theguardian--2020-11-12--How will drug legalization affect America's communities of color?

From the Pacific Northwest to the Deep South , drug legalization won big nationwide on election day in America .
Under the first state law of its kind , people in Oregon soon won ’ t be arrested for possessing small amounts of drugs including heroin , meth and cocaine .
In New Jersey , Arizona , South Dakota and Montana , voters joined 11 other states and the District of Columbia in legalizing recreational marijuana .
Washington DC passed an initiative to make mushrooms and other natural psychedelics the lowest possible enforcement priority .
Even Mississippi legalized medical marijuana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism in policing , advocates behind many of these campaigns focused their messaging on racial disparities in drug-law enforcement .
In New Jersey , a social media ad explaining how a marijuana arrest could ruin someone ’ s life centered images of young Black men and women .
Activists in Oregon pointed to a statewide study that found drug convictions for Black and Native people would drop by nearly 95 % under the state ’ s decriminalization law .
Yet despite these electoral successes , it remains unclear what effect the new measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have long been disproportionately targeted in the war on drugs .
Even as many states move toward legalization , drug-related violations remain the most frequent cause for arrest in the US .
Nearly 40 % of those arrests are for marijuana possession alone , according to federal data from 2018 .
Black people make up 27 % of drug arrests , but only 13 % of the country .
Even in states that have already enacted more lax drug laws , racial disparities in enforcement didn ’ t disappear .
An April @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in every state that has legalized or decriminalized marijuana possession , Black people are still more likely to be arrested for possession than white people.
” Being caught with large amounts of marijuana , selling it , using it in a school zone , or underage use is still illegal in states that have legalized .
In states like Maine and Vermont , according to the ACLU , racial disparities in weed arrests worsened after legalization passed .
Disparities improved in California and Nevada .
Some opponents of legalization say this increase in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminalization of black markets that still exist outside of the heavily regulated legal market .
And they believe the potential for more widespread drug abuse under legalization , in the form of crimes like DUIs , can lead to more interactions with police – especially for people of color .
Kevin Sabet , a former White House Office of National Drug Control Policy adviser , thinks that if the goal is to end racial disparities , states should continue focusing on decriminalization .
“ It ’ s a false dichotomy to think that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lock them up , or you need to be in bed with big tobacco and have edibles , ” he said .
“ Oregon already had a decent system for referring drug users [ from jail time ] .
” But even if people aren ’ t serving long sentences for simple drug possession , the impact of an arrest or a criminal conviction can follow them for years , legalization supporters say .
And for repeat offenders , a drug conviction can mean a longer sentence for any future offense .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Bobby Byrd , a volunteer with Yes on 110 in Oregon who struggled to find a place to live , get promoted , and get licensed to become a drug counselor because of his felony cocaine conviction .
“ People need help , not punishment .
Punishment didn ’ t help me ; it just slowed me down in my life and made me have to work 20 times harder.
” In South Dakota , which legalized marijuana last week , weed arrests have increased significantly since 2007 , and the racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Native Americans are 10 % of the state population , but were nearly 20 % of marijuana possession arrests in 2018 .
They are nearly a third of the state prison population .
Campaign organizers for decriminalization say they ’ ll have to stay vigilant against the over-policing of communities of color .
“ The reality is that systems of oppression always find different ways of incarcerating Black and Brown folks , ” said Kayse Jama , executive director of Unite Oregon , a social justice organization .
“ I think [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ step forward ; it ’ s one tool we want to remove from their toolbox .
But we also understand that [ law enforcement ] will continue to target our community.
” Jama also noted the importance of decriminalization for immigrants , who will be less likely to face deportation or other federal immigration consequences over state-level drug crimes .
So far in fiscal year 2020 , over 600 people have been deported from the US , whose most serious conviction was marijuana possession .
There ’ s also the question of whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry in states legalizing for the first time .
Many states prohibit people with felony convictions from working for or owning dispensaries – convictions that are disproportionately saddled on people of color .
Crucial to undoing this dynamic is ensuring that people who have already been prosecuted for marijuana can be released from jail or expunge their record .
While expungement was not part of the initial ballot proposal in South Dakota , Melissa Mentele , executive director of New Approach South Dakota , said her group would push for such a policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is everything , ” Mentele said .
“ It ’ s not just passing a law – you have people ’ s lives in your hands.
” Organizers in Oregon also said they planned on addressing expungement and sentencing reductions in the upcoming legislative session .
At least 15 states have passed laws making it easier to wipe marijuana-related crimes from people ’ s records .
Applying the new law retroactively could be especially significant in New Jersey , which has some of the highest arrest rates for marijiuana – locking up an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week in 2019 for pot sales and possession .
But in a state where the economic impact of a new legal weed industry could be as high as $ 6bn , it has been a challenge to put racial justice at the center of the conversation when some supporters of legalization see it as either a new business opportunity or tax revenue generator .
“ In 2014 , we saw a version of a bill come through that didn ’ t even have the word expungement in it , ” said Amol Sinha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 , which backed the new measure , and the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey .
After a 2019 bill failed to pass the New Jersey state senate , the question to amend the constitution and legalize weed was passed to the voters .
The ACLU led the campaign for the ballot measure , spending more than $ 300,000 .
“ It was a huge , strategic investment , ” said Sinha .
“ We led with racial justice every step of the way … And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s up to legislators to write the law , and it remains to be seen how much of the racial equity message will be baked into the new legislation .
But Assemblyman Jamel Holley of district 20 , a Democrat who was instrumental in writing the old marijuana bill and is helping shepherd the new one , said he is committed to delivering upon the demands of the voters .
“ [ We can ’ t ] have big conglomerates take over this [ marijuana ] industry , but at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me have a record and can ’ t get a job or housing , ” said Holley , who is Black .
“ My sole focus is that we repair the harms of the past.
” Before the ballot measure had even passed , Holley called for the state to immediately dismiss all marijuana-related court cases , suspend all marijuana arrests , and implement an expedited expungement process .
These kinds of actions illustrate that politicians are catching up to voters in seeing legalization as a racial justice issue , not just a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ author of The End of Policing and a sociology professor at Brooklyn College .
“ One thing we ’ ve seen from the measures that have passed and the exit polling data is that the electorate is more progressive than the candidates , ” Vitale said .
“ The American public seems very open to a total rethink on the drug war and economic justice.
” This article was published in partnership with the Marshall Project , a nonprofit news organization covering the US criminal justice system .
Sign up for their newsletter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook or Twitter

Wilbert L Cooper and Christie Thompson of the Marshall Project

From the Pacific Northwest to the deep south, drug legalization won big nationwide on election day in America.
Under the first state law of its kind, people in Oregon soon won’t be arrested for possessing small amounts of drugs including heroin, meth and cocaine. In New Jersey, Arizona, South Dakota and Montana, voters joined 11 other states and the District of Columbia in legalizing recreational marijuana. Washington DC passed an initiative to make mushrooms and other natural psychedelics the lowest possible enforcement priority. Even Mississippi legalized medical marijuana.
After months of global protests over racism in policing, advocates behind many of these campaigns focused their messaging on racial disparities in drug-law enforcement. In New Jersey, a social media ad explaining how a marijuana arrest could ruin someone’s life centered images of young Black men and women. Activists in Oregon pointed to a statewide study that found drug convictions for Black and Native people would drop by nearly 95% under the state’s decriminalization law.
Yet despite these electoral successes, it remains unclear what effect the new measures will have for communities of color, who have long been disproportionately targeted in the war on drugs. Even as many states move toward legalization, drug-related violations remain the most frequent cause for arrest in the US. Nearly 40% of those arrests are for marijuana possession alone, according to federal data from 2018. Black people make up 27% of drug arrests, but only 13% of the country.
Even in states that have already enacted more lax drug laws, racial disparities in enforcement didn’t disappear. An April study from the ACLU found that “in every state that has legalized or decriminalized marijuana possession, Black people are still more likely to be arrested for possession than white people.” Being caught with large amounts of marijuana, selling it, using it in a school zone, or underage use is still illegal in states that have legalized. In states like Maine and Vermont, according to the ACLU, racial disparities in weed arrests worsened after legalization passed. Disparities improved in California and Nevada.
Some opponents of legalization say this increase in arrests is the result of the continued criminalization of black markets that still exist outside of the heavily regulated legal market. And they believe the potential for more widespread drug abuse under legalization, in the form of crimes like DUIs, can lead to more interactions with police – especially for people of color.
Kevin Sabet, a former White House Office of National Drug Control Policy adviser, thinks that if the goal is to end racial disparities, states should continue focusing on decriminalization. “It’s a false dichotomy to think that you either have to arrest someone and lock them up, or you need to be in bed with big tobacco and have edibles,” he said. “Oregon already had a decent system for referring drug users [from jail time].”
But even if people aren’t serving long sentences for simple drug possession, the impact of an arrest or a criminal conviction can follow them for years, legalization supporters say. And for repeat offenders, a drug conviction can mean a longer sentence for any future offense.
“They own you after that,” said Bobby Byrd, a volunteer with Yes on 110 in Oregon who struggled to find a place to live, get promoted, and get licensed to become a drug counselor because of his felony cocaine conviction. “People need help, not punishment. Punishment didn’t help me; it just slowed me down in my life and made me have to work 20 times harder.”
In South Dakota, which legalized marijuana last week, weed arrests have increased significantly since 2007, and the racial disparities for Indigenous people are especially stark. Native Americans are 10% of the state population, but were nearly 20% of marijuana possession arrests in 2018. They are nearly a third of the state prison population.
Campaign organizers for decriminalization say they’ll have to stay vigilant against the over-policing of communities of color. “The reality is that systems of oppression always find different ways of incarcerating Black and Brown folks,” said Kayse Jama, executive director of Unite Oregon, a social justice organization. “I think [the new law] is a good step forward; it’s one tool we want to remove from their toolbox. But we also understand that [law enforcement] will continue to target our community.”
Jama also noted the importance of decriminalization for immigrants, who will be less likely to face deportation or other federal immigration consequences over state-level drug crimes. So far in fiscal year 2020, over 600 people have been deported from the US, whose most serious conviction was marijuana possession.
There’s also the question of whether Black communities can profit from the cannabis industry in states legalizing for the first time. Many states prohibit people with felony convictions from working for or owning dispensaries – convictions that are disproportionately saddled on people of color.
Crucial to undoing this dynamic is ensuring that people who have already been prosecuted for marijuana can be released from jail or expunge their record. While expungement was not part of the initial ballot proposal in South Dakota, Melissa Mentele, executive director of New Approach South Dakota, said her group would push for such a policy through the state legislature.
“Expungement is everything,” Mentele said. “It’s not just passing a law – you have people’s lives in your hands.”
Organizers in Oregon also said they planned on addressing expungement and sentencing reductions in the upcoming legislative session. At least 15 states have passed laws making it easier to wipe marijuana-related crimes from people’s records.
Applying the new law retroactively could be especially significant in New Jersey, which has some of the highest arrest rates for marijiuana – locking up an average of more than 600 people every week in 2019 for pot sales and possession.
But in a state where the economic impact of a new legal weed industry could be as high as $6bn, it has been a challenge to put racial justice at the center of the conversation when some supporters of legalization see it as either a new business opportunity or tax revenue generator.
The American public seems very open to a total rethink on the drug war and economic justice Alex Vitale
“In 2014, we saw a version of a bill come through that didn’t even have the word expungement in it,” said Amol Sinha, the campaign chairman of NJ CAN 2020, which backed the new measure, and the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey.
After a 2019 bill failed to pass the New Jersey state senate, the question to amend the constitution and legalize weed was passed to the voters. The ACLU led the campaign for the ballot measure, spending more than $300,000. “It was a huge, strategic investment,” said Sinha. “We led with racial justice every step of the way … And that is what resonated with voters.”
Now it’s up to legislators to write the law, and it remains to be seen how much of the racial equity message will be baked into the new legislation. But Assemblyman Jamel Holley of district 20, a Democrat who was instrumental in writing the old marijuana bill and is helping shepherd the new one, said he is committed to delivering upon the demands of the voters.
“[We can’t] have big conglomerates take over this [marijuana] industry, but at the same time have individuals who look like me have a record and can’t get a job or housing,” said Holley, who is Black. “My sole focus is that we repair the harms of the past.”
Before the ballot measure had even passed, Holley called for the state to immediately dismiss all marijuana-related court cases, suspend all marijuana arrests, and implement an expedited expungement process.
These kinds of actions illustrate that politicians are catching up to voters in seeing legalization as a racial justice issue, not just a revenue question, said Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing and a sociology professor at Brooklyn College.
“One thing we’ve seen from the measures that have passed and the exit polling data is that the electorate is more progressive than the candidates,” Vitale said. “The American public seems very open to a total rethink on the drug war and economic justice.”
This article was published in partnership with the Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization covering the US criminal justice system. Sign up for their newsletter, or follow the Marshall Project on Facebook or Twitter


theguardian--2020-11-12--Republicans aren't conceding – and Democrats are bringing a knife to a gun fight | David Sirota

The recent HBO film 537 Votes , about the Florida 2000 election mess , offers one overarching message : Democrats ’ refusal to sound a clear alarm about the slow-motion heist in process ultimately let the election be stolen .
In that debacle , Democrats seemed to think things would break their way with well-honed arguments inside the cloistered confines of the legal system – they never understood how public-facing politics can play a role in what ended up being a pivotal political brawl outside the courtroom .
Now , 20 years later , the lesson of that debacle isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his cronies are quite clearly waging a public-facing campaign designed to create the conditions to pull off a coup in the electoral college process .
This is a full-scale emergency – and yet the Democratic strategy seems to be to try to pretend it isn ’ t happening , in hopes that norms win out , even though nothing at all is normal .
In the week since the election , Donald Trump and his Republican allies have waged a public campaign to call the election results into question – not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public ’ s mind .
Their lawsuits and Attorney General William Barr ’ s recent memo are designed as much to to generate headlines as they are to win rulings and initiate prosecutions .
Their tweets asserting fraud , and their high-profile promises of financial reward for evidence of fraud , are all designed to do the same thing .
Most ominously of all , Republican lawmakers in Pennsylvania , Georgia , Wisconsin , Michigan and Arizona are already insinuating the results may be fraudulent , even though they haven ’ t produced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is public perception so important ?
Because as the Ohio State University law professor Edward Foley shows in a frighteningly prescient 2019 article , legislatures could use the public perception of fraud to try to invoke their constitutional power to ignore their states ’ popular votes , reject certified election results and appoint slates of Trump electors .
In an article that predicted almost exactly what has already happened in Pennsylvania , Foley imagined Trump seeming to be ahead at first , then losing his lead as votes are counted , then making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for this : Foley notes how public-facing politics – outside the cloistered legal arena – could then come into play .
“ It might be too much of a power grab .
One would hope that American politics have not become so tribal that a political party is willing to seize power without a plausible basis for doing so rooted in the actual votes of the citizenry , ” he writes .
“ If during the canvass itself , Trump can gain traction with his allegation that the blue shift amounts to fraudulently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his 2018 tweet about Florida – then it becomes more politically tenable to claim that the legislature must step in and appoint the state ’ s electors directly to reflect the ‘ true ’ will of the state ’ s voters.
” To be sure , pulling this off would be complicated .
Republicans would have to get not one but many of the five Biden states with Republican legislatures to try to ignore the popular vote .
Congress would also have a role to play in deciding which electors to recognize , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leverage .
And it ’ s not clear that any of the maneuvers would hold up in court ( though let ’ s remember : the supreme court now includes three Republican-appointed justices who worked directly on the Bush v Gore case that stole the 2000 election for the Republican party ) .
But this is quite obviously what the Republicans are aiming for – and they ’ ve basically said it out loud .
Indeed , Trump ’ s son has promoted the idea of legislatures overturning the election , and so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DeSantis , Florida ’ s Republican governor .
Meanwhile , a Republican lawmaker involved in Wisconsin ’ s new election fraud investigation suggested his state ’ s popular vote could be ignored .
This is why we ’ ve seen Republican officials and policies continue pretending that Trump didn ’ t lose the election , and presuming that there will be a second Trump term .
This isn ’ t merely infantile behavior or an immature temper tantrum – it is part of a cutthroat plan .
They are trying to normalize the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voted , a second Trump term is inevitable because state legislatures and Congress will ultimately hand him the electoral college .
Where is Democrats ’ call to action ?
One big takeaway here should be that in the long term , the electoral college has to go – it has now become an even bigger threat to democracy , beyond just routinely throwing elections to the losers of the national popular vote .
The system is being weaponized by a Republican party determined to thwart the will of voters .
In this particular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is needed .
We need a vociferous public campaign focused on preventing state legislators from feeling empowered to ignore their own voters .
And such a campaign could be successful because at least some of these states ’ legislatures are only narrowly controlled by the Republican party – meaning they may be sensitive to a future voter backlash in 2022 that could come from their actions to steal a presidential election .
And yet … instead of sounding the alarm , Joe Biden and Kamala Harris seem to have settled on a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Biden-Harris campaign has been proceeding as if everything is fine , rolling out some transition team names and announcing that Biden has talked to some world leaders .
Biden ’ s comments on Wednesday about the election were even more sedated and anodyne than those of Al Gore back during the 2000 Florida recount .
The most he could muster was an assertion that the Republicans behavior is embarrassing and might hurt Trump ’ s legacy – as if this is a West Wing episode inanely presuming that any single Republican elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things .
And yet , we ’ ve been taught over and over and over again that real life most certainly is not a West Wing episode .
The Republicans do not care about anything other than obtaining and holding power by any means necessary — they are T-1000 Terminators ruthlessly focused on winning at all costs .
So where is the call to action ?
Where is the activism ?
Where are requests for Democrats in the five Biden states with Republican legislatures to start pressuring their state lawmakers to commit to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be calculating that any public pushback will only help Trump , and the best strategy is to try to starve the fraud allegations of attention .
And sure , we may get lucky – things may eventually just sort themselves out with no big hullabaloo .
However , history suggests that it is pretty risky to bank on a passive strategy , leave it all up to fate and simply hope for the best through “ normal ” procedures during moments of obviously abnormal circumstances .
Indeed , refusing to wage a much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s coup attempt is exactly the kind of strategy Democrats went with 20 years ago in Florida during the Brooks Brothers riot – and look how that turned out .
We got an illegitimate Bush presidency that gave us the Iraq war and a financial crisis that ended or ruined millions of lives .
This time around it could be even worse – the end of whatever ’ s still left of American democracy .
• None David Sirota is a Guardian US columnist .
He is also an editor at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the newsletter Too Much Information .
He served as Bernie Sanders ’ presidential campaign speechwriter • None This story was reported by David Sirota for Jacobin magazine

The recent HBO film 537 Votes, about the Florida 2000 election mess, offers one overarching message: Democrats’ refusal to sound a clear alarm about the slow-motion heist in process ultimately let the election be stolen.
In that debacle, Democrats seemed to think things would break their way with well-honed arguments inside the cloistered confines of the legal system – they never understood how public-facing politics can play a role in what ended up being a pivotal political brawl outside the courtroom.
Twenty years later, the lesson of the Bush-Gore debacle isn’t being heeded
Now, 20 years later, the lesson of that debacle isn’t being heeded. Donald Trump and his cronies are quite clearly waging a public-facing campaign designed to create the conditions to pull off a coup in the electoral college process.
This is a full-scale emergency – and yet the Democratic strategy seems to be to try to pretend it isn’t happening, in hopes that norms win out, even though nothing at all is normal.
In the week since the election, Donald Trump and his Republican allies have waged a public campaign to call the election results into question – not just in the courtroom, but in the public’s mind. Their lawsuits and Attorney General William Barr’s recent memo are designed as much to to generate headlines as they are to win rulings and initiate prosecutions. Their tweets asserting fraud, and their high-profile promises of financial reward for evidence of fraud, are all designed to do the same thing.
Most ominously of all, Republican lawmakers in Pennsylvania, Georgia, Wisconsin, Michigan and Arizona are already insinuating the results may be fraudulent, even though they haven’t produced any evidence of widespread fraud.
Why is public perception so important? Because as the Ohio State University law professor Edward Foley shows in a frighteningly prescient 2019 article, legislatures could use the public perception of fraud to try to invoke their constitutional power to ignore their states’ popular votes, reject certified election results and appoint slates of Trump electors.
In an article that predicted almost exactly what has already happened in Pennsylvania, Foley imagined Trump seeming to be ahead at first, then losing his lead as votes are counted, then making allegations of fraud, setting the stage for this:
At Trump’s urging, the state’s legislature – where Republicans have majorities in both houses – purports to exercise its authority under Article II of the Constitution to appoint the state’s presidential electors directly. Taking their cue from Trump, both legislative chambers claim that the certified popular vote cannot be trusted because of the blue shift that occurred in overtime. Therefore, the two chambers claim to have the constitutional right to supersede the popular vote and assert direct authority to appoint the state’s presidential electors, so that this appointment is in line with the popular vote tally as it existed on Election Night, which Trump continues to claim is the “true” outcome.
The state’s Democratic governor refuses to assent to this assertion of authority by the state’s legislature, but the legislature’s two chambers proclaim that the governor’s assent is unnecessary. They cite early historical practices in which state legislatures appointed presidential electors without any involvement of the state’s governor. They argue that like constitutional amendments, and unlike ordinary legislation, the appointment of presidential electors when undertaken directly by a state legislature is not subject to a gubernatorial veto.
Foley notes how public-facing politics – outside the cloistered legal arena – could then come into play.
“It might be too much of a power grab. One would hope that American politics have not become so tribal that a political party is willing to seize power without a plausible basis for doing so rooted in the actual votes of the citizenry,” he writes. “If during the canvass itself, Trump can gain traction with his allegation that the blue shift amounts to fraudulently fabricated ballots – along the lines of his 2018 tweet about Florida – then it becomes more politically tenable to claim that the legislature must step in and appoint the state’s electors directly to reflect the ‘true’ will of the state’s voters.”
To be sure, pulling this off would be complicated.
Republicans would have to get not one but many of the five Biden states with Republican legislatures to try to ignore the popular vote.
This isn’t merely infantile behavior or an immature temper tantrum – it is part of a cutthroat plan
Congress would also have a role to play in deciding which electors to recognize, which gives the House Democratic majority some leverage.
And it’s not clear that any of the maneuvers would hold up in court (though let’s remember: the supreme court now includes three Republican-appointed justices who worked directly on the Bush v Gore case that stole the 2000 election for the Republican party).
But this is quite obviously what the Republicans are aiming for – and they’ve basically said it out loud. Indeed, Trump’s son has promoted the idea of legislatures overturning the election, and so has Trump’s staunch ally Ron DeSantis, Florida’s Republican governor. Meanwhile, a Republican lawmaker involved in Wisconsin’s new election fraud investigation suggested his state’s popular vote could be ignored.
Supporters of Donald Trump pray as they protest the election outside of the Clark county election department in Nevada on Sunday. Photograph: John Locher/AP
This is why we’ve seen Republican officials and policies continue pretending that Trump didn’t lose the election, and presuming that there will be a second Trump term. This isn’t merely infantile behavior or an immature temper tantrum – it is part of a cutthroat plan.
They are trying to normalize the idea that regardless of how Americans actually voted, a second Trump term is inevitable because state legislatures and Congress will ultimately hand him the electoral college.
Where is Democrats’ call to action?
One big takeaway here should be that in the long term, the electoral college has to go – it has now become an even bigger threat to democracy, beyond just routinely throwing elections to the losers of the national popular vote. The system is being weaponized by a Republican party determined to thwart the will of voters.
In this particular crisis, a strong and serious response is needed.
We need a vociferous public campaign focused on preventing state legislators from feeling empowered to ignore their own voters. And such a campaign could be successful because at least some of these states’ legislatures are only narrowly controlled by the Republican party – meaning they may be sensitive to a future voter backlash in 2022 that could come from their actions to steal a presidential election.
And yet … instead of sounding the alarm, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris seem to have settled on a “nothing to see here” approach.
The Biden-Harris campaign has been proceeding as if everything is fine, rolling out some transition team names and announcing that Biden has talked to some world leaders. Biden’s comments on Wednesday about the election were even more sedated and anodyne than those of Al Gore back during the 2000 Florida recount. The most he could muster was an assertion that the Republicans’ behavior is embarrassing and might hurt Trump’s legacy – as if this is a West Wing episode inanely presuming that any single Republican elected official in the country cares about such things.
And yet, we’ve been taught over and over and over again that real life most certainly is not a West Wing episode. The Republicans do not care about anything other than obtaining and holding power by any means necessary – they are T-1000 Terminators ruthlessly focused on winning at all costs.
So where is the call to action? Where is the activism? Where are requests for Democrats in the five Biden states with Republican legislatures to start pressuring their state lawmakers to commit to respecting the popular vote?
Biden may be calculating that any public pushback will only help Trump, and the best strategy is to try to starve the fraud allegations of attention. And sure, we may get lucky – things may eventually just sort themselves out with no big hullabaloo.
However, history suggests that it is pretty risky to bank on a passive strategy, leave it all up to fate and simply hope for the best through “normal” procedures during moments of obviously abnormal circumstances.
Indeed, refusing to wage a much more organized, public campaign to challenge Trump’s coup attempt is exactly the kind of strategy Democrats went with 20 years ago in Florida during the Brooks Brothers riot – and look how that turned out. We got an illegitimate Bush presidency that gave us the Iraq war and a financial crisis that ended or ruined millions of lives.
This time around it could be even worse – the end of whatever’s still left of American democracy.


theguardian--2020-11-12--Democrats got a rude awakening in rural America. Just look at Iowa | Art Cullen

Dancing in the streets was sweet after a democracy on edge reclaimed itself by virtue of its great metroplexes .
Come Monday , sobriety recalled four days spent glued to TV maps of great rural swaths of America awash in red .
Iowa and Ohio , which Joe Biden himself thought were in play , went red again .
The blue wall barely held in Wisconsin .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell looms large .
Poll after poll showed dead heats between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in Iowa , and between the Republican senator Joni Ernst and Democrat Theresa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The economy was not well despite massive agriculture bailouts .
Ernst flubbed the price of soybeans during a debate .
It appeared Iowa could swing back to the Democrats .
After all , Barack Obama is not that distant a memory .
The final Iowa poll from the Des Moines Register on the Saturday before the election flummoxed Democrats when it showed Trump and Ernst with comfortable leads .
The pollster Ann Selzer found a big shift among independents who wanted a GOP Senate to provide a check on the “ socialists ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 60bn on agribusiness in the past two years over disasters of his own making seemed like a thin soup .
A rural electorate immersed in Fox News , Sinclair Broadcasting and Facebook lapped it up .
The propaganda ( Democrats eat babies – it ’ s right there on social media ) , the preachers in the pulpit damning liberal judges and politicians , and a relentless ground game that saw Iowa Republicans register 20,000 more voters than Democrats put a seemingly indelible red lock on what used to be a purple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa House and Senate , which they already controlled .
The governor , Kim Reynolds , is Republican .
Dubuque , where union jobs drained south of the border steadily through the decades , used to be blue bulwark on the banks of the Mighty Mississippi .
Dubuque county voted for Trump at 51 % last week .
The incumbent US representative Abby Finkenauer , a Democratic daughter of a Dubuque union household , was defeated by the TV news anchor Ashley Hinson , a Republican who supported Trump .
The Finkenauer defeat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Democratic party that has lost its way along the country blacktop roads .
The urban-rural divide is vivid as ever .
If it can ’ t be narrowed , American democratic liberty remains challenged .
A palpable resentment among those left behind from the coastal economic juggernauts finds its expression in people dressed in Hawaiian shirts planning to kidnap the governor of Michigan and execute her to start a civil war .
Believe it .
Most of us are not ready to pick up a gun .
But it keeps racism bubbling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like our courts or elections .
It prevents us from solving existential crises like the pandemic or , even more threatening , global heating .
John Russell knows the back roads .
He was Elizabeth Warren ’ s rural Iowa coordinator , a 30-something reared around Wellsville , Ohio , population 3,500 , nestled in the corner of Appalachia that touches Pennsylvania and West Virginia .
Like Dubuque , the Ohio River Valley used to be union country – steel , autos , kilns , dirty hands .
Those jobs are lost and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no Mexican immigrant engineered it .
Eight years ago , the Democratic state legislator from Russell ’ s county got 51 % of the vote .
This year , the Democrat got 26 % .
The margins were the same in rural Iowa .
Turnout in rural precincts blew out the metros .
While in Iowa , Russell lived upstairs from a biker bar in Webster City , a typical county seat town of about 7,800 people that never really recovered from the farm crisis that snuffed out a generation of vitality in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ factory was moved to a maquiladora in Mexico .
Retail trade bleeds to Amazon.com .
Meantime , a new pork plant opened up nearby where the workforce is overwhelmingly Latino .
Starting pay : $ 16 an hour , just enough to get by if you scrimp .
Russell became friends in the bar with a foreman at the pork plant married to a teacher .
Their household income would be well north of $ 100,000 , big money in a small town .
“ He believes crap that would make your jaw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White folks are buying what Fox and Sinclair Broadcasting are selling – it ’ s Worldwide Wrestling Entertainment .
Strong opinions loosely held.
” The foreman hangs with a Mexican friend , Carlos , yet he voted for an anti-immigrant president and congressman .
“ Our brand is just so off , ” said the Sioux City Democrat JD Scholten , who outperformed Biden but still got shellacked in his uphill run against the Republican Randy Feenstra for Congress from north-west Iowa .
“ It ’ s all about owning the libs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s job of uniting the country starts on the Great Plains and Appalachia .
It ’ s a tough sell , but Biden knows how from years of horse-trading in the Senate .
Two ideas with appeal : renewable energy and agricultural conservation .
The Iowa senator Chuck Grassley , a Republican , purports himself to be the “ father of wind energy ” .
McConnell is all for hemp production that could fuel a Kentucky ethanol industry and save former tobacco growers .
Solar jobs at $ 75,000 can compete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ build a better electric car than China ?
Hell yes , the Democrats and Republicans will reply in stereo .
The Farm Bureau on the right at the Farmers Union on the left support paying farmers for environmental services like clean water and carbon sequestration .
Cargill and General Mills have bought in .
So has Wall Street – so long as you don ’ t call it the Green New Deal .
We have to start somewhere patching this nation back together .
• None Art Cullen is editor of the Storm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he won the Pulitzer Prize for editorial writing .
He is a Guardian US columnist and author of the book , Storm Lake : Change , Resilience , and Hope in America ’ s Heartland

Dancing in the streets was sweet after a democracy on edge reclaimed itself by virtue of its great metroplexes. Come Monday, sobriety recalled four days spent glued to TV maps of great rural swaths of America awash in red. Iowa and Ohio, which Joe Biden himself thought were in play, went red again. The blue wall barely held in Wisconsin. The Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, looms large.
Poll after poll showed dead heats between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in Iowa, and between the Republican senator Joni Ernst and Democrat Theresa Greenfield. The pandemic was worsening. The economy was not well despite massive agriculture bailouts. Ernst flubbed the price of soybeans during a debate. It appeared Iowa could swing back to the Democrats. After all, Barack Obama is not that distant a memory.
The final Iowa poll from the Des Moines Register on the Saturday before the election flummoxed Democrats when it showed Trump and Ernst with comfortable leads. The pollster Ann Selzer found a big shift among independents who wanted a GOP Senate to provide a check on the “socialists”.
Running against socialism when Trump larded $60bn on agribusiness in the past two years over disasters of his own making seemed like a thin soup. A rural electorate immersed in Fox News, Sinclair Broadcasting and Facebook lapped it up. The propaganda (Democrats eat babies – it’s right there on social media), the preachers in the pulpit damning liberal judges and politicians, and a relentless ground game that saw Iowa Republicans register 20,000 more voters than Democrats put a seemingly indelible red lock on what used to be a purple state.
Republicans gained seats in the Iowa house and senate, which they already controlled. The governor, Kim Reynolds, is Republican. Dubuque, where union jobs drained south of the border steadily through the decades, used to be a blue bulwark on the banks of the Mighty Mississippi. Dubuque county voted for Trump at 51% last week. The incumbent US representative Abby Finkenauer, a Democratic daughter of a Dubuque union household, was defeated by the TV news anchor Ashley Hinson, a Republican who supported Trump. The Finkenauer defeat and Ernst victory were devastating blows to a Democratic party that has lost its way along the country blacktop roads.
It’s all about owning the libs. It’s not about policy Democrat JD Scholten
The urban-rural divide is vivid as ever. If it can’t be narrowed, American democratic liberty remains challenged. A palpable resentment among those left behind from the coastal economic juggernauts finds its expression in people dressed in Hawaiian shirts planning to kidnap the governor of Michigan and execute her to start a civil war. Believe it. Most of us are not ready to pick up a gun. But it keeps racism bubbling. It erodes trust in institutions, like our courts or elections. It prevents us from solving existential crises like the pandemic or, even more threatening, global heating.
John Russell knows the back roads. He was Elizabeth Warren’s rural Iowa coordinator, a thirtysomething reared around Wellsville, Ohio, population 3,500, nestled in the corner of Appalachia that touches Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Like Dubuque, the Ohio River Valley used to be union country – steel, autos, kilns, dirty hands. Those jobs are lost and the unions busted by President Reagan; no Mexican immigrant engineered it. Eight years ago, the Democratic state legislator from Russell’s county got 51% of the vote. This year, the Democrat got 26%. The margins were the same in rural Iowa. Turnout in rural precincts blew out the metros.
While in Iowa, Russell lived upstairs from a biker bar in Webster City, a typical county seat town of about 7,800 people that never really recovered from the farm crisis that snuffed out a generation of vitality in the 1980s. The Electrolux vacuum cleaner factory was moved to a maquiladora in Mexico. Retail trade bleeds to Amazon.com. Meantime, a new pork plant opened up nearby where the workforce is overwhelmingly Latino. Starting pay: $16 an hour, just enough to get by if you scrimp.
People enters a polling place at Sherman Township Hall, a former one room schoolhouse, in Zearing, Iowa. Photograph: Mario Tama/Getty Images
Russell became friends in the bar with a foreman at the pork plant married to a teacher. Their household income would be well north of $100,000, big money in a small town. “He believes crap that would make your jaw drop,” Russell said. “White folks are buying what Fox and Sinclair Broadcasting are selling – it’s Worldwide Wrestling Entertainment. Strong opinions loosely held.”
The foreman hangs with a Mexican friend, Carlos, yet he voted for an anti-immigrant president and congressman.
“Our brand is just so off,” said the Sioux City Democrat JD Scholten, who outperformed Biden but still got shellacked in his uphill run against the Republican Randy Feenstra for Congress from north-west Iowa. “It’s all about owning the libs. It’s not about policy.”
Biden’s job of uniting the country starts on the Great Plains and Appalachia. It’s a tough sell, but Biden knows how from years of horse-trading in the Senate. Two ideas with appeal: renewable energy and agricultural conservation. The Iowa senator Chuck Grassley, a Republican, purports himself to be the “father of wind energy”. McConnell is all for hemp production that could fuel a Kentucky ethanol industry and save former tobacco growers. Solar jobs at $75,000 can compete with fracking around Wellsville. Can Ohio build a better electric car than China? Hell yes, the Democrats and Republicans will reply in stereo. The Farm Bureau on the right and the Farmers Union on the left support paying farmers for environmental services like clean water and carbon sequestration. Cargill and General Mills have bought in. So has Wall Street – so long as you don’t call it the Green New Deal. We have to start somewhere patching this nation back together.


theguardian--2020-11-12--Latinos could swing Georgia. Don't repeat the mistakes of Florida and Texas | Chuck Rocha

In less than eight weeks , voters of the now-blue state of Georgia will head to the polls to vote in the Senate runoff election on 5 January 2021 to decide if Reverend Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff will join their Democratic colleagues in Congress .
These two seats are crucial to deliver the mandate needed by Joe Biden to enact his ambitious vision for America ’ s future .
With the Democratic party ’ s hopes and dreams resting on Georgia ’ s shoulders , it would be a costly misstep to overlook a key demographic : Latinos .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Georgia , the majority of whom live in and around the Atlanta metro area .
About 300,000 persuadable Latino voters who are registered to vote identify as neither Democrat nor Republican .
These voters represent a small but decisive 5 % of the electorate .
In a world in which races are won on razor-thin margins , that 5 % is a crucial swing vote .
In the days leading up to the 2020 general election , I watched my colleagues ’ hopes rise at the sight of a string of polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and record-breaking early voter turnout in my home state of Texas .
These hopes were quickly dashed .
In the wake of defeat , my phone started to buzz with people asking , urgently : what went wrong with the Latino vote ?
It was the first time in my 30 years of political experience that the nation finally learned a truth that Latino organizers have been trying to convey for ages .
We are not a monolith and you must ask us for our vote if you want to earn our vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ straight : President-elect Joe Biden won Latino voters .
He spent more money engaging with Latino voters in his 2020 campaign than either Barack Obama or Hilary Clinton .
This investment paid off for Biden , with decisive Latino victories in the states he focused on competing in , including Florida .
By now , we have all heard about the heroine of Georgia ’ s historic blue shift .
Stacey Abrams ’ unprecedented grassroots voter registration and mobilization efforts have unequivocally proven that the antidote to poisonous voter suppression tactics and lagging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both statewide and community-led operations .
Fair Fight Action was responsible for the registration of over 800,000 voters in Georgia – a force to be reckoned with in the once reliably-red South .
This level of mobilization , focused on Latinos , will be critical to swing the Georgia special election toward Democrats and clinch these two remaining Senate seats .
Every 30 seconds in America , a Latino turns 18 and becomes eligible to vote .
Over half of Georgia ’ s Latino population is under the age of 18 .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Georgia who will turn 18 on or before 5 January who qualify to register to vote in the Senate elections .
This is in addition to hundreds of thousands of Latinos already over the age of 18 who are currently unregistered to vote .
The registration deadline for all Georgians who wish to vote in the runoff elections is less than a month away , on 7 December .
These next three weeks present a small window of opportunity for Democrats to expand their electorate .
Emerging Latino populations can and will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latino organizers and groups on the ground such as Galeo , a non-profit that helps register new Latino voters across Georgia , need funding and resources right now in order to mobilize Latinos in large enough numbers to swing the state .
Over the past four months , Nuestro Pac – now the largest Latino-focused Super Pac , which I helped found – spent over $ 5m to galvanize Latino voters for Biden in swing states like Arizona , Michigan , Nevada and Pennsylvania .
These efforts helped deliver the margins of victory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he won .
Georgia presents an enormous opportunity for Democrats , in part because the unique nuances of Latino voters in Texas and Florida , who are culturally distinct from elsewhere , are not present to the same extent in Georgia .
The most pressing issue for Latinos in Georgia – and Latinos in general – is Covid relief funds , which are currently being held hostage by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell .
Healthcare is a similarly critical issue for Latinos in Georgia – yet the Republican party has voted over 50 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provided by the Affordable Care Act , and are trying to defeat it through the supreme court .
Through the appointment of a new and diverse Covid-19 taskforce , Biden has already taken a crucial first step to instill confidence in these voters .
Now it is time for investment in grassroots organizing so that Latinos can deliver Biden a mandate .
• None Chuck Rocha is the president of Solidarity Strategies and the founder of Nuestro Pac .
He was a senior adviser to the Bernie Sanders campaign

In less than eight weeks, voters of the now-blue state of Georgia will head to the polls to vote in the Senate runoff election on 5 January 2021 to decide if the Rev Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff will join their Democratic colleagues in Congress. These two seats are crucial to deliver the mandate needed by Joe Biden to enact his ambitious vision for America’s future.
With the Democratic party’s hopes and dreams resting on Georgia’s shoulders, it would be a costly misstep to overlook a key demographic: Latinos. There are nearly a million Latinos living in Georgia, the majority of whom live in and around the Atlanta metro area. About 300,000 persuadable Latino voters who are registered to vote identify as neither Democrat nor Republican. These voters represent a small but decisive 5% of the electorate. In a world in which races are won on razor-thin margins, that 5% is a crucial swing vote.
In the days leading up to the 2020 general election, I watched my colleagues’ hopes rise at the sight of a string of polls showing Biden with the lead in Florida and record-breaking early voter turnout in my home state of Texas. These hopes were quickly dashed. In the wake of defeat, my phone started to buzz with people asking, urgently: what went wrong with the Latino vote? It was the first time in my 30 years of political experience that the nation finally learned a truth that Latino organizers have been trying to convey for ages. We are not a monolith and you must ask us for our vote if you want to earn our vote.
Let’s set the record straight: President-elect Joe Biden won Latino voters. He spent more money engaging with Latino voters in his 2020 campaign than either Barack Obama or Hilary Clinton. This investment paid off for Biden, with decisive Latino victories in the states he focused on competing in, including Florida.
By now, we have all heard about the heroine of Georgia’s historic blue shift. Stacey Abrams’ unprecedented grassroots voter registration and mobilization efforts have unequivocally proven that the antidote to poisonous voter suppression tactics and lagging voter engagement involves two key ingredients: both statewide and community-led operations.
Fair Fight Action was responsible for the registration of over 800,000 voters in Georgia – a force to be reckoned with in the once reliably red south. This level of mobilization, focused on Latinos, will be critical to swing the Georgia special election toward Democrats and clinch these two remaining Senate seats.
We are not a monolith and you must ask us for our vote if you want to earn our vote
Every 30 seconds in America, a Latino turns 18 and becomes eligible to vote. Over half of Georgia’s Latino population is under the age of 18. This means there are thousands of Latino youth in Georgia who will turn 18 on or before 5 January who qualify to register to vote in the Senate elections. This is in addition to hundreds of thousands of Latinos already over the age of 18 who are currently unregistered to vote.
The registration deadline for all Georgians who wish to vote in the runoff elections is less than a month away, on 7 December. These next three weeks present a small window of opportunity for Democrats to expand their electorate. Emerging Latino populations can and will tip the balance in this election.
Latino organizers and groups on the ground such as Galeo, a non-profit that helps register new Latino voters across Georgia, need funding and resources right now in order to mobilize Latinos in large enough numbers to swing the state. Over the past four months, Nuestro Pac – now the largest Latino-focused Super Pac, which I helped found – spent over $5m to galvanize Latino voters for Biden in swing states like Arizona, Michigan, Nevada and Pennsylvania. These efforts helped deliver the margins of victory for Biden in many of the states he won.
Georgia presents an enormous opportunity for Democrats, in part because the unique nuances of Latino voters in Texas and Florida, who are culturally distinct from elsewhere, are not present to the same extent in Georgia. The most pressing issue for Latinos in Georgia – and Latinos in general – is Covid relief funds, which are currently being held hostage by the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell. Healthcare is a similarly critical issue for Latinos in Georgia – yet the Republican party has voted over 50 times to strip Americans of health protections provided by the Affordable Care Act, and are trying to defeat it through the supreme court.
Through the appointment of a new and diverse Covid-19 taskforce, Biden has already taken a crucial first step to instill confidence in these voters. Now it is time for investment in grassroots organizing so that Latinos can deliver Biden a mandate.


theguardian--2020-11-12--Uber bought itself a law. Here's why that's dangerous for struggling drivers like me | Cherri Murphy

Along with Lyft , Instacart , DoorDash and Postmates , app companies spent more than $ 200m – the most spent on any ballot campaign in US history – to bankroll Proposition 22 in California .
With its passage , the law will now exempt drivers like me from basic protections afforded to most other workers in the state .
And in the aftermath of their bought-and-paid-for victory , these companies are promising to roll out this model nationwide , foretelling a grim future for gig workers across the US .
But let ’ s be absolutely clear : Prop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in California , inundated with ads promising drivers a “ living wage ” , flexibility and greater benefits , believed they were ensuring drivers a better future in the middle of a pandemic and recession .
But voters were hoodwinked .
Drivers are now neither employees , guaranteed rights and benefits such as healthcare , nor true independent contractors , since we can ’ t set our own rates , choose our own clients , or build wealth on the apps .
Instead , Prop 22 promises substandard healthcare , a death sentence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
We ’ re promised a sub-minimum wage in the middle of a recession that an independent study showed would be as low as $ 5.64 an hour – not the eventual $ 15 state minimum .
We ’ re given no family leave , no paid sick days and no access to state unemployment compensation .
Most importantly , while we ’ re already prevented from unionizing under federal law , the measure also makes it nearly impossible for California to pass laws protecting drivers who organize collectively , a fundamental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power .
The companies fought ruthlessly to put us here .
When California clarified who should be an employee for the purposes of state law , the companies first ignored it , arguing the law did not apply to them .
Then , as California ’ s attorney general and city attorneys across the state sued them , they decided to pour millions into passing their own law , even threatening to leave the state if they did not get their way .
And when the campaign got under way , these companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ click through in-app messages warning them that they would lose their jobs if Prop 22 failed – for which they were sued .
It sent notifications to riders warning of longer wait times and higher prices .
Instacart had its workers include “ Yes on 22 ” stickers in every order and deliver them in “ Yes on 22 ” bags .
They even spent part of their war chest convincing voters that it was racist to oppose the measure , a particular affront when 78 % of drivers in San Francisco are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants .
Lyft ran ads quoting Maya Angelou ’ s “ Lift up your eyes ” poem , and Uber bought billboards stating “ If you tolerate racism , delete Uber ” to capitalize on the Black Lives Matter movement .
The Prop 22 campaign touted the support of BLM Sacramento , only to retract it when the group ’ s leader said she personally supported it but the group as a whole did not .
All this while trying to strip a majority Black and brown workforce of fundamental labor rights .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentiment I ’ ve heard and felt from drivers isn ’ t resignation , but anger and energy to keep the struggle going .
Drivers have been organizing before this campaign and we ’ ll keep organizing after , just as farm workers , domestic workers , and others cut off from basic labor standards have done for decades .
Far from ending this fight , these app companies accelerated and cemented our organizing , bringing thousands of drivers together across the state .
And we have options .
First , Uber , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions of dollars in stolen wages , for which they are being sued by the California labor commissioner .
That suit can continue , along with others launched by the attorney general and several city and district attorneys , that could also give ride-hail and delivery drivers hundreds of millions of dollars in damages .
Second , these companies must keep their promises .
They ’ ve made promises for healthcare , minimum wage , workers ’ compensation and more , but in all my three years working as a driver , completing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve never followed through .
Drivers will be holding them to account across the state , ensuring we are being provided the minimums in the new law .
Finally , despite threats by each gig company to take the Prop 22 model nationwide , the new administration may not be so receptive .
Both Joe Biden , the president-elect , and Kamala Harris , the vice-president-elect , opposed Prop 22 , speaking of an “ epidemic of misclassification ” , and their campaign plan specifically states they would model federal gig worker legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Prop 22 is allowing app-based companies to avoid .
These multibillion-dollar companies have enough money to bring this fight to each and every state .
They spent more than $ 200m in California , but the very next day , their stock prices soared , adding $ 10bn to their valuations .
This is just the cost of doing business to them .
Writing laws is easier than following them .
We can ’ t let them .
In California , one of the world ’ s wealthiest economies , I should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my bills as a driver .
I shouldn ’ t be forced to scour for public bathrooms or work 70-hour weeks to do this job .
But that ’ s what these companies have forced upon us .
Uber may have bought itself a law , but it has not bought itself reprieve .
All labor has dignity , and driving for Uber or Lyft should be no different .
Cherri Murphy is a social justice minister and Lyft driver based in Oakland , California .
She is also an organizer with Gig @ @ @

Last week, Uber bought itself a law.
Along with Lyft, Instacart, DoorDash and Postmates, app companies spent more than $200m – the most spent on any ballot campaign in US history – to bankroll Proposition 22 in California. With its passage, the law will now exempt drivers like me from basic protections afforded to most other workers in the state.
And in the aftermath of their bought-and-paid-for victory, these companies are promising to roll out this model nationwide, foretelling a grim future for gig workers across the US.
But let’s be absolutely clear: Prop 22 is a dangerous law. Voters in California, inundated with ads promising drivers a “living wage”, flexibility and greater benefits, believed they were ensuring drivers a better future in the middle of a pandemic and recession.
But voters were hoodwinked. Drivers are now neither employees, guaranteed rights and benefits such as healthcare, nor true independent contractors, since we can’t set our own rates, choose our own clients, or build wealth on the apps.
Instead, Prop 22 promises substandard healthcare, a death sentence to many in the middle of a pandemic. We’re promised a sub-minimum wage in the middle of a recession that an independent study showed would be as low as $5.64 an hour – not the eventual $15 state minimum. We’re given no family leave, no paid sick days and no access to state unemployment compensation. Most importantly, while we’re already prevented from unionizing under federal law, the measure also makes it nearly impossible for California to pass laws protecting drivers who organize collectively, a fundamental right that companies undermine to silence worker power.
A rideshare driver holds up a sign supporting a no vote on Prop 22 in Oakland, California, last month. Photograph: Josh Edelson/AFP/Getty Images
The companies fought ruthlessly to put us here. When California clarified who should be an employee for the purposes of state law, the companies first ignored it, arguing the law did not apply to them. Then, as California’s attorney general and city attorneys across the state sued them, they decided to pour millions into passing their own law, even threatening to leave the state if they did not get their way.
And when the campaign got under way, these companies were unconscionable. Uber forced drivers to click through in-app messages warning them that they would lose their jobs if Prop 22 failed – for which they were sued. It sent notifications to riders warning of longer wait times and higher prices. Instacart had its workers include “Yes on 22” stickers in every order and deliver them in “Yes on 22” bags.
They even spent part of their war chest convincing voters that it was racist to oppose the measure, a particular affront when 78% of drivers in San Francisco are people of color and 56% are immigrants. Lyft ran ads quoting Maya Angelou’s “Lift up your eyes” poem, and Uber bought billboards stating “If you tolerate racism, delete Uber” to capitalize on the Black Lives Matter movement. The Prop 22 campaign touted the support of BLM Sacramento, only to retract it when the group’s leader said she personally supported it but the group as a whole did not. All this while trying to strip a majority Black and brown workforce of fundamental labor rights.
Yet, through it all, the sentiment I’ve heard and felt from drivers isn’t resignation, but anger and energy to keep the struggle going. Drivers have been organizing before this campaign and we’ll keep organizing after, just as farm workers, domestic workers, and others cut off from basic labor standards have done for decades.
Far from ending this fight, these app companies accelerated and cemented our organizing, bringing thousands of drivers together across the state. And we have options.
In California, one of the world’s wealthiest economies, I should be able to afford rent and pay my bills as a driver
First, Uber, Lyft and the other gig companies owe millions of dollars in stolen wages, for which they are being sued by the California labor commissioner. That suit can continue, along with others launched by the attorney general and several city and district attorneys, that could also give ride-hail and delivery drivers hundreds of millions of dollars in damages.
Second, these companies must keep their promises. They’ve made promises for healthcare, minimum wage, workers’ compensation and more, but in all my three years working as a driver, completing more than 12,000 rides, they’ve never followed through. Drivers will be holding them to account across the state, ensuring we are being provided the minimums in the new law.
Finally, despite threats by each gig company to take the Prop 22 model nationwide, the new administration may not be so receptive. Both Joe Biden, the president-elect, and Kamala Harris, the vice-president-elect, opposed Prop 22, speaking of an “epidemic of misclassification”, and their campaign plan specifically states they would model federal gig worker legislation on the California law, AB5, that Prop 22 is allowing app-based companies to avoid.
These multibillion-dollar companies have enough money to bring this fight to each and every state. They spent more than $200m in California, but the very next day, their stock prices soared, adding $10bn to their valuations. This is just the cost of doing business to them. Writing laws is easier than following them.
We can’t let them. In California, one of the world’s wealthiest economies, I should be able to afford rent and pay my bills as a driver. I shouldn’t be forced to scour for public bathrooms or work 70-hour weeks to do this job. But that’s what these companies have forced upon us.
Uber may have bought itself a law, but it has not bought itself reprieve. All labor has dignity, and driving for Uber or Lyft should be no different.
Cherri Murphy is a social justice minister and Lyft driver based in Oakland, California. She is also an organizer with Gig Workers Rising.


theguardian--2020-11-11--A congresswoman's predicament: what to wear? Cori Bush and AOC talk it out

Last night newly elected Democratic congresswoman Cori Bush , who made history this year when she defeated a 10-term incumbent and became the first Black woman elected to Congress in Missouri , tweeted a practical concern about entering the House of Congress .
“ The reality of being a regular person going to Congress is it ’ s really expensive to get the business clothes I need , ” she said .
Bush , the single mother of two children , gave up her health insurance to run for office , leaving full time work as an ordained pastor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to dress for a place where people are used to inordinate means : in 2018 , the median net-worth of a congressperson was $ 511,000 , eight times that of the average US household .
The majority of her colleagues at Congress are also millionaires – meanwhile , Bush will not receive her first paycheck until after inauguration on 20 January , potentially later depending on how long it takes Trump to acknowledge defeat .
Bush is not the first to have these practical concerns .
Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib responded to Bush , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ayanna Pressley responded with make up tips .
Alexandria Ocasio Cortez offered to go shopping with Bush .
Ocasio Cortez , who was a waitress before being elected to Congress , has always spoken openly about how borrowing from friends , thrift shopping and a clothing rental subscription her friend bought her got her through her first term in the house .
“ There is so much policing of women … because Congress is not used to anybody who doesn ’ t look like the norm , ” Ocasio-Cortez told Elle after she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was pushed to “ [ look ] a lot more expensive than what [ she ] can afford.
” She is not wrong .
Women are still fired for not wearing heels , a bra , or make up in the workplace , and those wearing “ richer clothes ” are thought to be more competent than those wearing “ poorer clothes.
” Meanwhile , in the UK , a government funded commission discovered how simply wearing the wrong shoe color can identify someone as working class in lucrative industries , locking them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won herself the ire of people who think she shouldn ’ t complain about shelling out for a few suits – after all , her salary is higher than the average American .
Ocasio-Cortez was also mocked for either re-wearing outfits , or wearing outfits that were too pricey ( women can ’ t win , remember ? )
.
Her $ 200 haircut made headlines , but conservative pundits have little to say about the $ 70k Trump spent on hairstylists .
Rich , Republican women are also excluded from this fury @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands on clothes , jewelry , lotions and girls nights and charged it to the taxpayer with barely the same amount of public scrutinity .
The question , then , is not simply “ how dare these women ?
” but “ how dare these poor women ?
” ( the irony that those women fight for higher wages for the working class should not be lost , either ) .
As for Bush , she does not see herself as a victim .
She offered to do a fashion show while she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her predicament rather than complaining .
While members of the Squad have been dismissed as being too “ on Twitter ” by people like Nancy Pelosi , it is strategic how AOC , Pressley , Tlaib and now Bush are capitalizing on their outsider status and commonality with everyday Americans by speaking about class , money and social capital without shame .
As Ocasio-Cortez put it back in 2018 : “ The most powerful position you can be in is when you ’ re not trying to compromise yourself , and you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we earned this seat .
”

Last night newly elected Democratic congresswoman Cori Bush, who made history this year when she defeated a 10-term incumbent and became the first Black woman elected to Congress in Missouri, tweeted a practical concern about entering the House of Congress. “The reality of being a regular person going to Congress is it’s really expensive to get the business clothes I need,” she said.
The reality of being a regular person going to Congress is that it’s really expensive to get the business clothes I need for the Hill. So I’m going thrift shopping tomorrow.
Should I do a fashion show? ⬇ — Cori Bush (@CoriBush) November 11, 2020
Bush, a single mother of two children, gave up her health insurance to run for office, leaving full-time work as an ordained pastor and nurse. She now finds herself having to dress for a place where people are used to inordinate means: in 2018, the median net worth of a congressperson was $511,000, eight times that of the average US household. The majority of her colleagues at Congress are also millionaires – meanwhile, Bush will not receive her first paycheck until after inauguration on 20 January , potentially later depending on how long it takes Trump to acknowledge defeat.
Bush is not the first to have these practical concerns. Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib responded to Bush, saying she shops in thrift stores. Ayanna Pressley responded with makeup tips.
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez offered to go shopping with Bush. Ocasio-Cortez, who was a waitress before being elected to Congress, has always spoken openly about how borrowing from friends, thrift shopping and a clothing rental subscription her friend bought her got her through her first term in the house.
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez at Capitol Hill. Photograph: Rex/Shutterstock
“There is so much policing of women … because Congress is not used to anybody who doesn’t look like the norm,” Ocasio-Cortez told Elle after she was first elected – sharing how she was pushed to “[look] a lot more expensive than what [she] can afford”.
She is not wrong. Women are still fired for not wearing heels, a bra, or makeup in the workplace, and those wearing “richer clothes” are thought to be more competent than those wearing “poorer clothes”. Meanwhile, in the UK, a government-funded commission discovered how simply wearing the wrong shoe color can identify someone as working class in lucrative industries, locking them out of opportunities.
Bush has already won herself the ire of people who think she shouldn’t complain about shelling out for a few suits – after all, her salary is higher than the average American. Ocasio-Cortez was also mocked for either re-wearing outfits, or wearing outfits that were too pricey (women can’t win, remember?). Her $200 haircut made headlines, but conservative pundits have little to say about the $70k Trump spent on hairstylists.
Rich, Republican women are also excluded from this fury: Seema Verma, who has spent thousands on clothes, jewelry, lotions and girls nights and charged it to the taxpayer with barely the same amount of public scrutinity. The question, then, is not simply “how dare these women?” but “how dare these poor women?” (the fact that those women fight for higher wages for the working class should not be lost, either).
As for Bush, she does not see herself as a victim. She offered to do a fashion show while she shops, feeding off the joy of her predicament rather than complaining.
While members of the Squad have been dismissed as being too “on Twitter” by people like Nancy Pelosi, it is strategic how AOC, Pressley, Tlaib and now Bush are capitalizing on their outsider status and commonality with everyday Americans by speaking about class, money and social capital without shame.
As Ocasio-Cortez put it back in 2018: “The most powerful position you can be in is when you’re not trying to compromise yourself, and you’re just being unapologetically present, because we earned this seat.”


theguardian--2020-11-12--'Great expectations': how world leaders reacted to Biden and Harris's election win – video

Most world leaders rushed to congratulate Joe Biden on his election on Twitter , and spoke of ‘ hope ’ @ @ @ @ @ later statements .
Biden ’ s key foreign policy priorities are cooperation in the fight @ @ @ @ @ to rejoin the UN Paris climate agreement and , more broadly , to promise a @ @ @ @ @ US allies .
Russia and China are yet to congratulate the president-elect , as the @ @ @ @ @ , is yet to concede defeat

Most world leaders rushed to congratulate Joe Biden on his election on Twitter, and spoke of 'hope' and 'expectation' in later statements.
Biden’s key foreign policy priorities are cooperation in the fight against coronavirus, a commitment to rejoin the UN Paris climate agreement and, more broadly, to promise a change in tone toward traditional US allies.
Russia and China are yet to congratulate the president-elect, as the outgoing president, Donald Trump, is yet to concede defeat


theguardian--2020-11-13--Donald Trump attacks Fox News: 'They forgot the golden goose'

Donald Trump has unleashed a torrent of tweets denouncing Fox News , accusing the network of having forgotten “ what made them successful , what got them there ” .
“ They forgot the Golden Goose , ” Trump wrote in a tweet posted at midday on Thursday : The tirade was posted after the president , who has refused to acknowledge his election loss to Democratic nominee Joe Biden , retweeted multiple comments from supporters , many of which expressed the view that they would instead be relying on right-wing cable channel and website Newsmax .
Late on Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ headlined “ Sen .
Ted Cruz to Newsmax TV : ‘ Media Don ’ t Get to Decide Presidency ’ .
” Among Trump ’ s retweets was one by a user called “ Appalachian Christian ” , who said : “ Suit yourself Left Fox 4 NewsMaxxxxx.
” Fox was one of the first news organisations to call the state of Arizona for Biden and has warned its readers that Trump ’ s claims of victory are false .
On Monday night , Fox host Neil Cavuto cut away from a campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secretary Kayleigh McEnany at the Republican National Committee headquarters when McEnany said that Trump ’ s campaign team “ wanted every legal vote to be counted ” .
“ Whoa , whoa , whoa – I just think we have to be very clear .
She ’ s charging the other side as welcoming fraud and welcoming illegal voting .
Unless she has more details to back that up , I can ’ t in good countenance continue to show you this , ” Cavuto said from the studio .
Trump on Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s “ ratings have completely collapsed.
” Trump ’ s embrace of Newsmax has however translated into a ratings boost , with viewership jumping from an average of 65,000 people before the election to 800,000 viewers of its prime time shows this week , according to Nielsen data quoted in the New York Times , which reports that the NewsMax app was the fourth most popular on the Apple App Store on Thursday .
Trump has not made any public appearance since Biden ’ s victory on Saturday , but has continued to @ @ @

Donald Trump has unleashed a torrent of tweets denouncing Fox News, accusing the network of having forgotten “what made them successful, what got them there”.
“They forgot the Golden Goose,” Trump wrote in a tweet posted at midday on Thursday:
.@FoxNews daytime ratings have completely collapsed. Weekend daytime even WORSE. Very sad to watch this happen, but they forgot what made them successful, what got them there. They forgot the Golden Goose. The biggest difference between the 2016 Election, and 2020, was @FoxNews! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 12, 2020
The tirade was posted after the president, who has refused to acknowledge his election loss to Democratic nominee Joe Biden, retweeted multiple comments from supporters, many of which expressed the view that they would instead be relying on right-wing cable channel and website Newsmax.
Late on Thursday, the top story on Newsmax.com was headlined “Sen. Ted Cruz to Newsmax TV: ‘Media Don’t Get to Decide Presidency’.”
Among Trump’s retweets was one by a user called “Appalachian Christian”, who said: “Suit yourself Left Fox 4 NewsMaxxxxx.”
Fox was one of the first news organisations to call the state of Arizona for Biden and has warned its readers that Trump’s claims of victory are false.
On Monday night, Fox host Neil Cavuto cut away from a campaign event hosted by the White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany at the Republican National Committee headquarters when McEnany said that Trump’s campaign team “wanted every legal vote to be counted”.
00:33 'Whoa': Fox News cuts off Kayleigh McEnany for 'illegal votes' spiel – video
“Whoa, whoa, whoa – I just think we have to be very clear. She’s charging the other side as welcoming fraud and welcoming illegal voting. Unless she has more details to back that up, I can’t in good countenance continue to show you this,” Cavuto said from the studio.
Trump on Monday claimed without evidence that the network’s “ratings have completely collapsed.”
Trump’s embrace of Newsmax has however translated into a ratings boost, with viewership jumping from an average of 65,000 people before the election to 800,000 viewers of its prime time shows this week, according to Nielsen data quoted in the New York Times, which reports that the NewsMax app was the fourth most popular on the Apple App Store on Thursday.
Later on Thursday, however, Trump tweeted his praise for two Fox hosts, both long-time Trump loyalists, touting a “must see” segment by commentator Sean Hannity and a “confirming and powerful piece” by Fox Business Network anchor Lou Dobbs.