theguardian--2020-02-16--'Trump is deciding who is American': how the new travel ban is tearing families apart

It started out as a joyous day for Olumide .
On 31 January , the 32-year-old Nigerian American learned in an email that the US was finally processing the visa applications of his wife and daughter in Nigeria .
Hours later , Donald Trump shattered their celebration , announcing that he was adding six countries to the travel ban , including Nigeria .
The decision cuts off pathways to permanent US residency for Nigerians , throwing Olumide ’ s case into limbo at the final stage of the process .
It leaves his wife and and 11-year-old girl stuck across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it to the US .
“ This is inhuman , ” said Olumide , a systems analyst and US military veteran who served in Afghanistan and lives in Washington DC .
He asked to use his middle name out of fear he might jeopardize his case .
“ As a soldier , I understand the need to protect the country .
But to completely shut the doors … it ’ s just plain wrong.
” Millions of Africans now banned : ‘ We are not criminals ’ Trump ’ s January order builds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued to target five Muslim-majority countries , and significantly restricts permanent residency for nationals from Eritrea , Kyrgyzstan , Nigeria and Myanmar .
It also blocks people from Tanzania and Sudan from obtaining green cards through the “ diversity visa ” lottery .
Just like the 2017 restrictions , it blocks permanent immigration from the targeted countries , making limited exceptions if applicants prove that denials would cause “ undue hardship ” and that granting them visas would support “ national interest ” .
The original ban already resulted in denied visas for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Iran .
The addition of the new countries has doubled the number of Muslims targeted across the globe to roughly 320 million , advocates estimate .
Roughly one-quarter of all Africans are now affected .
The restrictions now apply to 13 countries , including Nigeria , home to Africa ’ s largest population and economy .
It cuts off countries where some are fleeing violence .
Some estimate the new ban , which goes into effect on 21 February , could hinder more than 12,000 immigrants seeking to resettle in the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
The restrictions are a signature component of Trump ’ s aggressive anti-immigrant agenda , which has included curbs on legal migration , a destruction of the American asylum system , an all-time low cap on refugees , expanded detention and mass deportations .
“ Trump started out by scapegoating Muslims in 2017 , ” said Javeria Jamil , attorney with Asian Americans Advancing Justice ’ s Asian Law Caucus , who has been fielding calls from families affected by the new ban .
“ Now , it ’ s not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into an African ban.
” The Trump administration has claimed that the ban , which blindsided some diplomats , is a national security measure , and that the added countries failed to meet US security and information-sharing standards .
But immigrant rights groups said the policy is a political maneuver amid Trump ’ s re-election campaign – and one that will have profound consequences .
“ People are in turmoil , ” said Audu Kadiri , a 43-year-old community organizer who left Nigeria in 2014 .
He had planned to bring his mother @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may make that impossible .
The activist , who now lives in the Bronx , hasn ’ t yet told his mother about Trump ’ s order , because he doesn ’ t know how to break the news .
“ There is so much collateral damage , it ’ s hard to quantify.
” In Nigeria , Kadiri was an LGBTQ+ rights advocate who worked on HIV prevention and other human rights issues .
He was forced to flee due to his activism and sought asylum in the US .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Nigeria , which is why he wants his 68-year-old mother to come to the US .
He hasn ’ t seen her since 2014 and , if Trump is re-elected , he fears it will be at least another five years before they reunite .
She ’ ll probably miss the birth of his third child .
“ Nigerians have contributed to the development of this country , like every immigrant community , ” he said .
“ We are not criminals.
” Before the January announcement , the Trump administration had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including hikes in visa fees , and new obstacles and increased denials for Nigerians seeking approval for short-term visits .
The US further suspended visitor visas from Eritrea in 2017 .
That means families have been fighting for years to use the dwindling avenues available to them to reunite , and for those who have invested significant time and money into the process , the sudden news of an outright ban was particularly brutal .
“ There ’ s nothing you can do , and it makes you feel so helpless , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Olumide arrived in the US from Nigeria when he was 10 years old .
He met his wife in Nigeria in 2012 after he left the military , and the two got married last year .
US Citizenship and Immigration Services approved the petition for his wife and daughter in January , just before the announcement of the ban .
But they don ’ t yet have their visas – and the ban may make it impossible to get them .
Olumide had hoped they would be starting their lives together in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was pained by feelings of guilt : “ I made promises to her.
” The couple hasn ’ t fully processed the news , he added : “ We don ’ t want to think about not being together.
” He noted that his daughter has typhoid and his wife has malaria , and he constantly fears for their health and safety .
Hana Mohamed , a 20-year-old student in San Diego , who grew up in Sudan , said she was eager for her grandparents to come to the US , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in California : “ It ’ s just so sad and frustrating .
They are getting older , and I want to see them before anything happens.
” Mohamed said it was difficult to accept that the US was banning large groups of Muslims in the name of safety while seeming to do little about the ongoing terror threat of American mass shootings : “ It ’ s just so shocking that we have come to this day where a whole nation of people are getting discriminated against .
Isn ’ t the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up for everyone who is getting hurt and treat them right ?
” One Eritrean American who works as an engineer in Silicon Valley , and requested anonymity for fear of hurting his family ’ s case , has petitioned for his mother to come live with him in the US and was hoping she would soon get an interview date at the embassy .
Then the new ban was unveiled .
“ We ’ ve waited our turn .
We ’ ve followed the law .
I ’ m a tax-paying citizen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , noting that his mother is 69 years old and lives alone in Eritrea .
“ This is just pure evil.
” He said he felt Trump was implementing the ban as a “ soundbite for the campaign ” while disregarding that it would leave Eritreans like his mother with no options : “ This was our only hope to get her here.
” For Eritreans , the ban comes as as the Trump administration has ramped up deportations of Eritrean asylum seekers , despite the US government ’ s own acknowledgment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are currently facing .
Abraham Zere , an Eritrean journalist who was granted asylum in the US and now lives in Ohio , said it seemed some Eritreans were reluctant to speak out about the ban and live in fear of potential repercussions from both governments : “ People are scared to even discuss it.
” Zere ’ s own family is affected : his mother is still in Eritrea , separated from her children .
She can ’ t even video chat with her family because of the poor internet in Eritrea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see her granddaughter , an eight-year-old she hasn ’ t yet met , he said .
Some warn the ban may have life-or-death consequences .
For queer and transgender migrants in the targeted countries , it could lead them to embark on perilous journeys to escape to the US as they run out of options , said Zack Mohamed , who is Somali American and a member of the Black LGBTQIA+ Migrant Project : “ This is a big ‘ not welcome ’ sign in front of our faces.
” In response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence , a US state department spokesperson said the ban was not meant to “ limit the ability of an individual to seek asylum ” , adding : “ Our first priority remains national security .
We continue to work with our dedicated consular officers in the field to identify and expedite those individuals with urgent travel needs.
” Asked about charges that the ban is discriminatory , the spokesperson said the restrictions are based on “ nationality ” and “ visa category ” and that “ consular officers do not adjudicate based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there were specific criteria to determine which countries are restricted and noted that Chad was on the original list but removed in 2018 .
With the first travel ban upheld by the US supreme court , there are few recourses left to challenge the policy .
Advocates are hoping a Democratic president will immediately repeal the ban and have also recently renewed the push for Congress to pass the No Ban Act , which would end the ban and prevent discriminatory immigration policies .
Until then , Trump will continue to use his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it means to be a citizen , advocates warned .
“ The president of the United States , the US government is explicitly trying to decide who gets to be an American , ” said Eric Naing , who is Burmese American and works with Muslim Advocates , a group that has challenged the ban .
His family would not have been able to come to the US if the ban on Myanmar had been in place .
“ He ’ s saying I shouldn ’ t be American .
My parents shouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s deeply upsetting.
” Olumide noted that the ban was punishing countless American citizens like him : “ It ’ s hurting the exact people you ’ re trying to protect .
”

It started out as a joyous day for Olumide. On 31 January, the 32-year-old Nigerian American learned in an email that the US was finally processing the visa applications of his wife and daughter in Nigeria.
Hours later, Donald Trump shattered their celebration, announcing that he was adding six countries to the travel ban, including Nigeria. The decision cuts off pathways to permanent US residency for Nigerians, throwing Olumide’s case into limbo at the final stage of the process. It leaves his wife and and 11-year-old girl stuck across an ocean with little hope of making it to the US.
“This is inhuman,” said Olumide, a systems analyst and US military veteran who served in Afghanistan and lives in Washington DC. He asked to use his middle name out of fear he might jeopardize his case. “As a soldier, I understand the need to protect the country. But to completely shut the doors … it’s just plain wrong.”
Millions of Africans now banned: ‘We are not criminals’
Trump’s January order builds on the 2017 travel ban that has continued to target five Muslim-majority countries, and significantly restricts permanent residency for nationals from Eritrea, Kyrgyzstan, Nigeria and Myanmar. It also blocks people from Tanzania and Sudan from obtaining green cards through the “diversity visa” lottery.
Just like the 2017 restrictions, it blocks permanent immigration from the targeted countries, making limited exceptions if applicants prove that denials would cause “undue hardship” and that granting them visas would support “national interest”.
The original ban already resulted in denied visas for more than 42,000 people, the majority from Iran. The addition of the new countries has doubled the number of Muslims targeted across the globe to roughly 320 million, advocates estimate. Roughly one-quarter of all Africans are now affected.
The restrictions now apply to 13 countries, including Nigeria, home to Africa’s largest population and economy. It cuts off countries where some are fleeing violence. Some estimate the new ban, which goes into effect on 21 February, could hinder more than 12,000 immigrants seeking to resettle in the US and reunite with family in the next year.
The restrictions are a signature component of Trump’s aggressive anti-immigrant agenda, which has included curbs on legal migration, a destruction of the American asylum system, an all-time low cap on refugees, expanded detention and mass deportations.
“Trump started out by scapegoating Muslims in 2017,” said Javeria Jamil, attorney with Asian Americans Advancing Justice’s Asian Law Caucus, who has been fielding calls from families affected by the new ban. “Now, it’s not just the Muslim ban. It has turned into an African ban.”
The Trump administration has claimed that the ban, which blindsided some diplomats, is a national security measure, and that the added countries failed to meet US security and information-sharing standards.
But immigrant rights groups said the policy is a political maneuver amid Trump’s re-election campaign – and one that will have profound consequences.
“People are in turmoil,” said Audu Kadiri, a 43-year-old community organizer who left Nigeria in 2014. He had planned to bring his mother to the US, but the ban may make that impossible. The activist, who now lives in the Bronx, hasn’t yet told his mother about Trump’s order, because he doesn’t know how to break the news. “There is so much collateral damage, it’s hard to quantify.”
In Nigeria, Kadiri was an LGBTQ+ rights advocate who worked on HIV prevention and other human rights issues. He was forced to flee due to his activism and sought asylum in the US. It’s now unsafe for him to return to Nigeria, which is why he wants his 68-year-old mother to come to the US.
He hasn’t seen her since 2014 and, if Trump is re-elected, he fears it will be at least another five years before they reunite. She’ll probably miss the birth of his third child.
“Nigerians have contributed to the development of this country, like every immigrant community,” he said. “We are not criminals.”
Audu Kadiri, left, a 43-year-old community organizer, left Nigeria in 2014 and now lives in the Bronx. Photograph: Krisanne Johnson/The Guardian
Torn apart, with dwindling options
Before the January announcement, the Trump administration had already clamped down on travel from Africa, including hikes in visa fees, and new obstacles and increased denials for Nigerians seeking approval for short-term visits. The US further suspended visitor visas from Eritrea in 2017.
That means families have been fighting for years to use the dwindling avenues available to them to reunite, and for those who have invested significant time and money into the process, the sudden news of an outright ban was particularly brutal.
“There’s nothing you can do, and it makes you feel so helpless,” said Olumide, the veteran. Olumide arrived in the US from Nigeria when he was 10 years old. He met his wife in Nigeria in 2012 after he left the military, and the two got married last year.
US Citizenship and Immigration Services approved the petition for his wife and daughter in January, just before the announcement of the ban. But they don’t yet have their visas – and the ban may make it impossible to get them.
Olumide had hoped they would be starting their lives together in the US by now, and said he was pained by feelings of guilt: “I made promises to her.” The couple hasn’t fully processed the news, he added: “We don’t want to think about not being together.”
He noted that his daughter has typhoid and his wife has malaria, and he constantly fears for their health and safety.
Hana Mohamed, a 20-year-old student in San Diego, who grew up in Sudan, said she was eager for her grandparents to come to the US, especially so her grandmother could get medical care in California: “It’s just so sad and frustrating. They are getting older, and I want to see them before anything happens.”
Mohamed said it was difficult to accept that the US was banning large groups of Muslims in the name of safety while seeming to do little about the ongoing terror threat of American mass shootings: “It’s just so shocking that we have come to this day where a whole nation of people are getting discriminated against. Isn’t the purpose of the United States to stand up for everyone who is getting hurt and treat them right?”
Isn’t the purpose of the United States to stand up for everyone who is getting hurt and treat them right? Hana Mohamed
One Eritrean American who works as an engineer in Silicon Valley, and requested anonymity for fear of hurting his family’s case, has petitioned for his mother to come live with him in the US and was hoping she would soon get an interview date at the embassy. Then the new ban was unveiled.
“We’ve waited our turn. We’ve followed the law. I’m a tax-paying citizen contributing to the economy,” he said, noting that his mother is 69 years old and lives alone in Eritrea. “This is just pure evil.”
He said he felt Trump was implementing the ban as a “soundbite for the campaign” while disregarding that it would leave Eritreans like his mother with no options: “This was our only hope to get her here.”
For Eritreans, the ban comes as as the Trump administration has ramped up deportations of Eritrean asylum seekers, despite the US government’s own acknowledgment of the torture and arbitrary detention Eritreans are currently facing.
Abraham Zere, an Eritrean journalist who was granted asylum in the US and now lives in Ohio, said it seemed some Eritreans were reluctant to speak out about the ban and live in fear of potential repercussions from both governments: “People are scared to even discuss it.”
Zere’s own family is affected: his mother is still in Eritrea, separated from her children. She can’t even video chat with her family because of the poor internet in Eritrea, which means she never gets to see her granddaughter, an eight-year-old she hasn’t yet met, he said.
Some warn the ban may have life-or-death consequences. For queer and transgender migrants in the targeted countries, it could lead them to embark on perilous journeys to escape to the US as they run out of options, said Zack Mohamed, who is Somali American and a member of the Black LGBTQIA+ Migrant Project: “This is a big ‘not welcome’ sign in front of our faces.”
In response to questions about the impact on migrants fleeing violence, a US state department spokesperson said the ban was not meant to “limit the ability of an individual to seek asylum”, adding: “Our first priority remains national security. We continue to work with our dedicated consular officers in the field to identify and expedite those individuals with urgent travel needs.”
Asked about charges that the ban is discriminatory, the spokesperson said the restrictions are based on “nationality” and “visa category” and that “consular officers do not adjudicate based on religion”. The spokesperson said there were specific criteria to determine which countries are restricted and noted that Chad was on the original list but removed in 2018.
Fighting to end the ban
With the first travel ban upheld by the US supreme court, there are few recourses left to challenge the policy. Advocates are hoping a Democratic president will immediately repeal the ban and have also recently renewed the push for Congress to pass the No Ban Act, which would end the ban and prevent discriminatory immigration policies.
Until then, Trump will continue to use his executive power to try to redefine what it means to be a citizen, advocates warned.
“The president of the United States, the US government is explicitly trying to decide who gets to be an American,” said Eric Naing, who is Burmese American and works with Muslim Advocates, a group that has challenged the ban. His family would not have been able to come to the US if the ban on Myanmar had been in place. “He’s saying I shouldn’t be American. My parents shouldn’t be American. It’s deeply upsetting.”
Olumide noted that the ban was punishing countless American citizens like him: “It’s hurting the exact people you’re trying to protect.”


theguardian--2020-02-16--Why Joe Biden needs ‘a political miracle’ to stay in the race to face Trump

Larry Sabato is an analyst , author and director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia .
His students are currently embedded in various presidential campaigns .
Two were working for Joe Biden in Iowa .
Before caucus day , they texted Sabato to say they expected to lose badly .
Sabato asked why .
The answer : “ No energy at all.
” And so it proved .
Biden , who was Barack Obama ’ s righthand man for eight years and long the Democrats ’ national frontrunner to take on Donald Trump , trailed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fled New Hampshire before the votes were even counted , to escape the public humiliation of finishing fifth .
Now , in the words of one commentator , Biden “ needs a miracle ” to stay in the race .
A man whose candidacy a year ago seemed to be predicated on his appeal to the white working class is depending on African American voters to rescue him from the oft-quoted maxim that all political lives end in failure .
What went wrong ?
“ I ’ ve watched Joe Biden since he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] in 1972 , ” Sabato said .
“ He was full of energy and joking around and had a big personality but I don ’ t think anyone has associated the word ‘ vision ’ with Joe Biden .
Democrats are looking for a vision ; Biden ’ s vision is to go back to Obama ’ s policies .
I understand it , but it doesn ’ t get you standing up and cheering.
” The 77-year-old ’ s debate performances have failed to inspire and his rallies have drawn small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the eve of the Iowa caucuses was in a more compact venue than Pete Buttigieg ’ s across the city and , while delivering a heartfelt critique of Trump , offered fewer policy specifics and generated less electricity .
Sabato added : “ People are charged up and incensed about Trump .
But if you ’ re standing there talking and they go to sleep , it doesn ’ t suggest you ’ re the best one to beat Trump .
People keep saying he ’ s lost a step or two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I remember from the 1970s .
He ’ s a meanderer .
Some speakers get you fired up but Joe ’ s not that.
” There is a distinct whiff of déja vu .
Biden ’ s first run for president fell apart in 1987 when he quoted British politician Neil Kinnock but forgot to credit him , prompting charges of plagiarism .
His second attempt went off the rails in 2007 when he described Obama as “ the first mainstream African American who is articulate and bright and clean and a nice-looking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his home state , Delaware , remains his best performance in a primary . )
The 2020 effort was meant to be different story with Biden , who served with distinction as Obama ’ s vice-president , cast as the antidote to Trump and restorer of normalcy .
But he was poleaxed by Senator Kamala Harris of California in the first Democratic debate in June , when she challenged his past views on desegregated school busing .
He fared little better in a debate in September when , asked about what responsibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery , he gave a rambling answer that included “ make sure you have the record player on at night , make sure that kids hear words , a kid coming from a very poor school , a very poor background , will hear 4 million words fewer spoken by the time we get there.
” Debates came and went .
Trump ’ s attacks on Biden ’ s son , Hunter , over his business dealings in Ukraine generated media scrutiny , both fair and unfair , that in some minds may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa it was clear the Obama magic , which swept the caucuses in 2008 , had not rubbed off on his running mate .
The blame seemed to lie with both an underwhelming candidate and a poorly organised campaign .
Moe Vela , who was director of administration and senior adviser to Biden at the White House , said : “ In Iowa I saw one of the most inferior ground games in politics .
I have never seen anything so inept .
He ’ s not being served properly by his campaign.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latino activist and board director at TransparentBusiness , added : “ He had been the front runner for so long that I think the campaign staff became complacent .
You got a sense they were so busy talking about electability and pitting him against Trump they forgot they have to deal with these 15 people first .
You could see this rude awakening in Iowa as the night was slipping away.
” In New Hampshire , where Biden called a student a “ lying dog faced pony soldier ” , he fared even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looks unlikely , setting up a potential last stand in South Carolina , the first contest in a state with a significant African American population – a constituency where he has consistently polled strongly .
( Biden has been at pains to point out that 99 % of the African American population have not yet had a say . )
But even this advantage appears to have been eroded by Senator Bernie Sanders and billionaire Tom Steyer .
Then comes Super Tuesday , where another billionaire , Michael Bloomberg , has spent nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 16 states and territories that vote , eating into Biden ’ s support among moderates and African Americans .
Several black members of Congress and city mayors have endorsed Bloomberg despite the discriminatory “ stop-and-frisk ” policy he supported as mayor of New York .
Michael Steele , former chairman of the Republican National Committee ( RNC ) , said : “ Biden has lost half the black support that he had .
It ’ s bled off and is now largely with Mike Bloomberg .
Some of it has gone to Bernie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Elizabeth Warren , none of it to Pete Buttigieg .
So he ’ s sitting there holding 22 , 23 % of the black vote now .
Mike Bloomberg is behind them at what , 21 ?
“ Clearly whatever the decision-making process was that led them to run the first leg of this race the way they have has cost him dearly .
They have to make up a lot of ground in a very short period of time .
When you swing into Super Tuesday , you ’ ve got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to turn it around ?
Yes , but it will be an uphill struggle .
Since 1972 , no candidate from either party has finished below second in both Iowa and New Hampshire and won the nomination .
Bob Shrum , a Democratic strategist who was an adviser to the Al Gore and John Kerry presidential campaigns , said : “ For him to recover from this would be a political miracle unlike anything we ’ ve seen in modern presidential politics .
I don ’ t think it ’ s impossible but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the face of all our knowledge of political history.
” Biden ’ s main pitch had been that in this moment of national emergency , he was the steady hand best placed to prevent Trump winning a second term .
To centrists , he would be less of a gamble than progressives Sanders or Warren .
But after the heavy losses in Iowa and New Hampshire , he is caught in his own electability trap .
Shrum , a political science professor at the University of Southern California , said : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ I ’ m going to beat Trump like a drum ’ .
The public said , ‘ If you ’ re saying you ’ re a winner , you ’ d better win ’ .
” “ Al Gore had this line : elections are not a reward for past performance .
I think they are always about the future , not just the past .
In Democratic primaries , you ’ ve got to have a future offer to people , no matter how dissatisfied they are with the Republican incumbent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies on his website but that ’ s not what comes over on the debate stage.
” In a small but telling measure of a campaign in a downward spiral , Biden ’ s press team did not respond to multiple phone and email requests from the Guardian seeking comment .
The Trump , Bloomberg and other campaigns are generally far more responsive .
Shrum added : “ I suspect they have many pressures and I have nothing but sympathy for the candidate and the people around him .
It ’ s hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mountain and end up in the valley.
” Biden ’ s struggles have dismayed supporters in his home state , where he remains immensely popular .
Coby Owens , a local civil rights activist whose family has known Biden for years , and who is still trying to decide between Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , said : “ There are a lot of people who are shocked and concerned about it and want to know what ’ s going on .
“ They have been hearing the message that he ’ s the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to cruise through the first two states , which are predominantly white .
There ’ s still a lot of room left for him to recover but if he ’ s not willing to restructure his campaign , I don ’ t think he can bounce back.
” Biden has frequently referenced his partnership with Obama but America ’ s first black president has remained notably silent .
Obama reportedly discouraged Biden from running in 2016 because he believed Hillary Clinton had a better chance of winning .
This time , rumour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the former governor of Massachusetts , to make a late bid because again he was dubious about Biden ’ s viability ( Patrick dropped out after a poor showing in New Hampshire ) .
Steele , the ex-RNC chairman and former lieutenant-governor of Maryland , commented : “ The telltale signs were there : the lack of interest that Barack had in the Biden campaign , the fact that the word on the street was that Deval Patrick was in the race was because Obama encouraged him to get in the race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your vice-president already in the game ?
” While cautious about writing Biden off just yet , Steele added : “ For me , just watching the Biden campaign , I get the sense that he ’ s kind of walked through it .
I think he ’ s going through the paces of it .
I ’ m not convinced at this stage that he really wants it any more .
I don ’ t think you take the front runner status that he ’ s held for over a year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote in a party where that is a very important and huge demographic edge , and just leave it on the table .
“ I ’ ve never seen a candidate do that the way it ’ s been done .
Maybe there ’ s a little bit of hubris and you assume that you ’ ve got the weight to throw around to win this thing .
But then again , at the same time , I think at a certain point the gas is out of the tank and you just @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Larry Sabato is an analyst, author and director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia. His students are currently embedded in various presidential campaigns. Two were working for Joe Biden in Iowa. Before caucus day, they texted Sabato to say they expected to lose badly.
Sabato asked why. The answer: “No energy at all.”
And so it proved. Biden, who was Barack Obama’s righthand man for eight years and long the Democrats’ national frontrunner to take on Donald Trump, trailed in fourth. A week later, he fled New Hampshire before the votes were even counted, to escape the public humiliation of finishing fifth.
Now, in the words of one commentator, Biden “needs a miracle” to stay in the race. A man whose candidacy a year ago seemed to be predicated on his appeal to the white working class is depending on African American voters to rescue him from the oft-quoted maxim that all political lives end in failure. What went wrong?
“I’ve watched Joe Biden since he was first elected [to the Senate] in 1972,” Sabato said. “He was full of energy and joking around and had a big personality but I don’t think anyone has associated the word ‘vision’ with Joe Biden. Democrats are looking for a vision; Biden’s vision is to go back to Obama’s policies. I understand it, but it doesn’t get you standing up and cheering.”
The 77-year-old’s debate performances have failed to inspire and his rallies have drawn small crowds. His rally in Des Moines on the eve of the Iowa caucuses was in a more compact venue than Pete Buttigieg’s across the city and, while delivering a heartfelt critique of Trump, offered fewer policy specifics and generated less electricity.
Sabato added: “People are charged up and incensed about Trump. But if you’re standing there talking and they go to sleep, it doesn’t suggest you’re the best one to beat Trump. People keep saying he’s lost a step or two but this is the same Joe Biden I remember from the 1970s. He’s a meanderer. Some speakers get you fired up but Joe’s not that.”
In Iowa I saw one of the most inferior ground games in politics. I have never seen anything so inept Moe Vela
There is a distinct whiff of déja vu. Biden’s first run for president fell apart in 1987 when he quoted British politician Neil Kinnock but forgot to credit him, prompting charges of plagiarism. His second attempt went off the rails in 2007 when he described Obama as “the first mainstream African American who is articulate and bright and clean and a nice-looking guy”. (His third-place finish in his home state, Delaware, remains his best performance in a primary.)
The 2020 effort was meant to be different story with Biden, who served with distinction as Obama’s vice-president, cast as the antidote to Trump and restorer of normalcy. But he was poleaxed by Senator Kamala Harris of California in the first Democratic debate in June, when she challenged his past views on desegregated school busing.
He fared little better in a debate in September when, asked about what responsibility Americans have to repair the legacy of slavery, he gave a rambling answer that included “make sure you have the record player on at night, make sure that kids hear words, a kid coming from a very poor school, a very poor background, will hear 4 million words fewer spoken by the time we get there.”
Debates came and went. Trump’s attacks on Biden’s son, Hunter, over his business dealings in Ukraine generated media scrutiny, both fair and unfair, that in some minds may have planted seeds of doubt. In Iowa it was clear the Obama magic, which swept the caucuses in 2008, had not rubbed off on his running mate. The blame seemed to lie with both an underwhelming candidate and a poorly organised campaign.
Moe Vela, who was director of administration and senior adviser to Biden at the White House, said: “In Iowa I saw one of the most inferior ground games in politics. I have never seen anything so inept. He’s not being served properly by his campaign.”
Vela, now an LGBTQ and Latino activist and board director at TransparentBusiness, added: “He had been the front runner for so long that I think the campaign staff became complacent. You got a sense they were so busy talking about electability and pitting him against Trump they forgot they have to deal with these 15 people first. You could see this rude awakening in Iowa as the night was slipping away.”
In New Hampshire, where Biden called a student a “lying dog faced pony soldier”, he fared even worse. A comeback win in Nevada looks unlikely, setting up a potential last stand in South Carolina, the first contest in a state with a significant African American population – a constituency where he has consistently polled strongly. (Biden has been at pains to point out that 99% of the African American population have not yet had a say.)
But even this advantage appears to have been eroded by Senator Bernie Sanders and billionaire Tom Steyer. Then comes Super Tuesday, where another billionaire, Michael Bloomberg, has spent nearly $350m on ads focused on the 16 states and territories that vote, eating into Biden’s support among moderates and African Americans. Several black members of Congress and city mayors have endorsed Bloomberg despite the discriminatory “stop-and-frisk” policy he supported as mayor of New York.
Biden speaks at a rally in Columbia, South Carolina, on the night of the New Hampshire primary. Photograph: Randall Hill/Reuters
Michael Steele, former chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC), said: “Biden has lost half the black support that he had. It’s bled off and is now largely with Mike Bloomberg. Some of it has gone to Bernie Sanders, a little bit maybe to Elizabeth Warren, none of it to Pete Buttigieg. So he’s sitting there holding 22, 23% of the black vote now. Mike Bloomberg is behind them at what, 21?
“Clearly whatever the decision-making process was that led them to run the first leg of this race the way they have has cost him dearly. They have to make up a lot of ground in a very short period of time. When you swing into Super Tuesday, you’ve got to have bankroll.”
‘If you’re saying you’re a winner, you’d better win’
Is there still time to turn it around? Yes, but it will be an uphill struggle. Since 1972, no candidate from either party has finished below second in both Iowa and New Hampshire and won the nomination.
Bob Shrum, a Democratic strategist who was an adviser to the Al Gore and John Kerry presidential campaigns, said: “For him to recover from this would be a political miracle unlike anything we’ve seen in modern presidential politics. I don’t think it’s impossible but it’s unlikely and would fly in the face of all our knowledge of political history.”
Biden’s main pitch had been that in this moment of national emergency, he was the steady hand best placed to prevent Trump winning a second term. To centrists, he would be less of a gamble than progressives Sanders or Warren. But after the heavy losses in Iowa and New Hampshire, he is caught in his own electability trap.
Shrum, a political science professor at the University of Southern California, said: “The centrepiece of the campaign was, ‘I’m going to beat Trump like a drum’. The public said, ‘If you’re saying you’re a winner, you’d better win’.”
“Al Gore had this line: elections are not a reward for past performance. I think they are always about the future, not just the past. In Democratic primaries, you’ve got to have a future offer to people, no matter how dissatisfied they are with the Republican incumbent. Joe Biden has a lot of policies on his website but that’s not what comes over on the debate stage.”
There’s still to recover but if he’s not willing to restructure his campaign, I don’t think he can bounce back Coby Owens
In a small but telling measure of a campaign in a downward spiral, Biden’s press team did not respond to multiple phone and email requests from the Guardian seeking comment. The Trump, Bloomberg and other campaigns are generally far more responsive.
Shrum added: “I suspect they have many pressures and I have nothing but sympathy for the candidate and the people around him. It’s hard to start at the top of the mountain and end up in the valley.”
Biden’s struggles have dismayed supporters in his home state, where he remains immensely popular. Coby Owens, a local civil rights activist whose family has known Biden for years, and who is still trying to decide between Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, said: “There are a lot of people who are shocked and concerned about it and want to know what’s going on.
“They have been hearing the message that he’s the most electable so they thought he was going to cruise through the first two states, which are predominantly white. There’s still a lot of room left for him to recover but if he’s not willing to restructure his campaign, I don’t think he can bounce back.”
‘Telltale signs’
Biden has frequently referenced his partnership with Obama but America’s first black president has remained notably silent.
Barack Obama, Biden and his son Hunter attend a basketball game in Washington in 2010. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
Obama reportedly discouraged Biden from running in 2016 because he believed Hillary Clinton had a better chance of winning. This time, rumour has it that he nudged Deval Patrick, the former governor of Massachusetts, to make a late bid because again he was dubious about Biden’s viability (Patrick dropped out after a poor showing in New Hampshire).
Steele, the ex-RNC chairman and former lieutenant-governor of Maryland, commented: “The telltale signs were there: the lack of interest that Barack had in the Biden campaign, the fact that the word on the street was that Deval Patrick was in the race was because Obama encouraged him to get in the race. Why would you do that with your vice-president already in the game?”
While cautious about writing Biden off just yet, Steele added: “For me, just watching the Biden campaign, I get the sense that he’s kind of walked through it. I think he’s going through the paces of it. I’m not convinced at this stage that he really wants it any more. I don’t think you take the front runner status that he’s held for over a year, anchored by 50% of the black vote in a party where that is a very important and huge demographic edge, and just leave it on the table.
“I’ve never seen a candidate do that the way it’s been done. Maybe there’s a little bit of hubris and you assume that you’ve got the weight to throw around to win this thing. But then again, at the same time, I think at a certain point the gas is out of the tank and you just sleepwalk your way through it.”


theguardian--2020-02-16--Dark Towers review: Deutsche Bank, Donald Trump and a must-read mystery

David Enrich delivers a master class in financial sleuthing but much about bank and billionaire remains unknown Steve Bannon , the brains behind Donald Trump ’ s upset election victory , saw the danger posed by the cash cravings of the First Family .
In Fire and Fury , Michael Wolff chronicled Bannon drawing a direct line between purported dark doings at Deutsche Bank and Jared Kushner ’ s brushes with the Mueller investigation : “ This is all about money laundering … It goes through Deutsche Bank and all the Kushner shit.
” But that ’ s only half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a federal appeals court sustained subpoenas issued by congressional committees to the German bank for Trump ’ s financial records .
Come June , the supreme court will probably rule on the enforceability of those demands together with other cases concerning Trump ’ s tax returns – just in time for political convention season .
In other words , Deutsche remains relevant to the 2020 elections .
In Dark Towers : Deutsche Bank , Donald Trump , and an Epic Trail of Destruction , David Enrich delivers a master class in financial sleuthing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editor follows the money , plows through paper and talks to dozens of people in the bank ’ s ecosystem .
There are names , places and computer files .
This is a first-rate read .
Dark Towers traces the bank ’ s arc from founding through the second world war to the present , excavates and analyzes Trump ’ s relationship with his lender of last resort , and lays out the ties that bind Justin Kennedy , son of retired supreme court justice Anthony Kennedy , to the Trump family .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ clerked for Kennedy père , who interceded with Trump on Kavanaugh ’ s behalf .
Like a discordant melody that haunts disturbing lyrics , Dark Towers is woven with the life and the 2014 suicide of Bill Broeksmit , a former Deutsche executive .
Broeksmit witnessed the bank ’ s growth , decline and brushes with the law .
His death imparts to Enrich ’ s book an air of mystery , crystalizing Deutsche ’ s descent and woes .
The bank weighed on Broeksmit to the end .
He left an electronic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ troubled son , found “ detailed information about what was going on deep inside the bank ” .
According to Enrich , there “ were minutes of board meetings .
Financial plans .
Indecipherable spreadsheets .
Password-protected presentations .
And evidence of his father ’ s misery.
” In one email , the elder Broeksmit wrote : “ Hard to know how banks keep track of the hundreds of billions of dollars flowing through their pipes every day.
” Sadly , Broeksmit ’ s death is not the only notable Deutsche suicide .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an in-house bank lawyer , hanged himself at his home in Bay Ridge , Brooklyn .
At the time , Gambino was attempting to navigate Deutsche through its Libor rate-fixing nightmare .
This past November , Tom Bowers , a banker who worked on Trump ’ s account , killed himself .
Bowers was an Enrich source with firsthand knowledge of the bank ’ s $ 640m loan on Trump International Hotel & Tower , Chicago .
Deutsche and its subsidiaries have faced an array of criminal and civil charges in the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rate-fixing played outsized roles .
After the Guardian reported on Dark Towers , Deutsche issued a semi-oblique confession : “ While elements of the narrative seem to be exaggerated to fit into a storyline , we have long acknowledged and sought to learn from our historical shortcomings.
” Going back in time , Deutsche was formed in 1870 .
It financed German industry .
Think regional , not global .
Along the way , it found the time to bankroll the Nazis and provide construction finance for Auschwitz .
With the fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – as would the 45th president – for new markets and opportunities .
Among other things , the nexus between Deutsche , Trump and VTB , a Kremlin-favored bank , left House Democrats and Enrich puzzled .
The author posits : “ Perhaps this was more than a coincidence.
” According to the Mueller report , in the midst of Trump ’ s bid for the Republican nomination Felix Sater , a Trump crony and former convict , repeatedly attempted to arrange for Michael Cohen , Trump ’ s now-imprisoned personal lawyer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Trump Organization , to travel to Russia to meet with Russian government officials and possible financing partners ” .
In a 19 December 2015 email , Sater wrote : “ Invitations & Visas will be issued this week by VTB Bank to discuss financing for Trump Tower Moscow .
Politically neither Putin ’ s office nor Ministry of Foreign Affairs [ can ] issue invite , so they are inviting commercially/business.
” Dark Towers provides no conclusive evidence that Trump ’ s funding originated in Russia .
Executives denied such ties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the redacted Mueller report lacks any mention of Deutsche even as it contains multiple references to VTB .
Then again , in December 2017 , after learning that the special counsel had subpoenaed Deutsche ’ s records , Trump reportedly wanted Mueller fired .
It would be generous to say that when it comes to Trump , where the truth lies is a mystery .
Throughout the impeachment proceedings , Trump denied he had dispatched Rudy Giuliani to Ukraine to dig for dirt on the Biden family .
After acquittal by the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rivera .
As for Trump ’ s bet on Kennedy and Kavanaugh , it appears to have paid off .
In last summer ’ s much-awaited census case , Kavanaugh voted that the commerce department decision to add a “ citizenship ” question was subject to only minimal judicial review .
The fact that the government had been less than forthcoming failed to sway either of Trump ’ s appointees to the highest court .
With the Deutsche Bank subpoena headed for resolution in a matter of months , we may see history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an excellent primer for what may well await .

Steve Bannon, the brains behind Donald Trump’s upset election victory, saw the danger posed by the cash cravings of the First Family. In Fire and Fury, Michael Wolff chronicled Bannon drawing a direct line between purported dark doings at Deutsche Bank and Jared Kushner’s brushes with the Mueller investigation: “This is all about money laundering … It goes through Deutsche Bank and all the Kushner shit.”
But that’s only half the story. Late last year, a federal appeals court sustained subpoenas issued by congressional committees to the German bank for Trump’s financial records. Come June, the supreme court will probably rule on the enforceability of those demands together with other cases concerning Trump’s tax returns – just in time for political convention season. In other words, Deutsche remains relevant to the 2020 elections.
In Dark Towers: Deutsche Bank, Donald Trump, and an Epic Trail of Destruction, David Enrich delivers a master class in financial sleuthing. The New York Times’ financial editor follows the money, plows through paper and talks to dozens of people in the bank’s ecosystem. There are names, places and computer files. This is a first-rate read.
Dark Towers traces the bank’s arc from founding through the second world war to the present, excavates and analyzes Trump’s relationship with his lender of last resort, and lays out the ties that bind Justin Kennedy, son of retired supreme court justice Anthony Kennedy, to the Trump family. In case anyone forgot, Brett Kavanaugh clerked for Kennedy père, who interceded with Trump on Kavanaugh’s behalf.
Deutsche and its subsidiaries have faced an array of criminal and civil charges in the US and UK
Like a discordant melody that haunts disturbing lyrics, Dark Towers is woven with the life and the 2014 suicide of Bill Broeksmit, a former Deutsche executive. Broeksmit witnessed the bank’s growth, decline and brushes with the law. His death imparts to Enrich’s book an air of mystery, crystalizing Deutsche’s descent and woes. The bank weighed on Broeksmit to the end.
He left an electronic paper trail. Val Broeksmit, his troubled son, found “detailed information about what was going on deep inside the bank”.
According to Enrich, there “were minutes of board meetings. Financial plans. Indecipherable spreadsheets. Password-protected presentations. And evidence of his father’s misery.”
In one email, the elder Broeksmit wrote: “Hard to know how banks keep track of the hundreds of billions of dollars flowing through their pipes every day.”
Sadly, Broeksmit’s death is not the only notable Deutsche suicide. Also in 2014, Charlie Gambino, an in-house bank lawyer, hanged himself at his home in Bay Ridge, Brooklyn. At the time, Gambino was attempting to navigate Deutsche through its Libor rate-fixing nightmare.
This past November, Tom Bowers, a banker who worked on Trump’s account, killed himself. Bowers was an Enrich source with firsthand knowledge of the bank’s $640m loan on Trump International Hotel & Tower, Chicago.
Deutsche and its subsidiaries have faced an array of criminal and civil charges in the US and UK. Money laundering, Russia and rate-fixing played outsized roles. After the Guardian reported on Dark Towers, Deutsche issued a semi-oblique confession: “While elements of the narrative seem to be exaggerated to fit into a storyline, we have long acknowledged and sought to learn from our historical shortcomings.”
After learning that the special counsel had subpoenaed Deutsche’s records, Trump reportedly wanted Robert Mueller fired
Going back in time, Deutsche was formed in 1870. It financed German industry. Think regional, not global. Along the way, it found the time to bankroll the Nazis and provide construction finance for Auschwitz.
With the fall of the Soviet Union it looked east – as would the 45th president – for new markets and opportunities. Among other things, the nexus between Deutsche, Trump and VTB, a Kremlin-favored bank, left House Democrats and Enrich puzzled. The author posits: “Perhaps this was more than a coincidence.”
According to the Mueller report, in the midst of Trump’s bid for the Republican nomination Felix Sater, a Trump crony and former convict, repeatedly attempted to arrange for Michael Cohen, Trump’s now-imprisoned personal lawyer, and “candidate Trump, as representatives of the Trump Organization, to travel to Russia to meet with Russian government officials and possible financing partners”.
Donald Trump, Tevfik Arif and Felix Sater attend the Trump Soho launch party in New York on 19 September 2007. Photograph: Mark Von Holden/WireImage
In a 19 December 2015 email, Sater wrote: “Invitations & Visas will be issued this week by VTB Bank to discuss financing for Trump Tower Moscow. Politically neither Putin’s office nor Ministry of Foreign Affairs [can] issue invite, so they are inviting commercially/business.”
Dark Towers provides no conclusive evidence that Trump’s funding originated in Russia. Executives denied such ties, Trump Moscow was not built and the redacted Mueller report lacks any mention of Deutsche even as it contains multiple references to VTB. Then again, in December 2017, after learning that the special counsel had subpoenaed Deutsche’s records, Trump reportedly wanted Mueller fired.
It would be generous to say that when it comes to Trump, where the truth lies is a mystery. Throughout the impeachment proceedings, Trump denied he had dispatched Rudy Giuliani to Ukraine to dig for dirt on the Biden family. After acquittal by the Senate, the president admitted it to Geraldo Rivera.
As for Trump’s bet on Kennedy and Kavanaugh, it appears to have paid off. In last summer’s much-awaited census case, Kavanaugh voted that the commerce department decision to add a “citizenship” question was subject to only minimal judicial review. The fact that the government had been less than forthcoming failed to sway either of Trump’s appointees to the highest court.
With the Deutsche Bank subpoena headed for resolution in a matter of months, we may see history repeat itself. Regardless, Dark Towers is an excellent primer for what may well await.


theguardian--2020-02-16--In his assault on justice, Trump has out-Nixoned Nixon | Robert Reich

“ History doesn ’ t repeat itself , but it sometimes rhymes , ” Mark Twain is supposed to have said .
My first job after law school was as an attorney at the Department of Justice ( DoJ ) .
I reported for work September 1974 , weeks after Richard Nixon resigned .
In the years leading up to his resignation , Nixon turned the justice department and FBI into his personal fiefdom , enlisting his appointees to reward his friends and penalize his enemies .
He brought conspiracy charges against critics of the Vietnam war , for example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an antitrust case against ITT after the conglomerate donated money for the 1972 Republican convention .
During the Senate Watergate investigation , Nixon ’ s stooges kept him informed .
Reports about how compromised the justice department had become generated enough public outrage to force the appointment of the first Watergate special prosecutor , Archibald Cox .
Before Nixon ’ s mayhem was over , his first two attorneys general were deep in legal trouble – John Mitchell eventually served 19 months in prison – and his third resigned rather than carry out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also ushered into politics a young man named Roger Stone – who , as it happens , also graduated from my small rural high school in Lewisboro , New York , although I didn ’ t know him .
Stone ’ s first job was on Nixon ’ s 1972 campaign , working for the Committee to Re-elect the President , known then , and forevermore , as Creep .
Stone joined some two dozen dirty tricksters hired to lie about , harass and dig up dirt on Democrats .
After Nixon resigned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spawned a series of reforms designed to insulate the administration of justice from politics .
During the years I worked at the justice department , officials teamed up with a bipartisan group of congressional leaders with the goal of making justice the most independent part of the executive branch .
“ Our law is not an instrument of partisan purpose , ” said Edward Levi , Gerald Ford ’ s attorney general .
Griffin Bell , appointed by Jimmy Carter , described the department as “ a neutral zone in the government , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” .
Regulations were put into place to insulate the FBI and DoJ from political interference .
The FBI director was given a 10-year term .
A protocol allowed for the appointment of outside prosecutors .
US attorneys were to be independent .
White House officials and justice department lawyers weren ’ t supposed to exchange information about ongoing criminal investigations or civil enforcement actions .
A 2007 memorandum allowed the department to advise the White House of criminal or civil enforcement matters “ only where it is important for the performance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appropriate from a law enforcement perspective ” .
Now we ’ re back to where we were 50 years ago .
Trump seems determined to finish Nixon ’ s agenda of rigging elections and making the justice department a cesspool of partisanship .
In Trump ’ s 2016 campaign , even Stone was back to his old dirty tricks of issuing lies and conspiracy theories , and seeking dirt on a Democratic opponent .
Trump has out-Nixoned Nixon : firing FBI director James Comey after asking him to “ let go ” of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michael Flynn ’ s interactions with Russian officials ; repeatedly calling the Russian inquiry a politically motivated “ witch-hunt ” ; urging the firing of the FBI ’ s No 2 official because of alleged Democratic allegiances ; launching an assault on special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s own investigation ; and appointing a lapdog attorney general , William Barr , to do whatever the president wishes .
Barr has out-Nixoned Nixon ’ s attorney general , John Mitchell : whitewashing Mueller ’ s conclusions ; defending Trump ’ s phone call to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden ; defending Trump during the House impeachment ; refusing to enforce congressional subpoenas ; opening an “ intake process ” for dirt Rudy Giuliani dredges up on Trump ’ s political opponents ; and continuing to respond to Trump ’ s every whim including , this week , suggesting Stone should get a milder sentence than the one career prosecutors recommended .
In November , Stone was convicted of obstructing Congress and seeking to intimidate witnesses .
This week , prosecutors recommended Stone be sentenced to between seven and nine years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they reasoned that Stone deserved it because he had threatened to harm a witness – to whom he sent the message “ prepare to die ” – and his conduct had resulted in “ substantial interference in the administration of justice ” .
“ This is a horrible and very unfair situation , ” Trump tweeted , early the next morning .
“ The real crimes were on the other side , as nothing happens to them .
Can not allow this miscarriage of justice !
” Hours later , Barr decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The department finds the recommendation extreme and excessive and disproportionate to Stone ’ s offenses , ” a spokesman said .
In response , the career prosecutors filed notices in court of their intention to leave the case .
One wrote that he was resigning as an assistant US attorney and leaving government altogether .
The incident caused such an uproar that on Thursday Barr was forced to declare in a TV interview that he wouldn ’ t be “ bullied ” and that Trump ’ s tweets “ make it impossible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But anyone who has watched Barr repeatedly roll over for Trump saw this as a minimal face-saving gesture .
As if to underscore Barr ’ s subordinate role , on Friday Trump tweeted that he has the “ legal right ” to meddle in cases handled by the DoJ .
Trump ’ s view is that he has ultimate power – an “ absolute right ” – to control the justice department .
That ’ s as wrongheaded now as it was when Nixon held the same view .
If a president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the administration of justice , there can be no justice .
Justice requires impartial and equal treatment under the law .
Partiality or inequality in deciding whom to prosecute and how to punish invites tyranny .
A half-century ago , I witnessed the near dissolution of justice under Nixon and the enablers then drawn to him , such as Roger Stone .
I served in the justice department when it and Congress resolved that what had occurred would never happen again .
But what occurred under Nixon is happening again .
Trump neither @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cares about nothing but himself .
Like Nixon , he has usurped the independence of the Department of Justice for his own ends .
Unlike Nixon , Trump won ’ t resign .
He has too many enablers – not just a shameful attorney general but also shameless congressional Republicans – who place a lower priority on justice than on satisfying the most vindictive and paranoid occupant of the White House since Richard Milhous Nixon .
• None Robert Reich , a former US secretary of labor , is professor of public policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the author of Saving Capitalism : For the Many , Not the Few and The Common Good .
His next book , The System : Who Rigged It , How We Fix It , will be out in March .
He is a columnist for Guardian US

“History doesn’t repeat itself, but it sometimes rhymes,” Mark Twain is supposed to have said.
My first job after law school was as an attorney at the Department of Justice (DoJ). I reported for work September 1974, weeks after Richard Nixon resigned.
In the years leading up to his resignation, Nixon turned the justice department and FBI into his personal fiefdom, enlisting his appointees to reward his friends and penalize his enemies. He brought conspiracy charges against critics of the Vietnam war, for example, and ordered the department to drop an antitrust case against ITT after the conglomerate donated money for the 1972 Republican convention.
During the Senate Watergate investigation, Nixon’s stooges kept him informed. Reports about how compromised the justice department had become generated enough public outrage to force the appointment of the first Watergate special prosecutor, Archibald Cox.
Before Nixon’s mayhem was over, his first two attorneys general were deep in legal trouble – John Mitchell eventually served 19 months in prison – and his third resigned rather than carry out the demand to fire Cox.
Trump seems determined to finish Nixon’s agenda, making the justice department a cesspool of partisanship
Watergate also ushered into politics a young man named Roger Stone – who, as it happens, also graduated from my small rural high school in Lewisboro, New York, although I didn’t know him. Stone’s first job was on Nixon’s 1972 campaign, working for the Committee to Re-elect the President, known then, and forevermore, as Creep. Stone joined some two dozen dirty tricksters hired to lie about, harass and dig up dirt on Democrats.
After Nixon resigned, the entire slimy mess of Watergate spawned a series of reforms designed to insulate the administration of justice from politics.
During the years I worked at the justice department, officials teamed up with a bipartisan group of congressional leaders with the goal of making justice the most independent part of the executive branch.
“Our law is not an instrument of partisan purpose,” said Edward Levi, Gerald Ford’s attorney general.
Griffin Bell, appointed by Jimmy Carter, described the department as “a neutral zone in the government, because the law has to be neutral”.
Regulations were put into place to insulate the FBI and DoJ from political interference. The FBI director was given a 10-year term. A protocol allowed for the appointment of outside prosecutors. US attorneys were to be independent.
White House officials and justice department lawyers weren’t supposed to exchange information about ongoing criminal investigations or civil enforcement actions. A 2007 memorandum allowed the department to advise the White House of criminal or civil enforcement matters “only where it is important for the performance of the president’s duties and where appropriate from a law enforcement perspective”.
Now we’re back to where we were 50 years ago. Trump seems determined to finish Nixon’s agenda of rigging elections and making the justice department a cesspool of partisanship. In Trump’s 2016 campaign, even Stone was back to his old dirty tricks of issuing lies and conspiracy theories, and seeking dirt on a Democratic opponent.
Trump has out-Nixoned Nixon: firing FBI director James Comey after asking him to “let go” of an inquiry into former national security adviser Michael Flynn’s interactions with Russian officials; repeatedly calling the Russian inquiry a politically motivated “witch-hunt”; urging the firing of the FBI’s No 2 official because of alleged Democratic allegiances; launching an assault on special counsel Robert Mueller’s own investigation; and appointing a lapdog attorney general, William Barr, to do whatever the president wishes.
Barr has out-Nixoned Nixon’s attorney general, John Mitchell: whitewashing Mueller’s conclusions; defending Trump’s phone call to the president of Ukraine seeking dirt on Joe Biden; defending Trump during the House impeachment; refusing to enforce congressional subpoenas; opening an “intake process” for dirt Rudy Giuliani dredges up on Trump’s political opponents; and continuing to respond to Trump’s every whim including, this week, suggesting Stone should get a milder sentence than the one career prosecutors recommended.
In November, Stone was convicted of obstructing Congress and seeking to intimidate witnesses. This week, prosecutors recommended Stone be sentenced to between seven and nine years in prison. Applying federal sentencing guidelines, they reasoned that Stone deserved it because he had threatened to harm a witness – to whom he sent the message “prepare to die” – and his conduct had resulted in “substantial interference in the administration of justice”.
“This is a horrible and very unfair situation,” Trump tweeted, early the next morning. “The real crimes were on the other side, as nothing happens to them. Cannot allow this miscarriage of justice!”
Hours later, Barr decided to seek a more lenient sentence.
Roger Stone, pictured at his office in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, giving a very Nixonian salute. Photograph: Miami Herald/MCT via Getty Images
“The department finds the recommendation extreme and excessive and disproportionate to Stone’s offenses,” a spokesman said.
In response, the career prosecutors filed notices in court of their intention to leave the case. One wrote that he was resigning as an assistant US attorney and leaving government altogether.
The incident caused such an uproar that on Thursday Barr was forced to declare in a TV interview that he wouldn’t be “bullied” and that Trump’s tweets “make it impossible for me to do my job”.
But anyone who has watched Barr repeatedly roll over for Trump saw this as a minimal face-saving gesture. As if to underscore Barr’s subordinate role, on Friday Trump tweeted that he has the “legal right” to meddle in cases handled by the DoJ.
Trump’s view is that he has ultimate power – an “absolute right” – to control the justice department.
That’s as wrongheaded now as it was when Nixon held the same view. If a president can punish enemies and reward friends through the administration of justice, there can be no justice. Justice requires impartial and equal treatment under the law. Partiality or inequality in deciding whom to prosecute and how to punish invites tyranny.
A half-century ago, I witnessed the near dissolution of justice under Nixon and the enablers then drawn to him, such as Roger Stone. I served in the justice department when it and Congress resolved that what had occurred would never happen again.
But what occurred under Nixon is happening again. Trump neither understands nor cares about justice. He cares about nothing but himself. Like Nixon, he has usurped the independence of the Department of Justice for his own ends.
Unlike Nixon, Trump won’t resign. He has too many enablers – not just a shameful attorney general but also shameless congressional Republicans – who place a lower priority on justice than on satisfying the most vindictive and paranoid occupant of the White House since Richard Milhous Nixon.


theguardian--2020-02-15--'Earn it': Pete Buttigieg's plan to court communities of color

In California ’ s state capitol , Pete Buttigieg asked supporters to “ bottle up ” whatever enthusiasm propelled them to come see him and share it with family and friends .
“ California , I believe you can make me the next president of the United States , ” he told a crowd of supporters at a town hall event on Friday night .
It was an admission – and a plea .
With 494 delegates at stake in the nation ’ s most populous state , California acts as a gatekeeper to the general election in November .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ midwestern city won the most delegates in Iowa , and the second-most votes in New Hampshire – both predominantly white states .
Now , his campaign is scrambling to win over the diverse electorates in three forthcoming primary states : Nevada , South Carolina and California .
So far , Buttigieg has struggled to earn the backing of voters of color .
Only 4 % of black Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters supported Buttigieg in a Quinnipiac poll published on Monday .
By contrast , 27 % of black voters supported the former vice-president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the low single digits among Latinos , who make up 19 % of likely voters in California – with Asian Americans making up another 13 % .
The former South Bend , Indiana , mayor has acknowledged his struggle to court communities of color but says he ’ s confident the momentum he ’ s gained in Iowa and New Hampshire will win them over .
Despite Sacramento ’ s largely minority population , the crowd at Buttigieg ’ s town hall was predominantly white .
So far , Buttigieg has spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with wealthy donors in Silicon Valley and Hollywood .
His courting of millionaires and billionaires , and in particular his lavish Napa wine cave fundraiser , have drawn sneers from some of his progressive competitors .
Now his campaign is reaching for more diverse crowds .
Ahead of next week ’ s caucuses in Nevada , he ’ s on a whirlwind tour of the West , with Friday stops in San Francisco and Palo Alto , as well as Turlock , a Central Valley town where he is helping raise money to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign also launched an ad in Nevada that features the polyglot Buttigieg pitching himself in Spanish as “ the president who will turn the page and unify our very polarized country ” .
His moderate appeal is what attracted Eileen Ikeda .
“ I ’ m looking for some who ’ s not extremely left or right , ” she said at the Friday town hall .
“ That ’ s why he appeals to so many older people – our generation is that way.
” But Ikeda , 70 , said she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among minorities and young people : “ He needs to maybe put more effort and address them more.
” To that end , ahead of this visit to Sacramento , Buttigieg ’ s campaign added 16 full-time campaign staffers .
To lead his campaign efforts in California , Buttigieg has installed Cecilia Cabello , a former official in the Los Angeles mayor Eric Garcetti ’ s administration and Hillary Clinton ’ s deputy political director in the 2016 Democratic primary .
Cabello , who has close ties to organized labor in California , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , could help Buttigieg access the right networks to win over the state ’ s electorate .
“ It takes a lot of time and resources and also a lot of knowledge about California and California ’ s many diverse communities , ” said Mindy Romero , who heads the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California .
All else equal , a campaign manager with “ deep knowledge of the state and connections here ” can give candidates a real boost , she notes .
Buttigieg ’ s California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of other candidates .
And while he has by far attended more fundraisers in California than any other Democratic primary contender , Bernie Sanders – who has hired five times as many campaign staffers in the state – has held more public events .
Still , Buttigieg ’ s surge in national polls and his strong showing in the early primary states seemed to draw in supporters of other candidates , now willing to give him a second look .
“ I ’ m pretty invested in Elizabeth Warren , ” said Jack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also on the whoever-can-beat-Trump train .
So I came to see who Pete is.
” At the town hall , West Sacramento ’ s mayor Christopher Cabaldon pulled questions out of a fishbowl for Buttigieg to answer .
A few of them were softballs .
“ What is it about Chasten ” – Buttigieg ’ s husband – “ that made you fall in love with him ?
” Cabaldon read out .
“ It ’ s signed , ‘ Chasten.
’ ” But Buttigieg also answered a question that political pundits and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does he plan to win the African American vote ?
Buttigieg said he would “ earn it.
” “ Sometimes they talk about the black vote like it ’ s some guy .
Let ’ s respect that this is not some monolithic community , ” he said , before listing out a range of issues – including economic disparities , environmental justice and criminal justice reform – that he ’ d address as president .
His credibility on the latter , in particular , has come into question as his national profile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ play down his handling of race relations in South Bend .
During the debate in New Hampshire , Buttigieg equivocated when asked about the racial disparities in his city ’ s arrests for marijuana possession .
He had also faced criticism for firing South Bend ’ s black police chief in 2012 after the chief recorded white officers using racist language .
In June , Buttigieg had to pull himself away from his presidential campaign and return to South Bend after a fatal shooting of a black man by a white officer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t faded of two police officers killing 22-year-old Stephon Clark with impunity in his grandmother ’ s backyard , Buttigieg avoided addressing the issue of policing , beyond vague mentions of reducing prison populations .
It ’ s not only his past that Buttigieg has had to contend with .
In January , the New York Times interviewed current and former campaign staffers of color who said they felt tokenized and disrespected .
His tone-deaf references to the “ American Heartland ” and assertion that kids in “ lower-income , minority neighborhoods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personally who testifies to the value of education ” haven ’ t helped matters either .
For Sheila Gibson , a retired assistant superintendent of schools who came to the event with her daughter , Buttigieg is a good candidate despite those controversies .
“ You know what ?
He ’ s still white , ” she said .
“ You can ’ t hold one man responsible for the system.
” While Gibson said she hasn ’ t decided who she ’ ll ultimately vote for in the primaries , she sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can reach her community as long as he put in the effort .
“ He needs to visit black universities , and he needs to visit black churches — he ’ s got to go to where people vote , ” she said .
“ He ’ s good and he ’ ll learn as he goes , ” she said .
It helps that when he speaks , Gibson added , “ he has that cadence when he speaks that Obama has ” .
By the time Buttigieg had wrapped up , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The 43-year-old drove more than two hours from the Bay Area to see Mayor Pete .
Prakash supported Sanders in the 2016 primaries , but this time around he said Buttigieg ’ s ability to appeal to both the left and right won him over .
“ We need someone like him , ” Prakash said , showing off a selfie he ’ d snagged with Buttigieg .
Prakash has heard the critiques that Buttigieg lacks support among younger voters and people of color .
“ You know , I don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support him , ” he said .
“ I just say to hear him out – his message , it appeals to everyone .
”

In California’s state capitol, Pete Buttigieg asked supporters to “bottle up” whatever enthusiasm propelled them to come see him and share it with family and friends. “California, I believe you can make me the next president of the United States,” he told a crowd of supporters at a town hall event on Friday night.
It was an admission – and a plea. With 494 delegates at stake in the nation’s most populous state, California acts as a gatekeeper to the general election in November.
The 38-year-old former mayor of a midsize midwestern city won the most delegates in Iowa, and the second-most votes in New Hampshire – both predominantly white states. Now, his campaign is scrambling to win over the diverse electorates in three forthcoming primary states: Nevada, South Carolina and California. So far, Buttigieg has struggled to earn the backing of voters of color.
Only 4% of black Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters supported Buttigieg in a Quinnipiac poll published on Monday. By contrast, 27% of black voters supported the former vice-president Joe Biden. Buttigieg is also polling in the low single digits among Latinos, who make up 19% of likely voters in California – with Asian Americans making up another 13%. The former South Bend, Indiana, mayor has acknowledged his struggle to court communities of color but says he’s confident the momentum he’s gained in Iowa and New Hampshire will win them over.
Despite Sacramento’s largely minority population, the crowd at Buttigieg’s town hall was predominantly white. So far, Buttigieg has spent much of his time in California connecting with wealthy donors in Silicon Valley and Hollywood. His courting of millionaires and billionaires, and in particular his lavish Napa wine cave fundraiser, have drawn sneers from some of his progressive competitors.
Now his campaign is reaching for more diverse crowds. Ahead of next week’s caucuses in Nevada, he’s on a whirlwind tour of the West, with Friday stops in San Francisco and Palo Alto, as well as Turlock, a Central Valley town where he is helping raise money to boost down-ballot Democrats.
This week his campaign also launched an ad in Nevada that features the polyglot Buttigieg pitching himself in Spanish as “the president who will turn the page and unify our very polarized country”.
His moderate appeal is what attracted Eileen Ikeda. “I’m looking for some who’s not extremely left or right,” she said at the Friday town hall. “That’s why he appeals to so many older people – our generation is that way.”
But Ikeda, 70, said she does worry about his lack of support among minorities and young people: “He needs to maybe put more effort and address them more.”
Buttigieg arrives at his New Hampshire primary night rally in Nashua on 11 February. Photograph: Jim Bourg/Reuters
To that end, ahead of this visit to Sacramento, Buttigieg’s campaign added 16 full-time campaign staffers. To lead his campaign efforts in California, Buttigieg has installed Cecilia Cabello, a former official in the Los Angeles mayor Eric Garcetti’s administration and Hillary Clinton’s deputy political director in the 2016 Democratic primary. Cabello, who has close ties to organized labor in California, having worked for a carpenters’ union, could help Buttigieg access the right networks to win over the state’s electorate.
“It takes a lot of time and resources and also a lot of knowledge about California and California’s many diverse communities,” said Mindy Romero, who heads the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California. All else equal, a campaign manager with “deep knowledge of the state and connections here” can give candidates a real boost, she notes.
Buttigieg’s California operation is still much smaller than those of other candidates. And while he has by far attended more fundraisers in California than any other Democratic primary contender, Bernie Sanders – who has hired five times as many campaign staffers in the state – has held more public events.
Still, Buttigieg’s surge in national polls and his strong showing in the early primary states seemed to draw in supporters of other candidates, now willing to give him a second look. “I’m pretty invested in Elizabeth Warren,” said Jack Haskel. “But I’m also on the whoever-can-beat-Trump train. So I came to see who Pete is.”
At the town hall, West Sacramento’s mayor Christopher Cabaldon pulled questions out of a fishbowl for Buttigieg to answer. A few of them were softballs. “What is it about Chasten” – Buttigieg’s husband – “that made you fall in love with him?” Cabaldon read out. “It’s signed, ‘Chasten.’”
But Buttigieg also answered a question that political pundits and pollsters have been asking lately: how does he plan to win the African American vote? Buttigieg said he would “earn it.”
“Sometimes they talk about the black vote like it’s some guy. Let’s respect that this is not some monolithic community,” he said, before listing out a range of issues – including economic disparities, environmental justice and criminal justice reform – that he’d address as president. His credibility on the latter, in particular, has come into question as his national profile has risen.
Buttigieg has had to play down his handling of race relations in South Bend. During the debate in New Hampshire, Buttigieg equivocated when asked about the racial disparities in his city’s arrests for marijuana possession. He had also faced criticism for firing South Bend’s black police chief in 2012 after the chief recorded white officers using racist language. In June, Buttigieg had to pull himself away from his presidential campaign and return to South Bend after a fatal shooting of a black man by a white officer.
Pete Buttigieg speaks in Sacramento, California. Photograph: Rich Pedroncelli/AP
In Sacramento, where the memory hasn’t faded of two police officers killing 22-year-old Stephon Clark with impunity in his grandmother’s backyard, Buttigieg avoided addressing the issue of policing, beyond vague mentions of reducing prison populations.
It’s not only his past that Buttigieg has had to contend with. In January, the New York Times interviewed current and former campaign staffers of color who said they felt tokenized and disrespected. His tone-deaf references to the “American Heartland” and assertion that kids in “lower-income, minority neighborhoods” lack “someone who they know personally who testifies to the value of education” haven’t helped matters either.
For Sheila Gibson, a retired assistant superintendent of schools who came to the event with her daughter, Buttigieg is a good candidate despite those controversies. “You know what? He’s still white,” she said. “You can’t hold one man responsible for the system.”
While Gibson said she hasn’t decided who she’ll ultimately vote for in the primaries, she sees Buttigieg as a top contender — who can reach her community as long as he put in the effort. “He needs to visit black universities, and he needs to visit black churches — he’s got to go to where people vote,” she said. “He’s good and he’ll learn as he goes,” she said.
It helps that when he speaks, Gibson added, “he has that cadence when he speaks that Obama has”.
By the time Buttigieg had wrapped up, Anand Prakash had tears in his eyes. The 43-year-old drove more than two hours from the Bay Area to see Mayor Pete. Prakash supported Sanders in the 2016 primaries, but this time around he said Buttigieg’s ability to appeal to both the left and right won him over.
“We need someone like him,” Prakash said, showing off a selfie he’d snagged with Buttigieg. Prakash has heard the critiques that Buttigieg lacks support among younger voters and people of color. “You know, I don’t even try to convince my friends to support him,” he said. “I just say to hear him out – his message, it appeals to everyone.”