theguardian--2020-11-01--America is a failing state. And establishment politics can’t solve the crisis | Bhaskar Sunkara

In 2020 , America has shown itself to be exceptional in the worst possible ways .
No other rich country has such a poor public health infrastructure or such a tattered social safety net .
America ’ s levels of both police violence and violent crime find their closest peers in countries like Venezuela and South Africa , not Canada and Germany .
And even Cuba and Bosnia and Herzegovina beat the world ’ s only superpower in infant mortality and other key social indicators .
In the most powerful country on Earth , 29.3 million people say that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not have enough to eat .
Forty million Americans are impoverished , according to the UN .
Half a million are homeless .
And all this was true before the full brunt of the pandemic ’ s economic recession hit .
Given these stark figures , the relative stability of the United States is a wonder .
The country has maintained popular suffrage and democratic institutions ( for white males , at least ) for two centuries and married that form of government with a dynamic capitalist economy capable of creating vast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners have managed to avoid even the rise of a major social-democratic or labor party ; in the US , demands for economic justice are filtered through – and watered down by – a centrist Democratic party and a byzantine system of government deliberately designed to limit popular passions .
But perhaps that muzzling is reaching its limit .
The past decade has seen bolder challenges to the establishment order – the Occupy movement , the surprising outsider challenge of Bernie Sanders , the equally unexpected rise of Donald Trump and the populist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence .
Faced with all of this , as well as its inability to address the Covid pandemic , the American state looks embarrassingly ineffectual and increasingly lacking in popular legitimacy .
Part of the problem lies with the federal structure of the United States .
With power split between the local , state , and federal levels and among different branches of government , there are countless “ brake ” points in the system that stall or stymie attempts at reform .
Of course , this structure has a certain utility for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put it well : “ The aim of the right is always to restrict the scope of class conflict – to bring it down to as low a level as possible .
The smaller and more local the political unit , the easier it is to run it oligarchically.
” For those on the left who want to change things , the dilemma is not just how to reach power and government ( hard enough as that is ) but how to reconstitute the American republic in a way that allows us to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ periods of progressive activity in US history – Abraham Lincoln and the struggle against the slaver class ; the populist era ; the New Deal – have embodied this spirit .
For President Franklin D Roosevelt , new collective bargaining rights and entitlement programs needed to be safeguarded by more effective government institutions .
His administration pushed for new agencies to enforce labor law , reorganized the executive branch , and attempted a sweeping modernization of the US supreme court .
Roosevelt even flouted the ( at the time , unofficial ) presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his predecessors was ultimately limited .
Yet despite our past failures , popular organizing has yielded enough gains , over time , to create a US that is not quite the worst of all possible worlds .
We have maintained crucial democratic rights and extended those rights to black Americans , women and other oppressed groups .
We have a limited welfare system for the very poor and the elderly and public guarantees to primary and secondary education for all .
But we live in the shadow of the failure of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US as firmly as it did in the 20th century in other developed countries .
The result is a state woefully inadequate to address either slow-moving crises like hunger and poverty or more acute ones like coronavirus and climate change .
Winning mass support for a program of Medicare for All , green jobs , affordable housing , and more seems within reach .
But the left must find a way to not just popularize our goals , but secure the means – institutional reform – to achieve them .
Liberal figures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the journalist Jeffrey Toobin have trumpeted the need for some of these changes .
But we can ’ t just stop at the abolition of the electoral college and the Senate filibuster , or even full Congressional representation for Washington DC residents .
We must more fundamentally fight to transform the pre-modern political system that we ’ ve grafted on to our modern economy and society .
For progressives , that ’ s a battle far more daunting than just getting Trump out of the White House – but it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunkara is the founding editor of Jacobin magazine and a Guardian US columnist .
He is the author of The Socialist Manifesto : The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality

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In 2020, America has shown itself to be exceptional in the worst possible ways. No other rich country has such a poor public health infrastructure or such a tattered social safety net. America’s levels of both police violence and violent crime find their closest peers in countries like Venezuela and South Africa, not Canada and Germany. And even Cuba and Bosnia and Herzegovina beat the world’s only superpower in infant mortality and other key social indicators.
In the most powerful country on Earth, 29.3 million people say that they 'sometimes' or 'often' do not have enough to eat
In the most powerful country on Earth, 29.3 million people say that they “sometimes” or “often” do not have enough to eat. Forty million Americans are impoverished, according to the UN. Half a million are homeless.
And all this was true before the full brunt of the pandemic’s economic recession hit.
Given these stark figures, the relative stability of the United States is a wonder. The country has maintained popular suffrage and democratic institutions (for white males, at least) for two centuries and married that form of government with a dynamic capitalist economy capable of creating vast wealth. In fact, American business owners have managed to avoid even the rise of a major social-democratic or labor party; in the US, demands for economic justice are filtered through – and watered down by – a centrist Democratic party and a byzantine system of government deliberately designed to limit popular passions.
But perhaps that muzzling is reaching its limit. The past decade has seen bolder challenges to the establishment order – the Occupy movement, the surprising outsider challenge of Bernie Sanders, the equally unexpected rise of Donald Trump and the populist right, and street protests against police violence. Faced with all of this, as well as its inability to address the Covid pandemic, the American state looks embarrassingly ineffectual and increasingly lacking in popular legitimacy.
Part of the problem lies with the federal structure of the United States. With power split between the local, state, and federal levels and among different branches of government, there are countless “brake” points in the system that stall or stymie attempts at reform.
Of course, this structure has a certain utility for elites. The labor journalist Robert Fitch put it well: “The aim of the right is always to restrict the scope of class conflict – to bring it down to as low a level as possible. The smaller and more local the political unit, the easier it is to run it oligarchically.”
For those on the left who want to change things, the dilemma is not just how to reach power and government (hard enough as that is) but how to reconstitute the American republic in a way that allows us to actually achieve justice. The most important periods of progressive activity in US history – Abraham Lincoln and the struggle against the slaver class; the populist era; the New Deal – have embodied this spirit. For Franklin D Roosevelt, new collective bargaining rights and entitlement programs needed to be safeguarded by more effective government institutions. His administration pushed for new agencies to enforce labor law, reorganized the executive branch, and attempted a sweeping modernization of the US supreme court. Roosevelt even flouted the (at the time, unofficial) presidential two-term limit.
The left must find a way to not just popularize our goals, but secure the means – institutional reform – to achieve them
The success of FDR and his predecessors was ultimately limited. Yet despite our past failures, popular organizing has yielded enough gains, over time, to create a US that is not quite the worst of all possible worlds. We have maintained crucial democratic rights and extended those rights to black Americans, women and other oppressed groups. We have a limited welfare system for the very poor and the elderly and public guarantees to primary and secondary education for all. But we live in the shadow of the failure of our workers’ movement to take root in the US as firmly as it did in the 20th century in other developed countries. The result is a state woefully inadequate to address either slow-moving crises like hunger and poverty or more acute ones like coronavirus and climate change.
Winning mass support for a program of Medicare for All, green jobs, affordable housing, and more seems within reach. But the left must find a way to not just popularize our goals, but secure the means – institutional reform – to achieve them.
Liberal figures like Senator Elizabeth Warren and, yes, the journalist Jeffrey Toobin have trumpeted the need for some of these changes. But we can’t just stop at the abolition of the electoral college and the Senate filibuster, or even full Congressional representation for Washington DC residents. We must more fundamentally fight to transform the pre-modern political system that we’ve grafted on to our modern economy and society. For progressives, that’s a battle far more daunting than just getting Trump out of the White House – but it’s just as necessary.


theguardian--2020-11-01--Trump has gone a long way toward hindering democracy in other countries

The last time a Republican won the popular vote for president , the winning candidate declared that the spread of democracy was central to American security .
“ It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture , with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world , ” said George W Bush in his second inaugural address in 2005 .
For most of the last 30 years , since the fall of the Soviet Union , democracy promotion has been a mainstay of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in Congress and the White House , have embraced the notion that democracies make good allies – and that the US plays a central role in spreading democratic government around the world .
Not any more .
After four years of Donald Trump ’ s chaotic presidency , that consensus has been stretched to breaking point .
Trump himself repeatedly questioned the legitimacy of America ’ s own democratic process claiming – without evidence – that several million illegal votes were cast against him in 2016 .
He has frequently undermined public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on whether he will even accept the results of next week ’ s elections .
On Monday he once again tweeted as part of his long-running campaign of disinformation to curtail vote-counting : “ Big problems and discrepancies with Mail In Ballots all over the USA .
Must have final total on November 3rd.
” The tweet was so egregiously false – and potentially illegal – that Twitter hid the president ’ s statement behind a public warning that it might be misleading about how to vote , along with a link to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the institutions that promote American democracy around the world , this is a deeply challenging time : when American elections are being questioned by an American president , whose own politics and preferences align him more closely with authoritarian leaders than democratic allies around the world .
Much of the work of democracy promotion is handled by two groups aligned with American political parties : the International Republican Institute ( IRI ) and the National Democratic Institute ( NDI ) .
For 25 years , the IRI board was led by the late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ board is chaired by Madeleine Albright , who served as Bill Clinton ’ s secretary of state .
Drawing on taxpayer funding , and with explicit mandates to steer clear of domestic politics , both organizations walk warily around the minefield of the state of American democracy .
The IRI ’ s board features Trump loyalists including senators Lindsey Graham , Tom Cotton and Joni Ernst .
“ Freedom fighters in places like Hong Kong and Belarus are not waiting on us to perfect our democracy – they want our help now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We have been working on our democracy for nearly 250 years , and while there is always more work to be done , the struggles we have overcome here are relevant to best practices we can share with partners at different stages of democratic development.
” His counterpart at the NDI acknowledged the current election ’ s challenges but insisted they were not affecting its work overseas .
“ So far NDI has not found that what is happening in the United States is affecting our ability to do democracy support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Derek Mitchell , NDI president .
“ There is no doubt the US example matters , as many countries look to the United States as a touchstone of democratic practice .
But wherever it exists , democracy is imperfect and forever a work-in-progress .
US democracy is no different , and NDI has never asserted otherwise .
We believe other nations can learn lessons from the challenges currently facing US democracy , just as they may learn from its strengths.
” However , the challenges facing US democracy promotion have clearly grown through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposed gutting the $ 2.3bn budget for overall democracy promotion by 40 % in 2019 , covering activities ranging from election support to judicial reform and human rights .
The cuts including a 60 % reduction for the National Endowment for Democracy ( NED ) that funds democracy promotion .
Freedom House , an independent and non-partisan non-profit group promoting democracy since 1941 , said Trump ’ s proposed cuts would reduce US security .
When Trump suggested last month that he would not accept the results of next week ’ s election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state of democracy and freedom around the world – condemned the president ’ s statement as “ an unacceptable threat to the continuity of American democracy ” .
At the same time , authoritarian leaders around the world have made no secret of their opposition to US support for democracy promotion .
The NED has come under repeated fire from the Russian and Chinese governments .
Russian state media accused it of organizing the 2015 uprising in Ukraine that ousted its pro-Moscow leader , and banned them from operating inside Russia .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the CIA to promote the Hong Kong protests last year .
To be sure , the 2020 election is not the first challenge to American credibility in democracy promotion .
While conservatives drew a straight line from the cold war to the war on terror , the reality of the US record since the second world war has been contradictory in both supporting and overthrowing democratically elected governments .
Ending tyranny was not the goal : opposing Communism was .
Still , Trump ’ s presidency – and his frequent attacks on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy promotion , according to Max Bergmann , senior fellow at the Center for American Progress .
“ We have lost a ton of credibility and it ’ s in part because we have a president that isn ’ t walking the talk of democracy promotion .
If we were analyzing ourselves as if we were a foreign country , we would say it ’ s incredibly problematic that he describes his opponents as criminals .
It ’ s his behavior in places where democratic allies have been treated as though they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though they are close allies , ” Bergmann said .
Joe Biden has proposed hosting a Summit for Democracy in his first year in office , gathering together “ the nations of the Free World ” with the aim of “ defending against authoritarianism , including election security.
” The summit would include civil society groups that have been targeted by authoritarian regimes , as well as businesses including technology and social media companies .
However , conservative analysts say Democratic concerns about next week ’ s election are overblown – despite the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not harm democracy promotion overseas .
“ I don ’ t really think we are struggling .
I think that is an awful lot of frothing at the mouth that relates much more to politics than fact , ” said Danielle Pletka , senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute .
“ There are certainly instances which you can cite that are discouraging in defending democracy , but those who suggest that somehow this moment is over for the US to promote democracy , or stand for democracy , seems to me to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of things that Donald Trump says that he shouldn ’ t say .
But if you go back pretty much regularly – if not every two years , every four years – there ’ s some sort of hysteria about polling places and voter suppression .
”

The last time a Republican won the popular vote for president, the winning candidate declared that the spread of democracy was central to American security.
“It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world,” said George W Bush in his second inaugural address in 2005.
For most of the last 30 years, since the fall of the Soviet Union, democracy promotion has been a mainstay of American foreign policy. Republicans and Democrats, in Congress and the White House, have embraced the notion that democracies make good allies – and that the US plays a central role in spreading democratic government around the world.
Not any more.
After four years of Donald Trump’s chaotic presidency, that consensus has been stretched to breaking point. Trump himself repeatedly questioned the legitimacy of America’s own democratic process claiming – without evidence – that several million illegal votes were cast against him in 2016.
He has frequently undermined public confidence in mail-in ballots and cast doubt on whether he will even accept the results of next week’s elections. On Monday he once again tweeted as part of his long-running campaign of disinformation to curtail vote-counting: “Big problems and discrepancies with Mail In Ballots all over the USA. Must have final total on November 3rd.”
The tweet was so egregiously false – and potentially illegal – that Twitter hid the president’s statement behind a public warning that it might be misleading about how to vote, along with a link to its own civic integrity policy.
For the institutions that promote American democracy around the world, this is a deeply challenging time: when American elections are being questioned by an American president, whose own politics and preferences align him more closely with authoritarian leaders than democratic allies around the world.
Much of the work of democracy promotion is handled by two groups aligned with American political parties: the International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI). For 25 years, the IRI board was led by the late senator John McCain, while the NDI board is chaired by Madeleine Albright, who served as Bill Clinton’s secretary of state.
Drawing on taxpayer funding, and with explicit mandates to steer clear of domestic politics, both organizations walk warily around the minefield of the state of American democracy. The IRI’s board features Trump loyalists including senators Lindsey Graham, Tom Cotton and Joni Ernst.
“Freedom fighters in places like Hong Kong and Belarus are not waiting on us to perfect our democracy – they want our help now,” said Dan Twining, IRI president. “We have been working on our democracy for nearly 250 years, and while there is always more work to be done, the struggles we have overcome here are relevant to best practices we can share with partners at different stages of democratic development.”
The challenges facing US democracy promotion have clearly grown through the Trump years
His counterpart at the NDI acknowledged the current election’s challenges but insisted they were not affecting its work overseas. “So far NDI has not found that what is happening in the United States is affecting our ability to do democracy support work around the world,” said Derek Mitchell, NDI president.
“There is no doubt the US example matters, as many countries look to the United States as a touchstone of democratic practice. But wherever it exists, democracy is imperfect and forever a work-in-progress. US democracy is no different, and NDI has never asserted otherwise. We believe other nations can learn lessons from the challenges currently facing US democracy, just as they may learn from its strengths.”
However, the challenges facing US democracy promotion have clearly grown through the Trump years.
The Trump administration proposed gutting the $2.3bn budget for overall democracy promotion by 40% in 2019, covering activities ranging from election support to judicial reform and human rights. The cuts including a 60% reduction for the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) that funds democracy promotion.
Freedom House, an independent and non-partisan non-profit group promoting democracy since 1941, said Trump’s proposed cuts would reduce US security. When Trump suggested last month that he would not accept the results of next week’s election, Freedom House – which normally assesses the state of democracy and freedom around the world – condemned the president’s statement as “an unacceptable threat to the continuity of American democracy”.
At the same time, authoritarian leaders around the world have made no secret of their opposition to US support for democracy promotion. The NED has come under repeated fire from the Russian and Chinese governments. Russian state media accused it of organizing the 2015 uprising in Ukraine that ousted its pro-Moscow leader, and banned them from operating inside Russia. Beijing has claimed the NED worked alongside the CIA to promote the Hong Kong protests last year.
To be sure, the 2020 election is not the first challenge to American credibility in democracy promotion. While conservatives drew a straight line from the cold war to the war on terror, the reality of the US record since the second world war has been contradictory in both supporting and overthrowing democratically elected governments. Ending tyranny was not the goal: opposing Communism was.
Still, Trump’s presidency – and his frequent attacks on the election process – pose unique threats to democracy promotion, according to Max Bergmann, senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.
“We have lost a ton of credibility and it’s in part because we have a president that isn’t walking the talk of democracy promotion. If we were analyzing ourselves as if we were a foreign country, we would say it’s incredibly problematic that he describes his opponents as criminals. It’s his behavior in places where democratic allies have been treated as though they are adversaries, and autocrats are treated as though they are close allies,” Bergmann said.
Joe Biden has proposed hosting a Summit for Democracy in his first year in office, gathering together “the nations of the Free World” with the aim of “defending against authoritarianism, including election security.” The summit would include civil society groups that have been targeted by authoritarian regimes, as well as businesses including technology and social media companies.
However, conservative analysts say Democratic concerns about next week’s election are overblown – despite the president’s comments – and will not harm democracy promotion overseas.
“I don’t really think we are struggling. I think that is an awful lot of frothing at the mouth that relates much more to politics than fact,” said Danielle Pletka, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. “There are certainly instances which you can cite that are discouraging in defending democracy, but those who suggest that somehow this moment is over for the US to promote democracy, or stand for democracy, seems to me to be overstated.
“There are lots of things that Donald Trump says that he shouldn’t say. But if you go back pretty much regularly – if not every two years, every four years – there’s some sort of hysteria about polling places and voter suppression.”


theguardian--2020-11-01--A win for Joe Biden would only scratch the surface of America’s afflictions | John Mulholland

On 18 September , the first day of early voting in the US , Jason Miller , a house painter from Minneapolis , became , according to the Washington Post , one of the first people in the country to vote .
He cast his vote for Joe Biden , saying : “ I ’ ve always said that I wanted to be the first person to vote against Donald Trump .
For four years , I have waited to do this.
” Close to 90 million people have already voted in the US and it is on track to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We can thank Donald Trump for that , a man who attracts fierce loyalty from his supporters but who energises his opponents in equal measure .
The country has been fixated by the White House occupant for the past four years .
But there is a danger that progressives and liberals invest too much faith in Trump ’ s departure and too little in what will be needed to fix America .
Getting rid of Trump might be one thing , fixing America is another .
If the president loses , there will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the need for a democratic reset .
Hopes will be voiced for a return to constitutional norms .
There will be calls for a return of civility in public discourse and a healing of the partisan divide that scars America .
All of that is as it should be .
But it ought to come with a recognition that America was broken long before it elected Trump and his departure would be no guarantee that the country will be mended .
Many of the systemic issues that afflict the US predate Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distracted from many of the fundamentals that have beset America for decades , even centuries .
But they remain stubbornly in place .
If he does lose , America will no longer have Trump to blame .
Two two-term Democratic presidents over the past 30 years have not significantly affected the structural issues that corrode US democracy and society , and race is always at their heart .
The past few months have drawn further attention to the systemic racism and brutality that characterise much policing .
But racism in the States is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact , it is not confined at all .
When Barack Obama was elected in 2008 , there was talk about a post-racial America .
But in 2016 , at the end of Obama ’ s eight-year term , the non-partisan thinktank the Pew Research Center estimated that the median wealth of white households in the US was $ 171,000 ( £132,000 ) .
This was 10 times the median wealth of black households ( $ 17,100 ) .
This was a larger gap than in 2007 , the year before Obama was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exacerbating racial tensions and giving succour to white supremacists but the racial wealth gap runs deeper than his term of office .
As the non-aligned Brookings Institution said this year : “ Gaps in wealth between black and white households reveal the effects of accumulated inequality and discrimination , as well as differences in power and opportunity that can be traced back to this nation ’ s inception.
” The country , post-Trump , could choose to turn its attention to school segregation , but that seems unlikely .
As Elise Boddie , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Dennis D Parker , from the American Civil Liberties Union , wrote in the New York Times in 2018 : “ No one is really talking about school segregation anymore .
At the height of school desegregation , from 1964 through the 1980s , high-school graduation rates for black students improved significantly.
” Boddie and Parker estimated that school segregation in Michigan , New York , Illinois , Maryland and New Jersey is now “ worse than in the former Confederacy ” .
Other research confirms that school segregation is higher than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s income inequality , which has surged in the past 40 years ( including during 16 years of Bill Clinton and Obama ) from technological change , globalisation and the decline of unions and collective bargaining .
Pew estimates that income inequality in the US increased by 20 % between 1980 and 2016 .
The non-profit , non-partisan thinktank the Economic Policy Institute estimates that CEO compensation in America has grown 940 % since 1978 .
Typical worker compensation rose 12 % during that time .
But at the heart of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy .
As Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt , authors of How Democracies Die , wrote : “ Our constitution was designed to favour small ( or low-population ) states .
Small states were given representation equal to that of big states in the Senate and an advantage in the Electoral College .
What began as a minor small-state advantage evolved , over time , into a vast over-representation of rural states.
” All states are represented by two senators .
So a citizen of California with a population 40 million ( which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by two senators – as are the 570,000 people who live in the state of Wyoming ( which is 92 % white ) .
This means that voters in older , rural and majority-white states are significantly over-represented in both the Senate and presidential elections .
This may explain the fact that out of nearly 2,000 people who have served in the Senate since 1789 only 10 have been black .
It will only get worse .
According to author Ezra Klein : “ By 2040 , 70 % of Americans will live @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means 70 % of America will be represented by only 30 senators , while the other 30 % of America will be represented by 70 senators.
” The electoral college allows , indeed facilitates , such distortions as the Republicans being able to win the White House in 2000 and 2016 despite losing the popular vote .
They control the Senate despite polling fewer votes .
Then there is widespread gerrymandering and voter suppression aimed mostly at poorer communities and people of colour , which the Guardian has highlighted in a year-long series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus : “ One of the biggest problems with American democracy is that it ’ s not democratic.
” None of these systemic issues – or myriad others – which disfigure the US is on the ballot on Tuesday .
But will they remain in place long after the election ?
Removing Trump would be a start , but some of the scourges that afflict America have lasted 400 – the first enslaved people arrived in 1619 – not four years .
•John Mulholland is Editor of Guardian America and former Editor of @ @

On 18 September, the first day of early voting in the US, Jason Miller, a house painter from Minneapolis, became, according to the Washington Post, one of the first people in the country to vote. He cast his vote for Joe Biden, saying: “I’ve always said that I wanted to be the first person to vote against Donald Trump. For four years, I have waited to do this.” Close to 90 million people have already voted in the US and it is on track to record the highest turnout since 1908.
We can thank Donald Trump for that, a man who attracts fierce loyalty from his supporters but who energises his opponents in equal measure. The country has been fixated by the White House occupant for the past four years. But there is a danger that progressives and liberals invest too much faith in Trump’s departure and too little in what will be needed to fix America. Getting rid of Trump might be one thing, fixing America is another.
If the president loses, there will be much talk of a new normality and the need for a democratic reset. Hopes will be voiced for a return to constitutional norms. There will be calls for a return of civility in public discourse and a healing of the partisan divide that scars America. All of that is as it should be. But it ought to come with a recognition that America was broken long before it elected Trump and his departure would be no guarantee that the country will be mended. Many of the systemic issues that afflict the US predate Trump.
His ugly and dysfunctional presidency has distracted from many of the fundamentals that have beset America for decades, even centuries. But they remain stubbornly in place. If he does lose, America will no longer have Trump to blame. Two two-term Democratic presidents over the past 30 years have not significantly affected the structural issues that corrode US democracy and society, and race is always at their heart. The past few months have drawn further attention to the systemic racism and brutality that characterise much policing. But racism in the States is not confined to the police. In fact, it is not confined at all.
Michelle Obama, Melania and Donald Trump and Barack Obama at Trump’s inauguration on 20 January 2017. Photograph: Kevin Dietsch/EPA
When Barack Obama was elected in 2008, there was talk about a post-racial America. But in 2016, at the end of Obama’s eight-year term, the non-partisan thinktank the Pew Research Center estimated that the median wealth of white households in the US was $171,000 (£132,000). This was 10 times the median wealth of black households ($17,100). This was a larger gap than in 2007, the year before Obama was elected.
Trump can be blamed for exacerbating racial tensions and giving succour to white supremacists but the racial wealth gap runs deeper than his term of office. As the non-aligned Brookings Institution said this year: “Gaps in wealth between black and white households reveal the effects of accumulated inequality and discrimination, as well as differences in power and opportunity that can be traced back to this nation’s inception.” The country, post-Trump, could choose to turn its attention to school segregation, but that seems unlikely. As Elise Boddie, a law professor at Rutgers University, and Dennis D Parker, from the American Civil Liberties Union, wrote in the New York Times in 2018: “No one is really talking about school segregation anymore. At the height of school desegregation, from 1964 through the 1980s, high-school graduation rates for black students improved significantly.” Boddie and Parker estimated that school segregation in Michigan, New York, Illinois, Maryland and New Jersey is now “worse than in the former Confederacy”. Other research confirms that school segregation is higher than it has been in decades.
Then there’s income inequality, which has surged in the past 40 years (including during 16 years of Bill Clinton and Obama) from technological change, globalisation and the decline of unions and collective bargaining. Pew estimates that income inequality in the US increased by 20% between 1980 and 2016. The non-profit, non-partisan thinktank the Economic Policy Institute estimates that CEO compensation in America has grown 940% since 1978. Typical worker compensation rose 12% during that time.
Racism in the States is not confined to the police. In fact, it is not confined at all.
But at the heart of a broken America is its system of democracy. As Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, authors of How Democracies Die, wrote: “Our constitution was designed to favour small (or low-population) states. Small states were given representation equal to that of big states in the Senate and an advantage in the Electoral College. What began as a minor small-state advantage evolved, over time, into a vast over-representation of rural states.”
All states are represented by two senators. So a citizen of California with a population 40 million (which is 39% white) is represented by two senators – as are the 570,000 people who live in the state of Wyoming (which is 92% white). This means that voters in older, rural and majority-white states are significantly over-represented in both the Senate and presidential elections. This may explain the fact that out of nearly 2,000 people who have served in the Senate since 1789 only 10 have been black.
It will only get worse. According to author Ezra Klein: “By 2040, 70% of Americans will live in the 15 largest states. That means 70% of America will be represented by only 30 senators, while the other 30% of America will be represented by 70 senators.”
The electoral college allows, indeed facilitates, such distortions as the Republicans being able to win the White House in 2000 and 2016 despite losing the popular vote. They control the Senate despite polling fewer votes. Then there is widespread gerrymandering and voter suppression aimed mostly at poorer communities and people of colour, which the Guardian has highlighted in a year-long series. Klein has neatly summarised the problem thus: “One of the biggest problems with American democracy is that it’s not democratic.”
None of these systemic issues – or myriad others – which disfigure the US is on the ballot on Tuesday. But will they remain in place long after the election? Removing Trump would be a start, but some of the scourges that afflict America have lasted 400 – the first enslaved people arrived in 1619 – not four years.


theguardian--2020-11-01--The polls may have got it  wrong in 2016, but not this time round. Surely?

If the poll numbers are to be believed , Joe Biden has already won this week ’ s US presidential race .
But after the scarring experience of 2016 , when Donald Trump unexpectedly came up from behind , few voters , election analysts , or even pollsters have complete faith in opinion-poll predictions .
One exception is James Carville , Bill Clinton ’ s 1992 campaign strategist , who says a Biden landslide , plus a Democratic takeover of the Senate , is a dead cert .
“ This thing is not going to be close , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too polite to point out that Carville also predicted a Hillary Clinton landslide four years ago .
The hedging of bets by commentators is understandable but not wholly rational .
By most polling measures , Biden has held a clear lead over Trump for months in the vast majority of national and swing ( battleground ) state polls .
The race is perceptibly tightening .
But with four days to go , Biden ’ s averaged-out national lead was 7.4 % , or about 51 % to 43 % .
As of 29 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the top swing states , namely Florida ( by an average 1.9 % ) , Pennsylvania ( 5.8 % ) , Michigan ( 8.4 % ) , Wisconsin ( 7.8 % ) , North Carolina ( 2.1 % ) and Arizona ( 3.4 % ) .
Some of these margins are narrow .
But under winner-takes-all rules , all a state ’ s electoral-college votes go to the candidate who comes out ahead , even if by only 0.1 % .
In 2016 , Trump won the college , and thus the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 % in four states , including Florida with its 29 college votes .
This time around , polls suggest , the opposite may happen .
In other words , Trump could be on the losing end of close results in swing states .
There may also be surprises , for example in Georgia and even Texas , states that traditionally vote Republican but are judged competitive this year .
Given that he lost the 2016 popular vote by nearly three million ballots , Trump may nevertheless pin his hopes on pulling off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made plain his willingness to contest the outcome if it goes against him .
He could ask the supreme court , with its newly enhanced conservative majority , to adjudicate – as it did in 2000 when George W Bush sneaked past Al Gore .
Fence-sitters fearful of being caught out again should also study poll data such as Trump ’ s average approval ratings .
Overall , 53 % of Americans disapprove of the job he is doing , against 44 % who approve .
On the economy , he has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handling of the coronavirus pandemic , he gets a 16.5 % negative rating .
Looked at another way , a current average of all polls suggests 50.4 % of Americans have a favourable opinion of Biden , while Trump ’ s figure is 41.9 % .
In fact , Trump has not exceeded a 44 % favourable rating at any time in his presidency .
His under-performance is nothing if not consistent .
US pollsters also assess voters by gender , race , education and religion .
While Trump enjoys strong support from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for example , Biden is said to be well ahead among all women voters , especially white suburban women , college graduates and Catholics .
Biden is also counting on winning a large majority of black voters .
It is thought that the Latino vote could split .
Democratic successes in the 2018 midterm elections , when the party won control of the House of Representatives , were propelled by these groups .
Meanwhile , some polling points towards a Democratic takeover in the 100-seat Senate .
Republicans , who now hold a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose .
Seven out of nine “ toss-ups ” are held by GOP senators .
It ’ s always possible that poll predictions of a Biden victory on Tuesday are overblown .
But it seems unlikely that Trump can reverse voting intentions that have been firmly in place for months .
Nearly 90 million Americans have already voted .
It ’ s too late to change their minds .
Even if the polls are as wrong as they were in 2016 , Biden ’ s margin of advantage is so great that he @ @ @ @ @

If the poll numbers are to be believed, Joe Biden has already won this week’s US presidential race. But after the scarring experience of 2016, when Donald Trump unexpectedly came up from behind, few voters, election analysts, or even pollsters have complete faith in opinion-poll predictions.
One exception is James Carville, Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign strategist, who says a Biden landslide, plus a Democratic takeover of the Senate, is a dead cert. “This thing is not going to be close,” he said last month. His interviewer was too polite to point out that Carville also predicted a Hillary Clinton landslide four years ago.
The hedging of bets by commentators is understandable but not wholly rational. By most polling measures, Biden has held a clear lead over Trump for months in the vast majority of national and swing (battleground) state polls.
The race is perceptibly tightening. But with four days to go, Biden’s averaged-out national lead was 7.4%, or about 51% to 43%. As of 29 October, he also led in all the top swing states, namely Florida (by an average 1.9%), Pennsylvania (5.8%), Michigan (8.4%), Wisconsin (7.8%), North Carolina (2.1%) and Arizona (3.4%).
There may be surprises, for example in Georgia and even Texas, states that traditionally vote Republican but are judged competitive this year
Some of these margins are narrow. But under winner-takes-all rules, all a state’s electoral-college votes go to the candidate who comes out ahead, even if by only 0.1%. In 2016, Trump won the college, and thus the election, thanks to victories by less than 2% in four states, including Florida with its 29 college votes.
This time around, polls suggest, the opposite may happen. In other words, Trump could be on the losing end of close results in swing states. There may also be surprises, for example in Georgia and even Texas, states that traditionally vote Republican but are judged competitive this year.
Given that he lost the 2016 popular vote by nearly three million ballots, Trump may nevertheless pin his hopes on pulling off the electoral-college trick again. He has made plain his willingness to contest the outcome if it goes against him. He could ask the supreme court, with its newly enhanced conservative majority, to adjudicate – as it did in 2000 when George W Bush sneaked past Al Gore.
Fence-sitters fearful of being caught out again should also study poll data such as Trump’s average approval ratings. Overall, 53% of Americans disapprove of the job he is doing, against 44% who approve. On the economy, he has a 2.3% positive score but on his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, he gets a 16.5% negative rating.
Looked at another way, a current average of all polls suggests 50.4% of Americans have a favourable opinion of Biden, while Trump’s figure is 41.9%. In fact, Trump has not exceeded a 44% favourable rating at any time in his presidency. His under-performance is nothing if not consistent.
US pollsters also assess voters by gender, race, education and religion. While Trump enjoys strong support from non-college-educated white men and Christian evangelicals, for example, Biden is said to be well ahead among all women voters, especially white suburban women, college graduates and Catholics.
Biden is also counting on winning a large majority of black voters. It is thought that the Latino vote could split. Democratic successes in the 2018 midterm elections, when the party won control of the House of Representatives, were propelled by these groups.
Meanwhile, some polling points towards a Democratic takeover in the 100-seat Senate. Republicans, who now hold a slim majority there, have most to lose. Seven out of nine “toss-ups” are held by GOP senators.
It’s always possible that poll predictions of a Biden victory on Tuesday are overblown. But it seems unlikely that Trump can reverse voting intentions that have been firmly in place for months. Nearly 90 million Americans have already voted. It’s too late to change their minds. Even if the polls are as wrong as they were in 2016, Biden’s margin of advantage is so great that he still wins. Probably.


theguardian--2020-10-31--Markets plunge in uncertainty about a second term and a second wave

Stock market investors are braced for a bumpy ride this week as the likelihood of further dramatic increases in Covid-19 cases across the world collide with the final days of the US presidential election campaign .
Last week , shares in the US and Europe slumped at their fastest rate since March and analysts said there would be worse to come , after France and Germany imposed strict lockdowns and US states came under pressure to tackle the rising number of deaths .
“ New lockdowns across Europe are being harshly repriced by markets , ” said Barclays equity strategist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ huge nervousness about a second wave , ” added Gabriel Sterne , head of global macro research at consultancy Oxford Economics .
“ With some government finances beginning to be stretched , the threat of further lockdowns is causing a large degree of anxiety.
” Heightened levels of concern about the path of the virus began to affect markets three weeks ago .
From New York to Paris , London and Tokyo , investors sold heavily from 13 October onwards as each day brought news of higher infection rates and growing numbers of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mingling began to take effect and government ministers of all political stripes began to talk about broader lockdowns being the only answer to the spread of the virus .
The Paris CAC index lost more than 400 points , or 8 % , from 13 October to the end of last week while London ’ s top 100 listed companies slumped 7.5 % over the same period .
Last week , the Stoxx 600 index of European companies slumped to its lowest level in five months , falling 3.1 % in a day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in stock values that began in September with a panic over the virus turned into a rout after it became clear Congress would not give Donald Trump the stimulus package he craved .
Without a second trillion-dollar tranche of cash to support closed businesses and millions of unemployed workers , the president ’ s boast that the recovery was “ looking fantastic ” lacked substance .
The S & P 500 lost more than 8 % in the 16 days that followed 13 October .
It wasn ’ t the first time this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wave had spooked markets , but the rallies that turned the previous panics into mere blips on a chart appear to be absent this time .
Investors have stopped listening to hopeful stories about a vaccine and begun looking at the ripple effect that flows from the widespread adoption of masks and physical distancing .
As Dhaval Joshi , chief European strategist at BCA Research , says , consumers who can not use their nose or mouth in close proximity to others are hardly consumers at all .
He estimates that while lockdowns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the face mask and distancing rules will cut as much as 10 % off GDP for as long as they are imposed.Stocks in the three hardest-hit sectors – hospitality , retail , and transport – have taken a beating since March .
However , investors who have switched to the tech industry have shrugged off concerns about the virus .
The major tech companies – Apple , Amazon , Alphabet ( the owner of Google ) , Microsoft and Facebook – were behind the 50 % increase in the S & P @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have generally benefited from the switch to a more digital economy since the lockdowns in March .
If US stocks are to recover their momentum , tech will have to perform .
In the UK , where the FTSE 100 is dominated by banking , insurance and oil and gas companies , share prices have barely recovered after dipping to 5,000 points in March .
Across Europe , successful industrial giants such as Mercedes-Benz , Volkswagen and Siemens have been hit as a six-month recovery in their share prices took a negative turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the closing weeks of the US presidential campaign have also highlighted the potential downside for investors of a victory for Democratic candidate Joe Biden on 3 November .
Desperate to land some punches on his rival , the president has tweeted more than once : “ A vote for Joe Biden is a vote for the biggest TAX HIKE in history.
” So far the claim , which even rightwing US thinktanks say overstates the magnitude of his tax proposals , has failed to shift the polls and they continue to suggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the polls and Trump ’ s veiled threats to challenge the validity of a narrow Biden victory have only added to stock-market jitters .
One constant source of light for investors has been the actions of central banks .
After a brief flirtation by the US Federal Reserve with increasing interest rates during the first years of the Trump administration , all central banks have cut borrowing costs to zero , and some , including the European Central Bank ( ECB ) and the Bank of Japan , to below zero .
Central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financial system to maintain the flow of easy credit to businesses large and small , adding to the sense that whatever Covid-19 may throw at them , companies ’ borrowing costs will be negligible .
This week the Bank of England ’ s monetary policy committee is expected to add another £100bn to the £745bn of “ quantitative easing ” – purchasing sovereign and corporate debt from financial institutions – it has already injected into the economy .
The US Fed ’ s board will also meet this week and the signs are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will persuade its policymakers to increase its current $ 7.2tn ( £5.6tn ) of QE .
Last week the president of the ECB , Christine Lagarde , signalled a further stimulus for the eurozone in December , while the Bank of Japan has said that its determination to print as much money as it takes to keep interest rates below zero is “ unlimited ” .
Such support from the central banks will be essential as the virus continues to ravage the populations of Europe and the US .
Whether it will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on to a more positive path is another matter .

Stock market investors are braced for a bumpy ride this week as the likelihood of further dramatic increases in Covid-19 cases across the world collide with the final days of the US presidential election campaign.
Last week, shares in the US and Europe slumped at their fastest rate since March and analysts said there would be worse to come, after France and Germany imposed strict lockdowns and US states came under pressure to tackle the rising number of deaths.
“New lockdowns across Europe are being harshly repriced by markets,” said Barclays equity strategist Emmanuel Cau.
“There is a huge nervousness about a second wave,” added Gabriel Sterne, head of global macro research at consultancy Oxford Economics. “With some government finances beginning to be stretched, the threat of further lockdowns is causing a large degree of anxiety.”
Heightened levels of concern about the path of the virus began to affect markets three weeks ago. From New York to Paris, London and Tokyo, investors sold heavily from 13 October onwards as each day brought news of higher infection rates and growing numbers of deaths.
Stricter measures to limit households mingling began to take effect and government ministers of all political stripes began to talk about broader lockdowns being the only answer to the spread of the virus.
The Paris CAC index lost more than 400 points, or 8%, from 13 October to the end of last week while London’s top 100 listed companies slumped 7.5% over the same period. Last week, the Stoxx 600 index of European companies slumped to its lowest level in five months, falling 3.1% in a day.
In the US, a downturn in stock values that began in September with a panic over the virus turned into a rout after it became clear Congress would not give Donald Trump the stimulus package he craved.
Without a second trillion-dollar tranche of cash to support closed businesses and millions of unemployed workers, the president’s boast that the recovery was “looking fantastic” lacked substance. The S&P 500 lost more than 8% in the 16 days that followed 13 October.
It wasn’t the first time this year that fears of a Covid-19 second wave had spooked markets, but the rallies that turned the previous panics into mere blips on a chart appear to be absent this time. Investors have stopped listening to hopeful stories about a vaccine and begun looking at the ripple effect that flows from the widespread adoption of masks and physical distancing.
As Dhaval Joshi, chief European strategist at BCA Research, says, consumers who cannot use their nose or mouth in close proximity to others are hardly consumers at all.
He estimates that while lockdowns put a temporary block on economic activity, the face mask and distancing rules will cut as much as 10% off GDP for as long as they are imposed.Stocks in the three hardest-hit sectors – hospitality, retail, and transport – have taken a beating since March.
However, investors who have switched to the tech industry have shrugged off concerns about the virus. The major tech companies – Apple, Amazon, Alphabet (the owner of Google), Microsoft and Facebook – were behind the 50% increase in the S&P 500 since Trump took the presidency and have generally benefited from the switch to a more digital economy since the lockdowns in March. If US stocks are to recover their momentum, tech will have to perform.
In the UK, where the FTSE 100 is dominated by banking, insurance and oil and gas companies, share prices have barely recovered after dipping to 5,000 points in March. Across Europe, successful industrial giants such as Mercedes-Benz, Volkswagen and Siemens have been hit as a six-month recovery in their share prices took a negative turn.
Donald Trump’s attack lines in the closing weeks of the US presidential campaign have also highlighted the potential downside for investors of a victory for Democratic candidate Joe Biden on 3 November. Desperate to land some punches on his rival, the president has tweeted more than once: “A vote for Joe Biden is a vote for the biggest TAX HIKE in history.”
So far the claim, which even rightwing US thinktanks say overstates the magnitude of his tax proposals, has failed to shift the polls and they continue to suggest a Biden victory. But distrust of the polls and Trump’s veiled threats to challenge the validity of a narrow Biden victory have only added to stock-market jitters.
One constant source of light for investors has been the actions of central banks. After a brief flirtation by the US Federal Reserve with increasing interest rates during the first years of the Trump administration, all central banks have cut borrowing costs to zero, and some, including the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Bank of Japan, to below zero.
Central banks have also pumped trillions into the financial system to maintain the flow of easy credit to businesses large and small, adding to the sense that whatever Covid-19 may throw at them, companies’ borrowing costs will be negligible.
This week the Bank of England’s monetary policy committee is expected to add another £100bn to the £745bn of “quantitative easing” – purchasing sovereign and corporate debt from financial institutions – it has already injected into the economy. The US Fed’s board will also meet this week and the signs are that the recent slump in stock values will persuade its policymakers to increase its current $7.2tn (£5.6tn) of QE.
Last week the president of the ECB, Christine Lagarde, signalled a further stimulus for the eurozone in December, while the Bank of Japan has said that its determination to print as much money as it takes to keep interest rates below zero is “unlimited”.
Such support from the central banks will be essential as the virus continues to ravage the populations of Europe and the US. Whether it will be enough to turn the stock market back on to a more positive path is another matter.


theguardian--2020-11-02--US election 2020: who are the voters sticking with Trump? – podcast

For Donald Trump to win a second term this week , he needs another strong showing in the swing states that backed him in 2016 .
According to the polls , he is facing a huge challenge .
But many of those who swung behind Trump last time are sticking with him again this year – and they aren ’ t necessarily the brash , loud voices featured on news clips from Trump rallies .
The Guardian ’ s Chris McGreal has spent months criss-crossing the swing states – from the south , through Appalachia and up to the north @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how in West Virginia he met Bo Copley , who lost his job in a coalmine before 2016 and credits Trump with overturning environmental regulations to reinvigorate his industry .
He meets Andrea Zupancich , a part-time mayor in Minneapolis , who had twice backed Barack Obama and switched to Trump last time .
She believes the Democrats have become too radical and recoils from slogans brandished by some supporters such as “ defund the police ” .
In North Carolina , he also hears from Lisa Matthews , another person who backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She says that as a black single parent , she felt the Democrats stopped trying to lift people like her up and instead spoke about handouts .
With only one day to go until polling day , McGreal looks back on his journey and despite the sense that many of the voters Trump is relying on may be drifting away , he can ’ t discount the possibility of another shock win for the former reality TV star .

Presented by Rachel Humphreys with Chris McGreal produced by Elizabeth Cassin and Axel Kacoutié; executive producers Phil Maynard and Nicole Jackson

For Donald Trump to win a second term this week, he needs another strong showing in the swing states that backed him in 2016. According to the polls, he is facing a huge challenge. But many of those who swung behind Trump last time are sticking with him again this year – and they aren’t necessarily the brash, loud voices featured on news clips from Trump rallies.
The Guardian’s Chris McGreal has spent months criss-crossing the swing states – from the south, through Appalachia and up to the north and midwest. He tells Rachel Humphreys how in West Virginia he met Bo Copley, who lost his job in a coalmine before 2016 and credits Trump with overturning environmental regulations to reinvigorate his industry. He meets Andrea Zupancich, a part-time mayor in Minneapolis, who had twice backed Barack Obama and switched to Trump last time. She believes the Democrats have become too radical and recoils from slogans brandished by some supporters such as “defund the police”. In North Carolina, he also hears from Lisa Matthews, another person who backed Obama and then switched to Trump. She says that as a black single parent, she felt the Democrats stopped trying to lift people like her up and instead spoke about handouts. With only one day to go until polling day, McGreal looks back on his journey and despite the sense that many of the voters Trump is relying on may be drifting away, he can’t discount the possibility of another shock win for the former reality TV star.


theguardian--2020-11-01--Trump says he is preparing for legal challenges to vote counts as final sprint begins

Donald Trump embarked on a blistering final campaign sprint on Sunday , lining up 10 rallies in seven swing states over two days in an effort to defy the polls and replicate his shock election win in 2016 .
As he did so , it was reported that he is planning to declare victory on Tuesday , before the result is called .
Citing three anonymous sources “ familiar with his private comments ” , the news site Axios said Trump “ has told confidants he ’ ll declare victory on Tuesday night if it looks like he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s even if the electoral college outcome still hinges on large numbers of uncounted votes in key states like Pennsylvania , ” the site said , adding : “ Trump has privately talked through this scenario in some detail in the last few weeks , describing plans to walk up to a podium on election night and declare he has won .
“ For this to happen , his allies expect he would need to either win or have commanding leads in Ohio , Florida , North Carolina , Texas , Iowa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Axios story , describing it as false , but then confirmed he would try to shut down vote counting as soon as the polls close on Tuesday .
“ I don ’ t think it ’ s fair that we have to wait for a long period of time after the election , ” the president told journalists in North Carolina “ As soon as the election is over - we ’ re going in with our lawyers.
” Asked about the Axios report , Trump ’ s Democratic challenger , Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president ’ s not gon na steal this election.
” According to FiveThirtyEight.com , Trump leads in Ohio , Texas and Iowa while Biden is up in Florida , North Carolina , Georgia and Arizona .
The races are all exceptionally tight : the biggest lead in the FiveThirtyEight.com polling average is Biden by three points in Arizona , the smallest Trump by 0.2 in Ohio .
Under the coronavirus pandemic , early and mail-in voting has reached unprecedented levels , fuelling expectations of record turnout but also fears many states will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots .
Trump ’ s tactics , Axios said , will depend on continuing to claim without evidence ballots counted after election day are illegitimate and evidence of voter fraud .
Vote counting after election day is a regular feature of US elections .
In another twist on the campiagn trail , the FBI confirmed on Sunday that it was investigating an incident in which a convoy of vehicles flying Trump flags surrounded a bus carrying campaign staff for Democratic challenger Joe Biden on a Texas highway .
“ FBI San Antonio is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” special agent Michelle Lee , a spokeswoman for the Federal Bureau of Investigation in San Antonio , told Reuters in an email .
“ No further information is available at this time.
” Many of Trump ’ s claims about alleged fraud have focused on Pennsylvania , where the race is close but where votes counted after 3 November are expected to favour Biden who leads most national and battleground polls .
Both candidates campaigned heavily in the state this weekend .
“ Pennsylvania is critical to this election , ” Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunday evening , describing the president as an obstacle to defeating the pandemic .
“ To beat the virus we ’ ve first got to beat Donald Trump , ” he said .
“ He ’ s the virus.
” Democrats have long worried that Trump will declare victory early , aiming to sow uncertainty and legal battles over ballots and results .
Some observers have called the tactic the “ red mirage ” , which former housing secretary Julián Castro said this week “ sounds like a super villain , and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ On election night , there ’ s a real possibility that the data will show Republicans leading early , before all the votes are counted , ” Castro said .
“ Then they can pretend something sinister ’ s going on when the counts change in Democrats ’ favour.
” On Sunday , on CNN ’ s State of the Union , Biden adviser Anita Dunn said she thought the victor would be known some time on 4 November , the day after election day .
“ A lot of the early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Sunbelt , Florida , Georgia , North Carolina , are states that tend to get their votes counted on election night , ” Dunn said .
“ I think we will get some sort of indicator what kind of night it ’ s going to be from those three states .
We will see .
Obviously , Pennsylvania , Michigan , Wisconsin may be slower.
” The Pennsylvania official in charge of elections , secretary of state Kathy Boockvar , a Democrat , told NBC ’ s Meet the Press there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots than in 2016 and added : “ I expect that the overwhelming majority of ballots in Pennsylvania , that ’ s mail-in and absentee ballots , as well as in-person ballots , will be counted within a matter of days.
” Axios said the Trump campaign was bullish about key states including Texas , Nevada , North Carolina , Arizona and Wisconsin .
On ABC ’ s This Week , Trump adviser Jason Miller claimed : “ If you speak with many smart Democrats , they believe President Trump will be ahead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electoral [ votes ] , somewhere in that range .
And then they ’ re going to try to steal it back after the election .
“ We believe that we ’ ll be over 290 electoral votes on election night .
So no matter what they try to do , what kind of hijinks or law suits or whatever kind of nonsense they try to pull off , we ’ re still going to have enough electoral votes to get President Trump re-elected.
” Miller ’ s claim rested on the idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election day , a legal and political nonsense .
Nonetheless , the Trump campaign communications director Tim Murtaugh told Axios : “ When he wins , he ’ s going to say so.
” Trump ’ s final 2020 tour , which began on Sunday in Michigan , is aimed at holding states he won four years ago and shoring up support in traditional Republican strongholds , like North Carolina and Georgia .
Biden was due to hold two drive-in meetings in Pennsylvania , one of a string of former Democratic bastions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton by less than a point .
New polls showed Biden holding on to a lead in Pennsylvania .
The New York Times and Siena College gave the Democrat a six-point edge , while the Washington Post and ABC showed a seven-point margin .
In Michigan , Trump repeated some of the messages that worked in 2016 , highlighting the impact of globalisation on the car industry .
“ I gave you a lot of auto plants , so I think we ’ re even , ” he told a crowd at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Washington .
One new car plant has been announced since Trump took office , while Michigan automotive jobs had fallen by 2,400 even before the Covid-19 pandemic .
Employment in the sector is down more than 18,000 in the state , according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics .
Trump ’ s other principal line of attack was to warn voters Biden would implement a drastic lockdown that would kill jobs .
The president has insisted the nation has “ turned the corner ” despite record numbers of new cases across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in deaths over the winter .
Trump has insisted on holding mass rallies with no social distancing , at which few wear masks .
A study by Stanford University economists estimated at least 30,000 coronavirus infections and 700 deaths caused by 18 Trump rallies between June and September .
“ We ’ re in for a whole lot of hurt , ” Anthony Fauci , the country ’ s leading expert on infectious disease , told the Washington Post .
“ It ’ s not a good situation .
All the stars are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go into the fall and winter season , with people congregating at home indoors .
You could not possibly be positioned more poorly.
” A NBC and Wall Street Journal poll on Sunday put Biden up 10 points , a majority of voters saying they were unhappy with the president ’ s handling of the pandemic and the direction of the country .
The same poll four years ago had Clinton up but by only four .
In 2016 there were many more undecided and third-party voters .
The Trump camp has stepped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican-leaning courts to cast doubt on the integrity of the enormous volume of postal ballots .
In Texas , a federal court will hear a lawsuit on Monday aimed at having 117,000 votes in Houston thrown out because they were cast at curbside ballot boxes set up to make voting easier during the pandemic , which the Republican plaintiffs argue was illegal .
The Texas supreme court has twice rejected a similar argument but a federal court in Houston has agreed to hear the case , presided over by an ultra-conservative judge .

Julian Borger in Washington and Martin Pengelly in New York

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Donald Trump embarked on a blistering final campaign sprint on Sunday, lining up 10 rallies in seven swing states over two days in an effort to defy the polls and replicate his shock election win in 2016. As he did so, it was reported that he is planning to declare victory on Tuesday, before the result is called.
Citing three anonymous sources “familiar with his private comments”, the news site Axios said Trump “has told confidants he’ll declare victory on Tuesday night if it looks like he’s ‘ahead’.
“That’s even if the electoral college outcome still hinges on large numbers of uncounted votes in key states like Pennsylvania,” the site said, adding: “Trump has privately talked through this scenario in some detail in the last few weeks, describing plans to walk up to a podium on election night and declare he has won.
“For this to happen, his allies expect he would need to either win or have commanding leads in Ohio, Florida, North Carolina, Texas, Iowa, Arizona and Georgia.”
Trump denied the Axios story, describing it as false, but then confirmed he would try to shut down vote counting as soon as the polls close on Tuesday.
“I don’t think it’s fair that we have to wait for a long period of time after the election,” the president told journalists in North Carolina “As soon as the election is over – we’re going in with our lawyers.”
00:51 Trump says he's 'going in with our lawyers' as soon as the election is over – video
Asked about the Axios report, Trump’s Democratic challenger, Joe Biden, said: “My response is the president’s not gonna steal this election.”
According to FiveThirtyEight.com, Trump leads in Ohio, Texas and Iowa while Biden is up in Florida, North Carolina, Georgia and Arizona. The races are all exceptionally tight: the biggest lead in the FiveThirtyEight.com polling average is Biden by three points in Arizona, the smallest Trump by 0.2 in Ohio.
Under the coronavirus pandemic, early and mail-in voting has reached unprecedented levels, fuelling expectations of record turnout but also fears many states will take longer than usual to count their ballots.
Trump’s tactics, Axios said, will depend on continuing to claim without evidence ballots counted after election day are illegitimate and evidence of voter fraud. Vote counting after election day is a regular feature of US elections.
A child holds a flag as supporters wait for the rally of Donald Trump at Hickory regional airport in Hickory, North Carolina, on Sunday. Photograph: Hannah McKay/Reuters
In another twist on the campiagn trail, the FBI confirmed on Sunday that it was investigating an incident in which a convoy of vehicles flying Trump flags surrounded a bus carrying campaign staff for Democratic challenger Joe Biden on a Texas highway.
“FBI San Antonio is aware of the incident and investigating,” special agent Michelle Lee, a spokeswoman for the Federal Bureau of Investigation in San Antonio, told Reuters in an email. “No further information is available at this time.”
Many of Trump’s claims about alleged fraud have focused on Pennsylvania, where the race is close but where votes counted after 3 November are expected to favour Biden who leads most national and battleground polls. Both candidates campaigned heavily in the state this weekend.
“Pennsylvania is critical to this election,” Biden told a drive-in rally in Philadelphia on Sunday evening, describing the president as an obstacle to defeating the pandemic.
“To beat the virus we’ve first got to beat Donald Trump,” he said. “He’s the virus.”
Democrats have long worried that Trump will declare victory early, aiming to sow uncertainty and legal battles over ballots and results. Some observers have called the tactic the “red mirage”, which former housing secretary Julián Castro said this week “sounds like a super villain, and it’s just as insidious”.
“On election night, there’s a real possibility that the data will show Republicans leading early, before all the votes are counted,” Castro said. “Then they can pretend something sinister’s going on when the counts change in Democrats’ favour.”
On Sunday, on CNN’s State of the Union, Biden adviser Anita Dunn said she thought the victor would be known some time on 4 November, the day after election day.
“A lot of the early states that are battleground states, especially in the Sunbelt, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, are states that tend to get their votes counted on election night,” Dunn said. “I think we will get some sort of indicator what kind of night it’s going to be from those three states. We will see. Obviously, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin may be slower.”
The Pennsylvania official in charge of elections, secretary of state Kathy Boockvar, a Democrat, told NBC’s Meet the Press there could be 10 times as many mail-in ballots than in 2016 and added: “I expect that the overwhelming majority of ballots in Pennsylvania, that’s mail-in and absentee ballots, as well as in-person ballots, will be counted within a matter of days.”
Axios said the Trump campaign was bullish about key states including Texas, Nevada, North Carolina, Arizona and Wisconsin. On ABC’s This Week, Trump adviser Jason Miller claimed: “If you speak with many smart Democrats, they believe President Trump will be ahead on election night, probably getting 280 electoral [votes], somewhere in that range. And then they’re going to try to steal it back after the election.
“We believe that we’ll be over 290 electoral votes on election night. So no matter what they try to do, what kind of hijinks or law suits or whatever kind of nonsense they try to pull off, we’re still going to have enough electoral votes to get President Trump re-elected.”
Miller’s claim rested on the idea that all ballots must be counted on election day, a legal and political nonsense. Nonetheless, the Trump campaign communications director Tim Murtaugh told Axios: “When he wins, he’s going to say so.”
Trump’s final 2020 tour, which began on Sunday in Michigan, is aimed at holding states he won four years ago and shoring up support in traditional Republican strongholds, like North Carolina and Georgia. Biden was due to hold two drive-in meetings in Pennsylvania, one of a string of former Democratic bastions in the north-east which Trump won from Hillary Clinton by less than a point.
New polls showed Biden holding on to a lead in Pennsylvania. The New York Times and Siena College gave the Democrat a six-point edge, while the Washington Post and ABC showed a seven-point margin.
Supporters attend Trump’s campaign rally in Washington, Michigan, Sunday. Photograph: Carlos Barría/Reuters
In Michigan, Trump repeated some of the messages that worked in 2016, highlighting the impact of globalisation on the car industry.
“I gave you a lot of auto plants, so I think we’re even,” he told a crowd at a wind- and rain-swept rally in the town of Washington.
One new car plant has been announced since Trump took office, while Michigan automotive jobs had fallen by 2,400 even before the Covid-19 pandemic. Employment in the sector is down more than 18,000 in the state, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Trump’s other principal line of attack was to warn voters Biden would implement a drastic lockdown that would kill jobs. The president has insisted the nation has “turned the corner” despite record numbers of new cases across the country, and warnings of a spike in deaths over the winter.
Trump has insisted on holding mass rallies with no social distancing, at which few wear masks. A study by Stanford University economists estimated at least 30,000 coronavirus infections and 700 deaths caused by 18 Trump rallies between June and September.
“We’re in for a whole lot of hurt,” Anthony Fauci, the country’s leading expert on infectious disease, told the Washington Post. “It’s not a good situation. All the stars are aligned in the wrong place as you go into the fall and winter season, with people congregating at home indoors. You could not possibly be positioned more poorly.”
A NBC and Wall Street Journal poll on Sunday put Biden up 10 points, a majority of voters saying they were unhappy with the president’s handling of the pandemic and the direction of the country. The same poll four years ago had Clinton up but by only four. In 2016 there were many more undecided and third-party voters.
The Trump camp has stepped up signals that they will look to Republican-leaning courts to cast doubt on the integrity of the enormous volume of postal ballots. In Texas, a federal court will hear a lawsuit on Monday aimed at having 117,000 votes in Houston thrown out because they were cast at curbside ballot boxes set up to make voting easier during the pandemic, which the Republican plaintiffs argue was illegal.
The Texas supreme court has twice rejected a similar argument but a federal court in Houston has agreed to hear the case, presided over by an ultra-conservative judge.


theguardian--2020-11-01--Democrats condemn Trump supporters who swarmed Texas campaign bus

A caravan of Trump supporters in pickup trucks that delighted Donald Trump by swarming a Democratic campaign bus on a Texas highway came armed , according to a state representative and a witness .
“ Armed Trump trolls harassing Biden Bus on I35 , ramming volunteer vehicles & blocking traffic for 40 mins , ” Texas state representative Rafael Anchía wrote on Twitter .
The historian Eric Cervini , who had flown to Texas to help with get-out-the-vote efforts , posted a video on Instagram that showed a long line of cars with Trump paraphernalia stalled along the highway , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ These Trump supporters , many of whom were armed , surrounded the bus on the interstate and attempted to drive it off the road , ” he wrote , adding : “ As a historian who studied the rise of the Third Reich , I can tell you : this is how a democracy dies.
” The ambush , which took place on Friday as the bus traveled from San Antonio to Austin to conclude a three-day tour , included a crash between a white SUV and a black truck , police in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still unclear who caused the collision .
Officers there had tried to provide a police escort for the Biden-Harris bus but were not able to catch up because of traffic .
Even as dramatic footage from the scene caused widespread alarm , President Donald Trump threw his support behind the so-called Trump train , tweeting “ I LOVE TEXAS !
” On Sunday , he asked supporters at a rally in Michigan : “ Did you see the way our people … were… protecting this bus ... because they ’ re nice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
Trump !
Trump and the American flag.
” Trump also said Biden supporters lacked such spirit and enthusiasm .
One Texas Republican official , Naomi Narvaiz , applauded the caravan ’ s tactics to force the bus to leave : “ Your kind aren ’ t welcome here !
” “ Funniest thing I ’ ve ever seen , man !
” a Facebook user recording from New Braunfels guffawed in a video posted on Friday .
“ They ’ re , like , literally escorting him out of town.
” A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a local progressive group , told the Guardian the incident was a reflection of larger problems in the area , where “ racist ” locals “ just kind of run this town , like the Klan did ” .
The spokeswoman , who asked to remain anonymous because she feared being targeted , added : “ They ’ ve dragged the BLM flag .
They ’ ve called people the N-word from their truck .
So it ’ s straight up harassment and intimidation .
And then , to see President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying he loves Texas , he ’ s basically endorsing domestic terrorism.
” Amid safety concerns , Democrats in Texas cancelled multiple events .
According to the Texas Tribune , the FBI was investigating .
The president ’ s son , Donald Trump Jr , had previously encouraged members of the Trump train in Texas to “ get out there ” and “ have some fun ” at the expense of vice- presidential nominee Kamala Harris , who was campaigning in the state but was not on the bus when the incident occurred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Texas is close , Trump leading Biden by 1.5 points , according to the FiveThirtyEight.com polling average .
Tariq Thowfeek , Texas communications director for the Biden campaign , said in a statement : “ Rather than engage in productive conversation about the drastically different visions that Joe Biden and Donald Trump have for our country , Trump supporters in Texas instead decided to put our staff , surrogates , supporters , and others in harm ’ s way.
” US representative Lloyd Doggett , a Democrat who represents constituents from San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This aggressive , abusive conduct by his supporters results from Trump continuing to incite acts of intimidation and violence .
We have to stand up to these bullies just as we seek to protect the right of every last Texan to vote out the Bully-in-Chief .
”

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The FBI has confirmed it is investigating an incident in which a convoy of vehicles flying flags in support of Donald Trump’s re-election bid surrounded a tour bus carrying campaign staff for Democratic challenger Joe Biden on a Texas highway.
Friday’s incident prompted the Biden campaign to cancel at least two of its Texas events as Democrats accused the president of encouraging supporters to engage in acts of intimidation.
“FBI San Antonio is aware of the incident and investigating,” special agent Michelle Lee, a spokeswoman for the Federal Bureau of Investigation in San Antonio, told Reuters in an email. “No further information is available at this time.”
In response to news of the FBI’s investigation, Trump tweeted on Sunday night that the people involved in running the bus off the road were “patriots”.
In my opinion, these patriots did nothing wrong. Instead, the FBI & Justice should be investigating the terrorists, anarchists, and agitators of ANTIFA, who run around burning down our Democrat run cities and hurting our people! https://t.co/of6Lna3HMU — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 2, 2020
A state representative and a witness said the caravan of Trump supporters in pickup trucks had come armed.
“Armed Trump trolls harassing Biden Bus on I35, ramming volunteer vehicles & blocking traffic for 40 mins,” Texas state representative Rafael Anchía wrote on Twitter.
The historian Eric Cervini, who had flown to Texas to help with get-out-the-vote efforts, posted a video on Instagram that showed a long line of cars with Trump paraphernalia stalled along the highway, waiting for the Biden-Harris bus.
“These Trump supporters, many of whom were armed, surrounded the bus on the interstate and attempted to drive it off the road,” he wrote, adding: “As a historian who studied the rise of the Third Reich, I can tell you: this is how a democracy dies.”
The ambush, which took place on Friday as the bus traveled from San Antonio to Austin to conclude a three-day tour, included a crash between a white SUV and a black truck, police in San Marcos confirmed, though it was still unclear who caused the collision. Officers there had tried to provide a police escort for the Biden-Harris bus but were not able to catch up because of traffic.
Even as dramatic footage from the scene caused widespread alarm, President Donald Trump threw his support behind the so-called Trump train, tweeting “I LOVE TEXAS!”
Earlier on Sunday, he asked supporters at a rally in Michigan: “Did you see the way our people … were… protecting this bus ... because they’re nice. They had hundreds of cars. Trump! Trump! Trump and the American flag.”
Trump also said Biden supporters lacked such spirit and enthusiasm.
One Texas Republican official, Naomi Narvaiz, applauded the caravan’s tactics to force the bus to leave: “Your kind aren’t welcome here!”
“Funniest thing I’ve ever seen, man!” a Facebook user recording from New Braunfels guffawed in a video posted on Friday. “They’re, like, literally escorting him out of town.”
A spokeswoman for Living Blue in Comal county, a local progressive group, told the Guardian the incident was a reflection of larger problems in the area, where “racist” locals “just kind of run this town, like the Klan did”.
The spokeswoman, who asked to remain anonymous because she feared being targeted, added: “They’ve dragged the BLM flag. They’ve called people the N-word from their truck. So it’s straight up harassment and intimidation. And then, to see President Trump validate them by retweeting their video and saying he loves Texas, he’s basically endorsing domestic terrorism.”
Amid safety concerns, Democrats in Texas cancelled multiple events. According to the Texas Tribune, the FBI was investigating.
The president’s son, Donald Trump Jr, had previously encouraged members of the Trump train in Texas to “get out there” and “have some fun” at the expense of vice- presidential nominee Kamala Harris, who was campaigning in the state but was not on the bus when the incident occurred.
Two days out from election day, Texas is close, Trump leading Biden by 1.5 points, according to the FiveThirtyEight.com polling average.
Tariq Thowfeek, Texas communications director for the Biden campaign, said in a statement: “Rather than engage in productive conversation about the drastically different visions that Joe Biden and Donald Trump have for our country, Trump supporters in Texas instead decided to put our staff, surrogates, supporters, and others in harm’s way.”
US representative Lloyd Doggett, a Democrat who represents constituents from San Antonio to Austin, said: “This aggressive, abusive conduct by his supporters results from Trump continuing to incite acts of intimidation and violence. We have to stand up to these bullies just as we seek to protect the right of every last Texan to vote out the Bully-in-Chief.”


theguardian--2020-11-01--Texas supreme court rejects Republican effort to toss 127,000 drive-thru votes

The Texas supreme court on Sunday denied a Republican-led petition to throw out nearly 127,000 ballots cast at drive-through voting places in the Houston area .
The all-Republican high court rejected the request from a state representative and two Republican candidates without explaining its decision .
Their effort to have the Harris county ballots thrown out is still set to be taken up during an emergency hearing in federal court on Monday .
Conservative activists have railed against expanded voting access in Harris county , where a record 1.4m early votes have already been cast .
The county is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ battleground in Texas , where Donald Trump and Republicans are bracing for the closest election in decades on Tuesday .
US district judge Andrew Hanen is expected to rule on the same issue on Monday .
Hanen ’ s decision to hear arguments on the brink of election day drew attention from voting rights activists .
The Texas supreme court also rejected a nearly identical challenge last month .
Conservative activists have filed a battery of challenges over moves to expand voting options during the Covid-19 pandemic .
The challenges have not involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas by nine points in 2016 but polls have shown Joe Biden within reach in America ’ s biggest red state .
Democrats need to flip only nine seats to reclaim a majority in the Texas House for the first time in 20 years , and have aggressively targeted several races in Harris county .
Harris county has offered 10 drive-through locations where its nearly 5 million residents can cast ballots in their cars instead of going inside polling centers .
The accommodation aims to prevent transmission of the coronavirus .
Jared Woodfill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county Republican party , argued that Texas election law makes no explicit allowances for drive-through voting and that only voters who need assistance are eligible to cast a ballot curbside .
Woodfill ’ s lawsuit also noted that all but one of the drive-through centers were set up “ in Democrat areas of the county ” .
More than 40 % of Harris county residents are Latino , and about one in five are Black .
Counting the drive-through votes , Woodfill argued , would “ call into question the integrity and legality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas supreme court , which is controlled entirely by Republicans , rejected an identical lawsuit last month .
Harris county clerk Chris Hollins , who runs the county ’ s elections , had asked Republican governor Greg Abbott to affirm that the drive-through locations are legal but received no response .
Texas is one of just five states that did not allow for widespread mail-in voting this year during the coronavirus pandemic , which has killed nearly 18,000 people statewide .
Abbott instead expanded early voting by one week , and that extra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s total votes even before Tuesday ’ s election .
More than 9.7 million people have cast early ballots in Texas , where turnout typically ranks among the lowest in the country .
Some elections experts predict that total turnout in Texas could surpass 12 million , and Harris county officials have taken more steps than most to expand voting access .
The county tripled the number of polling places and last week had eight locations that stayed open for 24 hours .

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The Texas supreme court on Sunday denied a Republican-led petition to throw out nearly 127,000 ballots cast at drive-through voting places in the Houston area.
The all-Republican high court rejected the request from a state representative and two Republican candidates without explaining its decision. Their effort to have the Harris county ballots thrown out is still set to be taken up during an emergency hearing in federal court on Monday.
Conservative activists have railed against expanded voting access in Harris county, where a record 1.4m early votes have already been cast. The county is the nation’s third-largest and a crucial battleground in Texas, where Donald Trump and Republicans are bracing for the closest election in decades on Tuesday.
US district judge Andrew Hanen is expected to rule on the same issue on Monday. Hanen’s decision to hear arguments on the brink of election day drew attention from voting rights activists. The Texas supreme court also rejected a nearly identical challenge last month.
Conservative activists have filed a battery of challenges over moves to expand voting options during the Covid-19 pandemic. The challenges have not involved Trump’s campaign.
Trump won Texas by nine points in 2016 but polls have shown Joe Biden within reach in America’s biggest red state. Democrats need to flip only nine seats to reclaim a majority in the Texas House for the first time in 20 years, and have aggressively targeted several races in Harris county.
Harris county has offered 10 drive-through locations where its nearly 5 million residents can cast ballots in their cars instead of going inside polling centers. The accommodation aims to prevent transmission of the coronavirus.
Jared Woodfill, a former chairman of the Harris county Republican party, argued that Texas election law makes no explicit allowances for drive-through voting and that only voters who need assistance are eligible to cast a ballot curbside.
Woodfill’s lawsuit also noted that all but one of the drive-through centers were set up “in Democrat areas of the county”. More than 40% of Harris county residents are Latino, and about one in five are Black.
Counting the drive-through votes, Woodfill argued, would “call into question the integrity and legality of a federal election”.
The Texas supreme court, which is controlled entirely by Republicans, rejected an identical lawsuit last month. Harris county clerk Chris Hollins, who runs the county’s elections, had asked Republican governor Greg Abbott to affirm that the drive-through locations are legal but received no response.
Texas is one of just five states that did not allow for widespread mail-in voting this year during the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed nearly 18,000 people statewide. Abbott instead expanded early voting by one week, and that extra time helped Texas already surpass 2016’s total votes even before Tuesday’s election.
More than 9.7 million people have cast early ballots in Texas, where turnout typically ranks among the lowest in the country. Some elections experts predict that total turnout in Texas could surpass 12 million, and Harris county officials have taken more steps than most to expand voting access.
The county tripled the number of polling places and last week had eight locations that stayed open for 24 hours.