theguardian--2020-11-26--Speculation mounts over who Trump might pardon after Flynn

Amid widespread outcry over Donald Trump ’ s pardon of Michael Flynn , speculation surged about who might be next for clemency from the defeated president .
Rick Gates , Trump ’ s 2016 deputy campaign chair , told the New York Times the president “ knows how much those of us who worked for him have suffered , and I hope he takes that into consideration if and when he grants any pardons ” .
Gates was one of many Trump aides convicted under the former special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s investigation of Russian election interference and links @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guilty to financial fraud and lying to investigators , he was sentenced to 45 days in jail .
Gates also told the Times his motivation for criticising Mueller in a recent book “ was not to seek a pardon ; it was to expose the truth about the Russia investigation ” .
Flynn , a retired general who was fired from the Defense Intelligence Agency by Barack Obama in 2014 , became a trusted campaign surrogate for Trump .
But Trump fired him as national security adviser after just 24 days on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pence about contacts with Russian officials .
He pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI but was not sentenced before Trump pardoned him on Wednesday , saying : “ Have a great life General Flynn !
” Trump has already commuted a more than three-year sentence handed to Roger Stone , a longtime ally , for obstruction , lying to Congress and witness intimidation .
Former campaign manager Paul Manafort is in home confinement on a seven-year sentence for fraud .
George Papadopoulos , a foreign policy adviser , was sentenced to 14 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lying to the FBI .
Michael Cohen , Trump ’ s former lawyer and fixer , was convicted of crimes including lying to Congress and orchestrating hush money payments and is completing a three-year term at home .
As he has conclusively turned on the president , a pardon seems unlikely .
Papadopoulos mounted an unsuccessful run for Congress and has also published a book .
He told the Times : “ Of course I would be honored to be pardoned.
” Outside the Mueller investigation , former campaign chief executive and White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud regarding fundraising for a border wall .
Rudy Giuliani , the president ’ s lawyer and election lawsuit bulldog , is reportedly under investigation regarding possible violations of lobbying law .
Elliott Broidy , a Trump fundraiser , pleaded guilty to lobbying charges .
In August , Patrick Cotter , a former federal prosecutor who helped convict the mob boss John Gotti , told the Guardian : “ I believe it unprecedented in any US administration for so many of the closest circle of persons around the president to have been shown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminals .
“ While previous administrations had their share of those trying to personally profit and those willing to break the law to serve the political interests of the president , what is unique about the Trump administration is the large number of people in direct contact with the president , often for years , who are revealed to be out-and-out fraudsters for whom crime is apparently part of their lifestyle and character.
” Trump has pardoned allies including Joe Arpaio and Bernard Kerik and observers think he may even try to pardon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear such a move would be possible and if it was , it would not apply to cases at state level , such as those in New York concerning tax issues and campaign finance .
Trump has not conceded defeat by Joe Biden but he lost the electoral college by 306-232 and the popular vote by 6m ballots and will leave office on 20 January .
Jockeying for pardons is a common feature of the waning days of any presidency .
On one day in December 2016 , Barack Obama issued 78 pardons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times also reported that Jared Kushner , Trump ’ s son-in-law and chief adviser , is leading an “ ad-hoc ” team “ with a goal of announcing as many as hundreds of commutations for offenders now in jail for crimes ranging from non-violent drug convictions to mail fraud and money laundering ” .
Most such pardons would be less controversial than the one handed to Flynn .
However , among those campaigning for a pardon is Joseph Maldonado-Passage .
Better known as Joe Exotic , the zookeeper subject of hit Netflix documentary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentence for trying to hire a hitman to kill a rival .
Flynn retains influential supporters on the political right .
The Wall Street Journal editorial board called his pardon “ an overdue act of justice that ends four years of political harassment , unjustified prosecution and judicial abuse ” .
Critics pointed to Flynn ’ s guilty plea and the fact that contrary to a statement from the White House press secretary , Kayleigh McEnany , a pardon does not imply innocence .
Senior Democrats , including the House speaker , Nancy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chuck Schumer ; and the House intelligence chair , Adam Schiff , were among those to condemn the Flynn pardon as a serious abuse of power .
In a tweet , former federal prosecutor and CNN analyst Elie Honig laid out the facts of the case .
“ Facts : Michael Flynn lied to the FBI about Russia .
Flynn pled guilty , twice .
Trump tried to kill the case and publicly floated a pardon .
Flynn cooperated with Mueller , and then stopped .
[ Attorney general William ] Barr tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s ] own case but the judge resisted .
Trump pardoned Flynn .
”

Amid widespread outcry over Donald Trump’s pardon of Michael Flynn, speculation surged about who might be next for clemency from the defeated president.
Rick Gates, Trump’s 2016 deputy campaign chair, told the New York Times the president “knows how much those of us who worked for him have suffered, and I hope he takes that into consideration if and when he grants any pardons”.
Gates was one of many Trump aides convicted under the former special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of Russian election interference and links between Trump and Moscow. After pleading guilty to financial fraud and lying to investigators, he was sentenced to 45 days in jail.
Gates also told the Times his motivation for criticising Mueller in a recent book “was not to seek a pardon; it was to expose the truth about the Russia investigation”.
Flynn, a retired general who was fired from the Defense Intelligence Agency by Barack Obama in 2014, became a trusted campaign surrogate for Trump. But Trump fired him as national security adviser after just 24 days on the job, for lying to Vice-President Mike Pence about contacts with Russian officials.
He pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI but was not sentenced before Trump pardoned him on Wednesday, saying: “Have a great life General Flynn!”
Trump has already commuted a more than three-year sentence handed to Roger Stone, a longtime ally, for obstruction, lying to Congress and witness intimidation.
Rick Gates leaves federal court in Washington DC on 17 December 2019. Photograph: José Luis Magaña/AP
Former campaign manager Paul Manafort is in home confinement on a seven-year sentence for fraud. George Papadopoulos, a foreign policy adviser, was sentenced to 14 days in jail after pleading guilty to lying to the FBI. Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer and fixer, was convicted of crimes including lying to Congress and orchestrating hush money payments and is completing a three-year term at home. As he has conclusively turned on the president, a pardon seems unlikely.
Papadopoulos mounted an unsuccessful run for Congress and has also published a book. He told the Times: “Of course I would be honored to be pardoned.”
Outside the Mueller investigation, former campaign chief executive and White House strategist Steve Bannon was charged with fraud regarding fundraising for a border wall. Rudy Giuliani, the president’s lawyer and election lawsuit bulldog, is reportedly under investigation regarding possible violations of lobbying law. Elliott Broidy, a Trump fundraiser, pleaded guilty to lobbying charges.
In August, Patrick Cotter, a former federal prosecutor who helped convict the mob boss John Gotti, told the Guardian: “I believe it unprecedented in any US administration for so many of the closest circle of persons around the president to have been shown to be conmen, grifters and base criminals.
“While previous administrations had their share of those trying to personally profit and those willing to break the law to serve the political interests of the president, what is unique about the Trump administration is the large number of people in direct contact with the president, often for years, who are revealed to be out-and-out fraudsters for whom crime is apparently part of their lifestyle and character.”
Trump has pardoned allies including Joe Arpaio and Bernard Kerik and observers think he may even try to pardon himself. However, it is not clear such a move would be possible and if it was, it would not apply to cases at state level, such as those in New York concerning tax issues and campaign finance.
Trump has not conceded defeat by Joe Biden but he lost the electoral college by 306-232 and the popular vote by 6m ballots and will leave office on 20 January. Jockeying for pardons is a common feature of the waning days of any presidency. On one day in December 2016, Barack Obama issued 78 pardons and commuted 153 federal sentences.
01:01 'Will you pardon yourself?': Trump ignores questions after pardoning turkey – video
The Times also reported that Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and chief adviser, is leading an “ad-hoc” team “with a goal of announcing as many as hundreds of commutations for offenders now in jail for crimes ranging from non-violent drug convictions to mail fraud and money laundering”.
Most such pardons would be less controversial than the one handed to Flynn. However, among those campaigning for a pardon is Joseph Maldonado-Passage. Better known as Joe Exotic, the zookeeper subject of hit Netflix documentary Tiger King, he received a 22-year sentence for trying to hire a hitman to kill a rival.
Flynn retains influential supporters on the political right. The Wall Street Journal editorial board called his pardon “an overdue act of justice that ends four years of political harassment, unjustified prosecution and judicial abuse”.
Critics pointed to Flynn’s guilty plea and the fact that contrary to a statement from the White House press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, a pardon does not imply innocence.
Senior Democrats, including the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi; the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer; and the House intelligence chair, Adam Schiff, were among those to condemn the Flynn pardon as a serious abuse of power.
In a tweet, former federal prosecutor and CNN analyst Elie Honig laid out the facts of the case.
“Facts: Michael Flynn lied to the FBI about Russia. Flynn pled guilty, twice. Trump tried to kill the case and publicly floated a pardon. Flynn cooperated with Mueller, and then stopped. [Attorney general William] Barr tried to kill [the Department of Justice’s] own case but the judge resisted. Trump pardoned Flynn.”


theguardian--2020-11-26--Biden wants to extend an olive branch to Republicans. He shouldn't | Joshua Craze and Ainsley LeSure

Shortly after Biden was declared president-elect , he announced that he would reach a hand across the aisle .
“ We must stop , ” he said , “ treating our opponents as enemies .
We are not enemies .
We are Americans.
” This is the Biden playbook at work , honed through years of compromises made with the Senate majority leader , Mitch McConnell : appealing to the Republican elite in office , while trying to appeal to moderate Republicans on the ground .
Having stretched out its hand to the Republicans , the center of the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the left that it blames for its poor showing in the election .
Virginia congresswoman Abigail Spanberger led the charge , contending that “ no one should ever say ‘ defund the police ’ ever again ” .
Despite the fact that progressive candidates did well across the ticket , and Biden ran a campaign modelled on Hilary Clinton ’ s neoliberal program , centrist Democrats blamed the core demand of the Black Lives Matter movement for alienating moderates .
In centrist Democrats ’ telling , the problem is the left – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to that poor soul , the moderate Republican .
The moderate Republican is a myth .
For all the Lincoln Project ’ s assertions that it would peel away Republican voters , the president actually secured a larger share of the Republican vote than he did in 2016 .
Some 94 % of Republicans looked back on the debacles and racism of the last four years and concluded that they wanted more .
This is not a delusion ; it is the core of the Republican party .
Biden would like to frame @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the Trumpian exception .
The reality , however , is that Trump doesn ’ t represent something new ; it emerges from the long shadow that white supremacy cast over American history .
We need to acknowledge that the core white Republican voter knows exactly why they vote for Trump .
Propelled by Fox News and talk radio , the Republican voter chooses their party because the Republicans guarantee the continuity of white supremacy both economically and culturally .
When Trump campaigned to save the suburban ( white ) woman from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hopelessly out of touch .
Despite the promises of the pollsters , however , his strategy worked : Trump ’ s share of the white female vote increased to 55 % .
While white supremacy is not novel in America , it is likely to become increasingly vitriolic .
The US is projected to become minority white by 2045 , and the Republican party has decided to resist this demographic shift by rallying its base and using the tools of American politics to hang on to minority white government for as long as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden was fervently appealing to moderate Republicans , two white Republican canvassers refused to certify electoral results from Michigan ’ s overwhelmingly black Wayne county .
Trump ’ s post-election strategy is indicative of that of the Republican party more generally : disenfranchise voters of color by any means possible , and use gerrymandering and the unrepresentative alchemy of the electoral college system to produce Republican political power .
When Biden reaches across the aisle , it is likely his hand will be met by turned backs ; most Republicans haven ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There is little for the Republican establishment to gain from working with Biden .
With the Senate liable to remain in Republican hands , and the Democrats seemingly more worried about appealing to Republicans that taking substantive action over the economic crisis brought about by Covid-19 , Mitch McConnell can rub his hands together at the thought of the 2022 mid-terms .
For the Republican party to actually want to work in a bipartisan way would require the Democrats gaining support for the kind of systematic political reform – of the electoral college @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very gesture of reaching across the aisle is likely to prevent .
We have been down this road before .
While Biden spent the 2020 election campaign insisting he wasn ’ t a socialist , in 2008 , Obama came to power having distanced himself from the “ radical ” agenda of Jeremiah Wright , his former pastor .
Obama also faced an economic crisis , and took a bipartisan approach , shoring up the banks and creating only a modest stimulus package .
The result ?
After a two-year campaign of determined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rode a Tea party wave all the way to a midterm majority in the House of Representatives in 2010 .
It doesn ’ t have to be this way .
In the 2020 election , voter turnout was the highest it has been since 1908 .
Black voters were crucial in delivering a Democratic victory , and preventing a continuation of white minority rule .
If the Democratic party is not going to squander the opening that the people have made , it must change how it orients itself to the American people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marginalizing the black voices that push against a neoliberal political agenda , the Democratic party should give black voters the respect that it has thus far reserved only for that fantasy : the moderate Republican .
The Democratic party can not have it both ways .
There are red and blue states .
There are Americans who want to defend white supremacy , and Americans who are struggling over what the refusal of white supremacy looks like on American soil .
Biden can commit the Democratic party to building a genuinely post-white America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the white supremacist project of the Republican party .
But he must choose .
• None Joshua Craze is a writer-in-residence at the Embassy of Foreign Artists , Geneva • None Ainsley LeSure is an assistant professor of Africana Studies at Brown University specializing in post-civil rights racism and democracy

Shortly after Biden was declared president-elect, he announced that he would reach a hand across the aisle. “We must stop,” he said, “treating our opponents as enemies. We are not enemies. We are Americans.” This is the Biden playbook at work, honed through years of compromises made with the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell: appealing to the Republican elite in office, while trying to appeal to moderate Republicans on the ground.
Having stretched out its hand to the Republicans, the center of the Democratic party then turned to its real enemy – the left that it blames for its poor showing in the election. Virginia congresswoman Abigail Spanberger led the charge, contending that “no one should ever say ‘defund the police’ ever again”. Despite the fact that progressive candidates did well across the ticket, and Biden ran a campaign modelled on Hilary Clinton’s neoliberal program, centrist Democrats blamed the core demand of the Black Lives Matter movement for alienating moderates. In centrist Democrats’ telling, the problem is the left – and the answer is to reach out to that poor soul, the moderate Republican.
The moderate Republican is a myth. For all the Lincoln Project’s assertions that it would peel away Republican voters, the president actually secured a larger share of the Republican vote than he did in 2016. Some 94% of Republicans looked back on the debacles and racism of the last four years and concluded that they wanted more. This is not a delusion; it is the core of the Republican party. Biden would like to frame his presidency as a return to normality after the Trumpian exception. The reality, however, is that Trump doesn’t represent something new; it emerges from the long shadow that white supremacy cast over American history.
We need to acknowledge that the core white Republican voter knows exactly why they vote for Trump. Propelled by Fox News and talk radio, the Republican voter chooses their party because the Republicans guarantee the continuity of white supremacy both economically and culturally. When Trump campaigned to save the suburban (white) woman from the urban poor, he was mocked as hopelessly out of touch. Despite the promises of the pollsters, however, his strategy worked: Trump’s share of the white female vote increased to 55%.
While white supremacy is not novel in America, it is likely to become increasingly vitriolic. The US is projected to become minority white by 2045, and the Republican party has decided to resist this demographic shift by rallying its base and using the tools of American politics to hang on to minority white government for as long as it can.
If the Democratic party is not going to squander the opening that the people have made, it must change how it orients itself to the American people
For instance, as Biden was fervently appealing to moderate Republicans, two white Republican canvassers refused to certify electoral results from Michigan’s overwhelmingly black Wayne county. Trump’s post-election strategy is indicative of that of the Republican party more generally: disenfranchise voters of color by any means possible, and use gerrymandering and the unrepresentative alchemy of the electoral college system to produce Republican political power.
When Biden reaches across the aisle, it is likely his hand will be met by turned backs; most Republicans haven’t even acknowledged the election result yet. There is little for the Republican establishment to gain from working with Biden. With the Senate liable to remain in Republican hands, and the Democrats seemingly more worried about appealing to Republicans that taking substantive action over the economic crisis brought about by Covid-19, Mitch McConnell can rub his hands together at the thought of the 2022 mid-terms.
For the Republican party to actually want to work in a bipartisan way would require the Democrats gaining support for the kind of systematic political reform – of the electoral college system, for instance – that the very gesture of reaching across the aisle is likely to prevent.
We have been down this road before. While Biden spent the 2020 election campaign insisting he wasn’t a socialist, in 2008, Obama came to power having distanced himself from the “radical” agenda of Jeremiah Wright, his former pastor. Obama also faced an economic crisis, and took a bipartisan approach, shoring up the banks and creating only a modest stimulus package. The result? After a two-year campaign of determined obstruction by Mitch McConnell, the Republicans rode a Tea party wave all the way to a midterm majority in the House of Representatives in 2010.
It doesn’t have to be this way. In the 2020 election, voter turnout was the highest it has been since 1908. Black voters were crucial in delivering a Democratic victory, and preventing a continuation of white minority rule. If the Democratic party is not going to squander the opening that the people have made, it must change how it orients itself to the American people. Rather than exploiting black support while marginalizing the black voices that push against a neoliberal political agenda, the Democratic party should give black voters the respect that it has thus far reserved only for that fantasy: the moderate Republican.
The Democratic party cannot have it both ways. There are red and blue states. There are Americans who want to defend white supremacy, and Americans who are struggling over what the refusal of white supremacy looks like on American soil. Biden can commit the Democratic party to building a genuinely post-white America, or he can try and placate the white supremacist project of the Republican party. But he must choose.


theguardian--2020-11-27--How Trump is destroying the presidential transition process

Having lost the election , as well as dozens of post-election challenges , Donald Trump ’ s ongoing refusal to admit defeat is still doing damage Joe Biden ’ s transition to power .
The formal process has finally begun , but it is weeks late and spent a long time starved of funds as Republican officials stonewalled usual procedures .
But beyond the inconvenience and cost of a deferred start to his administration , what does the president-elect lose from the president ’ s refusal to acknowledge the inevitable ?
The answer goes far beyond Trump ’ s hurt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters for some form of concession .
Even the smoothest of transitions can be painfully slow for the world ’ s largest economy and most powerful military .
Presidential transitions are , at the best of times , impossibly unwieldy and inefficient .
The federal government has more than 2 million full-time civil servants , but in fact employs another 9 million active duty military , postal workers , contractors and grantees .
That workforce of more than 11 million is about to lose as many as 800 executives , among the more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be filled as soon as possible .
In 2008 , the incoming Obama administration enjoyed the full cooperation of the outgoing Bush presidency as well as control of both sides of Congress .
It took Barack Obama one month to fill half of the 60 priority positions that require Senate confirmation .
But it took another year to fill the other half .
That pace is already unimaginable given Trump ’ s obstruction of the transition and the promise by some Republican senators to block Biden ’ s nominees .
Since the Bush-Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to improve the 1963 law that governs presidential transitions : in each case , to start the massive switch in management earlier than the election .
The most recent update in 2015 , led by Ted Kaufman – Biden ’ s former chief of staff who now runs the Biden transition – pushed the start of the handover to six months before the election .
In practice , campaigns are reluctant to begin the detailed work of planning for power because they fear that it will look like they are arrogantly assuming victory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Max Stier , president and CEO of the Partnership for Public Service , a non-partisan government reform group , says Trump has exposed new flaws in an already flawed system .
“ This is a massive undertaking in an ordinary time .
It ’ s an extraordinarily hard task , and this makes it that much harder , ” Stier says .
“ What ’ s been exposed here is a real problem and the challenge of the existing system .
I think a lot of people have been appalled that cooperation isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that there needs to be a specific legislative fix to ensure that the ascertainment decision is made with much more dispatch.
” Delays in transitions can lead to serious national security challenges .
The 9/11 Commission found that the delayed transition , following the extended recount of the 2000 election , prevented the incoming Bush administration from being fully prepared for the threat to American security .
“ The risks are those right in front of our faces : the need to respond to the pandemic and the economic crisis and racial equity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And then there ’ s what Rumsfeld called the known unknowns .
We live in an uncertain world and there are curveballs thrown at the country .
We need to have a government that is ready for that as soon as they are in charge.
” In the last Democratic transition , speed was critical .
Melody Barnes was part of the Obama transition in 2008 before leading the White House domestic policy council .
“ We probably had people going into departments and agencies within two or three days of the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I remember it , there was election day and the very next day by noon I had to be in meetings that would allow for the kick-off process that would allow teams to go in .
When you walk in the door , you have to hit the ground running.
” In the early days , agency review teams seek critical information about policy , personnel , litigation and new regulations .
That intelligence is relayed back to transition headquarters and may influence the new appointments under consideration .
“ When you walk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden administration versus the Trump administration , you are still also the government of the United States , ” says Barnes .
“ And the government is in court in lots of different places and there ’ s regulation that was started in September , October , November , and it ’ s moving through the process that continues in January and February .
You ’ ve got to know what ’ s going on and where it stands.
” For the Obama team , that included seeking the advice of career officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Budget to help shape the urgent need for stimulus spending after the financial crisis of 2008 .
Today , for the Biden team , that advice would focus on both stimulus spending and vaccine distribution .
However , even when the transition begins in full , the early Republican roadblock suggests a long and fraught path to confirmation for Biden ’ s nominees .
“ You have Lindsey Graham saying that the Georgia election wasn ’ t legitimate and ballots need to be thrown out , ” says Barnes .
“ He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate potentially , managing the confirmation hearing for the attorney general .
“ Janet Napolitano talks about inauguration day in 2008 and sitting in the viewing stand with the other nominees .
They were getting tapped on the shoulder as they were getting confirmed by the Senate .
You know there won ’ t be a lot of shoulder tapping happening this time.
” That points to the far bigger problem with American political appointments : the “ spoils system ” that last underwent reform in 1883 , after James Garfield was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who believed he was owed a high-profile job .
The alternative – a larger civil service – would lead to less political patronage and more policy professionalism .
But at a time when Trump supporters claim they are opposed by something called “ the deep state ” , it may be hard to win broad backing for reforms .
“ My hope is that you see more senior career leaders like Tony Fauci responsible for things , and fewer political appointees who are chosen on the basis of their political affiliation , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a big distance between where the US stands and pretty much any other democracy .
The spoils system in the US isn ’ t represented at the scale it is in Britain or any other major democracy .
”

Having lost the election, as well as dozens of post-election challenges, Donald Trump’s ongoing refusal to admit defeat is still doing damage Joe Biden’s transition to power.
The formal process has finally begun, but it is weeks late and spent a long time starved of funds as Republican officials stonewalled usual procedures.
But beyond the inconvenience and cost of a deferred start to his administration, what does the president-elect lose from the president’s refusal to acknowledge the inevitable?
The answer goes far beyond Trump’s hurt feelings, or the desire among Biden supporters for some form of concession. Even the smoothest of transitions can be painfully slow for the world’s largest economy and most powerful military.
Presidential transitions are, at the best of times, impossibly unwieldy and inefficient. The federal government has more than 2 million full-time civil servants, but in fact employs another 9 million active duty military, postal workers, contractors and grantees.
That workforce of more than 11 million is about to lose as many as 800 executives, among the more than 4,100 presidential appointments that need to be filled as soon as possible.
In 2008, the incoming Obama administration enjoyed the full cooperation of the outgoing Bush presidency as well as control of both sides of Congress. It took Barack Obama one month to fill half of the 60 priority positions that require Senate confirmation. But it took another year to fill the other half.
That pace is already unimaginable given Trump’s obstruction of the transition and the promise by some Republican senators to block Biden’s nominees.
Since the Bush-Obama handover, Congress has passed two laws to improve the 1963 law that governs presidential transitions: in each case, to start the massive switch in management earlier than the election.
The most recent update in 2015, led by Ted Kaufman – Biden’s former chief of staff who now runs the Biden transition – pushed the start of the handover to six months before the election.
In practice, campaigns are reluctant to begin the detailed work of planning for power because they fear that it will look like they are arrogantly assuming victory and taking the voters for granted.
Max Stier, president and CEO of the Partnership for Public Service, a non-partisan government reform group, says Trump has exposed new flaws in an already flawed system.
“This is a massive undertaking in an ordinary time. It’s an extraordinarily hard task, and this makes it that much harder,” Stier says.
“What’s been exposed here is a real problem and the challenge of the existing system. I think a lot of people have been appalled that cooperation isn’t occurring and I do think that there needs to be a specific legislative fix to ensure that the ascertainment decision is made with much more dispatch.”
Delays in transitions can lead to serious national security challenges. The 9/11 Commission found that the delayed transition, following the extended recount of the 2000 election, prevented the incoming Bush administration from being fully prepared for the threat to American security.
“The risks are those right in front of our faces: the need to respond to the pandemic and the economic crisis and racial equity issues,” says Stier. “And then there’s what Rumsfeld called the known unknowns. We live in an uncertain world and there are curveballs thrown at the country. We need to have a government that is ready for that as soon as they are in charge.”
In the last Democratic transition, speed was critical. Melody Barnes was part of the Obama transition in 2008 before leading the White House domestic policy council. “We probably had people going into departments and agencies within two or three days of the election,” Barnes says.
“As I remember it, there was election day and the very next day by noon I had to be in meetings that would allow for the kick-off process that would allow teams to go in. When you walk in the door, you have to hit the ground running.”
In the early days, agency review teams seek critical information about policy, personnel, litigation and new regulations. That intelligence is relayed back to transition headquarters and may influence the new appointments under consideration.
01:07 Trump says he will leave White House if electoral college votes against him - video
“When you walk in the door and you are the Biden administration versus the Trump administration, you are still also the government of the United States,” says Barnes. “And the government is in court in lots of different places and there’s regulation that was started in September, October, November, and it’s moving through the process that continues in January and February. You’ve got to know what’s going on and where it stands.”
For the Obama team, that included seeking the advice of career officials at the White House Office of Management and Budget to help shape the urgent need for stimulus spending after the financial crisis of 2008. Today, for the Biden team, that advice would focus on both stimulus spending and vaccine distribution.
However, even when the transition begins in full, the early Republican roadblock suggests a long and fraught path to confirmation for Biden’s nominees.
“You have Lindsey Graham saying that the Georgia election wasn’t legitimate and ballots need to be thrown out,” says Barnes. “He’s also holding the hearings in the Senate potentially, managing the confirmation hearing for the attorney general.
“Janet Napolitano talks about inauguration day in 2008 and sitting in the viewing stand with the other nominees. They were getting tapped on the shoulder as they were getting confirmed by the Senate. You know there won’t be a lot of shoulder tapping happening this time.”
That points to the far bigger problem with American political appointments: the “spoils system” that last underwent reform in 1883, after James Garfield was assassinated by a disgruntled and deranged supporter who believed he was owed a high-profile job.
The alternative – a larger civil service – would lead to less political patronage and more policy professionalism. But at a time when Trump supporters claim they are opposed by something called “the deep state”, it may be hard to win broad backing for reforms.
“My hope is that you see more senior career leaders like Tony Fauci responsible for things, and fewer political appointees who are chosen on the basis of their political affiliation,” says Stier.
“There’s a big distance between where the US stands and pretty much any other democracy. The spoils system in the US isn’t represented at the scale it is in Britain or any other major democracy.”


theguardian--2020-11-27--‘Mini desk. Tiny hands. Small soul’: Trump mocked for giving speech at little table

For a US president obsessed by size – his hands , his wealth , his crowds – Donald Trump made something of a bold U-turn on Thursday night by addressing the country from a desk seemingly designed for a leprechaun .
Trump said on Thursday he would leave the White House if the electoral college votes for the Democratic president-elect , Joe Biden – the closest he has come to admitting defeat – but his furniture stole the limelight .
While he harangued reporters and repeated unfounded allegations of electoral fraud , the internet zeroed in on his unusually small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s diminished stature , some wondered if it was photoshopped ( it wasn ’ t ) , most just laughed .
The actor Mark Hamill tweeted : “ Maybe if you behave yourself , stop lying to undermine a fair election & start thinking of what ’ s good for the country instead of whining about how unfairly you are treated , you ’ ll be invited to sit at the big boy ’ s table.
” The hashtag # DiaperDon swiftly trended on Twitter , with people mocking the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s table for Thanksgiving .
“ Thought this pic was photoshopped , but nope , just hilariously symbolic !
Mini desk .
Tiny hands .
Infinitesimally small soul , ” tweeted Adam Lasnik .
Trump later sent a blizzard of tweets accusing the media of misreporting his comments and Twitter of making up “ negative stuff ” for its trending section .

For a US president obsessed by size – his hands, his wealth, his crowds – Donald Trump made something of a bold U-turn on Thursday night by addressing the country from a desk seemingly designed for a leprechaun.
Trump said on Thursday he would leave the White House if the electoral college votes for the Democratic president-elect, Joe Biden – the closest he has come to admitting defeat – but his furniture stole the limelight.
While he harangued reporters and repeated unfounded allegations of electoral fraud, the internet zeroed in on his unusually small desk. Some called it symbolic of Trump’s diminished stature, some wondered if it was photoshopped (it wasn’t), most just laughed.
The actor Mark Hamill tweeted: “Maybe if you behave yourself, stop lying to undermine a fair election & start thinking of what’s good for the country instead of whining about how unfairly you are treated, you’ll be invited to sit at the big boy’s table.”
The hashtag #DiaperDon swiftly trended on Twitter, with people mocking the president as an infant banished to the children’s table for Thanksgiving.
May this be how we remember the Trump presidency: a baby at his tiny little desk throwing a tantrum pic.twitter.com/T26DjF1fL4 — Parker Molloy (@ParkerMolloy) November 27, 2020
“Thought this pic was photoshopped, but nope, just hilariously symbolic! Mini desk. Tiny hands. Infinitesimally small soul,” tweeted Adam Lasnik.
Trump later sent a blizzard of tweets accusing the media of misreporting his comments and Twitter of making up “negative stuff” for its trending section.


theguardian--2020-11-27--What is the Republican party without Trump? Politics Weekly Extra

This week , Jonathan Freedland speaks to the former labor secretary under Bill Clinton , Prof Robert Reich .
They @ @ @ @ @ from Trump ’ s shadow or whether those loyal to Trumpism will soldier on What @ @ @ @ @ the Republican party ?
Is that small anti-Trump minority going to get larger once Trump @ @ @ @ @ does his hold remain tight ?
Are we going to see a Trump campaign for @ @ @ @ @ years , or can Republicans get out from under his shadow ?
Robert Reich was @ @ @ @ @ under Bill Clinton , and over the last four years he ’ s been one @ @ @ @ @ effective voices in the opposition to Trump and Trumpism .
He is also a professor @ @ @ @ @ University of California at Berkeley .
• Let us know what you think of the @ @ @ @ @ to podcasts @ theguardian.com • Help support the Guardian by going to gu.com/supportpodcasts

Presented by Jonathan Freedland, with Robert Reich. Produced by Danielle Stephens.

This week, Jonathan Freedland speaks to the former labor secretary under Bill Clinton, Prof Robert Reich. They discuss whether Republicans can emerge from Trump’s shadow or whether those loyal to Trumpism will soldier on
What does the future hold for the Republican party? Is that small anti-Trump minority going to get larger once Trump has finally gone, or does his hold remain tight? Are we going to see a Trump campaign for 2024 dominate the next four years, or can Republicans get out from under his shadow?
Robert Reich was labor secretary in the 1990s under Bill Clinton, and over the last four years he’s been one of the clearest and most effective voices in the opposition to Trump and Trumpism. He is also a professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley.
Read Reich’s piece here
Let us know what you think of the podcast: send your feedback to podcasts@theguardian.com
Help support the Guardian by going to gu.com/supportpodcasts


theguardian--2020-11-27--Federal court rejects Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania

Donald Trump ’ s legal team suffered yet another defeat in court Friday as a federal appeals court in Philadelphia roundly rejected the campaign ’ s latest effort to challenge the state ’ s election results .
Trump ’ s lawyers vowed to appeal to the supreme court despite the Philadelphia judges ’ assessment that the “ campaign ’ s claims have no merit ” .
“ Free , fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy .
Charges of unfairness are serious .
But calling an election unfair does not make it so .
Charges require specific allegations and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Judge Stephanos Bibas wrote for the three-judge panel .
The case had been argued last week in a lower court by Trump ’ s lawyer Rudy Giuliani , who insisted during five hours of oral arguments that the 2020 presidential election had been marred by widespread fraud in Pennsylvania .
However , Giuliani failed to offer any tangible proof of that in court .
The US district judge Matthew Brann had said the campaign ’ s error-filled complaint , “ like Frankenstein ’ s Monster , has been haphazardly stitched together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amend it for a second time .
The 3rd US circuit court of appeals called that decision justified .
The three judges on the panel were all appointed by Republican presidents .
including Bibas , a former University of Pennsylvania law professor appointed by Trump .
Trump ’ s sister , Judge Maryanne Trump Barry , sat on the court for 20 years , retiring in 2019 .
“ Voters , not lawyers , choose the president .
Ballots , not briefs , decide elections , ” Bibas said in the opinion , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ request to stop the state from certifying its results , a demand he called “ breathtaking ” .
In fact , Pennsylvania officials had certified their vote count Monday for President-elect Joe Biden , who defeated Trump by more than 80,000 votes in the state .
Nationally , Biden and his running mate , Kamala Harris , garnered nearly 80 million votes , a record in US presidential elections .
Trump has said he hopes the supreme court will intervene in the race as it did in 2000 , when its decision to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election to Republican George W Bush .
On November 5 , as the vote count continued , Trump posted a tweet saying the “ US Supreme Court should decide !
” Ever since , Trump and his surrogates have attacked the election as flawed and filed a flurry of lawsuits to try to block the results in six battleground states .
But they ’ ve found little sympathy from judges , nearly all of whom dismissed their complaints about the security of mail-in ballots , which millions of people used to vote from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps hopes a supreme court he helped steer toward a conservative 6-3 majority would be more open to his pleas , especially since the high court upheld Pennsylvania ’ s decision to accept mail-in ballots through 6 November by only a 4-4 vote last month .
Since then , the Trump nominee Amy Coney Barrett has joined the court .
“ The activist judicial machinery in Pennsylvania continues to cover up the allegations of massive fraud , ” Trump ’ s lawyer Jenna Ellis tweeted after Friday ’ s ruling .
“ On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Brann , the Trump campaign asked to disenfranchise the state ’ s 6.8 million voters , or at least the 700,000 who voted by mail in Philadelphia , Pittsburgh and other Democratic-leaning areas .
“ One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome , a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption , ” Brann wrote in his scathing ruling on 21 November .
“ That has not happened.
” A separate Republican challenge that reached the Pennsylvania supreme court this week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certifying any races on the ballot .
The Democratic governor Tom Wolf ’ s administration is fighting that effort , saying it would prevent the state ’ s legislature and congressional delegation from being seated in the coming weeks .
On Thursday , Trump said the 3 November election was still far from over .
Yet he offered the clearest signal to date that he would leave the White House peaceably on January 20 if the electoral college formalized Biden ’ s win .
“ Certainly I will .
But you know that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House , taking questions from reporters for the first time since election day .
On Friday , however , he continued to baselessly attack Detroit , Atlanta and other Democratic cities with large Black populations as the source of “ massive voter fraud ” .
And he claimed , without evidence , that a Pennsylvania poll watcher had uncovered computer memory drives that “ gave Biden 50,000 votes ” apiece .
All 50 states must certify their results before the electoral college meets on 14 December , and any challenge to the results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden won both the electoral college and popular vote by wide margins .

A federal appeals court in Pennsylvania has delivered a strongly worded repudiation of Donald Trump’s latest attempt to overturn his presidential election defeat, dismissing his challenge to the state’s results as without merit, and backing a district judge who likened the president’s evidence-free and error-strewn lawsuit to “Frankenstein’s monster”.
On Friday, a three-member panel confirmed unanimously a lower court’s decision last week to rebuff the arguments made by Trump’s legal team, led by the former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani, that voting in Pennsylvania was marred by widespread fraud.
Trump lost Pennsylvania, a state he had won in 2016, to the Democratic president-elect Joe Biden by more than 80,000 votes.
“Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here,” Judge Stephanos Bibas wrote for the 3rd US circuit court of appeals.
The judge denounced as “breathtaking” a Republican request to reverse certification of the vote, adding: “Voters, not lawyers, choose the president. Ballots, not briefs, decide elections. [The] campaign’s claims have no merit.”
The ruling - the Trump team’s 38th court defeat in election lawsuits nationwide – reaffirmed US district judge Matthew Brann’s earlier view of Giuliani’s complaint, delivered after he listened to five hours of oral arguments last week. The lawsuit, Brann said, was: “like Frankenstein’s Monster … haphazardly stitched together”.
Friday’s ruling was also laced with irony given that Trump, who has long called for the outcome of the 2020 presidential election to be settled in the courtroom, appointed Bibas in 2017. The two other panel judges were also appointed by Republican presidents, and Maryanne Trump Barry, the president’s sister, sat on the appeals court for two decades until her retirement last year.
Two days after the election, with the ballots of Pennsylvania’s 6.8 million voters still being tallied, Trump tweeted that the “US Supreme Court should decide!”, and on Saturday the president was still falsely insisting he had won the state.
“The Pennsylvania votes were RIGGED. All other swing states also,” Trump wrote.
Despite the baseless claim, Pennsylvania’s 20 electoral college votes remain with Biden, who won the popular vote nationally by more than 6 million, and who will hold a 306-232 advantage when the college meets to seat the 46th US president next month.
Later on Saturday, after a day’s golfing at his Sterling, Virginia, club, Trump appeared to still be stewing over the ruling. In a tweet, he reaffirmed his campaign’s intention to appeal, claiming without evidence that the number of fraudulent ballots exceeded his margin of defeat.
“The number of ballots that our Campaign is challenging in the Pennsylvania case is FAR LARGER than the 81,000 vote margin. It’s not even close,” he wrote.
“Fraud and illegality ARE a big part of the case. Documents being completed. We will appeal!”
Trump’s lawyers, meanwhile, have promised to elevate their complaint to the supreme court.
“The activist judicial machinery in Pennsylvania continues to cover up the allegations of massive fraud,” Trump’s lawyer Jenna Ellis tweeted after Friday’s ruling. “On to SCOTUS!”
Trump and his surrogates have attacked the election as flawed and filed a flurry of lawsuits to try to block the results in six battleground states. But they have found little sympathy from judges, nearly all of whom dismissed their complaints about the security of mail-in ballots, which millions of people used to vote from home during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Trump’s fading hopes could ultimately rest with the supreme court’s new conservative 6-3 majority, fashioned by his appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a long-serving liberal justice who died in September. He believes the high court would be more receptive than federal courts, especially since it upheld Pennsylvania’s decision to accept mail-in ballots through 6 November by only a 4-4 vote last month, with Coney Barrett abstaining.
In the latest case, the Trump campaign, through Giuliani, asked to disenfranchise 700,000 mail-in votes from Philadelphia, Pittsburgh and other Democratic-leaning areas.
“One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome, a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption,” Brann wrote in his scathing ruling on 21 November. “That has not happened.”
A separate Republican challenge that reached the Pennsylvania supreme court this week sought to stop the state from further certifying any races on the ballot. The administration of the Democratic governor, Tom Wolf, is fighting that effort, saying it would prevent the state’s legislature and congressional delegation from being seated in the coming weeks.
On Thursday, Trump said the 3 November election was still far from over. Yet he offered the clearest signal to date that he would leave the White House peaceably on 20 January if the electoral college formalized Biden’s win.
“Certainly I will. But you know that,” Trump said at the White House, taking questions from reporters for the first time since election day.
On Friday, however, he backtracked, wrongly stating that Biden needed to “prove” he had won 80m votes before being allowed to enter the White House.
Trump also continued to baselessly attack Detroit, Atlanta and other Democratic cities with large black populations as the source of “massive voter fraud”. And he claimed, without evidence, that a Pennsylvania poll watcher had uncovered computer memory drives that “gave Biden 50,000 votes” apiece.
All 50 states must certify their results before the electoral college meets on 14 December, and any challenge to the results must be resolved by 8 December.


theguardian--2020-11-27--Trump's baseless claims of Georgia voter fraud spark fears among Republicans

Despite giving his strongest hints yet that he is coming to accept his loss of the White House to challenger Joe Biden , Donald Trump ’ s continuing reluctance to leave office and baseless claims about electoral fraud are increasingly worrying his own party .
In particular , Republicans are concerned that the chaos caused by Trump ’ s stance and his false comments on the conduct of the election in the key swing state of Georgia , which Biden won for the Democrats , could hinder his party ’ s efforts to retain control of the Senate .
Control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US Congress hangs in the balance as runoff races for the state ’ s two Senate seats play out over the remainder of 2020 , with an election scheduled in early January .
If Democrats win those seats , they grab the Senate while if Republicans emerge victorious , they keep control and can seriously hinder Biden ’ s agenda , including his ability to freely pick his cabinet .
Trump has attacked the election system in Georgia , even though it is headed by Republicans , after Biden flipped the southern state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since 1992 .
On Thanksgiving – a day usually reserved for presidential platitudes – Trump broke with tradition and repeated those attacks in a now rare face-off with journalists .
“ I ’ m very worried about that , ” Trump said when asked about his previous baseless claims of fraud in Georgia .
“ You have a fraudulent system.
” He then called Georgia ’ s Republican secretary of state , Brad Raffensperger , who has defended the state ’ s election process , an “ enemy of the people ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek to motivate Georgia voters to come to the polls in January , volunteer for their Senate campaigns and – perhaps most importantly of all – dig deep into their pockets to pay for the unexpected runoff races .
In particular Trump ’ s comments have spurred conspiracy theories that the state ’ s electoral system is rigged and prompted some of his supporters to make calls for a boycott of the coming vote – something that local Georgia Republicans desperately do not want .
“ His demonization of Georgia ’ s entire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s chances at keeping the Senate , ” warned an article published by Politico .
Even Trump ’ s son , Donald Trump Jr , has jumped into the fray , tweeting : “ I ’ m seeing a lot of talk from people that are supposed to be on our side telling GOP voters not to go out & vote.. That is NONSENSE .
IGNORE those people.
” The president has also pledged to visit Georgia to hold rallies in support of the two Republican candidates , Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected to be on Saturday 5 December and could be a double-edged sword .
Trump is still a powerful force with a loyal following whose endorsement is a key mobilizing tool for the race .
On the other hand , in freewheeling his rallies , Trump may spout conspiracy theories that undermine their campaigns .
Certainly Trump ’ s mood has become increasingly erratic even as he has made the clearest signs yet that he will eventually leave the White House , which he convincingly lost to Biden in both the popular vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ picks the next president .
On Thanksgiving Day , Trump grumpily said he would leave the White House when the electoral college voted for Biden .
He has so far defied tradition by refusing to concede defeat and launching legal attempts to challenge the outcomes in battleground states includijng Georgia , Pennsylvania and Michigan .
So far , those efforts have largely failed .
On Friday , Trump ’ s legal team suffered yet another defeat as a federal appeals court in Philadelphia roundly rejected its latest effort to challenge the state ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawyers vowed to appeal to the supreme court despite the judge ’ s assessment that the “ campaign ’ s claims have no merit ” .
The case had been argued last week in a lower court by Trump ’ s lawyer Rudy Giuliani without tangible proof presented .
“ Charges require specific allegations and then proof .
We have neither here , ” Judge Stephanos Bibas wrote for the three-judge panel on Friday .
On Thursday , Trump had declined to say whether he would attend Biden ’ s inauguration , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ January , and called one reporter a “ lightweight ” , telling him : “ Don ’ t talk to me like that.
” Trump continued his rant on Friday , producing a long string of retweets and tweets making untrue claims about the election and his opponent .
“ Biden can only enter the White House as President if he can prove that his ridiculous ‘ 80,000,000 votes ’ were not fraudulently or illegally obtained , ” he tweeted .
He even retweeted a video of a fight between a lion and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which was narrated a piece of movie dialogue by the actor Christopher Walken , taken from the film Poolhall Junkies .
“ So much truth , ” Trump remarked .
The Republican party has shocked many observers by mostly continuing its adherence to Trump and backing his wild claims and legal efforts , though daylight has started to appear between some top party figures and the White House .
“ We ’ re going to have an orderly transfer from this administration to the next one , ” Mitch McConnell , the Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ What we all say about it is , frankly , irrelevant.
” Also on Friday , Republicans picked up their third US House seat in California .
David Valadao reclaimed the seat he lost two years ago , defeating the Democratic representative TJ Cox .

Despite giving his strongest hints yet that he is coming to accept his loss of the White House to challenger Joe Biden, Donald Trump’s continuing reluctance to leave office and baseless claims about electoral fraud are increasingly worrying his own party.
In particular, Republicans are concerned that the chaos caused by Trump’s stance and his false comments on the conduct of the election in the key swing state of Georgia, which Biden won for the Democrats, could hinder his party’s efforts to retain control of the Senate.
Control of the key upper chamber of the US Congress hangs in the balance as runoff races for the state’s two Senate seats play out over the remainder of 2020, with an election scheduled in early January. If Democrats win those seats, they grab the Senate while if Republicans emerge victorious, they keep control and can seriously hinder Biden’s agenda, including his ability to freely pick his cabinet.
Trump has attacked the election system in Georgia, even though it is headed by Republicans, after Biden flipped the southern state to the Democrats for the first time since 1992.
On Thanksgiving – a day usually reserved for presidential platitudes – Trump broke with tradition and repeated those attacks in a now rare face-off with journalists. “I’m very worried about that,” Trump said when asked about his previous baseless claims of fraud in Georgia. “You have a fraudulent system.” He then called Georgia’s Republican secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, who has defended the state’s election process, an “enemy of the people”.
Such attacks have Republicans worried as they seek to motivate Georgia voters to come to the polls in January, volunteer for their Senate campaigns and – perhaps most importantly of all – dig deep into their pockets to pay for the unexpected runoff races.
In particular Trump’s comments have spurred conspiracy theories that the state’s electoral system is rigged and prompted some of his supporters to make calls for a boycott of the coming vote – something that local Georgia Republicans desperately do not want. “His demonization of Georgia’s entire electoral system is hurting his party’s chances at keeping the Senate,” warned an article published by Politico.
Even Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr, has jumped into the fray, tweeting: “I’m seeing a lot of talk from people that are supposed to be on our side telling GOP voters not to go out & vote.. That is NONSENSE. IGNORE those people.”
The president has also pledged to visit Georgia to hold rallies in support of the two Republican candidates, Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue. The first of those events is expected to be on Saturday 5 December and could be a double-edged sword. Trump is still a powerful force with a loyal following whose endorsement is a key mobilizing tool for the race. On the other hand, in his freewheeling rallies, Trump may spout conspiracy theories that undermine their campaigns.
Certainly Trump’s mood has become increasingly erratic even as he has made the clearest signs yet that he will eventually leave the White House, which he convincingly lost to Biden in both the popular vote and the vital electoral college that actually picks the next president.
On Thanksgiving Day, Trump grumpily said he would leave the White House when the electoral college voted for Biden. He has so far defied tradition by refusing to concede defeat and launching legal attempts to challenge the outcomes in battleground states including Georgia, Pennsylvania and Michigan. So far, those efforts have largely failed.
New court defeat for Trump
On Friday, Trump’s legal team suffered yet another defeat as a federal appeals court in Philadelphia roundly rejected its latest effort to challenge the state’s election results.
Trump’s lawyers vowed to appeal to the supreme court despite the judge’s assessment that the “campaign’s claims have no merit”.
The case had been argued last week in a lower court by Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani without tangible proof presented. “Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here,” Judge Stephanos Bibas wrote for the three-judge panel on Friday.
On Thursday, Trump had declined to say whether he would attend Biden’s inauguration, which is due to take place on 20 January, and called one reporter a “lightweight”, telling him: “Don’t talk to me like that.”
Trump continued his rant on Friday, producing a long string of retweets and tweets making untrue claims about the election and his opponent. “Biden can only enter the White House as President if he can prove that his ridiculous ‘80,000,000 votes’ were not fraudulently or illegally obtained,” he tweeted.
He even retweeted a video of a fight between a lion and a pack of attacking hyenas, over which was narrated a piece of movie dialogue by the actor Christopher Walken, taken from the film Poolhall Junkies. “So much truth,” Trump remarked.
The Republican party has shocked many observers by mostly continuing its adherence to Trump and backing his wild claims and legal efforts, though daylight has started to appear between some top party figures and the White House.
“We’re going to have an orderly transfer from this administration to the next one,” Mitch McConnell, the Republican Senate majority leader, told reporters recently. “What we all say about it is, frankly, irrelevant.”
Also on Friday, Republicans picked up their third US House seat in California. David Valadao reclaimed the seat he lost two years ago, defeating the Democratic representative TJ Cox.


theguardian--2020-11-28--Trump supporter who gave $2.5m to fight election fraud wants money back

A Donald Trump supporter who donated $ 2.5m to help expose and prosecute claims of fraud in the presidential election wants his money back after what he says are “ disappointing results ” .
Fredric Eshelman , a businessman from North Carolina , said he gave the money to True the Vote , a pro-Trump “ election ethics ” group in Texas that promised to file lawsuits in seven swing states as part of its push to “ investigate , litigate , and expose suspected illegal balloting and fraud in the 2020 general election ” .
But according to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , first reported by Bloomberg , True the Vote dropped its legal actions and discontinued its Validate the Vote 2020 campaign , then refused to return his calls when he demanded an explanation .
The founder of Eshelman Ventures llc , a venture capital company , said he asked “ regularly and repeatedly ” for updates , the lawsuit asserts , but that his “ requests were consistently met with vague responses , platitudes , and empty promises ” .
The lack of success of True the Vote ’ s efforts to challenge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president himself , whose team has lost 38 court actions since the 3 November election , most recently in Pennsylvania where a federal appeals court panel blasted Trump ’ s legal team for filing a case with no merit .
True the Vote did not immediately return an email from the Guardian seeking comment .
True the Vote did not respond to Bloomberg ’ s request for comment , but posted a statement on its website , attributed to the group ’ s founder and president , Catherine Engelbrecht , seeking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its efforts .
“ While we stand by the voters ’ testimony that was brought forth , barriers to advancing our arguments , coupled with constraints on time , made it necessary for us to pursue a different path , ” the group said , announcing that it had withdrawn legal filings in Georgia , Michigan , Pennsylvania and Wisconsin .
All four states were won by Joe Biden , the Democratic president-elect .
“ Our mission is much bigger than just one election .
It is about repairing the system for all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like the Trump campaign ’ s own legal filings , which have been based on scant evidence , however , the True the Vote statement did not detail any of the proof it claimed it had to support the allegations of election fraud .
Eshelman , the former chief executive of a pharmaceutical company , claims in his lawsuit that the non-profit offered to refund him $ 1m if he would drop his plan to sue the group .
He is seeking the return of the full $ 2.5m that he says he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chunks of $ 2m and $ 500,000 on 5 and 13 November .

A Donald Trump supporter who donated $2.5m to help expose and prosecute claims of fraud in the presidential election wants his money back after what he says are “disappointing results”.
Fredric Eshelman, a businessman from North Carolina, said he gave the money to True the Vote, a pro-Trump “election ethics” group in Texas that promised to file lawsuits in seven swing states as part of its push to “investigate, litigate, and expose suspected illegal balloting and fraud in the 2020 general election”.
But according to a lawsuit Eshelman filed this week in Houston, first reported by Bloomberg, True the Vote dropped its legal actions and discontinued its Validate the Vote 2020 campaign, then refused to return his calls when he demanded an explanation.
The founder of Eshelman Ventures llc, a venture capital company, said he asked “regularly and repeatedly” for updates, the lawsuit asserts, but that his “requests were consistently met with vague responses, platitudes, and empty promises”.
The lack of success of True the Vote’s efforts to challenge the outcome appears to mirror that of the president himself, whose team has lost 38 court actions since the 3 November election, most recently in Pennsylvania where a federal appeals court panel blasted Trump’s legal team for filing a case with no merit.
True the Vote did not immediately return an email from the Guardian seeking comment. True the Vote did not respond to Bloomberg’s request for comment, but posted a statement on its website, attributed to the group’s founder and president, Catherine Engelbrecht, seeking to blame outside forces for the failure of its efforts.
“While we stand by the voters’ testimony that was brought forth, barriers to advancing our arguments, coupled with constraints on time, made it necessary for us to pursue a different path,” the group said, announcing that it had withdrawn legal filings in Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. All four states were won by Joe Biden, the Democratic president-elect.
“Our mission is much bigger than just one election. It is about repairing the system for all future elections,” it continued.
Like the Trump campaign’s own legal filings, which have been based on scant evidence, however, the True the Vote statement did not detail any of the proof it claimed it had to support the allegations of election fraud.
Eshelman, the former chief executive of a pharmaceutical company, claims in his lawsuit that the nonprofit offered to refund him $1m if he would drop his plan to sue the group. He is seeking the return of the full $2.5m that he says he wired on Engelbrecht’s instructions in chunks of $2m and $500,000 on 5 and 13 November.


theguardian--2020-11-28--Scott Morrison's climate language has shifted – but actions speak louder than words

Scott Morrison ’ s language about Australia adopting an emissions reduction target of net zero by 2050 , and about climate action more generally , is starting to warm up .
The recent shift in the prime minister ’ s language invites two questions : is there a pivot under way , and is the shift real ?
The story so far We know the Coalition ’ s history on climate policy .
The Abbott government repealed Labor ’ s climate price , attempted to gut the Renewable Energy Target and abolish agencies driving a transition to low-emissions energy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ coal in the parliament , telling his opponents not to be “ scared ” .
For much of this year , the Coalition has ignored persistent entreaties from environmentalists and major business groups to adopt a target of net zero emissions by 2050 at the latest , and to use the economic recovery from Covid-19 to lock in the transition to low emissions .
Morrison has never ruled out adopting a net zero target but has created the impression the government wasn ’ t interested – an impression reinforced by the government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ gas-led recovery ” after the pandemic .
When and why did the language change ?
In the couple of weeks before the US presidential election on 3 November , Japan , China and South Korea adopted pledges taking them closer to net zero .
Morrison also had a private conversation with the British prime minister , Boris Johnson , in which net zero was raised .
Leaders were anticipating the likely election of Joe Biden .
The Democrat had promised to end the backsliding of the Trump era and revitalise international climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back into the Paris deal .
Biden ’ s appointment of John Kerry as his climate envoy after winning the election is a further signal of seriousness .
From the moment Biden was projected as the likely winner , Morrison ’ s language began to change .
It became noticeably warmer .
Morrison now says Australia wants to “ reach net zero emissions as quickly as possible ” .
Before we get to 2050 , Australia has an emissions-reduction target for 2030 , and the government will be under pressure to update that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the next round of international climate talks .
Australia ’ s current target is a 26 % -28 % cut below 2005 levels , and the government has been planning to meet that ( not very ambitious ) target using carryover credits from the Kyoto period .
Official government emissions projections released in December last year found Australia was not on track to meet the 2030 target unless it used the credits .
Australia ’ s use of the Kyoto-era concessions has been strongly opposed by a large number of nations in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is no legal basis for their use under the Paris agreement .
After Biden ’ s victory , Morrison used a speech to business leaders to signal , hey presto , magic happens : Australia might not deploy the accounting trick to help meet the 2030 target after all .
The prime minister said : “ My ambition is that we will not need them and we are working to this as our goal , consistent with our record of over-delivering.
” The hint from Morrison was that new projections , expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show Australia is on track to meet the promised cut without carryovers .
How can that happen ?
In part , because the Australian government has not been great at forecasting future emissions and tends to substantially change its estimates each year .
Estimating future emissions is difficult .
Each year , officials make assumptions about what will happen in 50 areas of the economy and come up with projections of how much will be emitted .
For more than a decade , they have significantly overestimated how much CO the country will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down the projections , sometimes significantly .
The biggest miscalculation has been in electricity generation .
Renewable energy has come into the grid much faster than the government expected – the national 2020 renewable energy target was met ahead of time , state targets in Victoria and Queensland have started to have an impact and the cost of solar and wind energy continues to drop , making investment more attractive .
Officials also overestimated how much grid electricity the country would use – demand has fallen , in part due to nearly a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For reasons that are not clear , the official projections have assumed there would be less renewable energy in the system than the models used by the Australian Energy Market Operator , which runs the power grid .
Addressing this will bring future projections down .
There are other anomalies .
The projections do not factor in drought , which in recent years has reduced emissions from agriculture as farmers have had to substantially reduce cattle and sheep numbers .
Officials last year revised down the emissions forecast for the next decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ readjustment were to happen this year , it could lead to the government saying it was now on track to meet its modest 2030 target without the carryover credits .
Has anything else changed that could affect the projections ?
The only new policy of note from the Morrison government this year has been its low-emissions technology roadmap .
Released in September , it claimed developing five new technologies could “ avoid ” 250m tonnes of emissions a year by 2040 .
There was been no explanation of how that number was reached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ clean ” hydrogen , the government has not yet committed significant new funding to develop the technologies .
It is unclear how this policy could reasonably change the projections in a meaningful way .
More noteworthy is that , while the federal government has tried to slow the influx of solar and wind by neither continuing nor replacing the renewable energy target , the states keep stepping in to fill the gap .
The big one is the NSW plan to underwrite 12 gigawatts of new wind and solar over the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banked by Canberra as “ progress ” in terms of projected national emissions reductions , but also criticised by the federal energy minister , Angus Taylor , because it might bring forward the closure of coal plants , which is of course a necessary development if you are a government now wanting to trumpet a downward trend in emissions .
You know it makes sense .
Lower emissions would , of course , be great .
But if it happens it isn ’ t something we should get too excited about , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty obvious – the government will not have actually done anything yet .
These are projections , not actual emissions .
Before Covid-19 hit , Australia ’ s national emissions remained stubbornly flat under the Coalition , having dipped only about 2 % in the more than six years since it was elected .
They will be lower this year due to the pandemic , but that is not something the government can claim credit for , and it may not continue .
The second reason is , as mentioned above , Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about .
It was a fudge from the beginning .
The size of the cut – 26 % -28 % – was just a lift of the US commitment under the Paris agreement , with one notable difference – the Obama administration promised that target for 2025 , while the Australian government pushed it back to 2030 .
Getting to net zero emissions , as scientists say is necessary , isn ’ t just about the end goal .
It ’ s about how much you emit as you get there .
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goals of the Paris agreement , Australia can only emit so much over the next three decades .
Advice to the government in 2015 suggested playing its part would require a cut equivalent to between 45 % and 65 % by 2030 .
A recent analysis by analysts at the Climate Action Tracker found Australia ’ s fair share over that timeframe was 66 % .
The current target does not get the job done .
So will the government do more on climate ?
It is not impossible , but it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure on Australia over the next year not only to set a target of net zero by 2050 , but to go further by 2030 than promised .
The US under Biden will be required to set a new target for that date and other major countries are expected to do the same .
Dropping the plan to use carryover credits will not be enough to satisfy their expectations .
Apart from saying we can meet our ( lowball ) 2030 target without a Kyoto-era accounting trick ( cue applause ) there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government is working up a higher 2030 target .
It is working on a long-term climate strategy , which was a commitment under the Paris agreement .
It was due this year , but has been pushed back to before the next major climate summit in Glasgow late next year .
It is expected , but not guaranteed , to include modelling of what future action on climate will mean for Australia .
There are a couple of other policies in the works .
The government has dumped a long-promised electric vehicle strategy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ future fuels ” plan on hydrogen , electric and bio-fuelled vehicles , but it is not expected to deliver significant new commitments to accelerate an emissions cut .
Potentially more significantly , it has also said it will look at the safeguard mechanism , a Tony Abbott-era policy that was supposed to limit emissions from big industrial sites .
So far , the scheme has barely justified its existence .
Companies have mostly just been allowed to increase their CO limit , known as a baseline , and pollute more .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government earlier this year said it accepted a recommendation from a review headed by former Business Council of Australia president Grant King that the mechanism should be changed so that companies would be rewarded for cutting emissions below their baseline if they were undertaking “ transformative ” projects and not just producing less or shutting down .
It sounds like a step back towards carbon pricing – rewarding cuts and , if the Coalition can stomach it , finally penalising increases in emissions .
Would the government go back to carbon pricing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his internal authority to drive a substantive change – but he won ’ t want to lose his job over it .
Part of what ’ s going on with Morrison ’ s shift in language is the prime minister testing how much he can get away with : how positive can he sound about emissions reduction before the right of the Liberal party starts having a tantrum , or before the National party has a public meltdown because someone has whispered coal is not good for humanity after all ?
Think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lit ledge several stories above the ground .
But the rest of the world isn ’ t waiting for the Coalition to get its act together .
Action on emissions is picking up elsewhere and at some point Australia will have to deal with rising CO from big industry and transport .
In the meantime , as the Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO recently reported , climate change is already here and extreme weather events are getting worse .

Scott Morrison’s language about Australia adopting an emissions reduction target of net zero by 2050, and about climate action more generally, is starting to warm up. The recent shift in the prime minister’s language invites two questions: is there a pivot under way, and is the shift real?
The story so far
We know the Coalition’s history on climate policy. The Abbott government repealed Labor’s climate price, attempted to gut the Renewable Energy Target and abolish agencies driving a transition to low-emissions energy. Morrison while treasurer brandished a lump of coal in the parliament, telling his opponents not to be “scared”. For much of this year, the Coalition has ignored persistent entreaties from environmentalists and major business groups to adopt a target of net zero emissions by 2050 at the latest, and to use the economic recovery from Covid-19 to lock in the transition to low emissions. Morrison has never ruled out adopting a net zero target but has created the impression the government wasn’t interested – an impression reinforced by the government’s declaration that it would pursue a “gas-led recovery” after the pandemic.
When and why did the language change?
In the couple of weeks before the US presidential election on 3 November, Japan, China and South Korea adopted pledges taking them closer to net zero. Morrison also had a private conversation with the British prime minister, Boris Johnson, in which net zero was raised. Leaders were anticipating the likely election of Joe Biden. The Democrat had promised to end the backsliding of the Trump era and revitalise international climate negotiations, starting with bringing the US back into the Paris deal. Biden’s appointment of John Kerry as his climate envoy after winning the election is a further signal of seriousness. From the moment Biden was projected as the likely winner, Morrison’s language began to change. It became noticeably warmer. Morrison now says Australia wants to “reach net zero emissions as quickly as possible”.
What about 2030?
Before we get to 2050, Australia has an emissions-reduction target for 2030, and the government will be under pressure to update that commitment with a higher level of ambition in the next round of international climate talks.
Australia’s current target is a 26%-28% cut below 2005 levels, and the government has been planning to meet that (not very ambitious) target using carryover credits from the Kyoto period. Official government emissions projections released in December last year found Australia was not on track to meet the 2030 target unless it used the credits. Australia’s use of the Kyoto-era concessions has been strongly opposed by a large number of nations in international climate discussions, and experts say there is no legal basis for their use under the Paris agreement.
After Biden’s victory, Morrison used a speech to business leaders to signal, hey presto, magic happens: Australia might not deploy the accounting trick to help meet the 2030 target after all. The prime minister said: “My ambition is that we will not need them and we are working to this as our goal, consistent with our record of over-delivering.” The hint from Morrison was that new projections, expected to be released in December, will show Australia is on track to meet the promised cut without carryovers.
How can that happen?
In part, because the Australian government has not been great at forecasting future emissions and tends to substantially change its estimates each year.
Estimating future emissions is difficult. Each year, officials make assumptions about what will happen in 50 areas of the economy and come up with projections of how much will be emitted. For more than a decade, they have significantly overestimated how much CO 2 the country will emit in the years ahead before revising down the projections, sometimes significantly.
The biggest miscalculation has been in electricity generation. Renewable energy has come into the grid much faster than the government expected – the national 2020 renewable energy target was met ahead of time, state targets in Victoria and Queensland have started to have an impact and the cost of solar and wind energy continues to drop, making investment more attractive. Officials also overestimated how much grid electricity the country would use – demand has fallen, in part due to nearly a third of homes now having solar panels.
For reasons that are not clear, the official projections have assumed there would be less renewable energy in the system than the models used by the Australian Energy Market Operator, which runs the power grid. Addressing this will bring future projections down.
There are other anomalies. The projections do not factor in drought, which in recent years has reduced emissions from agriculture as farmers have had to substantially reduce cattle and sheep numbers.
Officials last year revised down the emissions forecast for the next decade by 344m tonnes. If a similar readjustment were to happen this year, it could lead to the government saying it was now on track to meet its modest 2030 target without the carryover credits.
Has anything else changed that could affect the projections?
The only new policy of note from the Morrison government this year has been its low-emissions technology roadmap. Released in September, it claimed developing five new technologies could “avoid” 250m tonnes of emissions a year by 2040.
There was been no explanation of how that number was reached, and with the arguable exception of “clean” hydrogen, the government has not yet committed significant new funding to develop the technologies. It is unclear how this policy could reasonably change the projections in a meaningful way.
More noteworthy is that, while the federal government has tried to slow the influx of solar and wind by neither continuing nor replacing the renewable energy target, the states keep stepping in to fill the gap.
The big one is the NSW plan to underwrite 12 gigawatts of new wind and solar over the next decade – a development that will be banked by Canberra as “progress” in terms of projected national emissions reductions, but also criticised by the federal energy minister, Angus Taylor, because it might bring forward the closure of coal plants, which is of course a necessary development if you are a government now wanting to trumpet a downward trend in emissions. You know it makes sense.
Would a lower-emissions forecast be good news?
Lower emissions would, of course, be great. But if it happens it isn’t something we should get too excited about, for two reasons.
The first should be pretty obvious – the government will not have actually done anything yet. These are projections, not actual emissions.
Before Covid-19 hit, Australia’s national emissions remained stubbornly flat under the Coalition, having dipped only about 2% in the more than six years since it was elected. They will be lower this year due to the pandemic, but that is not something the government can claim credit for, and it may not continue.
The second reason is, as mentioned above, Australia’s target is nothing to crow about. It was a fudge from the beginning. The size of the cut – 26%-28% – was just a lift of the US commitment under the Paris agreement, with one notable difference – the Obama administration promised that target for 2025, while the Australian government pushed it back to 2030.
Getting to net zero emissions, as scientists say is necessary, isn’t just about the end goal. It’s about how much you emit as you get there. To play its fair part in meeting the goals of the Paris agreement, Australia can only emit so much over the next three decades.
Advice to the government in 2015 suggested playing its part would require a cut equivalent to between 45% and 65% by 2030. A recent analysis by analysts at the Climate Action Tracker found Australia’s fair share over that timeframe was 66%. The current target does not get the job done.
So will the government do more on climate?
It is not impossible, but it is far from guaranteed.
There will be pressure on Australia over the next year not only to set a target of net zero by 2050, but to go further by 2030 than promised. The US under Biden will be required to set a new target for that date and other major countries are expected to do the same. Dropping the plan to use carryover credits will not be enough to satisfy their expectations.
Apart from saying we can meet our (lowball) 2030 target without a Kyoto-era accounting trick (cue applause) there’s no sign at the moment the government is working up a higher 2030 target. It is working on a long-term climate strategy, which was a commitment under the Paris agreement. It was due this year, but has been pushed back to before the next major climate summit in Glasgow late next year. It is expected, but not guaranteed, to include modelling of what future action on climate will mean for Australia.
There are a couple of other policies in the works. The government has dumped a long-promised electric vehicle strategy and replaced it with the promise of a “future fuels” plan on hydrogen, electric and bio-fuelled vehicles, but it is not expected to deliver significant new commitments to accelerate an emissions cut.
Potentially more significantly, it has also said it will look at the safeguard mechanism, a Tony Abbott-era policy that was supposed to limit emissions from big industrial sites. So far, the scheme has barely justified its existence. Companies have mostly just been allowed to increase their CO 2 limit, known as a baseline, and pollute more.
Presumably recognising this is not sustainable, the government earlier this year said it accepted a recommendation from a review headed by former Business Council of Australia president Grant King that the mechanism should be changed so that companies would be rewarded for cutting emissions below their baseline if they were undertaking “transformative” projects and not just producing less or shutting down. It sounds like a step back towards carbon pricing – rewarding cuts and, if the Coalition can stomach it, finally penalising increases in emissions.
Would the government go back to carbon pricing?
Morrison should use his political capital and his internal authority to drive a substantive change – but he won’t want to lose his job over it. Part of what’s going on with Morrison’s shift in language is the prime minister testing how much he can get away with: how positive can he sound about emissions reduction before the right of the Liberal party starts having a tantrum, or before the National party has a public meltdown because someone has whispered coal is not good for humanity after all? Think of Morrison as inching along a dimly lit ledge several stories above the ground.
But the rest of the world isn’t waiting for the Coalition to get its act together. Action on emissions is picking up elsewhere and at some point Australia will have to deal with rising CO 2 from big industry and transport.
In the meantime, as the Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO recently reported, climate change is already here and extreme weather events are getting worse.


theguardian--2020-11-28--Federal appeals court throws out Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania

A federal appeals court in Pennsylvania has delivered a strongly worded repudiation of Donald Trump ’ s latest attempt to overturn his presidential election defeat , dismissing his challenge to the state ’ s results as without merit , and backing a district judge who likened the president ’ s evidence-free and error-strewn lawsuit to “ Frankenstein ’ s monster ” .
On Friday , a three-member panel confirmed unanimously a lower court ’ s decision last week to rebuff the arguments made by Trump ’ s legal team , led by the former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ widespread fraud .
Trump lost Pennsylvania , a state he had won in 2016 , to the Democratic president-elect Joe Biden by more than 80,000 votes .
“ Free , fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy .
Charges of unfairness are serious .
But calling an election unfair does not make it so .
Charges require specific allegations and then proof .
We have neither here , ” Judge Stephanos Bibas wrote for the 3rd US circuit court of appeals .
The judge denounced as “ breathtaking ” a Republican request @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adding : “ Voters , not lawyers , choose the president .
Ballots , not briefs , decide elections .
[ The ] campaign ’ s claims have no merit.
” The ruling - the Trump team ’ s 38th court defeat in election lawsuits nationwide – reaffirmed US district judge Matthew Brann ’ s earlier view of Giuliani ’ s complaint , delivered after he listened to five hours of oral arguments last week .
The lawsuit , Brann said , was : “ like Frankenstein ’ s Monster … haphazardly stitched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was also laced with irony given that Trump , who has long called for the outcome of the 2020 presidential election to be settled in the courtroom , appointed Bibas in 2017 .
The two other panel judges were also appointed by Republican presidents , and Maryanne Trump Barry , the president ’ s sister , sat on the appeals court for two decades until her retirement last year .
Two days after the election , with the ballots of Pennsylvania ’ s 6.8 million voters still being tallied , Trump tweeted that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
” , and on Saturday the president was still falsely insisting he had won the state .
“ The Pennsylvania votes were RIGGED .
All other swing states also , ” Trump wrote .
Despite the baseless claim , Pennsylvania ’ s 20 electoral college votes remain with Biden , who won the popular vote nationally by more than 6 million , and who will hold a 306-232 advantage when the college meets to seat the 46th US president next month .
Later on Saturday , after a day ’ s golfing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Trump appeared to still be stewing over the ruling .
In a tweet , he reaffirmed his campaign ’ s intention to appeal , claiming without evidence that the number of fraudulent ballots exceeded his margin of defeat .
“ The number of ballots that our Campaign is challenging in the Pennsylvania case is FAR LARGER than the 81,000 vote margin .
It ’ s not even close , ” he wrote .
“ Fraud and illegality ARE a big part of the case .
Documents being completed .
We will appeal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meanwhile , have promised to elevate their complaint to the supreme court .
“ The activist judicial machinery in Pennsylvania continues to cover up the allegations of massive fraud , ” Trump ’ s lawyer Jenna Ellis tweeted after Friday ’ s ruling .
“ On to SCOTUS !
” Trump and his surrogates have attacked the election as flawed and filed a flurry of lawsuits to try to block the results in six battleground states .
But they have found little sympathy from judges , nearly all of whom dismissed their complaints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which millions of people used to vote from home during the Covid-19 pandemic .
Trump ’ s fading hopes could ultimately rest with the supreme court ’ s new conservative 6-3 majority , fashioned by his appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg , a long-serving liberal justice who died in September .
He believes the high court would be more receptive than federal courts , especially since it upheld Pennsylvania ’ s decision to accept mail-in ballots through 6 November by only a 4-4 vote last month , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case , the Trump campaign , through Giuliani , asked to disenfranchise 700,000 mail-in votes from Philadelphia , Pittsburgh and other Democratic-leaning areas .
“ One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome , a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption , ” Brann wrote in his scathing ruling on 21 November .
“ That has not happened.
” A separate Republican challenge that reached the Pennsylvania supreme court this week sought to stop the state from further certifying any races on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic governor , Tom Wolf , is fighting that effort , saying it would prevent the state ’ s legislature and congressional delegation from being seated in the coming weeks .
On Thursday , Trump said the 3 November election was still far from over .
Yet he offered the clearest signal to date that he would leave the White House peaceably on 20 January if the electoral college formalized Biden ’ s win .
“ Certainly I will .
But you know that , ” Trump said at the White House , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time since election day .
On Friday , however , he backtracked , wrongly stating that Biden needed to “ prove ” he had won 80m votes before being allowed to enter the White House .
Trump also continued to baselessly attack Detroit , Atlanta and other Democratic cities with large black populations as the source of “ massive voter fraud ” .
And he claimed , without evidence , that a Pennsylvania poll watcher had uncovered computer memory drives that “ gave Biden 50,000 votes ” apiece .
All 50 states must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meets on 14 December , and any challenge to the results must be resolved by 8 December .


theguardian--2020-11-28--US election results 2020: Joe Biden defeats Donald Trump to win presidency

Americans are also electing members to the two chambers of Congress , the main law-making body of the US .
@ @ @ @ @ and the House of Representatives .
Without support in the Senate and the House , @ @ @ @ @ enact key policies is severely limited .

Niko Kommenda, Antonio Voce, Frank Hulley-Jones, Anna Leach and Seán Clarke

Americans are also electing members to the two chambers of Congress, the main law-making body of the US. Those chambers are the Senate and the House of Representatives.
Without support in the Senate and the House, the president's ability to enact key policies is severely limited.