only strengthen a presidential campaign again built around the image of the outsider fighting the system.
“He’s still a Don Quixote. People like that. They like a fighter,” said Shaffer.
But the Republican county chair, a former farmer who works in river conservation, is not without doubts. He calls himself a 60/40 Republican because he likes most of what he sees about Trump. Shaffer thinks the president has been good for the economy and is pleased with his conservative picks for the supreme court.
Downtown Cresco, Iowa, on 11 December 2019. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Shaffer also rates Trump for not getting the country into any big wars, unlike the last Republican in the White House – at least for now, as the world awaits the fallout of the US assassination of the Iranian general Qassem Suleimani.
But Shaffer struggles with Trump’s divisiveness, deeply dislikes his hostility to immigrants and wishes he would get off Twitter. So while he is already mapping out the president’s campaign in Howard county, he has also been checking out the Democratic presidential contenders.
“I’ve toyed with this whole idea of Pete Buttigieg just because I love his positive message. That was what was so endearing about Ronald Reagan. It was always that shining city on the hill. Morning in America. Tomorrow’s a new day, and it’s always gonna be better,” he said of one of the Democratic frontrunners in Iowa. “I went and saw Pete Buttigieg in Decorah. Sounded very moderate, very positive. Hardly even mentioned Trump, which I like. I like to listen to the plans not just the negativity.”
A 40% swing vote from Obama to Trump
Howard county led a slew of counties across the midwest that flipped from Obama to Trump by significant margins four years ago and snatched the White House from Hillary Clinton even though she won the popular vote.
The swing of more than 40% to Trump in Howard county, alongside the surge in support for him in other parts of north-eastern Iowa, helped deliver the state to the president by the biggest Republican margin since Reagan’s first victory in 1980.
In other midwestern states, big swings were instrumental in squeezing out narrow victories. In Wisconsin, Trump overturned a 213,000-vote margin for Obama in 2012 to win by less than 23,000 or 0.77% of the ballot. In Michigan, the president pulled off the narrowest margin of victory in the history of presidential elections in the state with a win by just 10,704 votes.
This week, and at various stages in the run-up to the 2020 presidential election, the Guardian is returning to three counties in Iowa, Wisconsin and Michigan that flipped from Obama to Trump to ask which way they will go in November.
Q&A What’s the swing voters series about? Show The voters who swung to Trump Voters swung from Barack Obama to Donald Trump in Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa in 2016’s presidential election – helping propel him to a narrow victory.
Chris McGreal will report from three key swing voter counties in these states as the 2020 election campaign unfolds, regularly travelling around them, talking to voters, workers, business owners, party activists and strategists.
Will these voters stay with Trump in 2020? Our series will feature regular in depth reporting from: Monroe county, Michigan. Trump won 58% of the vote in 2016 in this mainly white, working class county of around 150,000 people, which is about 25 miles south of Detroit. Some industrial jobs remain in steel and at a nuclear power plant but those who needed to move to find work frequently took non-unionised jobs in healthcare. Forest county, Wisconsin. The northern rural county voted overwhelmingly for Trump having twice backed Barack Obama. In 2008, Obama took 56% of the ballot in the county. Eight years later, Trump won 61%. Howard county, Iowa. One of a bloc of agricultural counties in northeastern Iowa that flipped by large margins and helped deliver the state for Trump. In 2012, it voted 60% for Obama. Four years later, the county went 58% for Trump. Was this helpful? Thank you for your feedback.
Trump knows he can count on his core supporters, the ones frequently seen on television screens in Maga hats during his rallies. They will excuse him of almost anything. But victory in counties like Howard – struggling midwestern farm territory with about 9,000 residents and 98% white – depends on a different set of voters. Among them are women like spa owner Holly Rasmussen, who backed Obama twice and then flipped to Trump because she wanted to “shake things up”.
Rasmussen is typical of a kind of voter found across swing counties who have plenty of doubts about the president but give him credit for one big thing – the economy – and have yet to be presented with a reason not to vote for him again even as Trump’s critics attack him as a white nationalist, climate crisis denier and over dealings with Ukraine that have drawn accusations of treason.
Stocking at a local Fareway Foods in Cresco, Iowa, on 11 December 2019. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Rasmussen backed Trump in 2016 because she was “completely sick” of what she regarded as government overregulation of her cosmetology school, which she closed in frustration, opening a spa and salon in its place.
Mostly she thinks Trump has done what he said he would. Rasmussen mentions a commonly heard observation in Howard county that there are more jobs than workers even though one in 10 of the population lives under the poverty line.
“If you don’t have a job you’re not looking,” she said. “The factories have trouble finding workers … That is one thing I think is a lot better and I think that is one thing President Trump did do right.”
Confidence in the economy has risen sharply during Trump’s three years in office and the president gets a good deal of credit for that even if Democrats say the ground was laid by Obama or question the quality of those jobs. That’s a big plus for him in parts of America where steady work at decent pay can still be found even if few people feel prosperous. For that they are prepared to forgive Trump other sins.
The downtown business district in Cresco, Iowa. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Rasmussen largely ignored the impeachment hearings until she caught a news report on a morning television show and began to pay attention. But she thinks the process is politically motivated and so far it has not shifted her support for the president.
But Rasmussen, like a majority of Republicans, is concerned about some of Trump’s public statements and perpetual tweeting.
“The thing that drives me crazy is he just needs to climb down. I’m not a Twitter fan,” she said. “He seems so angry.”
Still, when Trump claims he is being unfairly treated there’s a twinge of recognition among those voters who see an east coast liberal establishment that has painted them as white supremacists and fellow travellers for voting for him. For those who supported Obama and then jumped to Trump, accusations of racism don’t add up and are mostly interpreted as a smear intended to discount concerns whether it’s about the deepening struggle of the middle class to stay afloat financially or communities that feel increasingly alienated and left behind.
Rasmussen said she isn’t locked into voting for Trump again but so far hasn’t been persuaded not to, although like many others she is waiting to see who the Democratic candidate is.
“I’m very open-minded, and I was last time,” she said. “I don’t see a huge downswing in support for Trump in the people I talk to. They’ll say the same thing. Zip it a little bit. Bring it in. Calm down. But I don’t see them saying I’m not going to vote for him because he won’t do that.”
Cresco courthouse. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Democrats challenge
Some Democrats are tempted to turn away from the midwest, retreating from fighting to win a region that is whiter and older than many other parts of the country in favour of focusing on young and minority voters to deliver victory in emerging battlegrounds such as the south. But states such as Michigan and Wisconsin remain within reach for the Democrats and are crucial in putting together the electoral college votes to win the White House.
In Iowa, the challenge for Democrats is to flip back voters like Rasmussen, or find new ones to offset her support for Trump, and again win a state Obama took with two thumping victories.
In Howard county that falls to Laura Hubka, a US navy veteran who chairs the local Democratic party and who, like Shaffer, has also shifted her thinking over the past four years.
Hubka was an enthusiastic Bernie Sanders supporter in 2016. After Clinton lost the election, she quit the party in disillusionment and wrote a furious denunciation of the Democrats under the headline “We are not the ones we were waiting for”.
“We say ‘the truth is on our side,’ but what if we are part of the lie?” wrote Hubka who was a member of the Iowa Democratic state central committee and chair of the party in Howard county.
Hubka said in the blog that the party’s 2016 campaign was out of touch with the “99% of American people who are struggling to work, live, eat and find some sort of American dream” because the Democrats stopped talking to ordinary people and took their votes for granted.
In March 2018, Hubka returned to the Democrats and again became the party chair in Howard county. But she is not convinced that the party’s national leadership has learned the lessons she flagged up in her resignation blog. “I don’t know that they’ve come very far on it,” she said.
Hubka, though, has changed. Sanders’ loss in 2016 was a salutary lesson. She was drawn in by his plans for publicly funded healthcare for all and his long history of campaigning against income inequality. Hubka thought the energy of Sanders’ organisation and support would sweep him to the nomination.
Laura Hubka. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
“And then when we butted up against reality. I could see where America was and OK, we’re not there yet,” she said.
This time around, Hubka is backing Buttigieg because she said he is less strident on issues such as healthcare reform, with his plan for a public insurance option alongside private plans. She also thinks Buttigieg is more appealing and less vulnerable to attack on his record than Joe Biden.
The latest pollhas Buttigieg in a three-way tie with Sanders and the former vice-president in next month’s Iowa caucus although the Indiana mayor trails behind his closest rivals in national polls.
Hubka also reckons that if the message of the 2016 election was that voters wanted to shake up the system, after four years of Trump they are looking for something different. “I feel from people that they want calm. They’re tired. Trump says crazy shit,” she said.
The battle
Shaffer agrees that many voters are looking for less confrontational leadership and acknowledges that Trump is not the man to calm things down.
“That’s going to be the battle. Trump thinks the system’s a problem whereas Buttigieg or Biden are going to say the system can fix the problems. It’s a whole different way of looking at how to solve problems,” he said.
Which has left Shaffer torn because both appeal to him in their way. He, like many Americans, wants to see politicians work together but he also wants significant changes to the system.
“I think my libertarian leanings allow me to be more open-minded to both sides of the political spectrum. I honestly wouldn’t have had a hard time voting for Bill Clinton. Pete Buttigieg, he’s got some cultural issues. Obviously, his gayness is an issue. But we elected our first black man as president and we came pretty darn close to having our first woman as president. So I don’t see that as that big of an issue today as it was 20 years ago.”
One problem Shaffer won’t have to face this year is the indifference of a Trump campaign that never really seemed to believe it could win four years ago. In 2016, the GOP county chair struggled to get hold even of basic campaign material to meet an unexpected demand for Vote Trump yard signs that were an early indication he was going to do better than predicted.
“I had to go to a local sign store and have them design a sign and pay for it,” he said.
Downtown Cresco, Iowa. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
This year, the national Republican party has already sent a campaign instruction manual. Shaffer and the county GOP leadership held their first meeting on re-election strategy in December.
“I think our ground game has been pretty well thought out. It’s very hi-tech. There’s a lot of apps and types things for door knocking and stuff.”
Shaffer finds that, the economy aside, Trump’s primary appeal is in ways that can seem un-Republican. The president’s battles with the military hierarchy and the FBI may not go down well with the GOP leadership but Shaffer reckons Trump’s willingness to call it as he sees it has bolstered his credibility with ordinary voters.
“He exposed the Bushes for being warlike and saying that Iraq was a mistake,” he said. “A lot of people in the back of their minds thought that. But for patriotism, you didn’t say that.”
That goes down well in a region of the country that has sent disproportionately high number of soldiers to fight and die in conflicts that large numbers of Americans came to see as misguided at best.
“Why are we going over there fighting wars for oil?.”
Trump’s order to kill Suleimani earlier this month may yet test the belief that this is a president reluctant to get the US into new conflicts. But his earlier hesitancy to use force, such as the cancellation of a missile attack on Iran in June that would have cost dozens of lives, buys him the benefit of the doubt for now at least with voters who do not see a president as a warmonger.
Local maintenance on power lines in front of Neil Shaffer’s property in Cresco, Iowa. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Immigration
Shaffer, though, is disturbed by Trump’s language about immigrants and the enthusiasm in his county for building a wall on the Mexican border even though he said some of the industrial dairy and pig farms in the area are heavily reliant on foreign workers.
“A lot of those are undocumented workers. It’s one of those things that we all know. No one says anything,” he said. “They are here working. They’re doing a tremendous service for our economy. I think Trump has politicised the dangers of it, exploited some tragedies, family tragedies for political gain. Just the like the other side does. It’s sad.”
Trump’s language on immigrants and immigration is central to Kelli Gosch’s view of the president.
In 2004, with a husband serving on the frontline in Afghanistan, she voted for George W Bush. Then she backed Obama twice.
In 2016, she toyed with voting for Trump because she liked his promise to shake up the system and his business-oriented policies.
“When Trump first came on the scene, I’m like, hell, yeah,” said Gosch who moved to the county capital, Cresco, five years ago for her husband to work in his family’s plumbing business. “Then he started talking about the wall and calling all Mexican people criminals. And I’m just like, wait a minute, I’m brown.”
Kelli Gosch. Photograph: Jordan Gale/The Guardian
Gosch, who is mixed African American and Aborigine, is struck by “how emboldened people are because the president is emboldening” of racism. Her children are biracial and she describes them as looking more Latino than black. After other pupils saw Gosch at the school gates in Cresco, a 97% white city, they started racially abusing her daughter who is now 14.
“Ever since we moved here – she was in third grade, she’s now in eighth – she has been called a ‘nigger’ several times a year in school,” she said.
Gosch said that the first time her daughter heard the word she did not know what it meant. “Then I’m having to have the uncomfortable conversation with my child about the history of slavery when she’s got a white father in the house.”
Gosch said the school acted swiftly each time but it did not stop the abuse. So she took to social media. “I made it public, calling on the parents to respond to me. And it was amazing. I did not get one bad feedback and I was connecting with people that I didn’t even know,” she said.
But while she appreciated that parents came forward to express their support, she said they denied their own children were responsible for abuses and were dismissive of her view that Trump was creating a climate that legitimised racism.
“I feel like especially in this rural white town, people need to be uncomfortable and they need to talk about things. What I try to convey to people is we’re already in dangerous territory with Trump being in office,” she said.
“Racism has always been there. Bigotry has always been there. People being idiots has always been there. But it was so hush-hush. Even the Ku Klux Klan, they wear masks. But now, when you have the leader of the free world, the most important position in the universe, and he says things that he’s saying, it gives validity to people who are idiots.”


theguardian--2020-01-13--Mitch McConnell is cynically undermining any notion of an honest impeachment trial | Lawrence Dougla

Mitch McConnell is cynically undermining any notion of an honest impeachment trial | Lawrence Douglas

In the Soviet Union , show trials were a legal farce in which the guilt of the accused had been determined well before the hapless defendant was dragged before the court .
But even in the most grotesque of Stalinist proceedings , the court went through the motions of hearing the testimony of witnesses and receiving evidence , even if those motions were entirely pro forma .
Today in America , we are confronted with a sad inversion of the Stalinist show trial : the “ McConnell show trial.
” The McConnell show trial mocks judicial process by loudly trumpeting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trial begins .
In the McConnell show trial , no witnesses need be called , no documents reviewed ; the jury marches to the orders of the accused .
The Constitution requires that senators trying impeachment cases “ shall be on Oath.
” Since 1798 , that special oath – distinct from the oath of office that all members of Congress must take – requires senators to “ do impartial justice.
” In deciding to orchestrate a show trial , Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell has decided to reject this oath , openly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an impartial juror .
This is a political process .
I ’ m not impartial about this at all.
” McConnell ’ s position brazenly expands on the Republican charge that Nancy Pelosi and Jerry Nadler reneged on their commitment not to pursue impeachment unless the process enjoyed bipartisan support .
Admittedly , congressional Republicans have exposed a flaw in Pelosi and Nadler ’ s logic : they assumed that at least some Republicans would be prepared to support impeachment after seeing indisputable evidence that the president engaged in transparently impeachable acts .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ false assumption .
Now we know that House Republicans would rather liken a corrupt and incorrigible chief executive to Jesus at Calvary or the USS Arizona in Pearl Harbor than break with the president .
McConnell , in turn , is now using the Republican ’ s own hyper-partisanship – the reality that no facts concerning the Ukraine scandal , no matter how egregious , would cause Republicans to support Trump ’ s removal – to argue that that the present impeachment lacks the kind of bipartisanship that would conduce to Republican participation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exploits Republican obstructionism to justify yet more obstructionism .
None of this should surprise us .
The sad reality is that Trump ’ s politics of constitutional defiance are less an idiosyncratic aspect of his demagogic leadership and more a feature of recent Republican politics .
In this , McConnell has been the master strategist .
Recall his stunning refusal to grant a hearing to Merrick Garland , President Obama ’ s nominee to the supreme court to fill the vacancy left by Justice Antonin Scalia ’ s death .
In a 150-year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate never once prevented a president from ultimately filling a supreme court vacancy .
McConnell ’ s refusal to consider Obama ’ s choice was more than a break with precedent .
It was an act of constitutional nullification .
To this we can add McConnell ’ s refusal , before the 2016 election , to sign a bipartisan statement condemning Russian interference .
Well before the election , the Obama administration shared intelligence documenting Russian interference with Congressional leaders ; while then-House leader Paul Ryan agreed to sign the statement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one step further , threatening to accuse Obama of trying to influence the outcome for Clinton should the administration issue a statement of condemnation .
In this way , he recklessly torpedoed a bipartisan effort to protect the integrity of a presidential election .
McConnell ’ s acts of hyper-partisanship are less noisy than the president ’ s , but no less effective in poisoning American politics and degrading our constitutional democracy .
Now , on the eve of what should be sober reckoning with presidential malfeasance , he seeks to use the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ create to justify even more toxic acts .
Having gutted the impeachment trial before it has even begun , McConnell has dared the electorate to make him and his party pay a price at the polls .
Whether they will is the great question to be answered in 2020 .
• None Lawrence Douglas is the James J Grosfeld professor of law , jurisprudence and social thought , at Amherst College , Massachusetts .
He is also a contributing opinion writer for Guardian US

In the Soviet Union, show trials were a legal farce in which the guilt of the accused had been determined well before the hapless defendant was dragged before the court. But even in the most grotesque of Stalinist proceedings, the court went through the motions of hearing the testimony of witnesses and receiving evidence, even if those motions were entirely pro forma.
Today in America, we are confronted with a sad inversion of the Stalinist show trial: the “McConnell show trial.” The McConnell show trial mocks judicial process by loudly trumpeting the innocence of the accused before the trial begins. In the McConnell show trial, no witnesses need be called, no documents reviewed; the jury marches to the orders of the accused.
The Constitution requires that senators trying impeachment cases “shall be on Oath.” Since 1798, that special oath – distinct from the oath of office that all members of Congress must take – requires senators to “do impartial justice.” In deciding to orchestrate a show trial, Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell has decided to reject this oath, openly declaring, “I’m not an impartial juror. This is a political process. I’m not impartial about this at all.”
McConnell’s position brazenly expands on the Republican charge that Nancy Pelosi and Jerry Nadler reneged on their commitment not to pursue impeachment unless the process enjoyed bipartisan support. Admittedly, congressional Republicans have exposed a flaw in Pelosi and Nadler’s logic: they assumed that at least some Republicans would be prepared to support impeachment after seeing indisputable evidence that the president engaged in transparently impeachable acts. That has been shown to be a false assumption.
Now we know that House Republicans would rather liken a corrupt and incorrigible chief executive to Jesus at Calvary or the USS Arizona in Pearl Harbor than break with the president.
McConnell, in turn, is now using the Republican’s own hyper-partisanship – the reality that no facts concerning the Ukraine scandal, no matter how egregious, would cause Republicans to support Trump’s removal – to argue that that the present impeachment lacks the kind of bipartisanship that would conduce to Republican participation.
In other words: McConnell cynically exploits Republican obstructionism to justify yet more obstructionism.
None of this should surprise us. The sad reality is that Trump’s politics of constitutional defiance are less an idiosyncratic aspect of his demagogic leadership and more a feature of recent Republican politics. In this, McConnell has been the master strategist. Recall his stunning refusal to grant a hearing to Merrick Garland, President Obama’s nominee to the supreme court to fill the vacancy left by Justice Antonin Scalia’s death. In a 150-year span – from 1866 to 2016 – the Senate never once prevented a president from ultimately filling a supreme court vacancy. McConnell’s refusal to consider Obama’s choice was more than a break with precedent. It was an act of constitutional nullification.
To this we can add McConnell’s refusal, before the 2016 election, to sign a bipartisan statement condemning Russian interference. Well before the election, the Obama administration shared intelligence documenting Russian interference with Congressional leaders; while then-House leader Paul Ryan agreed to sign the statement, McConnell refused. Indeed, McConnell went one step further, threatening to accuse Obama of trying to influence the outcome for Clinton should the administration issue a statement of condemnation. In this way, he recklessly torpedoed a bipartisan effort to protect the integrity of a presidential election.
McConnell’s acts of hyper-partisanship are less noisy than the president’s, but no less effective in poisoning American politics and degrading our constitutional democracy. Now, on the eve of what should be sober reckoning with presidential malfeasance, he seeks to use the very poisoned conditions that he has helped create to justify even more toxic acts. Having gutted the impeachment trial before it has even begun, McConnell has dared the electorate to make him and his party pay a price at the polls. Whether they will is the great question to be answered in 2020.


theguardian--2020-01-13--As we enter the fourth year of the Trump era, let's remember: this is still not normal | Michael H F

As we enter the fourth year of the Trump era, let's remember: this is still not normal | Michael H Fuchs

After three years of dangerously and unnecessarily escalating tensions with Iran , Donald Trump rang in the new year by creating a crisis that almost started a war with Iran – and still very well could .
As we enter the fourth year of Trump ’ s presidency , it is more necessary than ever to remind ourselves daily : this is not normal .
The list of despicable domestic actions by Trump that must not be normalized is long – from the policy separating migrant children from their parents and detaining them in cages to the president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or jailed .
And while Trump ’ s foreign policy in 2017 and 2018 was shocking – including regular praise for dictators Vladimir Putin , Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un , for instance – 2019 was the year that Congress and the American people finally had enough .
The Ukraine scandal made crystal clear Trump ’ s unprecedented and dangerous assault on national security norms and led to his impeachment .
But the extortion of Ukraine for personal gain was far from the only national security norm that Trump attacked in 2019 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ report outlined in extensive detail how Trump ’ s 2016 campaign asked for and received Russia ’ s help in attacking his campaign opponent .
While the story of Trump ’ s collusion with Russia has gone on so long that it can sometimes seem to have faded into the background of the national consciousness , the 448-page Mueller report should be treated every day like the bombshell it is – the story of how Trump worked with a foreign power to win an election .
In 2019 , the American people also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get foreign help to further his political interests extend beyond Russia .
In addition to Ukraine , Trump also asked China to help smear his political rival .
In 2019 , Trump also attempted to circumvent Congress to fund his border wall by taking money from the military and sending US troops – who are not supposed to be deployed on US soil – to the border .
In 2019 , Trump ’ s administration formally began the process to remove the US from the Paris climate agreement .
Unless we get our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on America ’ s withdrawal from this global effort as unforgivable .
This is not normal : while climate is too often treated in Washington like a policy disagreement , Trump ’ s actions must be seen for the shocking disregard of reality that they reflect .
One of the president ’ s top priorities should be tackling the existential threat of climate change , not denying its existence and adopting policies that will make it worse .
In 2019 , in both Afghanistan and Syria , off-the-cuff interventions by Trump shattered delicate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the 18th year of America ’ s war in Afghanistan , and after months of talks , the president blew up a potential deal with the Taliban in a moment of haste .
And in Syria , after years of American troops fighting side by side with Kurdish partners against Isis , Trump gave the Turkish president , Recep Tayyip Erdoğan , the green light attack the Kurds as American forces abandoned them .
And while it almost seems like a joke , in 2019 the president of the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treaty ally – Denmark – because the country would not sell him Greenland .
Trump also continued to attack people because of their race , ethnicity and religion in ways that erode the very model of America as a welcoming , tolerant and diverse society .
He told members of Congress ( who of course are Americans ) to “ go back and help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which they came ” .
He repeatedly accused people of being antisemitic and questioned their national loyalties because they do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Israeli government .
And he encouraged the Israeli government to prevent two members of Congress from visiting Israel .
The list goes on .
None of this is normal .
These actions go far beyond policy disagreements .
They are not only disturbing and unbecoming the office of the president – they undermine the democratic values America embodies , and damage America ’ s national security .
Trump hopes that his offensive and dangerous actions are normalized by the sheer force and volume of them .
He obfuscates , gaslights and lies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has made more than 15,000 false or misleading claims , according to the Washington Post .
As 2020 begins and Trump teeters on the edge of starting a war with Iran , it is a stark reminder that America no longer knows what it ’ s like not to be at war – roughly a quarter of Americans have only been alive while America has been fighting a war .
This should not be normal – but sadly America has already begun to treat it like it is .
We may not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outrage or oversight to every single one of Trump ’ s despicable actions .
But we can not allow them to be seen as normal , and we must push back on them all .

After three years of dangerously and unnecessarily escalating tensions with Iran, Donald Trump rang in the new year by creating a crisis that almost started a war with Iran – and still very well could.
As we enter the fourth year of Trump’s presidency, it is more necessary than ever to remind ourselves daily: this is not normal.
The list of despicable domestic actions by Trump that must not be normalized is long – from the policy separating migrant children from their parents and detaining them in cages to the president’s call for his critics to be investigated or jailed.
And while Trump’s foreign policy in 2017 and 2018 was shocking – including regular praise for dictators Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un, for instance – 2019 was the year that Congress and the American people finally had enough. The Ukraine scandal made crystal clear Trump’s unprecedented and dangerous assault on national security norms and led to his impeachment. But the extortion of Ukraine for personal gain was far from the only national security norm that Trump attacked in 2019.
In 2019, Robert Mueller’s report outlined in extensive detail how Trump’s 2016 campaign asked for and received Russia’s help in attacking his campaign opponent. While the story of Trump’s collusion with Russia has gone on so long that it can sometimes seem to have faded into the background of the national consciousness, the 448-page Mueller report should be treated every day like the bombshell it is – the story of how Trump worked with a foreign power to win an election.
In 2019, the American people also learned that Trump’s attempts to get foreign help to further his political interests extend beyond Russia. In addition to Ukraine, Trump also asked China to help smear his political rival.
In 2019, Trump also attempted to circumvent Congress to fund his border wall by taking money from the military and sending US troops – who are not supposed to be deployed on US soil – to the border.
In 2019, Trump’s administration formally began the process to remove the US from the Paris climate agreement. Unless we get our act together, humanity will look back on America’s withdrawal from this global effort as unforgivable. This is not normal: while climate is too often treated in Washington like a policy disagreement, Trump’s actions must be seen for the shocking disregard of reality that they reflect. One of the president’s top priorities should be tackling the existential threat of climate change, not denying its existence and adopting policies that will make it worse.
In 2019, in both Afghanistan and Syria, off-the-cuff interventions by Trump shattered delicate, hard-fought progress and undermined national security. In the 18th year of America’s war in Afghanistan, and after months of talks, the president blew up a potential deal with the Taliban in a moment of haste. And in Syria, after years of American troops fighting side by side with Kurdish partners against Isis, Trump gave the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the green light attack the Kurds as American forces abandoned them.
And while it almost seems like a joke, in 2019 the president of the United States cancelled a trip to visit a US treaty ally – Denmark – because the country would not sell him Greenland.
Trump also continued to attack people because of their race, ethnicity and religion in ways that erode the very model of America as a welcoming, tolerant and diverse society. He told members of Congress (who of course are Americans) to “go back and help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which they came”. He repeatedly accused people of being antisemitic and questioned their national loyalties because they do not blindly support the dangerous policies of the Israeli government. And he encouraged the Israeli government to prevent two members of Congress from visiting Israel. The list goes on.
None of this is normal. These actions go far beyond policy disagreements. They are not only disturbing and unbecoming the office of the president – they undermine the democratic values America embodies, and damage America’s national security.
Trump hopes that his offensive and dangerous actions are normalized by the sheer force and volume of them. He obfuscates, gaslights and lies – in his three years in office has made more than 15,000 false or misleading claims, according to the Washington Post.
As 2020 begins and Trump teeters on the edge of starting a war with Iran, it is a stark reminder that America no longer knows what it’s like not to be at war – roughly a quarter of Americans have only been alive while America has been fighting a war. This should not be normal – but sadly America has already begun to treat it like it is.
We may not be able to dedicate the same level of outrage or oversight to every single one of Trump’s despicable actions. But we cannot allow them to be seen as normal, and we must push back on them all.


theguardian--2020-01-14--Nancy Pelosi says House will vote to send Trump impeachment articles to Senate – live

As the House Democrats move to transmit the articles of impeachment to the Senate , a reckoning in the Republican party is slowly taking place .
Moderate Republicans have been indicating they would be open to letting witnesses testify in a trial , rather than speedily dismissing the articles of impeachment , as Trump has indicated he would like to see .
Roy Blunt , a Republican senator from Missouri , told the Washington Post “ certainly , there aren ’ t 51 votes for a motion to dismiss ” the articles of impeachment without a trial .
Other moderate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lisa Murkowski of Alaska have also indicated they are inclined to see if they would need more information that would merit a trial .
Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell , who has proved himself an ally rather than foe of Trump during the impeachment process , will have to parse out how quickly he can dismiss the articles of impeachment while getting enough votes to do so .
“ If the existing case is strong , there ’ s no need for the judge and the jury to reopen the investigation .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats should not have impeached , ” McConnell told reporters this morning .

15 Jan 2020 00.16 GMT An attorney for Lev Parnas said “Mr. Parnas remains committed to testifying as to all the actions he took in Ukraine” on behalf of Donald Trump. HPSCI has just transmitted evidence from Lev Parnas to the Judiciary Committee, which it deemed relevant to @POTUS’ impeachment inquiry. Mr. Parnas remains committed to testifying as to all the actions he took in Ukraine on behalf of @realDonaldTrump. #LetLevSpeak #LevRemembers pic.twitter.com/udaua1zwPj — Joseph A. Bondy (@josephabondy) January 14, 2020 Bondy said hand-delivered the contents of Parnas’ WhatsApp messages, text messages & images to Democratic staff on the House Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, according to a series of his tweets. Setting up Parnas as a valuable witness could earn him some leniency after federal prosecutors said they are likely to file additional criminal charges against him.
14 Jan 2020 23.50 GMT Released messages between Lev Parnas and his associate appear to show them tracking the whereabouts of Marie Yovanovich, the former US ambassador to Ukraine. Um holy sh*t. This certainly makes it sound like Parnas and co. were actively tracking Yovanovitch's movements. This could explain why Yovanovitch was moved out of Ukraine so quickly. https://t.co/4rBRB06ZGN pic.twitter.com/5Gc8WcGPih — Natasha Bertrand (@NatashaBertrand) January 14, 2020 Yovanovitch, who testified in the House impeachment hearing, was removed from her post in Ukraine by Donald Trump, even though the state department had asked her to stay on for another year. Even as Yovanovitch testified, Trump attacked her on Twitter. Asked how it felt to be singled out by the president, Yovanovitch said, “the effect is intimidating.”
Updated at 23.51 GMT
14 Jan 2020 23.40 GMT Another bit of evidence is a letter that Rudy Giuliani sent to Ukrainian president-elect Volodymyr Zelenskiy in May 2019. “In my capacity as personal counsel to President Trump and with his knowledge and consent, I request a meeting with you ... I will need no more than a half-hour of your time,” Guiliani’s writes, under his personal letterhead.
The letter makes clear that Guiliani planned a trip to Ukraine, “which he publicly described at the time as an effort to ‘meddle in an investigation,’ was undertaken with the knowledge and support of President Trump,” the Intelligence Committee said.
14 Jan 2020 23.29 GMT Amongst the documents that the Intelligence Committee provided are hand-written notes that Lev Parnas provided House investigators, scribbled on stationary from the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Vienna: One of the handwritten notes that the House Intelligence Committee provided as evidence. Photograph: House Intelligence “Get Zalensky (sic) to annonce (sic) that the Biden case will Be Investigated” it says. The Intelligence Committee also publicly released text messages and letters.
14 Jan 2020 22.14 GMT Evening summary That’s it from the east coast, we’re handing over to the west coast now, where Maanvi Singh will take you through until 7pm ET, at which point Joan E Greve will launch our special debate live blog, ready to prepare for and cover the Democratic debate in Des Moines, Iowa, at 9pm ET tonight. Most recent key events: Of course a woman can be elected to be the US president, duh.
National Security Agency (NSA) officials announced that they discovered a major flaw in Microsoft ’s Windows operating system – one that could leave users vulnerable to significant breaches, surveillance or disruption.
’s Windows operating system – one that could leave users vulnerable to significant breaches, surveillance or disruption. Opening arguments in the impeachment trial of Donald Trump are expected to begin next Tuesday.
14 Jan 2020 22.02 GMT The security at the US Capitol is telling journalists that only one video camera, no photographers or audio recording, will be allowed when the articles of impeachment are delivered to the Senate, according to CQ Roll Call. Reporters will be confined to a single press pen and won’t be able to move with senators when asking questions (a common tactic when reporting at the Capitol). The rule will heavily restrict journalists’ ability to speak to Senators throughout the impeachment trial.
The Standing Committee of Correspondents, the group of journalists who represent credentialed reporters of the House and Senate, have said the Senate Sergeant-at-Arms and Capitol Police have rejected their suggestions in compromising. Sarah Wire, a reporter for the LA Times and the Standing Committee chair, said on Twitter that the committee has not been provided with “an explanation of how the restrictions contribute to the safety rather than simply limit coverage of the trial.”
The Standing Committee of Correspondents vigorously objects to restrictions being considered on press access during the upcoming Senate trial of President Trump. — Sarah D. Wire (@sarahdwire) January 14, 2020
Updated at 22.02 GMT
14 Jan 2020 21.34 GMT Reporters have been asking a few women in politics on their thoughts about the viral story that Bernie Sanders told Elizabeth Warren in a 2018 meeting that a woman can’t win the presidency. Sanders has issued a scathing denial saying he did not make that comment.
Senator Kirsten Gillibrand said she wouldn’t comment on whether she believes the account, but said that “Hillary won 3 million more votes than Trump and Nancy Pelosi eats his lunch daily”.
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said that she “defer[s] to both of their campaigns,” but added “I think it’s also important to say that of course women can win”. Ocasio-Cortez, who officially endorsed Sanders in October, said that electing women is part of a “progressive ideology” and “I know that the senator believes that as well.”
Kamala Harris’ reaction got the most traction today. She told reporters with a laugh, “Oh, a woman can be president. Of that, I am sure. “Oh, a woman can be president. Of that I am sure.” — @KamalaHarris pic.twitter.com/rg9QdSyeeq — Meena Harris (@meenaharris) January 14, 2020
14 Jan 2020 21.20 GMT National Security Agency (NSA) officials announced today that they discovered a major flaw in Microsoft’s Windows operating system – one that could leave users vulnerable to significant breaches, surveillance or disruption. Here’s more from the Washington Post: The public disclosure represents a major shift in the NSA’s approach, choosing to put computer security ahead of building up its arsenal of hacking tools that allow the agency to spy on adversaries’ networks. “This is ... a change in approach ... by NSA of working to share, working to lean forward, and then working to really share the data as part of building trust,” said Anne Neuberger, director of the NSA’s Cybersecurity Directorate, which was launched in October.
14 Jan 2020 20.15 GMT Main business of impeachment trial expected to start next Tuesday Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell just indicated that the main business of the impeachment trial of Donald Trump in the Senate will begin next Tuesday. That will follow some procedural steps later this week, after the articles of impeachment are transferred from the House to the Senate, such as the swearing in of those Senate members expected to be directly involved. Next week there could be a vote on the rules but McConnell expects that opening arguments will begin on Tuesday. Republican Senators Lindsey Graham and Mike Rounds said that McConnell’s trial plan will guarantee votes on calling witnesses hearing new evidence, Reuters reports, and that’s expected to happen after the opening arguments are presented. Mitch McConnell addressing the media on Capitol Hill a little earlier today Photograph: Jim Lo Scalzo/EPA
14 Jan 2020 19.38 GMT As someone just said: Go get him Liz! We’ve added Elizabeth Warren’s letter to our original post now, if you want to see what she told the SEC financial watchdogs, in relation to accusations that Trump tipped off pals while at Mar-a-Lago about a planned US hit on Iran, which just maybe prompted some allegedly illegal share manipulation......... Go get him, Liz! https://t.co/BOxBNlTnyY — Norma Duffy (@Ilikewoods) January 14, 2020
14 Jan 2020 19.14 GMT Afternoon summary The Democratic debate in Des Moines tonight and the impeachment trial of Donald Trump beckon, but there is no shortage of drama in US politics as these key events loom. There’s plenty more action to come but here are the main happenings so far: House Speaker Nancy Pelos i just weighed in on the report that Russian operatives have hacked into Ukrainian gas company Burisma , an entity at the heart of the Trump impeachment inquiry .
i just weighed in on the report that Russian operatives have hacked into Ukrainian gas company , an entity at the heart of the . Hillary Clinton is questioning whether reports of the Burisma hack mean American democracy is being set up once again for the kind of election interferenc e that tarnished 2016, and again in Donald Trump’s favor...
is questioning whether reports of the Burisma hack mean American democracy is being set up once again for the kind of election e that tarnished 2016, and again in Donald Trump’s favor... Democratic 2020 candidate Elizabeth Warren is calling for an official insider trading probe into whether stocks were manipulated by people acting on tip-offs from Donald Trump while they were at Mar-a-Lago over the winter holiday period that a key US military action was planned against Iran .
is calling for an official probe into whether stocks were manipulated by people acting on tip-offs from while they were at over the winter holiday period that a key US military action was planned against . There will be a vote tomorrow in the House on plans to send the articles of impeachment (aka congressional charges) against Donald Trump to the US Senate, ready for his trial there, which is then likely to begin in short order.
14 Jan 2020 19.00 GMT Speaker weighs in on Russian hack reports Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is weighing in on the reports that Russian operatives have hacked into Ukrainian gas company Burisma, where Joe Biden’s son Hunter used to work, seeking dirt to throw into the US 2020 presidential election. The Guardian’s senior political reporter Lauren Gambino reports. In a new statement on reports that Russia hacked Burisma, Pelosi says: “Congress must be briefed on what the Administration knows about this attack and why the President doesn’t have a plan to protect our elections.” — Lauren Gambino (@laurenegambino) January 14, 2020 Hillary Clinton spoke out on the issue a little earlier. Pelosi went on to say: “We only learned of this hacking through the press. Congress must be briefed on what the Administration knows about this attack and why the President doesn’t have a plan to protect our elections.” That was then: Nancy Pelosi (left) and Hillary Clinton on Capitol Hill, June 2016 Photograph: UPI / Barcroft Images
Updated at 19.02 GMT


theguardian--2020-01-14--Surprised by Vince Vaughn’s chumminess with Trump? You shouldn’t be

In the age of celebrity “ cancel culture ” , few are truly cancelled for ever – most just sit it out until the internet forgets , whereupon they can be cancelled again on exactly the same charges .
Just ask the actor Vince Vaughn , who was once again the object of public scorn after a viral video on Twitter showed him acting all chummy with Donald Trump at an American football game in Louisiana .
Sharing a private box , the two men were spotted shaking hands and conversing , prompting a flurry of online condemnation , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as to renounce their Vaughn fandom .
“ I don ’ t need a Wedding Crashers sequel any more , ” one recovering admirer stated : strong words indeed .
It is neither unexpected nor unjust that public figures should draw ire for fraternising with Trump , support for whom , by this point , should be regarded as beyond the pale even by moderate Republicans .
What is surprising , however , is that eyebrows are raised when it is Vaughn showing such allegiances .
The actor has long been documented as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the predominantly liberal enclave of Hollywood .
In 2011 , he campaigned for the Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul , while he collaborated with the conservative firebrand Glenn Beck to produce the documentary series , Pursuit of the Truth , for Beck ’ s Fox News-aping network TheBlaze .
Most controversially , he came out as vehemently opposed to gun control in a 2015 interview for British GQ , going so far as to call for firearms to be allowed in schools : “ You think the politicians that run my country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guns in the schools their kids go to ?
They do .
And we should be allowed the same rights.
” Shaking Donald Trump ’ s hand is a pretty modest entry on his list of most liberally objectionable acts .
None of this has put a significant dent in Vaughn ’ s career , even if he has shifted out of benign commercial comedies and into vehicles that foreground his political identity a little more .
He is an ally of fellow rightwing provocateur Mel Gibson , starring in his grisly flag-waving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose multiple top-tier Oscar nominations were a reminder , rather like the industry ’ s enduring celebration of Clint Eastwood , that Hollywood ’ s quiet conservative contingent can still make its presence felt .
Vaughn and Gibson , meanwhile , were cast last year as violent , racist cops in Dragged Across Concrete , a lurid thriller by S Craig Zahler – an auteur whose politics are outwardly ambiguous , but whose films consistently appear to troll the left with their brash political incorrectness .
If more than a dozen people had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it might have got Vaughn cancelled at least a couple of further times .
As it is , the Trump incident will keep him in the public doghouse for only so long .

In the age of celebrity “cancel culture”, few are truly cancelled for ever – most just sit it out until the internet forgets, whereupon they can be cancelled again on exactly the same charges. Just ask the actor Vince Vaughn, who is once again the object of public scorn after a viral video on Twitter showed him acting all chummy with Donald Trump at an American football game in Louisiana.
Sharing a private box, the two men were spotted shaking hands and conversing, prompting a flurry of online condemnation, with many of the incensed going so far as to renounce their Vaughn fandom. “I don’t need a Wedding Crashers sequel any more,” one recovering admirer stated: strong words indeed.
It is neither unexpected nor unjust that public figures should draw ire for fraternising with Trump, support for whom, by this point, should be regarded as beyond the pale even by moderate Republicans. What is surprising, however, is that eyebrows are raised when it is Vaughn showing such allegiances.
Vaughn and Trump shake hands. Photograph: Mark J Rebilas/USA Today Sports
The actor has long been documented as one of the most demonstrably rightwing stars in the predominantly liberal enclave of Hollywood. In 2011, he campaigned for the Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul, while he collaborated with the conservative firebrand Glenn Beck to produce the documentary series, Pursuit of the Truth, for Beck’s Fox News-aping network TheBlaze. Most controversially, he came out as vehemently opposed to gun control in a 2015 interview for British GQ, going so far as to call for firearms to be allowed in schools: “You think the politicians that run my country and your country don’t have guns in the schools their kids go to? They do. And we should be allowed the same rights.” Shaking Donald Trump’s hand is a pretty modest entry on his list of most liberally objectionable acts.
None of this has put a significant dent in Vaughn’s career, even if he has shifted out of benign commercial comedies and into vehicles that foreground his political identity a little more. He is an ally of fellow rightwing provocateur Mel Gibson, starring in his grisly flag-waving 2016 war film, Hacksaw Ridge, whose multiple top-tier Oscar nominations were a reminder, rather like the industry’s enduring celebration of Clint Eastwood, that Hollywood’s quiet conservative contingent can still make its presence felt.
Vaughn and Gibson, meanwhile, were cast last year as violent, racist cops in Dragged Across Concrete, a lurid thriller by S Craig Zahler – an auteur whose politics are outwardly ambiguous, but whose films consistently appear to troll the left with their brash political incorrectness. If more than a dozen people had seen Dragged Across Concrete in cinemas, it might have got Vaughn cancelled at least a couple of further times. As it is, the Trump incident will keep him in the public doghouse for only so long.


theguardian--2020-01-14--Trump impeachment: what happens after the articles are sent to the Senate?

The House speaker , Nancy Pelosi , told congressional Democrats that she would call a vote on Wednesday to transmit articles of impeachment to the Republican-controlled Senate .
She did not immediately name “ managers ” from the House who would prosecute the case against Donald Trump at his Senate trial .
Broadly speaking , the process against Trump now moves from the impeachment phase to the trial phase .
The proceedings could result in Trump ’ s removal from office – but that is seen as unlikely .
Here ’ s what will happen next : Impeachment managers from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump in the Senate trial .
Pelosi was expected to name the managers before the Wednesday vote .
The House was expected to approve a resolution to transmit the articles of impeachment to the Senate along similar lines as the articles themselves were approved .
Article I , charging abuse of power , was approved 230-197 with one “ present ” vote .
Article II , charging obstruction of Congress , was approved 229-198 with one “ present ” vote .
According to arcane Senate rules , after the House notifies the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the secretary of the Senate , Julie Adams , tells the House that the Senate is ready to receive the articles .
Then impeachment managers appear before the Senate to “ exhibit ” the articles , and the Senate confirms it will consider the case .
The presiding officer of the Senate notifies the supreme court chief justice , John Roberts , of the impending trial .
Roberts arrives in the Senate to administer an oath to members .
Before consideration of the articles of impeachment , the presiding officer will administer this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swear that in all things appertaining to the trial of the impeachment of Donald Trump , now pending , I will do impartial justice according to the constitution and laws , so help me God.
” The Senate must vote on a resolution laying out ground rules for the trial including who the key players will be , how long they will get to present their cases and other matters .
The majority leader , Mitch McConnell , has said he has the votes to open the trial without an immediate provision for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later during the trial .
After the Senate is “ organized ” , the rules decree , “ a writ of summons shall issue to the person impeached , reciting said articles , and notifying him to appear before the Senate upon a day and at a place to be fixed by the Senate ” .
A president has never appeared at his own impeachment trial and Trump will be represented by the White House counsel , Pat Cipollone , and his personal lawyer Jay Sekulow , among others .
After the oath @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although there could be a short adjournment to allow the sides to prepare .
Impeachment managers will make their case , to be followed by the defense .
Senators may not speak during the proceedings but may submit written questions to the chief justice who would cause them to be read .
The question of witnesses and other matters would be decided on the fly by majority vote .
A time limit for the proceedings will be established in the initial Senate vote .
The senators deliberate on the case .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and out of public view .
But that ’ s open to change , too .
The senators vote separately on the two articles of impeachment – the first charging Trump with abuse of power , the second charging him with obstruction of Congress .
A two-thirds majority of present senators – 67 ayes if everyone votes – on either article would be enough to convict Trump and remove him from office .
But that would require about 20 Republicans defections and is unlikely .
The more likely outcome is a Trump acquittal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concluded , barring some highly unusual development such as the House taking action to impeach Trump again .

On Tuesday at 1pm ET, the Senate will convene to approve rules for the impeachment trial of Donald Trump and to hear opening arguments in the case.
The proceedings could result in the president’s removal from office – but that is seen as unlikely.
Here’s what will happen next:
Senate votes on ground rules
The Senate must vote on a resolution laying out ground rules for the trial including who the key players will be, how long they will get to present their cases and other matters. The majority leader, Mitch McConnell, has said he has the votes to open the trial without an immediate provision for witness testimony, which could be secured later during the trial. However, McConnell said he did not have the votes to dismiss the impeachment articles out of hand.
Senate trial
After the oath, the trial proper will begin – although there could be a short adjournment to allow the sides to prepare. Impeachment managers will make their case, to be followed by the defense. Senators may not speak during the proceedings but may submit written questions to the chief justice who would cause them to be read. The question of witnesses and other matters would be decided on the fly by majority vote. A time limit for the proceedings will be established in the initial Senate vote.
Evidence examination
Both the prosecution and defence may – in theory, depending on the rules agreed for the trial – bring in witnesses, who may be examined and cross-examined. The former national security adviser John Bolton and former vice-president Joe Biden have both said that they would be prepared to testify if subpoenaed. The Senate may try to alter the parameters of the evidence under examination by putting forward a motion to restrict or increase it.
Closing arguments
The prosecution and the defence will put forward their final statements, with the House managers going last, giving the House of Representatives the first and last word.
Deliberation
The senators deliberate on the case. In the past this has happened behind closed doors and out of public view. But that’s open to change, too.
Final vote
The senators vote separately on the two articles of impeachment – the first charging Trump with abuse of power, the second charging him with obstruction of Congress. A two-thirds majority of present senators – 67 ayes if everyone votes – on either article would be enough to convict Trump and remove him from office. But that would require about 20 Republican defections and is unlikely. The more likely outcome is a Trump acquittal, at which point the process is concluded, barring some highly unusual development such as the House taking action to impeach Trump again.


theguardian--2020-01-14--Uproar after Vince Vaughn shakes Trump’s hand at football game

The actor Vince Vaughn shook Donald Trump ’ s hand in a private box at a football game on Monday night , a gesture which took seconds .
But it caused uproar on social media , leading to condemnation of Vaughn from the left – and plaudits from the right .
Sporting events have become the latest venue to showcase the polarization of the US under Trump .
The handshake between the president and the actor happened in New Orleans , at the national college football championship game between Louisiana State and Clemson , where Trump was cheered as he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a contrast to a World Series baseball game in Washington in October , when Trump ’ s appearance met with boos and calls of “ Lock him up !
” Vaughn is best known for comic roles in movies including Swingers , Wedding Crashers and Old School .
Politically , he is an outspoken libertarian .
On Monday night , one Twitter user , who described herself as a Democratic political activist , said : “ I ’ m not angry about Vince Vaughn , just profoundly disappointed .
And I want nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upon a time I found him quite entertaining .
Not anymore.
” On the right , users criticized calls to “ cancel ” Vaughn and said the handshake showed respect for the president .
“ I liked Vince Vaughn before but love him now , ” said Amy Kremer , co-founder of Women for Trump .
“ Hollyweird [ sic ] and other snowflakes could learn from him.
” In October , the comedian and talkshow host Ellen DeGeneres was criticized for speaking to another Republican president , when she sat next to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ game .
After cameras captured the two laughing and joking , many in the LGBTQ+ community criticized DeGeneres for enjoying herself with a man who opposed same-sex marriage for years .
On Twitter on Monday , many pointed out that Vaughn was not reaching across the political aisle , as DeGeneres was .
One of the most outspoken voices on the right in Hollywood for years , Vaughn has been a vocal supporter of former US representative Ron Paul and his son Rand Paul , a US senator from Kentucky .
Vaughn has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on drugs and federal income taxes , among other policies .
In a cover story for the British edition of GQ , for example , he said mass shootings “ happened in places that don ’ t allow guns ” .
“ You think the politicians that run my country and your country don ’ t have guns in the schools their kids go to ?
” he asked .
“ They do.
” Vaughn also said banning guns would be like “ banning forks in an attempt to stop making people fat @ @

The actor Vince Vaughn shook Donald Trump’s hand in a private box at a football game on Monday night, a gesture which took seconds. But it caused uproar on social media, leading to condemnation of Vaughn from the left – and plaudits from the right.
Sporting events have become the latest venue to showcase the polarization of the US under Trump.
The handshake between the president and the actor happened in New Orleans, at the national college football championship game between Louisiana State and Clemson, where Trump was cheered as he walked on the field.
That was a contrast to a World Series baseball game in Washington in October, when Trump’s appearance met with boos and calls of “Lock him up!”
Vaughn is best known for comic roles in movies including Swingers, Wedding Crashers and Old School. Politically, he is an outspoken libertarian.
On Monday night, one Twitter user, who described herself as a Democratic political activist, said: “I’m not angry about Vince Vaughn, just profoundly disappointed. And I want nothing more to do with him. Once upon a time I found him quite entertaining. Not anymore.”
On the right, users criticized calls to “cancel” Vaughn and said the handshake showed respect for the president.
“I liked Vince Vaughn before but love him now,” said Amy Kremer, co-founder of Women for Trump. “Hollyweird [sic] and other snowflakes could learn from him.”
In October, the comedian and talkshow host Ellen DeGeneres was criticized for speaking to another Republican president, when she sat next to former George W Bush at another football game.
After cameras captured the two laughing and joking, many in the LGBTQ+ community criticized DeGeneres for enjoying herself with a man who opposed same-sex marriage for years.
On Twitter on Monday, many pointed out that Vaughn was not reaching across the political aisle, as DeGeneres was. One of the most outspoken voices on the right in Hollywood for years, Vaughn has been a vocal supporter of former US representative Ron Paul and his son Rand Paul, a US senator from Kentucky.
Vaughn has repeatedly criticized gun control, the war on drugs and federal income taxes, among other policies. In a cover story for the British edition of GQ, for example, he said mass shootings “happened in places that don’t allow guns”.
“You think the politicians that run my country and your country don’t have guns in the schools their kids go to?” he asked. “They do.”
Vaughn also said banning guns would be like “banning forks in an attempt to stop making people fat”.