theguardian--2020-06-14--Stuart Kyle Duncan: the Trump-appointed judge working to ban Louisiana abortions

A landmark US Supreme Court ruling expected before the end of June could shutter most of Louisiana ’ s abortion clinics and precipitate clinic closures in more than a dozen other states .
The case , June Medical Services v Russo , is one of the most high-profile supreme court cases of the year , after Donald Trump appointed two justices who tipped the balance of the court to a conservative majority .
And it might never have reached the supreme court without the aid of another Trump-appointed judge , Stuart Kyle Duncan .
The Louisiana case centers on law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permission to admit and treat patients at nearby hospitals , known as ‘ admitting privileges ’ – a bureaucratic hurdle that has been shown to shut down a large swath of abortion clinics .
The supreme court ruled an almost identical Texas law unconstitutional in 2016 , but Louisiana is arguing that what is unconstitutional in Texas can still be constitutional across the state border .
Duncan fought the Louisiana case while in private practice until the spring of 2018 , when he was confirmed as one of Trump ’ s five lifetime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeals .
This year , several states have sought to severely restrict a woman ’ s right to abortion by designating it an elective treatment that is not necessary during the coronavirus pandemic .
Though appeals courts largely refused to uphold these bans , Duncan was one of two judges on the fifth circuit court who repeatedly upheld Texas ’ ban in a series of rulings that threw abortion access into weeks of disarray .
In just three years , the Trump administration has stacked federal courts with an army of conservative judges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeals court judges and two supreme court justices .
Trump ’ s lasting legacy may be stuffing America ’ s most important courts with largely white , male , conservative justices who will rule over important social and cultural issues such as reproductive rights , LGBTQ issues , and immigration for the next three or four decades .
One-fifth of the federal trial judges now owe their seat to Trump , as do one-fourth of appellate judges .
According to the progressive research group Data for Progress , Trump ’ s cohort are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appointed Republican judges .
With the election looming in November , Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell vowed to push ahead with nomination hearings and “ leave no vacancy behind ” .
And nowhere will Trump ’ s impact be felt greater than in the states that lie under the jurisdiction of the nation ’ s most conservative appeals courts .
The fifth circuit , for example , covers the Republican strongholds of Texas , Louisiana and Mississippi , making it the likely final arbiter on the constitutionality of a slew of conservative laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , the constitutional rights of the people in Texas , Louisiana and Mississippi will be made by Kyle Duncan and the other ultra-conservatives on the fifth circuit , ” said Daniel Goldberg , legal director at the progressive judicial non-profit the Alliance for Justice .
Five of the 17 active judges on the fifth circuit are Trump appointees , making an already right-leaning appeals court arguably “ one of the most , probably the most , conservative ” in the nation , Goldberg added .
The mantle is significant .
While most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court , that court only hears around 100 cases in a year .
Appeals courts collectively handle in the range of 50,000 .
The nation ’ s 94 district courts are geographically organized into 12 circuits , which hear the bulk of appeals , and from those cases , the US Supreme Court chooses just a fraction .
It was a fifth circuit panel that ruled to uphold Louisiana ’ s admitting privileges law in 2018 , despite the fact the Texas law had been struck down two years prior .
In early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fifth circuit voted to refuse to re-hear the case , forcing the supreme court ’ s hand and setting the stage for this summer ’ s looming decision .
Since he ’ d represented Louisiana , Duncan abstained from the court ’ s decision .
But Trump ’ s other four appointees were among the nine judges that upheld Louisiana ’ s law .
One , James Ho , has since made headlines for decrying the “ the moral tragedy of abortion ” in an opinion .
Others have criticized the Voting Rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced states with histories of violent voter suppression to obtain approval from the justice department over changes to elections , a law that conservatives on the supreme court gutted in 2013 .
Duncan is a lawyer with “ proven culture wars credentials ” , said Amanda Bursky-Hollis , author of Ideas with Consequences : The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution .
The vote to confirm his appointment to the fifth circuit bench split along party lines , 50-47 , and his bid was aided by the conservative Judicial Crisis Network – an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative group that has aided Trump by selecting judges for him to nominate .
The Judicial Crisis Network spent tens of thousands of dollars on TV ads in Louisiana praising Duncan after Senator John Kennedy expressed skepticism at giving a seat conventionally held for a Louisianaian to a “ Washington lawyer ” .
By the time of Duncan ’ s nomination hearing , Kennedy hailed Duncan as “ staunchly and vociferously pro-life ” and “ pro-religious liberty ” .
Duncan , a married father of five , was born in Baton Rouge in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s specialty , going back to his time in the mid-2000 ’ s as a professor of law at the University of Mississippi , where his scholarship centered on the separation of church and state .
Duncan has argued alongside the religious liberty powerhouse the Alliance Defending Freedom ( ADF ) and taught at its Blackstone Legal Fellowship , a kind of career boot camp for elite Christian lawyers that the ADF calls a “ ministry ” .
Duncan made his name in 2014 at the boutique religious rights firm the Becket Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lead counsel on the victorious supreme court contraception case Burwell v Hobby Lobby Stores .
That pivotal decision laid the groundwork for corporations to opt out of providing birth control for employees based on religious objections , and it preceded another major contraception case the court heard this spring , one that could further favor the religious and moral objections of employers over the rights of their employees to access health care .
Duncan is a devout Catholic .
Before his appointment to the fifth circuit , on mornings before he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he would recite the rosary to calm himself .
A large part of his career as an appellate court specialist was spent defending Republican state laws popular with the religious right and social conservatives .
He fought to keep Louisiana ’ s same-sex marriage ban : the matter belongs in the states , would have “ unforeseen ” consequences , and LGBTQ rights have “ nothing ” ( his empasis ) to do with civil rights cases , he argued .
He defended a North Carolina anti-trans bathroom law and a similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argued in favor of a North Carolina voter ID regulation that the fourth circuit found targeted African Americans “ with almost surgical precision ” .
Paul Baier , a law professor at LSU who never taught Duncan , supported his nomination despite having argued against him in the same-sex marriage case at the Louisiana supreme court .
Duncan is a “ superb advocate ” and a “ very careful , painstaking judge ” , he said .
He described Duncan ’ s reasoning in his opinion to uphold Texas ’ s coronavirus-related abortion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ studious judge judging ” .
The Federalist Society acts as an alternative to the American Bar Association with a monopoly on Republican nominees , Hollis-Brusky said , strategically placing people like Duncan who can ’ t be dismissed as a “ crazy Christian ” or “ Bible-thumper ” .
Over the course of his nomination process in 2017 , Democratic senator Diane Feinstein questioned him about some of the arguments he ’ d made in past controversial cases .
Duncan responded by stating that “ in representing clients I do not advance my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my clients ” .
During his nomination hearing , Duncan presented himself as fair-minded and reasonable .
He strove especially to reassure Democratic Senator Dick Durbin over his record of advancing religious rights above all others .
“ Where do we draw the line with your right as an individual , ” asked Durbin , “ as opposed to my right to assert religious liberty ?
” He referenced the Hobby Lobby case , describing it as a “ close case ” because “ women would be deprived ” of contraception .
Three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terms .
“ We find ourselves in the midst of what we see , and what we see correctly , as one of the most flagrant attacks on religious liberty that that we ’ ve ever seen in this country , ” Duncan told a panel in 2014 .
“ And most importantly , from our point of view , it ’ s not about striking the appropriate balance , ” he went on .
“ The first amendment has struck the balance for us , and that balance is in favor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ survived the nomination process without outrage from progressive groups .
Duncan is no exception .
“ The specific judges the Federalist Society supported are selected by the president to implement his agenda of dismantling health care , eliminating civil , women and workers rights and shielding his wealth and actions from public scrutiny , ” said Nan Aron , the founder of the Alliance for Justice .
Duncan summed up his life ’ s work in 2014 , in an article for the Ivy League Christian Observer .
“ All I really want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ is what God wants me to do with the talents he gave me .
”

A landmark US supreme court ruling expected before the end of June could shutter most of Louisiana’s abortion clinics and precipitate clinic closures in more than a dozen other states.
The case, June Medical Services v Russo, is one of the most high-profile supreme court cases of the year, after Donald Trump appointed two justices who tipped the balance of the court to a conservative majority. And it might never have reached the supreme court without the aid of another Trump-appointed judge, Stuart Kyle Duncan.
The Louisiana case centers on law that would force abortion doctors to gain permission to admit and treat patients at nearby hospitals, known as “admitting privileges” – a bureaucratic hurdle that has been shown to shut down a large swath of abortion clinics.
The supreme court ruled an almost identical Texas law unconstitutional in 2016, but Louisiana is arguing that what is unconstitutional in Texas can still be constitutional across the state border.
Duncan fought the Louisiana case while in private practice until the spring of 2018, when he was confirmed as one of Trump’s five lifetime appointments to the fifth circuit court of appeals.
This year, several states have sought to severely restrict a woman’s right to abortion by designating it an elective treatment that is not necessary during the coronavirus pandemic. Though appeals courts largely refused to uphold these bans, Duncan was one of two judges on the fifth circuit court who repeatedly upheld Texas’s ban in a series of rulings that threw abortion access into weeks of disarray.
Part of Trump’s lasting legacy
In just three years, the Trump administration has stacked federal courts with an army of conservative judges: 143 district court judges, 51 appeals court judges and two supreme court justices. Trump’s lasting legacy may be stuffing America’s most important courts with largely white, male, conservative justices who will rule over important social and cultural issues such as reproductive rights, LGBTQ issues and immigration for the next three or four decades.
One-fifth of the federal trial judges now owe their seat to Trump, as do one-fourth of appellate judges. According to the progressive research group Data for Progress, Trump’s cohort are also ideologically to the right of previously appointed Republican judges.
With the election looming in November, the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, vowed to push ahead with nomination hearings and “leave no vacancy behind”.
And nowhere will Trump’s impact be felt greater than in the states that lie under the jurisdiction of the nation’s most conservative appeals courts. The fifth circuit, for example, covers the Republican strongholds of Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi, making it the likely final arbiter on the constitutionality of a slew of conservative laws.
“For the overwhelming number of cases, the constitutional rights of the people in Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi will be made by Kyle Duncan and the other ultra-conservatives on the fifth circuit,” said Daniel Goldberg, legal director at the progressive judicial non-profit the Alliance for Justice.
Five of the 17 active judges on the fifth circuit are Trump appointees, making an already right-leaning appeals court arguably “one of the most, probably the most, conservative” in the nation, Goldberg added.
The mantle is significant. While most attention tends to fall on the supreme court, that court hears only about 100 cases in a year. Appeals courts collectively handle in the range of 50,000. The nation’s 94 district courts are geographically organized into 12 circuits, which hear the bulk of appeals, and from those cases, the US supreme court chooses just a fraction.
It was a fifth circuit panel that ruled to uphold Louisiana’s admitting privileges law in 2018, despite the fact the Texas law had been struck down two years prior. In early 2019, the full bench of the fifth circuit voted to refuse to rehear the case, forcing the supreme court’s hand and setting the stage for this summer’s looming decision. Since he had represented Louisiana, Duncan abstained from the court’s decision.
But Trump’s other four appointees were among the nine judges that upheld Louisiana’s law. One, James Ho, has since made headlines for decrying the “the moral tragedy of abortion” in an opinion. Others have criticized the Voting Rights Act – a civil-rights era law that forced states with histories of violent voter suppression to obtain approval from the justice department over changes to elections, a law that conservatives on the supreme court gutted in 2013.
Duncan is a lawyer with “proven culture wars credentials”, said Amanda Hollis-Brusky, author of Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution.
The vote to confirm his appointment to the fifth circuit bench split along party lines, 50-47, and his bid was aided by the conservative Judicial Crisis Network – an ally of the Federalist Society, a conservative group that has aided Trump by selecting judges for him to nominate. The Judicial Crisis Network spent tens of thousands of dollars on TV ads in Louisiana praising Duncan after Senator John Kennedy expressed skepticism at giving a seat conventionally held for a Louisianian to a “Washington lawyer”. By the time of Duncan’s nomination hearing, Kennedy hailed Duncan as “staunchly and vociferously pro-life” and “pro-religious liberty”.
In favor of religious liberty
Duncan, a married father of five, was born in Baton Rouge in 1972.
Religious liberty is Duncan’s specialty, going back to his time in the mid-2000s as a professor of law at the University of Mississippi, where his scholarship centered on the separation of church and state. Duncan has argued alongside the religious liberty powerhouse the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) and taught at its Blackstone Legal Fellowship, a kind of career boot camp for elite Christian lawyers that the ADF calls a “ministry”.
Duncan made his name in 2014 at the boutique religious rights firm the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, when he was the lead counsel on the victorious supreme court contraception case Burwell v Hobby Lobby Stores. That pivotal decision laid the groundwork for corporations to opt out of providing birth control for employees based on religious objections, and it preceded another major contraception case the court heard this spring, one that could further favor the religious and moral objections of employers over the rights of their employees to access healthcare.
Duncan is a devout Catholic. Before his appointment to the fifth circuit, on mornings before he was scheduled to argue before the supreme court, he would recite the rosary to calm himself.
A large part of his career as an appellate court specialist was spent defending Republican state laws popular with the religious right and social conservatives. He fought to keep Louisiana’s same-sex marriage ban: the matter belongs in the states, would have “unforeseen” consequences, and LGBTQ rights have “nothing” (his empasis) to do with civil rights cases, he argued. He defended a North Carolina anti-trans bathroom law and a similar Virginia school board policy. And he argued in favor of a North Carolina voter ID regulation that the fourth circuit found targeted African Americans “with almost surgical precision”.
Paul Baier, a law professor at LSU who never taught Duncan, supported his nomination despite having argued against him in the same-sex marriage case at the Louisiana supreme court. Duncan is a “superb advocate” and a “very careful, painstaking judge”, he said. He described Duncan’s reasoning in his opinion to uphold Texas’s coronavirus-related abortion ban as an “exemplar of the studious judge judging”.
The Federalist Society acts as an alternative to the American Bar Association with a monopoly on Republican nominees, Hollis-Brusky said, strategically placing people like Duncan who can’t be dismissed as a “crazy Christian” or “Bible-thumper”.
Over the course of his nomination process in 2017, the Democratic senator Dianne Feinstein questioned him about some of the arguments he had made in past controversial cases. Duncan responded by stating that “in representing clients I do not advance my personal views, but the interests of my clients”.
During his nomination hearing, Duncan presented himself as fair-minded and reasonable. He strove especially to reassure the Democratic Senator Dick Durbin over his record of advancing religious rights above all others.
“Where do we draw the line with your right as an individual,” asked Durbin, “as opposed to my right to assert religious liberty?”
“It’s a balance, it’s gotta be a balance,” Duncan replied.
He referenced the Hobby Lobby case, describing it as a “close case” because “women would be deprived” of contraception.
Three years earlier, Duncan had used opposite terms. “We find ourselves in the midst of what we see, and what we see correctly, as one of the most flagrant attacks on religious liberty that that we’ve ever seen in this country,” Duncan told a panel in 2014.
“And most importantly, from our point of view, it’s not about striking the appropriate balance,” he went on. “The first amendment has struck the balance for us, and that balance is in favor of religious liberty.”
Few Trump appointees have survived the nomination process without outrage from progressive groups. Duncan is no exception.
“The specific judges the Federalist Society supported are selected by the president to implement his agenda of dismantling health care, eliminating civil, women and workers rights and shielding his wealth and actions from public scrutiny,” said Nan Aron, the founder of the Alliance for Justice.
Duncan summed up his life’s work in 2014, in an article for the Ivy League Christian Observer. “All I really want to do,” he said, “is what God wants me to do with the talents he gave me.”


theguardian--2020-06-14--Pandemic, what pandemic? Trump sees mass rallies as path to re-election

On the day that America reached a world record 2m coronavirus infections , Donald Trump announced a campaign rally and his deputy , Mike Pence , posted ( then deleted ) a tweet of campaign staff gathered indoors without face masks or physical distancing .
Wednesday ’ s disconnect appeared to confirm that the US president , obsessed with rebuilding the economy and winning re-election , is now taking a “ Pandemic ?
What pandemic ?
” approach , even as Covid-19 cases rise in 21 states and his administration fails to bring the crisis under control .
For critics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dabbled in “ alternative facts ” , it is the most audacious attempt yet to deploy an Orwellian doublethink where two plus two equals five .
“ While states across the country are recording record high new coronavirus infections , Trump has simply given up on fighting the virus , ” said Zac Petkanas , coronavirus war room director for the healthcare campaign group Protect Our Care .
“ Not only are nearly a thousand people still dying every day because of Trump ’ s failed leadership , but he ’ s making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued to urge states to reopen before they ’ re ready , drastically scaled down the coronavirus taskforce , is not ramping up the necessary testing and is now even scheduling in-person campaign rallies – all but making sure that tens of thousands needlessly die and millions remain out of work.
” From this perspective , Trump ’ s pandemic denialism has come full circle .
He infamously downplayed the threat at the start of the year , promising in February that the number of cases “ within a couple days is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while failing to adequately prepare testing and protective equipment .
He then reversed course and declared a national emergency .
April was dominated by daily coronavirus taskforce briefings at the White House as the president cancelled campaign rallies and declared himself a “ wartime president ” .
But Trump allowed federal physical distancing guidelines to expire at the end of that month , urged state governors to end lockdowns and lambasted those who exercised caution .
The briefings abruptly stopped and the taskforce now meets only twice a week rather than daily , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fauci , the top infectious diseases expert who became such a household name that he was played by Brad Pitt on Saturday Night Live , made just four cable TV appearances in May , according to the Politico website .
Fauci this week described Covid-19 as his “ worst nightmare – and it isn ’ t over yet ” .
But Trump ’ s tunnel vision is now focused on repairing the economic damage caused by the virus and projecting a return to normality .
When Trump does address the pandemic , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We were able to close our country , save millions of lives , open , ” he said at the White House last week .
“ And now the trajectory is great.
” The president is also intent on returning to the campaign trail .
After a three-month hiatus , he will hold a rally on 19 June in Tulsa , which is experiencing a surge of Covid-19 cases , in Oklahoma , and he has promised more in Florida , Arizona , Texas and North Carolina – all of which are seeing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Convention has also moved to Jacksonville , Florida , with physical distancing expected to be a low priority .
Media reports suggest that White House officials believe they have been given “ cover ” by this month ’ s nationwide anti-racism protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
Those who backed the demonstrations despite their inherent health risks , the argument goes , would be hypocrites if they objected to rallies or reopenings .
The campaign relaunch could also throw down the gauntlet to Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is beating the president comprehensively in several opinion polls .
A Trump rally with a cheering crowd eschewing face masks , and a packed convention crowning him as the Republican nominee , could be used to draw a striking contrast in optics with the mask-wearing , basement-bound Biden , selling the incumbent as a happy warrior .
Lanhee Chen , who was policy director for Republican Mitt Romney ’ s 2012 presidential campaign , said : “ It ’ s on message for Trump and his team to portray Trump as someone who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s coronavirus or public opinion maybe suggesting he should wait longer .
It fits with their theme and their message.
” Chen , a fellow at the Hoover Institution thinktank at Stanford University in Palo Alto , California , added : “ I do think it puts pressure on Biden and his team to the degree that Biden continues to remain hunkered down in his basement in Delaware .
At some point he ’ s going to have to come out and I think what the Trump team is hoping to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before he ’ s ready to .
“ As a campaign strategy , I think it ’ s a pretty effective one .
Biden could respond and they could start holding their own events and it wouldn ’ t be as effective for Trump .
But I fully understand and get the strategy they ’ re pursuing.
” Yet the pandemic death toll is now above 110,000 , higher than Trump predicted , and more than a dozen states are recording their highest averages of new cases since it began .
Arizona reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Memorial Day .
Texas , which is into the third phase of reopening , saw a 36 % increase in new cases over the same period , with a record high of hospitalizations as of Tuesday afternoon .
Yet with the exception of Utah and Oregon , states are forging ahead with reopening as governors show little appetite for a second lockdown that would incur Trump ’ s wrath .
Commentators warn that , even as the virus kills up to a thousand Americans a day , the president has reverted to his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away .
Tara Setmayer , a former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill , said : “ That ’ s been his strategy from the beginning .
That ’ s how we got into this cluster fuck in the first place .
He ’ s been wishing it away since his intelligence community has been telling him this would be a problem months ago , which is why the country wasn ’ t prepared , mixed messages were sent and it ’ s now a red or blue issue to wear a mask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsible for your health and the people around you .
“ That ’ s Donald Trump ’ s fault because he did not lead on this issue and was too busy running around calling it a hoax and blaming everything under the sun instead of taking responsibility for leading us through this challenge.
” Setmayer , host of the Honestly Speaking with Tara Setmayer podcast , added : “ It ’ s terribly irresponsible for the president of the United States to start having rallies where people wear it as a badge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This week the New York Times reported that there seems to be a “ tacit agreement ” between the parties in Washington to move on to other business , with Democrats no longer stressing the need for physical distancing .
But Moe Vela , a former senior adviser to Biden at the White House , vehemently criticized Trump ’ s return to rallies .
“ I think it ’ s the most selfish , egotistical and arrogant exercise anybody could engage in in the next 30 to 60 days , ” he said @

On the day that America reached a world record 2m coronavirus infections, Donald Trump announced a campaign rally and his deputy, Mike Pence, posted (then deleted) a tweet of campaign staff gathered indoors without face masks or physical distancing.
Wednesday’s disconnect appeared to confirm that the US president, obsessed with rebuilding the economy and winning re-election, is now taking a “Pandemic? What pandemic?” approach, even as Covid-19 cases rise in 21 states and his administration fails to bring the crisis under control.
For critics of a White House that has long dabbled in “alternative facts”, it is the most audacious attempt yet to deploy an Orwellian doublethink where two plus two equals five.
“While states across the country are recording record high new coronavirus infections, Trump has simply given up on fighting the virus,” said Zac Petkanas, coronavirus war room director for the healthcare campaign group Protect Our Care. “Not only are nearly a thousand people still dying every day because of Trump’s failed leadership, but he’s making things worse.
“He’s continued to urge states to reopen before they’re ready, drastically scaled down the coronavirus taskforce, is not ramping up the necessary testing and is now even scheduling in-person campaign rallies – all but making sure that tens of thousands needlessly die and millions remain out of work.”
From this perspective, Trump’s pandemic denialism has come full circle. He infamously downplayed the threat at the start of the year, promising in February that the number of cases “within a couple days is going to be down close to zero” while failing to adequately prepare testing and protective equipment. He then reversed course and declared a national emergency.
April was dominated by daily coronavirus taskforce briefings at the White House as the president cancelled campaign rallies and declared himself a “wartime president”. But Trump allowed federal physical distancing guidelines to expire at the end of that month, urged state governors to end lockdowns and lambasted those who exercised caution.
The briefings abruptly stopped and the taskforce now meets only twice a week rather than daily, with Trump seldom present. Dr Anthony Fauci, the top infectious diseases expert who became such a household name that he was played by Brad Pitt on Saturday Night Live, made just four cable TV appearances in May, according to the Politico website. Fauci this week described Covid-19 as his “worst nightmare – and it isn’t over yet”.
Donald Trump eschews a face mask in a cabinet meeting attended by the Colorado governor, Jared Polis, centre, last month. Photograph: Getty Images
But Trump’s tunnel vision is now focused on repairing the economic damage caused by the virus and projecting a return to normality. When Trump does address the pandemic, he seems to have declared victory. “We were able to close our country, save millions of lives, open,” he said at the White House last week. “And now the trajectory is great.”
The president is also intent on returning to the campaign trail. After a three-month hiatus, he will hold a rally on 20 June in Tulsa, which is experiencing a surge of Covid-19 cases, in Oklahoma, and he has promised more in Florida, Arizona, Texas and North Carolina – all of which are seeing sharp upticks. August’s Republican National Convention has also moved to Jacksonville, Florida, with physical distancing expected to be a low priority.
Media reports suggest that White House officials believe they have been given “cover” by this month’s nationwide anti-racism protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. Those who backed the demonstrations despite their inherent health risks, the argument goes, would be hypocrites if they objected to rallies or reopenings.
The campaign relaunch could also throw down the gauntlet to Trump’s election rival, Joe Biden, who is beating the president comprehensively in several opinion polls. A Trump rally with a cheering crowd eschewing face masks, and a packed convention crowning him as the Republican nominee, could be used to draw a striking contrast in optics with the mask-wearing, basement-bound Biden, selling the incumbent as a happy warrior.
Lanhee Chen, who was policy director for Republican Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign, said: “It’s on message for Trump and his team to portray Trump as someone who is not afraid of anything, whether it’s coronavirus or public opinion maybe suggesting he should wait longer. It fits with their theme and their message.”
Chen, a fellow at the Hoover Institution thinktank at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, added: “I do think it puts pressure on Biden and his team to the degree that Biden continues to remain hunkered down in his basement in Delaware. At some point he’s going to have to come out and I think what the Trump team is hoping to do is to basically force him out before he’s ready to.
“As a campaign strategy, I think it’s a pretty effective one. Biden could respond and they could start holding their own events and it wouldn’t be as effective for Trump. But I fully understand and get the strategy they’re pursuing.”
Joe Biden at an event in Dover, Delaware, on 5 June. Trump campaign officials are hoping to draw a contrast between the two candidates around the optics of masks and social distancing. Photograph: Susan Walsh/AP
Yet the pandemic death toll is now above 110,000, higher than Trump predicted, and more than a dozen states are recording their highest averages of new cases since it began. Arizona reported a 49% increase in hospitalizations since Memorial Day. Texas, which is into the third phase of reopening, saw a 36% increase in new cases over the same period, with a record high of hospitalizations as of Tuesday afternoon.
Yet with the exception of Utah and Oregon, states are forging ahead with reopening as governors show little appetite for a second lockdown that would incur Trump’s wrath. Commentators warn that, even as the virus kills up to a thousand Americans a day, the president has reverted to his first instinct of trying to wish it away.
Tara Setmayer, a former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill, said: “That’s been his strategy from the beginning. That’s how we got into this cluster fuck in the first place. He’s been wishing it away since his intelligence community has been telling him this would be a problem months ago, which is why the country wasn’t prepared, mixed messages were sent and it’s now a red or blue issue to wear a mask and do things that are just socially responsible for your health and the people around you.
“That’s Donald Trump’s fault because he did not lead on this issue and was too busy running around calling it a hoax and blaming everything under the sun instead of taking responsibility for leading us through this challenge.”
Setmayer, host of the Honestly Speaking with Tara Setmayer podcast, added: “It’s terribly irresponsible for the president of the United States to start having rallies where people wear it as a badge of valor not to wear a mask.”
This week the New York Times reported that there seems to be a “tacit agreement” between the parties in Washington to move on to other business, with Democrats no longer stressing the need for physical distancing. But Moe Vela, a former senior adviser to Biden at the White House, vehemently criticized Trump’s return to rallies.
“I think it’s the most selfish, egotistical and arrogant exercise anybody could engage in in the next 30 to 60 days,” he said.


theguardian--2020-06-14--The Skywalker window: what Democrats must do to destroy Trump's Death Star

In the year of a presidential election , Democrats hope to make major gains in Georgia , long a Republican stronghold .
This week , though , Georgia became the latest US state to see its elections descend into chaos .
Under the shadow of Covid-19 and the George Floyd protests , absentee ballots failed to arrive , voting machines failed to work , provisional ballots ran out .
Voters , many African American , waited hours to vote .
Thanks to determined efforts by Republican state officials , many could not do so .
Across the country , observers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come in November .
In Washington , David Litt felt he was “ watching a chapter of my book unfortunately come to life ” .
Litt was once a White House speechwriter and his first book , Thanks , Obama , was a memoir of that time .
His second title is longer – Democracy in One Book Or Less : How It Works , Why It Doesn ’ t , and Why Fixing It Is Easier Than You Think – and it took approaching three years to write .
But with chapters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Geography of Gerrymandering , its appearance is strikingly timely .
“ It feels weird to say a labor of love is diving into political science and structural democratic reform , ” Litt says .
“ But it is because for me , I kept running into this same problem that I kept seeing happen when I worked in the Obama White House , which was Americans wanted one set of things , and our government kept doing something else .
“ That was true on immigration and gun violence and healthcare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too difficult to make change when we had elected people who were promising change , or it was impossible when government was divided .
Government ’ s either dysfunctional or disastrous.
” Under Donald Trump , it is both .
The US has recorded more than 2m cases of Covid-19 and 115,000 deaths .
Protests over racism and police brutality have seen the worst civil unrest since 1968 .
The administration lurches from crisis to crisis .
But Republicans who hold the Senate show a steadier hand , achieving structural change by confirming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are ready to lose the White House , so long as they keep the Senate .
“ It ’ s a fascinating window into the way that our democracy and our political process have become warped , ” Litt says .
“ Because now if you hold the Senate , and increasingly , all you need to do is hold 41 votes in the Senate [ to be able to block legislation ] … if you ’ re in the party that believes the government shouldn ’ t do anything , you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators.
” “ Republicans are also counting on the courts which they have packed to do their legislating for them .
So they can sit back and watch Trump ’ s judges continue to enact Trump ’ s agenda , even if he leaves office.
” Despite all this , Litt says his book should not be a depressing read .
He offers ways to fix governmental ills that stymie all Americans and does so with a breezy and accessible wit .
He was Barack Obama ’ s chief joke writer for four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ head writer for Funny or Die and cites Bill Bryson as a literary inspiration .
The result is a hugely readable guide to , among other things , Gunning Bedford and the “ Great Compromise ” of 1787 , which made the Senate the dead weight on democracy it remains ; the problem of lobbying ; and the rise of the activist judiciary .
‘ If you make that shot , everything changes ’ Litt left the White House early in 2016 but started writing the following year , after Trump took the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by nearly 3m ballots .
The 45th president now trails Joe Biden in most polls but will fight hard for re-election .
He could achieve it via the electoral college , another anachronism Litt anatomises with ease .
On both sides of the divide , the stakes are dizzyingly high .
“ I finished the last edits on the book roughly six months ago , ” Litt says , “ in a completely different world.
” Six months ago , indeed , Trump had not been impeached , Covid-19 had not ravaged the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There are still five months to go until the election .
With a shudder , Litt continues : “ If , God forbid , there ’ s a supreme court vacancy in the next few months , that looks like a Skywalker window for Republicans where suddenly they could swoop in and make an enormous change very quickly , again without a popular mandate .
The will of the people would be completely disregarded.
” The “ Skywalker window ” seems to be Litt ’ s own coinage – his “ wife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so if it was part of the canon she would have disallowed it ” – and it is threaded throughout his book .
He ’ s happy to explain .
“ The truth , ” Litt says , “ is that today , change in America more often looks like the end of episode four of Star Wars where Luke Skywalker , he ’ s got a few seconds and there ’ s the tiny little opening in the Death Star and his odds are low .
But if you make that shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s win in 2016 was one such moment , a vastly unlikely triumph which led to an overhaul of the judiciary , a bonfire of financial and environmental regulations , a brutal reshaping of America ’ s role in the world .
Litt sat down to write , he says , thinking that “ whenever [ Democrats ] get our Skywalker window … it ’ s going to close really fast.
” It ’ s not impossible to imagine two years , 2021 to 2023 , of a Democratic White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supreme court tilted back , a little , to the center .
“ So how do we make the most of it ?
What do we do so that we can act quickly and decisively and fundamentally change the nature of politics in America so that it ’ s fair again , so that our democracy is representative again ?
” On the page , Litt lists what he thinks Democrats need to do : voting rights reform , statehood ( and thus two senators each ) for Washington DC and Puerto Rico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But his Star Wars analogy only strengthens when one remembers that in May , Trump ’ s campaign manager , Brad Parscale , proudly tweeted that he had built an electoral “ Death Star ” and would soon “ press fire ” .
Most saw the irony : that in the Star Wars universe , the Death Star chiefly exists to be destroyed .
So , naturally , did Litt .
“ Most Americans do not watch Star Wars and think of the Empire as the heroes , ” he says , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the small bit of Americans who do , happen to be in charge .
I don ’ t think that ’ s an accident .
“ The Mitch McConnell version of democracy makes it very easy for that group of Americans to run the country and for the rest of us to have a much harder time being heard.
” McConnell of Kentucky , the Senate majority leader , is the villain of Litt ’ s book , the architect of much damaging change : Emperor Palpatine , if you will , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Just as Luke Skywalker resisted the call of the dark side , Litt thinks Democrats should resist the temptation to behave like McConnell themselves .
“ I would say that it ’ s time to fight hard , ” he says , “ but it ’ s time to fight fair .
That ’ s what I keep coming back to in the book , this idea that I don ’ t want to see a world where Democrats win every election automatically .
I don ’ t think you need a Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the Republican side .
“ What I think we need is a commitment to fairness so that when the American people make up their minds , their democracy responds.
” In the first instance , to return to the alarming scenes in Atlanta and Athens , Augusta and Savannah , that will mean both getting out the vote and ensuring votes can safely be cast .
If that can be achieved , Litt says , America will be better come what may .
“ A lot of people say , ‘ Well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would win.
’ Maybe that ’ s true in the short term , but I think if everyone could vote , Republicans would change .
”

In the year of a presidential election, Democrats hope to make major gains in Georgia, long a Republican stronghold. This week, though, Georgia became the latest US state to see its elections descend into chaos.
Under the shadow of Covid-19 and the George Floyd protests, absentee ballots failed to arrive, voting machines failed to work, provisional ballots ran out. Voters, many African American, waited hours to vote. Thanks to determined efforts by Republican state officials, many could not do so. Across the country, observers and editorial boards warned of worse to come in November.
In Washington, David Litt felt he was “watching a chapter of my book unfortunately come to life”.
Litt was once a White House speechwriter and his first book, Thanks, Obama, was a memoir of that time. His second title is longer – Democracy in One Book Or Less: How It Works, Why It Doesn’t, and Why Fixing It Is Easier Than You Think – and it took approaching three years to write. But with chapters on the Officially and Unofficially Disenfranchised, and the Geography of Gerrymandering, its appearance is strikingly timely.
“It feels weird to say a labor of love is diving into political science and structural democratic reform,” Litt says. “But it is because for me, I kept running into this same problem that I kept seeing happen when I worked in the Obama White House, which was Americans wanted one set of things, and our government kept doing something else.
David Litt. Photograph: Lawrence Jackson
“That was true on immigration and gun violence and healthcare and economics. It was either way too difficult to make change when we had elected people who were promising change, or it was impossible when government was divided. Government’s either dysfunctional or disastrous.”
Under Donald Trump, it is both. The US has recorded more than 2m cases of Covid-19 and 115,000 deaths. Protests over racism and police brutality have seen the worst civil unrest since 1968. The administration lurches from crisis to crisis.
But Republicans who hold the Senate show a steadier hand, achieving structural change by confirming conservative judges. Reports suggest some Republicans are ready to lose the White House, so long as they keep the Senate.
“It’s a fascinating window into the way that our democracy and our political process have become warped,” Litt says. “Because now if you hold the Senate, and increasingly, all you need to do is hold 41 votes in the Senate [to be able to block legislation] … if you’re in the party that believes the government shouldn’t do anything, you can pretty much run the country with 41 senators.”
“Republicans are also counting on the courts which they have packed to do their legislating for them. So they can sit back and watch Trump’s judges continue to enact Trump’s agenda, even if he leaves office.”
Despite all this, Litt says his book should not be a depressing read. He offers ways to fix governmental ills that stymie all Americans and does so with a breezy and accessible wit. He was Barack Obama’s chief joke writer for four White House Correspondents Dinners, was head writer for Funny or Die and cites Bill Bryson as a literary inspiration.
The result is a hugely readable guide to, among other things, Gunning Bedford and the “Great Compromise” of 1787, which made the Senate the dead weight on democracy it remains; the problem of lobbying; and the rise of the activist judiciary.
‘If you make that shot, everything changes’
Litt left the White House early in 2016 but started writing the following year, after Trump took the White House despite losing the popular vote by nearly 3m ballots. The 45th president now trails Joe Biden in most polls but will fight hard for re-election. He could achieve it via the electoral college, another anachronism Litt anatomises with ease. On both sides of the divide, the stakes are dizzyingly high.
“I finished the last edits on the book roughly six months ago,” Litt says, “in a completely different world.”
Six months ago, indeed, Trump had not been impeached, Covid-19 had not ravaged the world, George Floyd was wholly unknown.
There are still five months to go until the election.
With a shudder, Litt continues: “If, God forbid, there’s a supreme court vacancy in the next few months, that looks like a Skywalker window for Republicans where suddenly they could swoop in and make an enormous change very quickly, again without a popular mandate. The will of the people would be completely disregarded.”
The “Skywalker window” seems to be Litt’s own coinage – his “wife is a huge Star Wars geek, so if it was part of the canon she would have disallowed it” – and it is threaded throughout his book. He’s happy to explain.
“The truth,” Litt says, “is that today, change in America more often looks like the end of episode four of Star Wars where Luke Skywalker, he’s got a few seconds and there’s the tiny little opening in the Death Star and his odds are low. But if you make that shot, everything changes in an instant.”
Trump’s win in 2016 was one such moment, a vastly unlikely triumph which led to an overhaul of the judiciary, a bonfire of financial and environmental regulations, a brutal reshaping of America’s role in the world.
Joe Biden holds a roundtable meeting at the Enterprise Center in Philadelphia on Thursday. Photograph: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images
Litt sat down to write, he says, thinking that “whenever [Democrats] get our Skywalker window … it’s going to close really fast.”
It’s not impossible to imagine two years, 2021 to 2023, of a Democratic White House, Senate and House, perhaps a supreme court tilted back, a little, to the center.
“So how do we make the most of it? What do we do so that we can act quickly and decisively and fundamentally change the nature of politics in America so that it’s fair again, so that our democracy is representative again?”
On the page, Litt lists what he thinks Democrats need to do: voting rights reform, statehood (and thus two senators each) for Washington DC and Puerto Rico, a restoration of judicial neutrality.
But his Star Wars analogy only strengthens when one remembers that in May, Trump’s campaign manager, Brad Parscale, proudly tweeted that he had built an electoral “Death Star” and would soon “press fire”. Most saw the irony: that in the Star Wars universe, the Death Star chiefly exists to be destroyed. So, naturally, did Litt.
“Most Americans do not watch Star Wars and think of the Empire as the heroes,” he says, with a laugh. “But unfortunately, the small bit of Americans who do, happen to be in charge. I don’t think that’s an accident.
“The Mitch McConnell version of democracy makes it very easy for that group of Americans to run the country and for the rest of us to have a much harder time being heard.”
McConnell of Kentucky, the Senate majority leader, is the villain of Litt’s book, the architect of much damaging change: Emperor Palpatine, if you will, to Donald Trump’s Darth Vader. Just as Luke Skywalker resisted the call of the dark side, Litt thinks Democrats should resist the temptation to behave like McConnell themselves.
“I would say that it’s time to fight hard,” he says, “but it’s time to fight fair. That’s what I keep coming back to in the book, this idea that I don’t want to see a world where Democrats win every election automatically. I don’t think you need a Democratic Mitch McConnell to out-Mitch McConnell the one on the Republican side.
“What I think we need is a commitment to fairness so that when the American people make up their minds, their democracy responds.”
In the first instance, to return to the alarming scenes in Atlanta and Athens, Augusta and Savannah, that will mean both getting out the vote and ensuring votes can safely be cast. If that can be achieved, Litt says, America will be better come what may.
“A lot of people say, ‘Well, if everyone could vote, Democrats would win.’ Maybe that’s true in the short term, but I think if everyone could vote, Republicans would change.”


theguardian--2020-06-14--Why Trump loves the US military – but it doesn't love him back

Donald Trump attempted to solidify his bond with the US army on Saturday , delivering the graduation speech to cadets at the United States Military Academy and boasting of a “ colossal ” $ 2tn rebuilding of American martial might .
Trump ’ s West Point speech was studiously vapid , with only a modicum of partisan boasting .
But the political setting crackled with civil-military tension .
When all else fails – and that has happened a lot – the president has embraced the flag and hugged the military .
But these days the military is not hugging back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands , but as inertly as Old Glory , the banner which Trump has taken to fondling at public events .
The president likes to refer to the soldiers around him as “ my generals ” and “ my military ” .
The possessive pronoun always jarred with the spirit of civ-mil rectitude , even before it became evident how literally Trump interpreted it .
Saturday ’ s ceremony at West Point was the embodiment of the president ’ s approach .
More than a thousand cadets from the class of 2020 were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campus , 50 miles north of New York City , despite the coronavirus pandemic , so Trump could give a televised speech .
Fifteen cadets tested positive .
The rest had to quarantine for two weeks .
The whole show was widely disparaged as stage dressing for Trump ’ s re-election campaign , days after the president crossed a line in the exploitation of military leaders as props .
On 1 June , the president had the area around the White House cleared of peaceful demonstrators who were protesting police killings of black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ irritants were used as well as rubber bullets , baton charges and mounted police , all so Trump could walk across Lafayette Square to pose with a Bible in front of St John ’ s , the so-called “ church of the presidents ” .
In his entourage were the defense secretary , Mark Esper , and the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff , Gen Mark Milley , the latter dressed in battle fatigues .
In the presence of scores of soldiers from the national guard , it certainly looked like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a military operation , in violation of norms that have underpinned US military conduct for a century and a half .
Trump planned to go much further , invoking the 1807 Insurrection Act to deploy an elite combat unit from the 82nd Airborne on the streets of the capital .
“ What we have here is an effort to use the military to partisan advantage to the point of potentially putting troops in the streets to confront protesters [ and ] to present himself as the law and order president , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overtones , ” said Risa Brooks , professor of political science at Marquette University .
As the full impact of the photo op debacle dawned , Esper and Milley slammed on the brakes .
Esper reportedly came close to being fired , by opposing the use of the Insurrection Act and ordering the 82nd Airborne home .
The former army officer and arms trade lobbyist pleaded cluelessness , saying he had no idea he was being roped into a photo-op at St John ’ s .
This week , in a video address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apologised for his presence , saying it had been a mistake .
In an administration for which absolute personal loyalty is everything , the longevity in office of both men seemed to be in question .
They are facing powerful countervailing winds .
A string of retired generals denounced Trump ’ s behaviour .
James Mattis , the marine commander who was Trump ’ s first defense secretary , accused him of “ abuse of executive authority ” and making a “ mockery of the constitution ” .
Ahead of the West Point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the class of 2020 .
“ We are concerned that fellow graduates serving in senior-level , public positions are failing to uphold their oath of office and their commitment to Duty , Honor , Country , ” the open letter said , in a reference to Esper , class of 1986 .
“ Their actions threaten the credibility of an apolitical military.
” Peter Bergen , director of international security at the New America think tank , and author of Trump and His Generals : The Cost of Chaos , said : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ split between the military and the civilian leadership .
I can ’ t recall a time where there was more of a fissure.
” Such tremors under the pillars of the republic have been amplified by racial tensions , the restless fault line in US society and politics .
The US armed forces reflect the diversity of the nation far more than other institutions .
Amid protests over the killing of George Floyd , black officers who posted emotional videos expressing the agonies of bearing witness to systemic racism were backed by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gave new impetus to attempts to do away with symbols of the Confederacy .
The navy and marine corps banned displays of the Confederate flag and the army has been taking steps to review whether 10 of its bases should be named after Confederate officers .
Alice Hunt Friend , a former senior Pentagon policy official now at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies , said : “ Senior military leaders , both active and retired , are in a very delicate position because they want to maintain their nonpartisanship … but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important it is for the American military to be anti-racist.
” The widening gap between racially sensitive armed services and a presidency that draws significant support from white nationalists became vividly apparent this week .
On Monday , the Pentagon indicated that Esper was considering changes to bases named for Confederate generals .
On Wednesday , Trump decreed by tweet : “ My Administration will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations.
” “ Our history as the Greatest Nation in the World will not be tampered with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our Military !
” Respect for the military is a powerful drug in US politics .
It has retained the confidence of an overwhelming majority of an electorate largely contemptuous of other institutions .
The endorsement of seasoned flag officers is enthusiastically sought at election time , though the actual electoral benefits appear to be marginal .
Trump surrounded himself with generals at the start of his tenure .
They have all since fled and are now either critical or silent .
The president is their commander in chief , but their loyalty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obey every order Trump gives them , as long as it is legal .
In admitting he had been led into crossing that line , Gen Milley signalled he was on guard to stop it happening again .
But that can be a hard judgement to make .
What happens , say in October , if Trump is behind in the polls and wants to conjure up a military adventure abroad or a show of strength on US streets ?
In October 2018 , the army went along with an order to send @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a couple of weeks before the midterm elections , a move that allowed the president to claim he was taking strong action on immigration .
“ There is no way that the senior military leaders are not having a host of really difficult conversations among themselves about what the next six months or so will look like , about what they might be asked to do , and what would be appropriate to do , ” said Mara Karlin , former assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies .
“ I think it ’ s going to be a really bumpy few months .
”

Donald Trump attempted to solidify his bond with the US army on Saturday, delivering the graduation speech to cadets at the United States Military Academy and boasting of a “colossal” $2tn rebuilding of American martial might.
Trump’s West Point speech was studiously vapid, with only a modicum of partisan boasting. But the political setting crackled with civil-military tension.
When all else fails – and that has happened a lot – the president has embraced the flag and hugged the military. But these days the military is not hugging back. It stands to attention as duty demands, but as inertly as Old Glory, the banner which Trump has taken to fondling at public events.
The president likes to refer to the soldiers around him as “my generals” and “my military”. The possessive pronoun always jarred with the spirit of civ-mil rectitude, even before it became evident how literally Trump interpreted it.
Saturday’s ceremony at West Point was the embodiment of the president’s approach. More than a thousand cadets from the class of 2020 were called back from their homes to the campus, 50 miles north of New York City, despite the coronavirus pandemic, so Trump could give a televised speech.
Fifteen cadets tested positive. The rest had to quarantine for two weeks. The whole show was widely disparaged as stage dressing for Trump’s re-election campaign, days after the president crossed a line in the exploitation of military leaders as props.
What we have here is an effort to use the military to partisan advantage Risa Brooks
On 1 June, the president had the area around the White House cleared of peaceful demonstrators who were protesting police killings of black Americans. Teargas and other chemical irritants were used as well as rubber bullets, baton charges and mounted police, all so Trump could walk across Lafayette Square to pose with a Bible in front of St John’s, the so-called “church of the presidents”.
In his entourage were the defense secretary, Mark Esper, and the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, Gen Mark Milley, the latter dressed in battle fatigues. In the presence of scores of soldiers from the national guard, it certainly looked like Trump’s suppression of peaceful protests was a military operation, in violation of norms that have underpinned US military conduct for a century and a half.
Trump planned to go much further, invoking the 1807 Insurrection Act to deploy an elite combat unit from the 82nd Airborne on the streets of the capital.
“What we have here is an effort to use the military to partisan advantage to the point of potentially putting troops in the streets to confront protesters [and] to present himself as the law and order president, which is a concept with pretty historical racial overtones,” said Risa Brooks, professor of political science at Marquette University.
As the full impact of the photo op debacle dawned, Esper and Milley slammed on the brakes. Esper reportedly came close to being fired, by opposing the use of the Insurrection Act and ordering the 82nd Airborne home. The former army officer and arms trade lobbyist pleaded cluelessness, saying he had no idea he was being roped into a photo op at St John’s.
This week, in a video address to the National Defense University, Milley apologised for his presence, saying it had been a mistake. In an administration for which absolute personal loyalty is everything, the longevity in office of both men seemed to be in question. They are facing powerful countervailing winds.
A string of retired generals denounced Trump’s behaviour. James Mattis, the marine commander who was Trump’s first defense secretary, accused him of “abuse of executive authority” and making a “mockery of the constitution”.
Ahead of the West Point ceremony, hundreds of its graduates wrote to the class of 2020.
“We are concerned that fellow graduates serving in senior-level, public positions are failing to uphold their oath of office and their commitment to Duty, Honor, Country,” the open letter said, in a reference to Esper, class of 1986. “Their actions threaten the credibility of an apolitical military.”
Donald Trump departs the White House on 1 June, with Mark Esper and Gen Mark Milley to his left. Photograph: Patrick Semansky/AP
Peter Bergen, director of international security at the New America thinktank, and author of Trump and His Generals: The Cost of Chaos, said: “I think this is the biggest split between the military and the civilian leadership. I can’t recall a time where there was more of a fissure.”
‘A very delicate position’
Such tremors under the pillars of the republic have been amplified by racial tensions, the restless fault line in US society and politics.
The US armed forces reflect the diversity of the nation far more than other institutions. Amid protests over the killing of George Floyd, black officers who posted emotional videos expressing the agonies of bearing witness to systemic racism were backed by the top brass.
The protest movement also gave new impetus to attempts to do away with symbols of the Confederacy. The navy and marine corps banned displays of the Confederate flag and the army has been taking steps to review whether 10 of its bases should be named after Confederate officers.
Senior military leaders want to talk about how important it is for the American military to be anti-racist. Alice Hunt Friend
Alice Hunt Friend, a former senior Pentagon policy official now at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said: “Senior military leaders, both active and retired, are in a very delicate position because they want to maintain their nonpartisanship … but they also want to talk about how important it is for the American military to be anti-racist.”
The widening gap between racially sensitive armed services and a presidency that draws significant support from white nationalists became vividly apparent this week. On Monday, the Pentagon indicated that Esper was considering changes to bases named for Confederate generals. On Wednesday, Trump decreed by tweet: “My Administration will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations.
“Our history as the Greatest Nation in the World will not be tampered with,” he declared. “Respect our Military!”
Respect for the military is a powerful drug in US politics. It has retained the confidence of an overwhelming majority of an electorate largely contemptuous of other institutions. The endorsement of seasoned flag officers is enthusiastically sought at election time, though the actual electoral benefits appear to be marginal.
Trump surrounded himself with generals at the start of his tenure. They have all since fled and are now either critical or silent.
The president is their commander-in-chief, but their loyalty is to the constitution. They must obey every order Trump gives them, as long as it is legal. In admitting he had been led into crossing that line, Gen Milley signalled he was on guard to stop it happening again.
But that can be a hard judgment to make. What happens, say in October, if Trump is behind in the polls and wants to conjure up a military adventure abroad or a show of strength on US streets?
In October 2018, the army went along with an order to send hundreds of troops to the Mexican border, a couple of weeks before the midterm elections, a move that allowed the president to claim he was taking strong action on immigration.
“There is no way that the senior military leaders are not having a host of really difficult conversations among themselves about what the next six months or so will look like, about what they might be asked to do, and what would be appropriate to do,” said Mara Karlin, former assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development, now director of strategic studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.
“I think it’s going to be a really bumpy few months.”


theguardian--2020-06-14--Joe Biden needs more than virtue to win. He will have to pick an exciting vice-president

On the slender shoulders of 77-year-old Joe Biden has fallen a heavy burden : responsibility for defeating Donald Trump and resetting America ’ s course .
Whether the issue is racial injustice , the climate crisis , inequality , Middle East peace or democracy ’ s future , Biden alone stands between the US and four more years of divisive turmoil at home and dangerous confrontation abroad .
Will he win ?
He certainly wants to .
After 36 years in the Senate and eight playing second fiddle to Barack Obama , Biden is the nearly man of US politics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the top spot .
Yet his conventional centrist outlook , empathetic style and courteous , old-school mien recall a different age .
Is he the man to lead the necessary , radical re-ordering of a post-Covid world in the teeth of Trump ’ s bottomless malignity ?
Lockdown in a basement suited Biden .
While Trump publicly flailed and failed , he kept his powder dry .
Now his campaign is stepping out into the light .
A pandemic recovery plan , police reform in the wake of George Floyd ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are among recent initiatives .
Like a man in a bar turning to confront a taunting bully , Biden – at last – is rolling up his sleeves .
Of all the decisions facing him between now and November , perhaps the most consequential is imminent – his pick for vice-president , which he has promised by August .
Biden indicated last year that , should he win , he would only serve one term .
Running again as an octogenarian was more or less ruled out , assuming he could count on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choice of vice president , or veep , vastly more important than usual .
His pick can expect a ready-made launchpad for their own 2024 presidential bid – and a reasonable chance of success .
Who will it be ?
Biden badly needs vigour and youthful energy , if only to rebut the “ Sleepy Joe ” label pinned on him by Trump .
He needs to reconcile his moderate policy positions with the party ’ s left wing .
He needs to widen his appeal .
That ’ s why he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And that ’ s why , following the Black Lives Matter protests , that woman may well be black .
Two white women led the pack until recently .
But Senator Amy Klobuchar ’ s time as a career prosecutor in Minnesota , the state where Floyd was killed , may have dashed her chances .
Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts , another defeated rival , is the darling of the liberal left .
Yet polls suggest she puts off almost as many voters as she attracts .
Emboldened meanwhile by the spotlight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are knocking on Biden ’ s door .
Some , like the California senator , Kamala Harris , are familiar figures from the primaries .
Others , such as Keisha Lance Bottoms , mayor of Atlanta , won notice during the Floyd protests .
Other names mentioned include Val Demings , a congresswoman from Florida , Stacey Abrams , known for her ultimately unsuccessful 2018 Georgia governorship campaign , and Susan Rice , Obama ’ s former national security adviser .
Pundits say Michelle Obama would be the most compelling choice of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the job .
All the likely picks are younger than Biden .
All would help get out the black vote in potentially decisive numbers , avoiding Hillary Clinton ’ s fate in 2016 when black turnout fell .
Selecting either Harris or Demings would add geographical reach .
Either Abrams or Bottoms could help Biden in Georgia and the South .
Biden may hope his choice of a female running mate will mitigate concerns about his past , allegedly inappropriate , behaviour towards women .
Yet this worry seems overblown .
Biden holds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead over Trump among all women voters .
The choice of a woman of colour would presumably also further strengthen his current 70 % -23 % advantage among non-whites .
More than anything , picking a black woman , with the possibility of her becoming the first female president , would be a historic move .
It would inject excitement and moral authority into Biden ’ s campaign , especially among younger voters .
It would be hailed as a major , practical advance for racial equality and a rebuff to the white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a signal that America really is changing .
And it would offer posthumous vindication to George Floyd and the many , many others who have suffered as he did .
Biden is in an unusually strong position right now , leading nationally by about 10 points .
That ’ s a bigger margin than Hillary Clinton achieved at any point in her campaign .
To the consternation of Republicans , he is even gaining among non-college-educated whites , a key segment of the fabled Trump “ base ” – though the president still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s inept handling of the pandemic has hurt him badly .
His aggressive over-reaction to the Floyd protests , and attempts to link the Democrats to Antifa ( anti-fascist ) “ terrorism ” , backfired .
His electoral ace – a strong economy – has been trumped by the virus amid signs of a second wave .
Ironically , his efforts to polarise voters have succeeded .
There are fewer undecideds and independents than ever .
Right now , a clear majority wants him gone .
And yet , and yet ... Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Clinton , too , led by a mile at this stage four years ago .
On election eve , she remained ahead , but still lost the electoral college .
While that could happen again , an even worse nightmare would be a repeat of the tied 2000 election , with Trump screaming fraud and disputing tallies , and a biased Supreme Court deciding the result .
Is this a real possibility ?
With Trump at the wheel , madly careening about like Toad of Toad Hall , fearing jail if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is .

On the slender shoulders of 77-year-old Joe Biden has fallen a heavy burden: responsibility for defeating Donald Trump and resetting America’s course. Whether the issue is racial injustice, the climate crisis, inequality, Middle East peace or democracy’s future, Biden alone stands between the US and four more years of divisive turmoil at home and dangerous confrontation abroad.
Will he win? He certainly wants to. After 36 years in the Senate and eight playing second fiddle to Barack Obama, Biden is the nearly man of US politics. It’s his last shot at the top spot. Yet his conventional centrist outlook, empathetic style and courteous, old-school mien recall a different age. Is he the man to lead the necessary, radical re-ordering of a post-Covid world in the teeth of Trump’s bottomless malignity?
Lockdown in a basement suited Biden. While Trump publicly flailed and failed, he kept his powder dry. Now his campaign is stepping out into the light. A pandemic recovery plan, police reform in the wake of George Floyd’s killing, and curbs on Facebook abuses are among recent initiatives. Like a man in a bar turning to confront a taunting bully, Biden – at last – is rolling up his sleeves.
Of all the decisions facing him between now and November, perhaps the most consequential is imminent – his pick for vice-president, which he has promised by August. Biden indicated last year that, should he win, he would only serve one term. Running again as an octogenarian was more or less ruled out, assuming he could count on a trusted successor. That makes his choice of vice president, or veep, vastly more important than usual. His pick can expect a ready-made launchpad for their own 2024 presidential bid – and a reasonable chance of success.
Who will it be? Biden badly needs vigour and youthful energy, if only to rebut the “Sleepy Joe” label pinned on him by Trump. He needs to reconcile his moderate policy positions with the party’s left wing. He needs to widen his appeal. That’s why he has already pledged to pick a woman. And that’s why, following the Black Lives Matter protests, that woman may well be black.
Emboldened by the spotlight on inequality, black female hopefuls are knocking on Biden's door
Two white women led the pack until recently. But Senator Amy Klobuchar’s time as a career prosecutor in Minnesota, the state where Floyd was killed, may have dashed her chances. Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, another defeated rival, is the darling of the liberal left. Yet polls suggest she puts off almost as many voters as she attracts.
Emboldened meanwhile by the spotlight on inequality, several black female hopefuls are knocking on Biden’s door. Some, like the California senator, Kamala Harris, are familiar figures from the primaries. Others, such as Keisha Lance Bottoms, mayor of Atlanta, won notice during the Floyd protests.
Other names mentioned include Val Demings, a congresswoman from Florida, Stacey Abrams, known for her ultimately unsuccessful 2018 Georgia governorship campaign, and Susan Rice, Obama’s former national security adviser. Pundits say Michelle Obama would be the most compelling choice of all – but she doesn’t want the job.
All the likely picks are younger than Biden. All would help get out the black vote in potentially decisive numbers, avoiding Hillary Clinton’s fate in 2016 when black turnout fell. Selecting either Harris or Demings would add geographical reach. Either Abrams or Bottoms could help Biden in Georgia and the South.
Biden may hope his choice of a female running mate will mitigate concerns about his past, allegedly inappropriate, behaviour towards women. Yet this worry seems overblown. Biden holds a massive 59%-35% poll lead over Trump among all women voters. The choice of a woman of colour would presumably also further strengthen his current 70%-23% advantage among non-whites.
More than anything, picking a black woman, with the possibility of her becoming the first female president, would be a historic move. It would inject excitement and moral authority into Biden’s campaign, especially among younger voters. It would be hailed as a major, practical advance for racial equality and a rebuff to the white supremacist Trump rump.
Trump's inept handling of the pandemic has hurt him badly
It would be a signal that America really is changing. And it would offer posthumous vindication to George Floyd and the many, many others who have suffered as he did.
Biden is in an unusually strong position right now, leading nationally by about 10 points. That’s a bigger margin than Hillary Clinton achieved at any point in her campaign. To the consternation of Republicans, he is even gaining among non-college-educated whites, a key segment of the fabled Trump “base” – though the president still leads among white males.
Trump’s inept handling of the pandemic has hurt him badly. His aggressive over-reaction to the Floyd protests, and attempts to link the Democrats to Antifa (anti-fascist) “terrorism”, backfired. His electoral ace – a strong economy – has been trumped by the virus amid signs of a second wave. Ironically, his efforts to polarise voters have succeeded. There are fewer undecideds and independents than ever.
Right now, a clear majority wants him gone.
And yet, and yet ... Biden beware. America has been here before. Clinton, too, led by a mile at this stage four years ago. On election eve, she remained ahead, but still lost the electoral college. While that could happen again, an even worse nightmare would be a repeat of the tied 2000 election, with Trump screaming fraud and disputing tallies, and a biased Supreme Court deciding the result.
Is this a real possibility? With Trump at the wheel, madly careening about like Toad of Toad Hall, fearing jail if he’s caught, you bet it is.


theguardian--2020-06-14--Trump stokes division with racism and rage – and the American oligarchy purrs | Robert Reich

Jamie Dimon , chief executive of JPMorgan Chase , took the knee last week before cameras at a branch of his bank .
Larry Fink , CEO of giant investment fund BlackRock , decried racial bias .
Starbucks vowed to “ stand in solidarity with our black partners , customers and communities ” .
Goldman Sachs chairman and CEO David Solomon said he grieved “ for the lives of George Floyd , Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor and countless other victims of racism.
” And so on across the highest reaches of corporate America , an outpouring of solidarity with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans and systemic racism .
But most of this is for show .
JPMorgan has made it difficult for black people to get mortgage loans .
In 2017 , the bank paid $ 55m to settle a justice department lawsuit accusing it of discriminating against minority borrowers .
Researchers have found banks routinely charge black mortgage borrowers higher interest rates than white borrowers and deny them mortgages white applicants would have received .
BlackRock is one of the biggest investors in private prisons , disproportionately incarcerating black and Latino men .
Starbucks has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attire and for years has struggled with racism in its stores as managers accuse black patrons of trespassing and deny them bathrooms to which white patrons have access .
Last week , Frederick Baba , an executive at Goldman Sachs who is black , criticized managers for not supporting junior bankers from diverse backgrounds .
Meanwhile , behind the scenes – in the halls of Congress and the corridors of statehouses , in fundraisers and in private candidate briefings , in strategy sessions with political operatives and public-relations specialists – the CEOs who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax cuts and fight off a wealth tax .
As a result , the nation can ’ t afford anything as ambitious as a massive Marshall Plan to provide poor communities world-class schools , first-class healthcare and affordable housing .
The CEOs resist a living wage and universal basic income .
They don ’ t want antitrust laws jeopardizing their market power , thereby requiring consumers pay more .
They oppose tighter regulations against red-lining or prohibitions on payday lending , both of which disproportionately burden black and brown people .
Perhaps most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face of Donald Trump ’ s bigotry .
Indeed , many are quietly funding the re-election of a president whose political ascent began with a racist conspiracy theory and who continues to encourage white supremacists .
This goes beyond mere hypocrisy .
Top CEOs have amassed more wealth and power than at any time since the “ robber barons ” of the late 19th century – enough to get legislative outcomes they want and organize the system for their own benefit .
They know that as long as racial animosity exists , white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look upward and see where the wealth and power really has gone .
They ’ re less likely to notice that the market is rigged against them all .
They ’ ll cling to the meritocratic myth that they ’ re paid what they ’ re “ worth ” in the market and that the obstacles they face are of their own making rather than an unjust system .
Racism reduces the odds they will join together to threaten that system .
This is not a new strategy .
Throughout history , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and thereby entrench themselves .
Half a century ago , Martin Luther King Jr observed much the same about the old southern aristocracy , which “ took the world and gave the poor white man Jim Crow .
And when his wrinkled stomach cried out for the food that his empty pockets could not provide , he ate Jim Crow , a psychological bird that told him that no matter how bad off he was , at least he was a white man , better than a black man.
” Trump is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new American oligarchy , and not just because he has given them tax cuts and regulatory rollbacks .
He has also stoked division and racism so that most Americans don ’ t see CEOs getting exorbitant pay while slicing the pay of average workers , won ’ t notice giant tax cuts and bailouts for big corporations and the wealthy while most people make do with inadequate schools and unaffordable healthcare , and don ’ t pay attention to the bribery of public officials through unlimited campaign donations .
The only way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power is redistributed .
Power will be redistributed only if the vast majority – white , black and brown – join together to secure it .
Which is what the oligarchy fears most .
• None Robert Reich , a former US secretary of labor , is professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and the author of Saving Capitalism : For the Many , Not the Few and The Common Good .
His new book , The System : Who Rigged It , How We Fix It , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ columnist for Guardian US

Jamie Dimon, chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, took the knee last week before cameras at a branch of his bank. Larry Fink, CEO of giant investment fund BlackRock, decried racial bias. Starbucks vowed to “stand in solidarity with our black partners, customers and communities”. The Goldman Sachs chairman and CEO, David Solomon, said he grieved “for the lives of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and countless other victims of racism”.
And so on across the highest reaches of corporate America, an outpouring of solidarity with those protesting brutal police killings of black Americans and systemic racism.
But most of this is for show.
JPMorgan has made it difficult for black people to get mortgage loans. In 2017, the bank paid $55m to settle a justice department lawsuit accusing it of discriminating against minority borrowers. Researchers have found banks routinely charge black mortgage borrowers higher interest rates than white borrowers and deny them mortgages white applicants would have received.
BlackRock is one of the biggest investors in private prisons, disproportionately incarcerating black and Latino men.
Starbucks has prohibited baristas from wearing Black Lives Matter attire and for years has struggled with racism in its stores as managers accuse black patrons of trespassing and deny them bathrooms to which white patrons have access.
Last week, Frederick Baba, an executive at Goldman Sachs who is black, criticized managers for not supporting junior bankers from diverse backgrounds.
Meanwhile, behind the scenes – in the halls of Congress and the corridors of statehouses, in fundraisers and in private candidate briefings, in strategy sessions with political operatives and public-relations specialists – the CEOs who condemn racism lobby for and get giant tax cuts and fight off a wealth tax.
As a result, the nation can’t afford anything as ambitious as a massive Marshall Plan to provide poor communities world-class schools, first-class healthcare and affordable housing.
The CEOs resist a living wage and universal basic income. They don’t want antitrust laws jeopardizing their market power, thereby requiring consumers pay more. They oppose tighter regulations against red-lining or prohibitions on payday lending, both of which disproportionately burden black and brown people.
Perhaps most revealingly, they remain silent in the face of Donald Trump’s bigotry. Indeed, many are quietly funding the re-election of a president whose political ascent began with a racist conspiracy theory and who continues to encourage white supremacists.
This goes beyond mere hypocrisy. America’s super rich have amassed more wealth and power than at any time since the “robber barons” of the late 19th century – enough to get legislative outcomes they want and organize the system for their own benefit.
Since the start of the pandemic, the nation’s billionaires have become $565bn richer, even as 42.6 million Americans have filed for unemployment benefits. Job losses have disproportionately affected black Americans, and America’s racial wealth gap continues to grow.
The rich know that as long as racial animosity exists, white and black Americans are less likely to look upward and see where the wealth and power really has gone.
They’re less likely to notice that the market is rigged against them all. They’ll cling to the meritocratic myth that they’re paid what they’re “worth” in the market and that the obstacles they face are of their own making rather than an unjust system.
Racism reduces the odds they will join together to threaten that system.
This is not a new strategy. Throughout history, the rich have used racism to divide people and thereby entrench themselves.
Half a century ago, Martin Luther King Jr observed much the same about the old southern aristocracy, which “took the world and gave the poor white man Jim Crow. And when his wrinkled stomach cried out for the food that his empty pockets could not provide, he ate Jim Crow, a psychological bird that told him that no matter how bad off he was, at least he was a white man, better than a black man.”
Trump is the best thing ever to have happened to the new American oligarchy, and not just because he has given them tax cuts and regulatory rollbacks.
He has also stoked division and racism so that most Americans don’t see CEOs getting exorbitant pay while slicing the pay of average workers, won’t notice giant tax cuts and bailouts for big corporations and the wealthy while most people make do with inadequate schools and unaffordable healthcare, and don’t pay attention to the bribery of public officials through unlimited campaign donations.
The only way systemic injustices can be remedied is if power is redistributed. Power will be redistributed only if the vast majority – white, black and brown – join together to secure it.
Which is what the oligarchy fears most.


theguardian--2020-06-14--Republicans insist Trump Tulsa rally won't spread coronavirus – despite local concern

Republican lawmakers are downplaying concerns that a Donald Trump indoor rally planned for Tulsa , Oklahoma , for next weekend could contribute to the spread Covid-19 , amid an increase in cases in the city .
The Tulsa city-county health department director , Bruce Dart , said he worried the rally could be dangerous for attendees as well as the president .
“ I wish we could postpone this to a time when the virus isn ’ t as large a concern as it is today , ” Dart told Tulsa World .
“ I think it ’ s an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president want to come and visit our community , but not during a pandemic .
I ’ m concerned about our ability to protect anyone who attends a large , indoor event , and I ’ m also concerned about our ability to ensure the president stays safe as well.
” Trump is set to travel to Oklahoma next Saturday , to stage his first rally since early March .
The event was moved from Friday to avoid a clash with Juneteenth , the day on which African Americans celebrate the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for planning a rally on such a day in Tulsa , the scene in 1921 of the worst race massacre in US history .
James Lankford , a Republican senator from Oklahoma , said on Sunday the rally did not need to be postponed because the increase in coronavirus cases is “ a little bit of a bump ” .
In fact it is too early to say if the increase is small and temporary .
“ Our deaths continue to decline and we encourage people that are high risk not to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a rally or other higher-risk locations , ” Lankford told ABC ’ s This Week .
“ So , high-risk folks need to be able to step back and everybody needs to be able to take responsibility for their own health.
” The White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow said attendees at the rally “ must observe the safety guidelines ” .
“ The social distancing must be observed , ” Kudlow told CNN ’ s State of the Union .
“ Face coverings in key places must be observed.
” Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a series of recent public events .
The Trump campaign is asking supporters to sign a waiver that makes clear the campaign is not responsible if anyone gets ill from crowding with thousands of others in an enclosed space .
There was a new high in daily increases for Oklahoma and Tulsa county on Saturday , while the rolling average of daily increases continues to rise .
About the same number of people are being tested .
On Friday the Tulsa health department said the outbreak was linked to indoor gatherings .
Hospitalizations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive have been steady in the state .
Saturday also saw an increase in cases in Alabama , Florida and South Carolina , which reported a record number of new cases for the third day in a row , while Alaska did so for the first time in weeks .
Arizona and Nevada reported a near-record number of new cases .
Many state health officials partly attributed the increases to gatherings over the Memorial Day holiday weekend in late May .
On Friday , the White House coronavirus taskforce member Dr Anthony Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see a second wave of Covid-19 infections , “ if you approach it in the proper way ” .
That , he said , meant people should maintain social distancing and continue to wear masks in public .
Nationally , there were more than 25,000 new cases reported on Saturday , the highest tally for a Saturday since 2 May , in part due to a significant increase in testing .
In Louisiana , one of the earlier virus hotspots , new cases were again on the rise with more than 1,200 – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May .
The hospitalizations metric is not affected by increased testing .
Arkansas , North Carolina , Texas and Utah all had a record number of patients enter hospital on Saturday .
In South Carolina , 69 % to 77 % of hospital beds are occupied , depending on the region .
“ When you start to see increases in hospitalization , ” Fauci said on Friday , “ that ’ s a surefire situation that you ’ ve got to pay close attention to .
”

Republican lawmakers are downplaying concerns that a Donald Trump indoor rally planned for Tulsa, Oklahoma, for next weekend could contribute to the spread Covid-19, amid an increase in cases in the city.
The Tulsa city-county health department director, Bruce Dart, said he worried the rally could be dangerous for attendees as well as the president.
“I wish we could postpone this to a time when the virus isn’t as large a concern as it is today,” Dart told Tulsa World.
“I think it’s an honor for Tulsa to have a sitting president want to come and visit our community, but not during a pandemic. I’m concerned about our ability to protect anyone who attends a large, indoor event, and I’m also concerned about our ability to ensure the president stays safe as well.”
Trump is set to travel to Oklahoma next Saturday, to stage his first rally since early March.
The event was moved from Friday to avoid a clash with Juneteenth, the day on which African Americans celebrate the end of slavery. The president had faced criticism for planning a rally on such a day in Tulsa, the scene in 1921 of the worst race massacre in US history.
James Lankford, a Republican senator from Oklahoma, said on Sunday the rally did not need to be postponed because the increase in coronavirus cases is “a little bit of a bump”.
In fact it is too early to say if the increase is small and temporary.
“Our deaths continue to decline and we encourage people that are high risk not to get involved in any location, whether that be a rally or other higher-risk locations,” Lankford told ABC’s This Week.
“So, high-risk folks need to be able to step back and everybody needs to be able to take responsibility for their own health.”
The White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow said attendees at the rally “must observe the safety guidelines”.
“The social distancing must be observed,” Kudlow told CNN’s State of the Union. “Face coverings in key places must be observed.”
Trump has refused to wear a mask at a series of recent public events.
The Trump campaign is asking supporters to sign a waiver that makes clear the campaign is not responsible if anyone gets ill from crowding with thousands of others in an enclosed space.
There was a new high in daily increases for Oklahoma and Tulsa county on Saturday, while the rolling average of daily increases continues to rise. About the same number of people are being tested.
On Friday the Tulsa health department said the outbreak was linked to indoor gatherings. Hospitalizations and the percentage of tests coming back positive have been steady in the state.
Saturday also saw an increase in cases in Alabama, Florida and South Carolina, which reported a record number of new cases for the third day in a row, while Alaska did so for the first time in weeks. Arizona and Nevada reported a near-record number of new cases. Many state health officials partly attributed the increases to gatherings over the Memorial Day holiday weekend in late May.
On Friday, the White House coronavirus taskforce member Dr Anthony Fauci told CNN the US would not necessarily see a second wave of Covid-19 infections, “if you approach it in the proper way”.
That, he said, meant people should maintain social distancing and continue to wear masks in public.
Nationally, there were more than 25,000 new cases reported on Saturday, the highest tally for a Saturday since 2 May, in part due to a significant increase in testing. In Louisiana, one of the earlier virus hotspots, new cases were again on the rise with more than 1,200 – the most in the state since 21 May.
The hospitalizations metric is not affected by increased testing. Arkansas, North Carolina, Texas and Utah all had a record number of patients enter hospital on Saturday. In South Carolina, 69% to 77% of hospital beds are occupied, depending on the region.
“When you start to see increases in hospitalization,” Fauci said on Friday, “that’s a surefire situation that you’ve got to pay close attention to.”