theguardian--2020-11-03--It's not just Trump – to much of the world, the US is a bully whoever is in charge | Mohammed Hanif

Our American friends are worried about their president .
They are telling us – even in what may be his final months in office – that Donald Trump is sick , that he is a fascist , that he is a grotesque parody of a proper US president .
As a long-suffering citizen of a world run by US presidents , may I remind them that he is not very different from the other presidents that I and the rest of the non-American world have suffered for the past half century .
Americans say they are better people than Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tempted to say that , yes , sure , we are also better people than Trump .
But one is compelled to add that although those former presidents might have had better syntax than Trump , worn better-fitted suits , had finer dance moves , weren ’ t proud “ pussy grabbers ” , or cunning tax dodgers , being a world-class bully has always been a part of the job .
The US has always elected a bully , nurtured him and asked him to go out in the world and do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that is the rest of us .
At the same time they have expected their president to be nice at home , have mercy on their Thanksgiving turkey and keep talking about the American dream and affordable healthcare .
Abroad , US presidents have wrought havoc , invaded and destroyed places whose names they could never pronounce , hosted murderous dictators from around the world at Camp David and found even more bloodthirsty ones to replace them .
Trump has just brought all that bullying home .
The first US president that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who was kicked out after Watergate .
But during his presidency , he watched over the massacre of Bangladeshi people , kept promising to intervene but in the end couldn ’ t be bothered .
Jimmy Carter seemed like a nice man , a reluctant bully , perhaps .
One might have first heard that blasted term “ human rights ” during his time , but in Pakistan , where I live , a military dictator hanged an elected prime minister , Zulfikar Ali Bhutto , during his presidency .
In return @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of dollars in aid to win him over , which the dictator rejected , calling it peanuts – the joke being that Carter was a peanut farmer .
Then came that sage Ronald Reagan , who started dishing out serious money to play out his cowboy fantasies across the globe .
“ Leader of the free world ” he called himself .
And to make the world freer , he bankrolled dictators like Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Zia in Pakistan .
When Reagan started funding the mujahideen in Afghanistan , I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from university , and a third generation of poor US kids is still fighting and negotiating in the same country .
And a fourth generation of Afghans is growing up in refugee camps and women are wondering if , when the US finally succeed in their peace talks , they will have a country to live in .
George Bush Sr lit up the Baghdad skyline with his fireworks .
He took money from one despot to liberate another and in between tried to fund Iraqi rebels before leaving them at the mercy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Didn ’ t we love Bill Clinton ?
Wasn ’ t he the antithesis of Trump , suave , a charmer , the kind of person you could have a beer with ?
When Clinton faced impeachment for his relations with Monica Lewinsky , he launched some cruise missiles over Afghanistan and Sudan as a distraction .
Americans must have loved George W Bush because they elected him twice .
He believed that instigating a war with Afghanistan was something a US president was required to do .
But then he realised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much to destroy .
In search of target-rich areas he lighted on Iraq , manufactured a pretext for war , set up prisons in Guantánamo and Abu Ghraib , then declared victory and went home leaving behind millions to die .
Even mild-mannered US presidents have been mass murderers on the world stage .
Because that ’ s what the job entails .
Barack Obama was one of the most loved president of recent times , the kind of man who you could actually imagine have a beer with .
He left the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his foreign policy left Libya annihilated .
By the end of his tenure , the US was dropping the equivalent of nearly three bombs an hour every single day .
( In 2009 , he won the Nobel peace prize for his good intentions . )
Americans are the world ’ s biggest entertainers , but seem to get bored easily and in their fabled innocence go around the world destroying places in order to save them .
At home they keep telling themselves that it ’ s time to make a choice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do they have ?
Trump makes the US look bad , makes the US look too white , makes the US speak bad English , makes the US look ill-mannered , greedy , overweight .
But as far as many of us around the world are concerned , even if he loses , it ’ s not a sign that the US is about to change ; it really just heralds a bit of a makeover .
The US needs a lean mascot , someone who wears better suits , who is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like the boss who goes to work terrorising his employees but comes home to spread sunshine and love .
Deal with Trump by all means , lock the door and throw away the key .
Elect the person you believe will save the US soul – but don ’ t send him out into the world to save us .

Our American friends are worried about their president. They are telling us – even in what may be his final months in office – that Donald Trump is sick, that he is a fascist, that he is a grotesque parody of a proper US president.
As a long-suffering citizen of a world run by US presidents, may I remind them that he is not very different from the other presidents that I and the rest of the non-American world have suffered for the past half century. Americans say they are better people than Trump. In solidarity, one might be tempted to say that, yes, sure, we are also better people than Trump. But one is compelled to add that although those former presidents might have had better syntax than Trump, worn better-fitted suits, had finer dance moves, weren’t proud “pussy grabbers”, or cunning tax dodgers, being a world-class bully has always been a part of the job.
The US has always elected a bully, nurtured him and asked him to go out in the world and do the presidential thing: fight the evil that is the rest of us. At the same time they have expected their president to be nice at home, have mercy on their Thanksgiving turkey and keep talking about the American dream and affordable healthcare.
Abroad, US presidents have wrought havoc, invaded and destroyed places whose names they could never pronounce, hosted murderous dictators from around the world at Camp David and found even more bloodthirsty ones to replace them.
Trump has just brought all that bullying home.
‘Jimmy Carter seemed like a nice man, a reluctant bully, perhaps.’ Photograph: Ric Feld/AP
The first US president that I heard of as a child was Nixon, who was kicked out after Watergate. But during his presidency, he watched over the massacre of Bangladeshi people, kept promising to intervene but in the end couldn’t be bothered. Jimmy Carter seemed like a nice man, a reluctant bully, perhaps. One might have first heard that blasted term “human rights” during his time, but in Pakistan, where I live, a military dictator hanged an elected prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, during his presidency. In return, Carter offered General Zia ul-Haq millions of dollars in aid to win him over, which the dictator rejected, calling it peanuts – the joke being that Carter was a peanut farmer.
Then came that sage Ronald Reagan, who started dishing out serious money to play out his cowboy fantasies across the globe. “Leader of the free world” he called himself. And to make the world freer, he bankrolled dictators like Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Zia in Pakistan.
When Reagan started funding the mujahideen in Afghanistan, I was 11; now my son has graduated from university, and a third generation of poor US kids is still fighting and negotiating in the same country. And a fourth generation of Afghans is growing up in refugee camps and women are wondering if, when the US finally succeed in their peace talks, they will have a country to live in.
‘When Bill Clinton faced impeachment for his relations with Monica Lewinsky, he launched some cruise missiles over Afghanistan and Sudan as a distraction.’ Photograph: Larry Downing/Reuters
George Bush Sr lit up the Baghdad skyline with his fireworks. He took money from one despot to liberate another and in between tried to fund Iraqi rebels before leaving them at the mercy of a third despot, Saddam Hussein. Didn’t we love Bill Clinton? Wasn’t he the antithesis of Trump, suave, a charmer, the kind of person you could have a beer with? When Clinton faced impeachment for his relations with Monica Lewinsky, he launched some cruise missiles over Afghanistan and Sudan as a distraction.
Americans must have loved George W Bush because they elected him twice. He believed that instigating a war with Afghanistan was something a US president was required to do. But then he realised that his predecessors hadn’t left much to destroy. In search of target-rich areas he lighted on Iraq, manufactured a pretext for war, set up prisons in Guantánamo and Abu Ghraib, then declared victory and went home leaving behind millions to die. Even mild-mannered US presidents have been mass murderers on the world stage. Because that’s what the job entails.
Barack Obama was one of the most loved president of recent times, the kind of man who you could actually imagine have a beer with. He left the killings to algorithms and drones, while his foreign policy left Libya annihilated. By the end of his tenure, the US was dropping the equivalent of nearly three bombs an hour every single day. (In 2009, he won the Nobel peace prize for his good intentions.)
Americans are the world’s biggest entertainers, but seem to get bored easily and in their fabled innocence go around the world destroying places in order to save them. At home they keep telling themselves that it’s time to make a choice but, in reality, what choices do they have?
Trump makes the US look bad, makes the US look too white, makes the US speak bad English, makes the US look ill-mannered, greedy, overweight. But as far as many of us around the world are concerned, even if he loses, it’s not a sign that the US is about to change; it really just heralds a bit of a makeover.
The US needs a lean mascot, someone who wears better suits, who is not as overtly racist. US presidents are like the boss who goes to work terrorising his employees but comes home to spread sunshine and love. Deal with Trump by all means, lock the door and throw away the key. Elect the person you believe will save the US soul – but don’t send him out into the world to save us.


theguardian--2020-11-02--Feeling powerless? How foreigners can survive the US election without complete nervous collapse | Va

Feeling powerless? How foreigners can survive the US election without complete nervous collapse | Van Badham

There are only 24 hours to go until the polls close on the American election .
Which is surprising , because the campaign feels like it has been going for eleventy-million-billion years .
Americans , at least , get to vote .
For the rest of the world , the whole experience is like waking up in a cinema that only shows The Fast and the Furious movies , and all of the exits are sealed shut with cement .
We ’ ve been stuck in here with loud noises , annoying characters and zero plot development for months , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoping it all comes to an end without actual loss of life .
Or , you know , a massively increased prospect of nuclear war .
What it ’ s like to be trapped in America ’ s version of that cinema right now is unimaginable .
Circumstances suggest it ’ d involve a lot of audience members holding guns , cheers ringing out whenever stupid lines are delivered and way too much coughing for anyone to feel comfortable .
Elections in other countries universally elicit two responses from those foreign to them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ That ’ s a worry.
” Jacinda Ardern may have transformed New Zealand into the world ’ s idea of Magical Happy Hug Land , but in their last election how many internationals were furiously scanning weighted polling averages at 2am because Wairarapa seemed too close to call ?
Now , millions of us around the world recently sport what I call the “ FiveThirtyEight Pallor ” – a face-bound , sleepless waxiness that results from relentlessly refreshing US poll sites to see if there ’ s any projected movement in Maine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of non-farming , non-Americans now intimately familiar with the price of soybeans in Iowa is a terrifying symptom of these anxious times .
Is there a way for powerless , poll-watching foreigners to get through the next 24 hours – and the aftermath – without complete nervous collapse ?
Probably not .
But let ’ s delude ourselves into thinking that we can follow the below advice and go through this with a sense of calm .
1 .
We must admit to ourselves we are powerless over the US , and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As much as you may want scream HOW CAN YOU VOTE FOR THIS LARGE ORANGE CLOWN to Americans visible on Twitter , don ’ t .
This very publication is haunted by the failure of “ Operation Clark County ” back in 2004 , where British Guardian readers wrote letters of persuasion to a swing district of American voters , requesting politely they not vote for George W Bush .
“ Real Americans aren ’ t interested in your pansy-ass , tea-sipping opinions ” began one of the gentler replies .
If you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some traditional spray cheese-in-a-can or some Twinkies , but to really immerse yourself for the US election , follow the YouTube directions to whip up a Flamin ’ Hot Cheeto Turkey with all the trimmings .
Then , don ’ t eat this food ; stare at it .
Stare at the thick , plastic cheesiness .
The sugary crustiness .
The holy-god-how-is-any-of-this-still-legally-considered-food heart-endangering carbohydration of it all and ask yourself both a ) does Britain really want a trade deal with these people ?
and b ) is doing this to human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ?
No .
No , it isn ’ t .
Do you think you can intuit their political choices now ?
No .
No , you can ’ t .
There are those who believe that Fox is some kind of foul , relentless rightwing propaganda hydra managed by a clan of vampiric undead that wilfully spreads lethal misinformation for fun .
This is not true .
It ’ s actually a sophisticated marketing operation for mass sales of anti-anxiety medication that no one needs until they watch one single uninterrupted minute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and your cardiovascular health : avoid .
4 .
Believe the polls : it ’ s not 2016 any more The 2016 election was a confluence of black swan events : an unpredictable Republican campaign , a polarising Democratic candidate , dark digital operations , WikiLeaks-dumped cache of stolen correspondence , and the FBI ’ s improbable decision to reopen the dead investigation into Clinton ’ s emails collided with outdated polling techniques .
This year , poll techniques are updated , and as much as the Republicans are trying to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s not going to happen .
5 .
Don ’ t believe the polls , have you forgotten 2016 ?
Remember the surety everyone had on election day morning that Clinton would be president by night-time and the tiny-pawed tangerine vagina-grabber would be left hustling for gigs on celebrity baking shows and charity golf events ?
By midnight we were coiled in foetal balls on the living room floor in shock , our cold hands begging for the comfort of a security blanket , or at least a wizard companion to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and terrifying realm .
US polling website Fivethirtyeight.com still gives the carrot-coloured super-spreader a 10 % chance of victory .
There ’ s one thing we know about The Fast and the Furious .
Just when you think that the franchise is finally finished is when you ’ ll find out they ’ re making a sequel .

There are only 24 hours to go until the polls close on the American election. Which is surprising, because the campaign feels like it has been going for eleventy-million-billion years.
Americans, at least, get to vote. For the rest of the world, the whole experience is like waking up in a cinema that only shows The Fast and the Furious movies, and all of the exits are sealed shut with cement.
We’ve been stuck in here with loud noises, annoying characters and zero plot development for months, eating the curtains for food and desperately hoping it all comes to an end without actual loss of life. Or, you know, a massively increased prospect of nuclear war.
What it’s like to be trapped in America’s version of that cinema right now is unimaginable. Circumstances suggest it’d involve a lot of audience members holding guns, cheers ringing out whenever stupid lines are delivered and way too much coughing for anyone to feel comfortable.
Elections in other countries universally elicit two responses from those foreign to them: “She seems nice” or “That’s a worry.” Jacinda Ardern may have transformed New Zealand into the world’s idea of Magical Happy Hug Land, but in their last election how many internationals were furiously scanning weighted polling averages at 2am because Wairarapa seemed too close to call?
Now, millions of us around the world recently sport what I call the “FiveThirtyEight Pallor” – a face-bound, sleepless waxiness that results from relentlessly refreshing US poll sites to see if there’s any projected movement in Maine’s second district. Vast hordes of non-farming, non-Americans now intimately familiar with the price of soybeans in Iowa is a terrifying symptom of these anxious times.
Is there a way for powerless, poll-watching foreigners to get through the next 24 hours – and the aftermath – without complete nervous collapse? Probably not. But let’s delude ourselves into thinking that we can follow the below advice and go through this with a sense of calm.
1. We must admit to ourselves we are powerless over the US, and to think otherwise will make our lives unmanageable
As much as you may want scream HOW CAN YOU VOTE FOR THIS LARGE ORANGE CLOWN to Americans visible on Twitter, don’t. This very publication is haunted by the failure of “Operation Clark County” back in 2004, where British Guardian readers wrote letters of persuasion to a swing district of American voters, requesting politely they not vote for George W Bush. “Real Americans aren’t interested in your pansy-ass, tea-sipping opinions” began one of the gentler replies.
2. Prepare American-themed delicacies for the occasion
If you’re short on time, grab some traditional spray cheese-in-a-can or some Twinkies, but to really immerse yourself for the US election, follow the YouTube directions to whip up a Flamin’ Hot Cheeto Turkey with all the trimmings. Then, don’t eat this food; stare at it. Stare at the thick, plastic cheesiness. The sugary crustiness. The holy-god-how-is-any-of-this-still-legally-considered-food heart-endangering carbohydration of it all and ask yourself both a) does Britain really want a trade deal with these people? and b) is doing this to human food in any way culturally understandable to you? No. No, it isn’t. Do you think you can intuit their political choices now? No. No, you can’t.
3. Don’t watch Fox News coverage
There are those who believe that Fox is some kind of foul, relentless rightwing propaganda hydra managed by a clan of vampiric undead that wilfully spreads lethal misinformation for fun. This is not true. It’s actually a sophisticated marketing operation for mass sales of anti-anxiety medication that no one needs until they watch one single uninterrupted minute of its programming. Save your money, and your cardiovascular health: avoid.
4. Believe the polls: it’s not 2016 any more
The 2016 election was a confluence of black swan events: an unpredictable Republican campaign, a polarising Democratic candidate, dark digital operations, WikiLeaks-dumped cache of stolen correspondence, and the FBI’s improbable decision to reopen the dead investigation into Clinton’s emails collided with outdated polling techniques. This year, poll techniques are updated, and as much as the Republicans are trying to make Hunter Biden’s laptop happen, it’s not going to happen.
5. Don’t believe the polls, have you forgotten 2016?
Remember the surety everyone had on election day morning that Clinton would be president by night-time and the tiny-pawed tangerine vagina-grabber would be left hustling for gigs on celebrity baking shows and charity golf events? By midnight we were coiled in foetal balls on the living room floor in shock, our cold hands begging for the comfort of a security blanket, or at least a wizard companion to guide us through a new, dark and terrifying realm.
6. Vacuum the living room floor. Locate a security blanket. Order a wizard
US polling website Fivethirtyeight.com still gives the carrot-coloured super-spreader a 10% chance of victory.
There’s one thing we know about The Fast and the Furious. Just when you think that the franchise is finally finished is when you’ll find out they’re making a sequel.


theguardian--2020-11-02--Even if Donald Trump loses the election, the US isn't going to heal any time soon | Richard Sennett

Even if Donald Trump loses , his base will not desert him .
Those Maga caps , Trump-branded jackets and gun-butt decals are precious symbols for an estimated 30 % of Americans .
The “ real ” America belongs to them ; if the election turns out wrong , the base will go to extremes to get it back .
In a country of more than 300 million , 30 % of people is a lot of extremists .
Trump ’ s base is in part trying to work out how to use its whiteness as a political tool , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as skin colour .
Excluding outsiders – as when Trump called Mexican migrants “ rapists ” and “ criminal cheats ” – and segregating people of colour inside the country are justified for the same reason ; both groups are regarded as “ impure bodies ” .
But racism alone can ’ t explain the sneering aggression , the viciousness of the base towards other Americans .
The base is animated by a kind of perverse zero-sum game that allows people to feel better about themselves by putting others down .
Conversely , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their own seems to take these needs and rights away from oneself .
It ’ s this zero-sum game that , I think , fuels the hostility of the base towards others .
Ultimately it ’ s a game the player can ’ t win – putting others down can not in the end make you a stronger person – but the base has something like a gambling addiction .
It tries to feel better about itself , doesn ’ t succeed , so keeps playing , attempting to convert anger and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever further to the extremes .
Fifty years ago , while working on our study The Hidden Injuries of Class , Jonathan Cobb and I glimpsed the origins of the zero-sum game in a white , working-class , Democratic stronghold in Boston .
Many of these families had , out of necessity , come into contact with very different people during the second world war at home and abroad , and shared a common fate of insecurity during the Great Depression .
But those shared memories had weakened by the 1970s .
Something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local communities and in their own life purposes .
This absence made them angry – angry at others , expressed in the conviction that elites and the underclass , the socially minded programmes of the Ford Foundation and the ghetto , were in collusion against decent , hard-working Americans like themselves .
The trope did nothing to make them feel better .
What once could be framed as a matter of class – as people left behind during the post-war boom – now is a matter of mass , a sense of something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from top to bottom .
Expressed politically , this sentiment swelled the base in the last election ; Trump voters were a compound of retirees , industrial workers , small-business proprietors and prosperous suburbanites , including a surprisingly large slice of middle-class black people .
These voters are now deserting him ; even many Christian evangelicals seem to have had enough .
That desertion feeds into the most frightening thing about the base .
Betrayal is how its people explain why they are losing the game : they never counted on Harvard , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that icon of American strength .
But then there was John McCain , and after him the parade of ex-generals who tried to bring order into the House of Trump .
Just as McCain was branded a “ loser ” , so the White House view of these soldiers was that they weren ’ t up to the job .
Similarly , doctors like Anthony Fauci undermine people for whom wearing a mask is a sign of weakness , or liberalism , or both .
The generals and the doctors are motivated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concept that lies outside the orbit of the zero-sum game , because you give to others rather than take from them .
In Trump-speak , service is for “ suckers ” .
In other countries and other times , betrayal has fuelled the fire of extremist violence .
After the first world war , the belief among many Germans that they had been betrayed from within legitimised Nazi reprisals against Jews and other perceived internal enemies .
But in the US today , the size of the “ real ” America is shrinking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have sold it out .
After an election that Trump will probably lose , what worries me about the base is that it will shift towards the conspiracy theorists , armed vigilantes , a reborn Ku Klux Klan , because the aggressiveness of such groups can be counted on .
Mainstream America will have turned against the real America .
If this seems too extreme a prospect , you need only remember that in 2016 the accepted wisdom was that anyone like Trump could not possibly be elected .
In the 1970s I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heal in part through local , face-to-face interaction with people who are different .
That hope doesn ’ t make sense today .
I ’ ve lost my empathy for the complex motivations that animate fear and reaction .
The mantra of “ bringing the country together ” loses any meaning as the base hardens and shifts to the extreme right ; instead it has to be held to account for the criminal tendencies encouraged by its leader .
The US isn ’ t going to heal any time soon .
• Richard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LSE and visiting professor of architecture at Cambridge University

Even if Donald Trump loses, his base will not desert him. Those Maga caps, Trump-branded jackets and gun-butt decals are precious symbols for an estimated 30% of Americans. The “real” America belongs to them; if the election turns out wrong, the base will go to extremes to get it back. In a country of more than 300 million, 30% of people is a lot of extremists.
Trump’s base is in part trying to work out how to use its whiteness as a political tool, conveying purity and nostalgic wholesomeness as well as skin colour. Excluding outsiders – as when Trump called Mexican migrants “rapists” and “criminal cheats” – and segregating people of colour inside the country are justified for the same reason; both groups are regarded as “impure bodies”. But racism alone can’t explain the sneering aggression, the viciousness of the base towards other Americans.
The base is animated by a kind of perverse zero-sum game that allows people to feel better about themselves by putting others down. Conversely, recognising that others have needs and rights of their own seems to take these needs and rights away from oneself. It’s this zero-sum game that, I think, fuels the hostility of the base towards others. Ultimately it’s a game the player can’t win – putting others down cannot in the end make you a stronger person – but the base has something like a gambling addiction. It tries to feel better about itself, doesn’t succeed, so keeps playing, attempting to convert anger and contempt into self-worth. Frustration pushes it ever further to the extremes.
Fifty years ago, while working on our study The Hidden Injuries of Class, Jonathan Cobb and I glimpsed the origins of the zero-sum game in a white, working-class, Democratic stronghold in Boston. Many of these families had, out of necessity, come into contact with very different people during the second world war at home and abroad, and shared a common fate of insecurity during the Great Depression.
But those shared memories had weakened by the 1970s. Something now seemed missing, both in their local communities and in their own life purposes. This absence made them angry – angry at others, expressed in the conviction that elites and the underclass, the socially minded programmes of the Ford Foundation and the ghetto, were in collusion against decent, hard-working Americans like themselves. The trope did nothing to make them feel better.
What once could be framed as a matter of class – as people left behind during the post-war boom – now is a matter of mass, a sense of something gone wrong that cuts through the US from top to bottom. Expressed politically, this sentiment swelled the base in the last election; Trump voters were a compound of retirees, industrial workers, small-business proprietors and prosperous suburbanites, including a surprisingly large slice of middle-class black people. These voters are now deserting him; even many Christian evangelicals seem to have had enough.
That desertion feeds into the most frightening thing about the base. Betrayal is how its people explain why they are losing the game: they never counted on Harvard, but they did count on the military, that icon of American strength. But then there was John McCain, and after him the parade of ex-generals who tried to bring order into the House of Trump. Just as McCain was branded a “loser”, so the White House view of these soldiers was that they weren’t up to the job.
Similarly, doctors like Anthony Fauci undermine people for whom wearing a mask is a sign of weakness, or liberalism, or both. The generals and the doctors are motivated by service – and service is a concept that lies outside the orbit of the zero-sum game, because you give to others rather than take from them. In Trump-speak, service is for “suckers”.
In other countries and other times, betrayal has fuelled the fire of extremist violence. After the first world war, the belief among many Germans that they had been betrayed from within legitimised Nazi reprisals against Jews and other perceived internal enemies. But in the US today, the size of the “real” America is shrinking as the list grows of people who have sold it out.
After an election that Trump will probably lose, what worries me about the base is that it will shift towards the conspiracy theorists, armed vigilantes, a reborn Ku Klux Klan, because the aggressiveness of such groups can be counted on. Mainstream America will have turned against the real America. If this seems too extreme a prospect, you need only remember that in 2016 the accepted wisdom was that anyone like Trump could not possibly be elected.
In the 1970s I thought the hidden injuries of class might heal in part through local, face-to-face interaction with people who are different. That hope doesn’t make sense today. I’ve lost my empathy for the complex motivations that animate fear and reaction. The mantra of “bringing the country together” loses any meaning as the base hardens and shifts to the extreme right; instead it has to be held to account for the criminal tendencies encouraged by its leader. The US isn’t going to heal any time soon.


theguardian--2020-11-02--It's been a strange trip. Four years ago, who would've thought Biden might win? | Art Cullen

Nearly a year ago , at the side of a snowy and windswept county road in north-west Iowa , I climbed the steps on to the “ No Malarkey ” campaign bus .
Joe Biden rose to greet me .
“ Where have I been ?
In South Carolina , that ’ s where !
” We had seen all the candidates but him – Pete Buttigieg was practically a nextdoor neighbor .
The week before , we had asked in a headline in our little country paper : “ Where ’ s Joe ?
” Donald Trump had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate .
The Iowa caucuses were a few weeks off .
Former Iowa governor Tom Vilsack , agriculture secretary in the Obama administration , rode shotgun while Biden held forth for a half-hour on fighting climate change through regenerative farming practices .
“ It all starts here .
We can do anything if we put our minds to it , ” Biden declared .
And it all ends here .
The former vice-president held a parking lot rally in Des Moines on the Friday before election day , his final call in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his route to the White House but never quite won .
When the February caucuses cleared , Biden was down in the pack .
Buttigieg and Bernie Sanders were tied for first in a delayed result from a failed cellphone reporting app that may well have doomed Iowa ’ s half-century run as first-in-the-nation .
Nevada is itching for pole position .
Iowa ’ s role was to winnow the field .
Biden nearly was winnowed here and , a week later , in New Hampshire .
Essentially , a half-dozen Democrats had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a field of 25 .
Mike Bloomberg had his own strategy , bypassing the first states with his bet on Super Tuesday .
He could not bypass Elizabeth Warren , who ripped him to shreds in one of the final debates .
And Biden had done his work in South Carolina .
There , black voters rose up to have their say : No gambling on a lefty .
They wanted Safe Joe to bring it home .
Representative Jim Clyburn , dean of South Carolina politics , touched Biden ’ s shoulder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I know , that blustery day on the bus , how it would play out .
Nor do I know this weekend before the election how this long , strange trip of the last four years will end .
Iowa is in play after Trump won the state by nine percentage points in 2016 .
The 2018 midterms saw two women , Cindy Axne and Abby Finkenauer , defeat two incumbent Republican congressmen .
Senator Joni Ernst , a Republican who did a brain meld with Trump in her first term , watched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % to underwater .
Ernst narrowly trails Democrat Theresa Greenfield in most polls .
Democrats swamped her in fundraising .
Biden holds a slight lead over Trump , who can ’ t afford TV ads in Iowa .
Next door , in Wisconsin , Biden has a healthy margin .
Trump thinks he can take Minnesota , but it appears he is down by double digits .
It ’ s grim for the president in Michigan , as well .
The upper midwest has figured out that trade wars and picking fights with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of agriculture and manufacturing .
Iowa and Wisconsin are among the most export-sensitive states in the nation .
And , as people honked in their cars in the Des Moines parking lot listening to Biden over their FM radios , Iowa set a weekly record for Covid hospitalizations .
It ’ s as bad in Wisconsin , which Biden also hit on Friday along with Minnesota .
Despite the danger , people are lining up for early voting from north to south , masked up and resolute for what surely will be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa , our county auditor expects a smooth and safe election with results by 10pm .
Iowa is your early swing-state bellwether .
If Trump loses Iowa or Ohio , he loses the presidency .
Each is currently a dead heat .
Who would have thought that four years ago – or even two years ago , when candidate John Delaney first crossed our threshold by helping shovel snow from our front door after a blizzard ?
We ’ re worn out from the countless cafe campaign appearances , and rancorous debates , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stream of lies from a corrupter in chief .
A record number turned out for the primaries – in Storm Lake , young Latinos caucused for Sanders in droves .
They protested in the park for Black Lives last summer , and the police knelt right along .
On Labor Day there was a big boat parade for Trump .
His flags fly along those blacktops where the Biden bus ran .
$ 60bn in trade and disaster subsidies to agriculture washed over those fields the past two years .
We were wiped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freak wind storm in 2020 while California and Colorado burned .
We take note and vote .
It all comes down to a few states like Iowa and Wisconsin , where Biden aims to seal that victory at long last .
• None Art Cullen is editor of the Storm Lake Times in north-west Iowa , where he won the Pulitzer prize for editorial writing .
He is a Guardian US columnist and author of the book Storm Lake : Change , Resilience , and Hope from America ’ s Heartland

Nearly a year ago, at the side of a snowy and windswept county road in north-west Iowa, I climbed the steps on to the “No Malarkey” campaign bus. Joe Biden rose to greet me. “Where have I been? In South Carolina, that’s where!”
We had seen all the candidates but him – Pete Buttigieg was practically a nextdoor neighbor. The week before, we had asked in a headline in our little country paper: “Where’s Joe?”
Donald Trump had been impeached and was being tried in the Senate. The Iowa caucuses were a few weeks off. Former Iowa governor Tom Vilsack, agriculture secretary in the Obama administration, rode shotgun while Biden held forth for a half-hour on fighting climate change through regenerative farming practices.
“It all starts here. We can do anything if we put our minds to it,” Biden declared.
And it all ends here. The former vice-president held a parking lot rally in Des Moines on the Friday before election day, his final call in a state he had worked since 1988 on his route to the White House but never quite won.
When the February caucuses cleared, Biden was down in the pack. Buttigieg and Bernie Sanders were tied for first in a delayed result from a failed cellphone reporting app that may well have doomed Iowa’s half-century run as first-in-the-nation. Nevada is itching for pole position.
Iowa’s role was to winnow the field. Biden nearly was winnowed here and, a week later, in New Hampshire. Essentially, a half-dozen Democrats had their tickets punched out of Iowa from a field of 25. Mike Bloomberg had his own strategy, bypassing the first states with his bet on Super Tuesday. He could not bypass Elizabeth Warren, who ripped him to shreds in one of the final debates.
And Biden had done his work in South Carolina.
There, black voters rose up to have their say: No gambling on a lefty. They wanted Safe Joe to bring it home. Representative Jim Clyburn, dean of South Carolina politics, touched Biden’s shoulder. That was that. Little did I know, that blustery day on the bus, how it would play out.
Nor do I know this weekend before the election how this long, strange trip of the last four years will end.
Iowa is in play after Trump won the state by nine percentage points in 2016. The 2018 midterms saw two women, Cindy Axne and Abby Finkenauer, defeat two incumbent Republican congressmen. Senator Joni Ernst, a Republican who did a brain meld with Trump in her first term, watched her popularity tank – from over 60% to underwater. Ernst narrowly trails Democrat Theresa Greenfield in most polls. Democrats swamped her in fundraising. Biden holds a slight lead over Trump, who can’t afford TV ads in Iowa.
Next door, in Wisconsin, Biden has a healthy margin. Trump thinks he can take Minnesota, but it appears he is down by double digits. It’s grim for the president in Michigan, as well. The upper midwest has figured out that trade wars and picking fights with your friends can suck the life out of agriculture and manufacturing. Iowa and Wisconsin are among the most export-sensitive states in the nation.
And, as people honked in their cars in the Des Moines parking lot listening to Biden over their FM radios, Iowa set a weekly record for Covid hospitalizations. It’s as bad in Wisconsin, which Biden also hit on Friday along with Minnesota. Despite the danger, people are lining up for early voting from north to south, masked up and resolute for what surely will be a record turnout.
In my corner of Iowa, our county auditor expects a smooth and safe election with results by 10pm. Iowa is your early swing-state bellwether. If Trump loses Iowa or Ohio, he loses the presidency. Each is currently a dead heat. Who would have thought that four years ago – or even two years ago, when candidate John Delaney first crossed our threshold by helping shovel snow from our front door after a blizzard?
We’re worn out from the countless cafe campaign appearances, and rancorous debates, and this damned pandemic, and the stream of lies from a corrupter in chief. A record number turned out for the primaries – in Storm Lake, young Latinos caucused for Sanders in droves. They protested in the park for Black Lives last summer, and the police knelt right along. On Labor Day there was a big boat parade for Trump. His flags fly along those blacktops where the Biden bus ran. $60bn in trade and disaster subsidies to agriculture washed over those fields the past two years. We were wiped out by floods in 2019 and a freak wind storm in 2020 while California and Colorado burned.
We take note and vote. It all comes down to a few states like Iowa and Wisconsin, where Biden aims to seal that victory at long last.


theguardian--2020-11-02--Climate crisis breaks open generational rifts in US families

The climate crisis lingers in the back of Gemma Gutierrez ’ s mind , a gnawing anxiety that blossoms fully when she reads about wildfires , flooding or other climate-related disasters .
It ’ s a nagging concern that clouds how the 16-year-old sees her future .
“ I have a sense of dread , ” says Gutierrez , who lives with her parents in Milwaukee .
“ I dread that in my lifetime the clean water I have now or the parks I ’ m lucky enough to be able to go to won ’ t be there any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Like a growing number of young people in the US , Gutierrez sees climate change casting a long shadow over her adult years .
She has been inspired by Greta Thunberg , the teenage climate activist , and has contacted her local elected representatives to raise her concerns .
The looming US presidential election has only sharpened her fears , as well as underlining a generational rift in her family .
In a scenario playing out in many American families , a sense of despair and outrage among young people over global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even dismissal among some of their older relatives .
“ The climate has always changed and what ’ s the bad part of it getting a bit warmer ?
I like warm days , ” says Dennis Miller , Gutierrez ’ s maternal grandfather , who describes himself as a conservative and credits Donald Trump for building a strong economy before the Covid-19 pandemic hit .
Miller , a former Exxon employee who lives in North Carolina , believes that his granddaughter has been misled over climate change .
( Scientists are unequivocal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activity the primary cause . )
“ Youngsters are youngsters , ” Miller says .
“ Kids go with the crowd and everyone is talking about climate change .
They have to get a bit older and learn a little more.
” Gutierrez plans to write a letter to her grandparents to explain her distress , although she is mindful that previous conversations about climate change have become fractious .
“ I would try to speak to my grandmother but the conversation automatically gets very heated , ” she says .
“ She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things .
What the president says is very authoritative to her .
I feel [ older people ] are voting against the better interests of our climate and I want them to see a different perspective .
I think I would be doing the world a disservice by not trying.
” While polling shows a clear majority of Americans accept that the climate is changing and want the federal government to respond to the myriad threats this poses , the issue has been polarized in the US to extremes not seen in other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans to accept climate science and act against fossil fuel interests has led to two starkly different visions laid out by the 2020 presidential candidates .
While Trump has rolled back dozens of pollution regulations , dismissed and sidelined climate science and pulled the US from the Paris climate accords , Joe Biden is pushing a $ 2tn plan to create a 100 % clean energy grid within 15 years , and has called the climate crisis “ an existential threat ” to the US .
But a generational divide is also opening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young conservatives – increasingly alarmed over the impact of global heating .
An overwhelming 80 % of voters aged between 18 and 29 consider the climate crisis “ a major threat to life on Earth ” , according to a poll taken earlier this year .
Levels of concern among older people , particularly Republican voters , lag significantly .
“ I can see a really clear generational split , ” says Lily Jarosz , a 17-year-old who lives near Pittsburgh .
Jarosz says her parents are “ apolitical Gen X-ers ” while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raises the subject of climate change .
“ She ’ s said to me multiple times ‘ why does it matter ?
’ That hurts me so much , like she doesn ’ t care about me or understand the immediacy of the issue , ” says Jarosz .
“ Climate change is visceral for young people , ” says Kathryn Stevenson , an academic at NC State University who has studied how educating children on climate change raises the level of concern among their parents .
“ They can see this coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stevenson says it is important to confront the issue at home , as well as school .
“ Simple conversations at home seem to be having an impact upon parents , ” she says .
“ It ’ s hard to look a kid in the face and ignore them when they are talking about their future.
” Some of these exchanges can be fraught , however .
Anisa Nanavati , who is 16 , learned about climate change in school , which she says helped her connect the dots to her experiences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staircase when Hurricane Irma menaced her home town of Tampa , Florida , in 2017 .
“ Not only me but a lot of my friends are experiencing a sort of climate anxiety , ” Nanavati says .
“ It ’ s crazy to me that parts of my city will become unlivable .
It ’ s hard to digest.
” Nanavati was stunned when her conservative uncle told her he didn ’ t believe in climate change , leading to a two-hour debate at the kitchen table .
“ I said to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave until he got the scientific facts of this , ” she says .
“ I also mentioned his daughter and that her future is at stake , which is one of the moments that changed things with him a bit .
We ended the conversation amicably.
” Anand Shah , the uncle , says that he does in fact accept the science of climate change .
However , he believes that “ “ Anisa , because she ’ s young , wants to make drastic changes now that won ’ t work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ realistic world , that doesn ’ t happen.
” Nanavati says she wants her own family in the future but questions if that will be sensible amid a collapsing environment .
“ If you just think ‘ I won ’ t be around then , I ’ ll just won ’ t care and take the lower taxes ’ then I think that ’ s quite selfish , ” she says .
Trump , Nanavati adds , is a “ threat to everything I love and everyone close to me .
”

The climate crisis lingers in the back of Gemma Gutierrez’s mind, a gnawing anxiety that blossoms fully when she reads about wildfires, flooding or other climate-related disasters. It’s a nagging concern that clouds how the 16-year-old sees her future.
“I have a sense of dread,” says Gutierrez, who lives with her parents in Milwaukee. “I dread that in my lifetime the clean water I have now or the parks I’m lucky enough to be able to go to won’t be there any more. It weighs on my mind.”
Like a growing number of young people in the US, Gutierrez sees climate change casting a long shadow over her adult years. She has been inspired by Greta Thunberg, the teenage climate activist, and has contacted her local elected representatives to raise her concerns.
The looming US presidential election has only sharpened her fears, as well as underlining a generational rift in her family. In a scenario playing out in many American families, a sense of despair and outrage among young people over global heating is being met with indifference and even dismissal among some of their older relatives.
Gemma Gutierrez: ‘I dread that in my lifetime the clean water I have now or the parks I’m lucky enough to be able to go to won’t be there any more.’ Photograph: Gemma Gutierrez
“The climate has always changed and what’s the bad part of it getting a bit warmer? I like warm days,” says Dennis Miller, Gutierrez’s maternal grandfather, who describes himself as a conservative and credits Donald Trump for building a strong economy before the Covid-19 pandemic hit.
Miller, a former Exxon employee who lives in North Carolina, believes that his granddaughter has been misled over climate change. (Scientists are unequivocal that the climate is changing with human activity the primary cause.) “Youngsters are youngsters,” Miller says. “Kids go with the crowd and everyone is talking about climate change. They have to get a bit older and learn a little more.”
Gutierrez plans to write a letter to her grandparents to explain her distress, although she is mindful that previous conversations about climate change have become fractious. “I would try to speak to my grandmother but the conversation automatically gets very heated,” she says. “She will get very defensive and say hurtful things. What the president says is very authoritative to her. I feel [older people] are voting against the better interests of our climate and I want them to see a different perspective. I think I would be doing the world a disservice by not trying.”
I want older people to see a different perspective. I would be doing the world a disservice by not trying
While polling shows a clear majority of Americans accept that the climate is changing and want the federal government to respond to the myriad threats this poses, the issue has been polarized in the US to extremes not seen in other leading democracies.
An ideological aversion among Republicans to accept climate science and act against fossil fuel interests has led to two starkly different visions laid out by the 2020 presidential candidates. While Trump has rolled back dozens of pollution regulations, dismissed and sidelined climate science and pulled the US from the Paris climate accords, Joe Biden is pushing a $2tn plan to create a 100% clean energy grid within 15 years, and has called the climate crisis “an existential threat” to the US.
But a generational divide is also opening up, with younger people – even young conservatives – increasingly alarmed over the impact of global heating. An overwhelming 80% of voters aged between 18 and 29 consider the climate crisis “a major threat to life on Earth”, according to a poll taken earlier this year. Levels of concern among older people, particularly Republican voters, lag significantly.
“I can see a really clear generational split,” says Lily Jarosz, a 17-year-old who lives near Pittsburgh. Jarosz says her parents are “apolitical Gen X-ers” while her grandmother is openly hostile when she raises the subject of climate change. “She’s said to me multiple times ‘why does it matter?’ That hurts me so much, like she doesn’t care about me or understand the immediacy of the issue,” says Jarosz.
“Climate change is visceral for young people,” says Kathryn Stevenson, an academic at NC State University who has studied how educating children on climate change raises the level of concern among their parents. “They can see this coming down on them in their future.”
Stevenson says it is important to confront the issue at home, as well as school. “Simple conversations at home seem to be having an impact upon parents,” she says. “It’s hard to look a kid in the face and ignore them when they are talking about their future.”
Anisa Nanavati with her family members. Photograph: Courtesy Anisa Nanavati
Some of these exchanges can be fraught, however. Anisa Nanavati, who is 16, learned about climate change in school, which she says helped her connect the dots to her experiences of scorching heatwaves and hiding under the staircase when Hurricane Irma menaced her home town of Tampa, Florida, in 2017. “Not only me but a lot of my friends are experiencing a sort of climate anxiety,” Nanavati says. “It’s crazy to me that parts of my city will become unlivable. It’s hard to digest.”
Nanavati was stunned when her conservative uncle told her he didn’t believe in climate change, leading to a two-hour debate at the kitchen table. “I said to him I wasn’t going to leave until he got the scientific facts of this,” she says. “I also mentioned his daughter and that her future is at stake, which is one of the moments that changed things with him a bit. We ended the conversation amicably.”
Anand Shah, the uncle, says that he does in fact accept the science of climate change. However, he believes that ““Anisa, because she’s young, wants to make drastic changes now that won’t work in the long run. In a realistic world, that doesn’t happen.”
Nanavati says she wants her own family in the future but questions if that will be sensible amid a collapsing environment. “If you just think ‘I won’t be around then, I’ll just won’t care and take the lower taxes’ then I think that’s quite selfish,” she says. Trump, Nanavati adds, is a “threat to everything I love and everyone close to me.”


theguardian--2020-11-02--Lone Star turn: Kamala Harris campaigns in Texas in bid to flip state

Jesus Quintanilla , 20 , from San Juan on the US-Mexico border , and his family had packed into their car and lined up outside the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley campus to hear vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris .
They were turned away after being informed it was invitation-only at the voter-mobilization event .
Undeterred , Quintanilla crawled under a fence and after getting scolded by the Secret Service found a spot where he could watch .
Harris didn ’ t risk saying explicitly that she was there last Friday to flip Texas in the election , she left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former rivals for the presidential nomination , Beto O ’ Rourke and Julián Castro , who came to stump for her and see this border community as key .
She flew into nearby McAllen , which is most likely to ring a bell in the wider world for Trump-era scenes of trauma .
It was in the city that border agents separated migrant children from their families and caged them under hardline immigration policies , some not to see their parents again to this day .
The area has also been hit hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ waving , beaming Harris sashayed on stage in jeans , blazer and her now-signature Converse sneakers with “ 2020 ” on the heel , to exuberant cheering and Mary J Blige ’ s Work That blasting from speakers .
“ They often criticize you for your skin tone , wan na hold your head high , ” the R & B lyrics blared to about 200 vehicles gathered for the drive-in rally from various parts of the predominantly Hispanic region known as the Rio Grande Valley .
The rest of Quintanilla ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see the event from a nearby property , which was quickly filling up with Donald Trump supporters , who heckled without wearing masks .
This shocked the Quintanillas , who have struggled with unemployment and illness since Covid-19 took turns infecting their family members during a pandemic surge in in the valley this summer .
“ July was the worst time .
My dad didn ’ t have a job .
I didn ’ t have a job .
The only one working was my sister and she ’ s the one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Quintanilla told the Guardian later .
Like a majority of local families , the Quintanillas were uninsured .
“ We can ’ t pay for this , ” he said , referring to the kind of medicines available to the president when he caught coronavirus , but not to all , adding : “ Our family members would just send us random remedies they found on Facebook.
” The interference by Trump supporters was far from an isolated incident , with a Biden campaign bus almost run off the road later seeming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s visit to Texas just before election day began in Forth Worth , then Edinburg , then Houston .
The three counties incorporating those places , Tarrant , Hidalgo and Harris , respectively , feature prominently on Texas ’ grim list of Covid-19 ’ s impact .
Harris county has reported the highest number of Covid-19 fatalities at 2,806 .
Hidalgo is the eighth most populous county but has the Lone Star state ’ s second highest death toll at 1,699 , while Tarrant ’ s is sixth .
“ It didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Kamala Harris said as she prefaced journalist Bob Woodward ’ s reporting that the president was warned of the virus ’ danger to America on 28 January , much earlier than the public , and deliberately played it down .
“ Can you imagine , Rio Grande [ Valley ] , what you would ’ ve done on 28 January if you had known what the president had known ?
What you as a frontline worker … as a parent … a teacher … a small business owner , what you would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans ’ sustained efforts to undo the Affordable Care Act .
Rally-goers honked their horns when she asked whether they knew someone with breast cancer , lupus , diabetes , or high-blood pressure .
Jesus Quintanilla was rooting for left-winger Bernie Sanders before he was beaten to the presidential nomination by Joe Biden .
But he has already cast his ballot for Biden and Harris .
“ She ’ s more moderate , but if that ’ s what it takes to appeal to most Democrats , then that ’ s fine by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Harris counties are blue for the Democrats , Tarrant narrowly Republican red .
As Harris alighted from her plane in McAllen on Friday , a pool reporter had asked her why she was campaigning in south Texas .
The California senator said : “ Because there are people here who matter.
” In her Edinburg speech , there was no mention of reliably-Republican Texas ’ s evolution into a battleground state this cycle .
But those stumping with her were willing to be hostages to fortune .
Julián Castro took the stage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in more than a generation , Texas is going to go Democratic on Tuesday night.
” His twin brother , congressman Joaquin Castro , added : “ We have a chance to take this country in a different direction , to take the politics of Texas in a different direction , to get ready to replace the statewide Republican leadership in 2022.
” And Beto O ’ Rourke , another 2020 presidential rival , also warmed up for Harris on stage , having driven the 750 miles to the eastern end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ district at the far western end , El Paso .
The areas have similar demographics , economics , and political leanings .
“ This community … listen to me , folks , with the polls showing Donald Trump and Joe Biden tied in Texas , it could put our 38 electoral college votes… [ it ] could end this national nightmare on 3 November , ” he said .
Outside a Hidalgo county polling site in Palmview , earlier in the day , he explained why turnout was especially crucial this year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the [ Rio Grande ] Valley , like my hometown of El Paso , has always been taken for granted , because it ’ s so reliably blue.
” The valley has low voter turnout and the Democratic party has neglected to campaign there – but not this year , O ’ Rourke said .
They ’ re looking at the big picture as Democratic support builds across the state , with an eye on winning the popular vote in Texas and therefore , with the winner-takes-all system , the state ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college , which clinches the presidency .
He gestured around him , explaining : “ The Valley holds the key to deciding how Texas will do .
And Texas holds the key in determining who the next president of the United States will be , so I think it ’ s all here.
” By Friday night , 9.6 million Texans had voted early , already more than the entire Texas vote in 2016 , and representing 57 % of registered voters statewide , though only 48 % of registered voters in Hidalgo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few days still to go and a quarter of people in the county normally waiting to vote until election day itself , Harris and her cohort clearly saw a campaign stop in Edinburg as worth it .
O ’ Rourke emphasized that in such a solidly Democratic county , higher turnout overall translates into disproportionately more votes for Biden going into the state ’ s popular vote pot .
He said : “ If we get six out of every 10 voters , then not only does the Valley break every voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ] puts Texas over the top for Joe Biden.
” “ Do I think we ’ re going to be blue this time ?
I don ’ t know for sure , ” he said , adding : “ Hopefully .
”

Sign up for the Guardian’s First Thing newsletter
Jesus Quintanilla, 20, from San Juan on the US-Mexico border, and his family had packed into their car and lined up outside the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley campus to hear vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris.
They were turned away after being informed it was invitation-only at the voter-mobilization event.
Undeterred, Quintanilla crawled under a fence and after getting scolded by the Secret Service found a spot where he could watch.
Harris didn’t risk saying explicitly that she was there last Friday to flip Texas in the election, she left that to state Democratic luminaries and her former rivals for the presidential nomination, Beto O’Rourke and Julián Castro, who came to stump for her and see this border community as key.
She flew into nearby McAllen, which is most likely to ring a bell in the wider world for Trump-era scenes of trauma. It was in the city that border agents separated migrant children from their families and caged them under hardline immigration policies, some not to see their parents again to this day.
The area has also been hit hard by coronavirus.
At 4.43pm, a waving, beaming Harris sashayed on stage in jeans, blazer and her now-signature Converse sneakers with “2020” on the heel, to exuberant cheering and Mary J Blige’s Work That blasting from speakers.
“They often criticize you for your skin tone, wanna hold your head high,” the R&B lyrics blared to about 200 vehicles gathered for the drive-in rally from various parts of the predominantly Hispanic region known as the Rio Grande Valley.
Left to right: Joaquin Castro, Beto O’Rourke, Henry Cuellar, Vicente Gonzalez, Senator Kamala Harris and Julián Castro wave to to the crowd at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley’s Edinburg campus in Texas on Friday. Photograph: Delcia Lopez/AP
The rest of Quintanilla’s family stayed in their car and strained to see the event from a nearby property, which was quickly filling up with Donald Trump supporters, who heckled without wearing masks.
This shocked the Quintanillas, who have struggled with unemployment and illness since Covid-19 took turns infecting their family members during a pandemic surge in in the valley this summer.
“July was the worst time. My dad didn’t have a job. I didn’t have a job. The only one working was my sister and she’s the one that ended up catching the virus,” Quintanilla told the Guardian later.
Like a majority of local families, the Quintanillas were uninsured.
“We can’t pay for this,” he said, referring to the kind of medicines available to the president when he caught coronavirus, but not to all, adding: “Our family members would just send us random remedies they found on Facebook.”
The interference by Trump supporters was far from an isolated incident, with a Biden campaign bus almost run off the road later seeming to delight the president.
Harris’s visit to Texas just before election day began in Forth Worth, then Edinburg, then Houston.
The three counties incorporating those places, Tarrant, Hidalgo and Harris, respectively, feature prominently on Texas’ grim list of Covid-19’s impact.
Kamala Harris at a campaign event in Edinburg, Texas, on 30 October. Photograph: Veronica Cardenas/Reuters
Harris county has reported the highest number of Covid-19 fatalities at 2,806. Hidalgo is the eighth most populous county but has the Lone Star state’s second highest death toll at 1,699, while Tarrant’s is sixth.
“It didn’t have to be this bad,” Kamala Harris said as she prefaced journalist Bob Woodward’s reporting that the president was warned of the virus’ danger to America on 28 January, much earlier than the public, and deliberately played it down.
“Can you imagine, Rio Grande [Valley], what you would’ve done on 28 January if you had known what the president had known? What you as a frontline worker … as a parent … a teacher … a small business owner, what you would have done?”
She segued into Republicans’ sustained efforts to undo the Affordable Care Act. Rally-goers honked their horns when she asked whether they knew someone with breast cancer, lupus, diabetes, or high-blood pressure.
Jesus Quintanilla was rooting for left-winger Bernie Sanders before he was beaten to the presidential nomination by Joe Biden.
But he has already cast his ballot for Biden and Harris.
“She’s more moderate, but if that’s what it takes to appeal to most Democrats, then that’s fine by me,” he said.
Hidalgo and Harris counties are blue for the Democrats, Tarrant narrowly Republican red.
As Harris alighted from her plane in McAllen on Friday, a pool reporter had asked her why she was campaigning in south Texas. The California senator said: “Because there are people here who matter.”
In her Edinburg speech, there was no mention of reliably-Republican Texas’s evolution into a battleground state this cycle.
But those stumping with her were willing to be hostages to fortune.
Austin Fuentes poses for a photo during a Kamala Harris campaign event in Edinburg, Texas. Photograph: Veronica Cardenas/Reuters
Julián Castro took the stage and declared: “For the first time in more than a generation, Texas is going to go Democratic on Tuesday night.”
His twin brother, congressman Joaquin Castro, added: “We have a chance to take this country in a different direction, to take the politics of Texas in a different direction, to get ready to replace the statewide Republican leadership in 2022.”
And Beto O’Rourke, another 2020 presidential rival, also warmed up for Harris on stage, having driven the 750 miles to the eastern end of the Texas-Mexico border from his former congressional district at the far western end, El Paso.
The areas have similar demographics, economics, and political leanings.
“This community … listen to me, folks, with the polls showing Donald Trump and Joe Biden tied in Texas, it could put our 38 electoral college votes…[it] could end this national nightmare on 3 November,” he said.
Outside a Hidalgo county polling site in Palmview, earlier in the day, he explained why turnout was especially crucial this year, telling the Guardian: “I think the [Rio Grande] Valley, like my hometown of El Paso, has always been taken for granted, because it’s so reliably blue.”
The valley has low voter turnout and the Democratic party has neglected to campaign there – but not this year, O’Rourke said. They’re looking at the big picture as Democratic support builds across the state, with an eye on winning the popular vote in Texas and therefore, with the winner-takes-all system, the state’s valuable haul of votes in the electoral college, which clinches the presidency.
He gestured around him, explaining: “The Valley holds the key to deciding how Texas will do. And Texas holds the key in determining who the next president of the United States will be, so I think it’s all here.”
By Friday night, 9.6 million Texans had voted early, already more than the entire Texas vote in 2016, and representing 57% of registered voters statewide, though only 48% of registered voters in Hidalgo county had cast their ballots.
With a few days still to go and a quarter of people in the county normally waiting to vote until election day itself, Harris and her cohort clearly saw a campaign stop in Edinburg as worth it.
O’Rourke emphasized that in such a solidly Democratic county, higher turnout overall translates into disproportionately more votes for Biden going into the state’s popular vote pot.
He said: “If we get six out of every 10 voters, then not only does the Valley break every voter turnout record ever set, but [it] puts Texas over the top for Joe Biden.”
Quintanilla was more cautious.
“Do I think we’re going to be blue this time? I don’t know for sure,” he said, adding: “Hopefully.”


theguardian--2020-11-02--Trump’s second-term vision? Much like the first with ‘more damage to our democracy’

It was the easiest of questions from the softest of interviewers .
“ What is one of your top priority items for a second term ?
” the Fox News host Sean Hannity asked Donald Trump in June .
But the US president fluffed it , rambling that “ the word experience is a very important word ” , that he had barely slept in Washington before becoming president and did not know many people .
“ You make some mistakes , ” the president continued .
“ An idiot like [ John ] Bolton , all he wanted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You don ’ t have to drop bombs on everybody .
You don ’ t have to kill people.
” As incumbent rather than insurgent , Trump has barely articulated any vision for his second term in subsequent interviews , debates and speeches .
But critics are in little doubt what trajectory four more years of Trump would mean , widening chasms between rich and poor , justice and racism , truth and lies .
It would accelerate American political polarisation to dangerous extremes .
Bill Galston , a former policy adviser to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panel discussion hosted by the Brookings Institution thinktank last week : “ Donald Trump ’ s modus operandi as a candidate and throughout his first term as president was not to unify .
It was to heighten the contradictions , to raise passions on both sides.
” “ I don ’ t think that was a strategy that he can simply turn off at will .
I think it ’ s an important part of who he is and so I would not rate the chances of unity in a second Trump term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out to be in the Trump first term.
” The Republican party broke from tradition by not announcing a new platform of policies at its national convention , but in August the Trump re-election campaign did release a skeletal 49-point “ set of core priorities for a second term ” .
It includes : create 10m new jobs in 10 months ; develop a coronavirus vaccine by the end of 2020 ; bring back 1m manufacturing jobs from China ; teach American exceptionalism ; drain the globalist swamp by taking on international organizations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extremist groups “ like Antifa ” to justice .
It goes on : block illegal immigrants from becoming eligible for taxpayer-funded welfare , healthcare and free college tuition ; stop endless wars and bring our troops home ; continue nominating constitutionalist supreme court and lower court judges ; protect unborn life through every means available .
But details are scarce .
Perhaps more telling is what Trump and his campaign do not say .
If they are successful in overturning Barack Obama ’ s Affordable Care Act , possibly at the supreme court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still not clear what would replace it or how they would protect millions of people with pre-existing conditions .
There has never been a coordinated national strategy for beating the coronavirus pandemic and little sign of one in a second term beyond refusing to contemplate more economic shutdowns .
Mark Meadows , the White House chief of staff , admitted last Sunday : “ We ’ re not going to control the pandemic.
” Trump is pinning his hopes on a vaccine , though how quickly it could be distributed and take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Trump ’ s pitch at campaign rallies is more of the same : four more years of killing regulations , building the wall and draining the swamp .
His new slogan , “ Keep America great ” , was quietly dropped as the pandemic swept the country and killed more than 225,000 Americans .
Now Trump is forced to add a coda to his 2016 line : “ Make America great again , again.
” In July , he was given a second chance by Hannity to outline an agenda .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We ’ re going to defeat the invisible enemy .
We are going to rebuild the economy .
We ’ re going to bring back jobs from all of these foreign lands that have stolen our jobs on horrible trade deals .
We are going to continue to make great trade deals .
We ’ re going to finish rebuilding our wall.
” For Democrats , the prospect of a second Trump is the nightmare scenario that could send America down a path of no return and push the planet ’ s climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and liberated , they argue , to intensify his attacks on norms and institutions , completing his purge of officials deemed disloyal to him .
The Axios website reported last week that if Trump wins re-election , he would immediately fire the FBI director , Christopher Wray , and expect to oust the CIA director , Gina Haspel , and defence secretary , Mark Esper .
Tony Schwartz , who ghostwrote Trump ’ s bestselling book The Art of the Deal but is now an outspoken critic , said : “ He has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he thought he could get away with , and that has been his only constraint .
In other words , he would shoot people on Fifth Avenue if he believed he could get away with it .
“ If he were to be re-elected , I think the licence he would feel , and the power he would at least try and be able to exercise , would make it possible for him to do things that would make us not think much about whether he owes money to some other countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump victory could also be interpreted as evidence that the racial backlash against Barack Obama ’ s , the first Black president , is complete , opening a Pandora ’ s box of bigotry , antisemitism , homophobia , racism and sexism .
Adherents of far-right groups such as the Proud Boys and conspiracy theories such as QAnon could be emboldened as never before in modern times .
The hardline senior White House senior adviser Stephen Miller is reportedly preparing executive orders for an extreme crackdown on immigration .
Drexel Heard , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles , said : “ It ’ s gon na be four more years of chaos , four more years of what we have just witnessed from day one .
The president started his campaign in 2015 , coming down an escalator and fanning the flames of us versus them , talking about Hispanic Americans in the country .
This administration started out lying on day one after inauguration , just about the size of what the inauguration looked like .
So we ’ re going to get more of that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more on expanding the tax cut that they already have and they ’ re also going to have the opportunity to expand and reshape more than they already have our federal judiciary .
There are two supreme court justices [ Stephen Breyer and Clarence Thomas ] that may be on their way out over the next two or three years .
“ And of course this president , having not been able to control this pandemic over the past six months , certainly will put us into probably another year , year and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no idea what they ’ re doing .
But [ White House press secretary ] Kayleigh McEnany is going to go out on to the podium and talk about how they want to send people to Mars .
I ’ m pretty sure we might be better off on Mars than under another four years of a Trump administration.
” On one point there appears to be agreement on all sides .
Trump is not going to “ pivot ” or change course .
A second term would be much like the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world it might indicate a superpower in terminal decline .
The man who was dubbed “ a chaos candidate ” by rival Jeb Bush during the 2016 Republican primary would leave his mark on history with a two-term chaos presidency .
Leon Panetta , a former defense secretary and CIA director , said : “ For too long I kept telling myself that it was a matter of time before he would recognize what he needed to do in order to have a more lasting legacy in history .
But the bottom line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who learns – doesn ’ t want to learn – and will basically continue to do the things that he ’ s done in the first four years the second four years with perhaps even greater damage to our democracy.
” Panetta , co-founder of the Panetta Institute for Public Policy in California , added : “ The way he ’ s dealing with Covid is just a good example that under no circumstances is he going to admit failure .
Under no circumstances is he going to take the actions that need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with it .
Under no circumstances is he going to listen to advisers or more experienced people who understand these issues .
“ And for that reason , we ’ re going to have another four years of Trump unleashed and I don ’ t know what direction that takes the country except into further trouble .
”

Sign up for the Guardian’s First Thing newsletter
It was the easiest of questions from the softest of interviewers. “What is one of your top priority items for a second term?” the Fox News host Sean Hannity asked Donald Trump in June.
But the US president fluffed it, rambling that “the word experience is a very important word”, that he had barely slept in Washington before becoming president and did not know many people. “You make some mistakes,” the president continued. “An idiot like [John] Bolton, all he wanted to do is drop bombs on everybody. You don’t have to drop bombs on everybody. You don’t have to kill people.”
As incumbent rather than insurgent, Trump has barely articulated any vision for his second term in subsequent interviews, debates and speeches. But critics are in little doubt what trajectory four more years of Trump would mean, widening chasms between rich and poor, justice and racism, truth and lies. It would accelerate American political polarisation to dangerous extremes.
Bill Galston, a former policy adviser to President Bill Clinton, said during a panel discussion hosted by the Brookings Institution thinktank last week: “Donald Trump’s modus operandi as a candidate and throughout his first term as president was not to unify. It was to heighten the contradictions, to raise passions on both sides.”
Donald Trump at a campaign rally on 28 October in Bullhead City, Arizona. Photograph: Isaac Brekken/Getty Images
“I don’t think that was a strategy that he can simply turn off at will. I think it’s an important part of who he is and so I would not rate the chances of unity in a second Trump term as being any higher than they turned out to be in the Trump first term.”
The Republican party broke from tradition by not announcing a new platform of policies at its national convention, but in August the Trump re-election campaign did release a skeletal 49-point “set of core priorities for a second term”.
It includes: create 10m new jobs in 10 months; develop a coronavirus vaccine by the end of 2020; bring back 1m manufacturing jobs from China; teach American exceptionalism; drain the globalist swamp by taking on international organizations that hurt American citizens; bring violent extremist groups “like Antifa” to justice.
It goes on: block illegal immigrants from becoming eligible for taxpayer-funded welfare, healthcare and free college tuition; stop endless wars and bring our troops home; continue nominating constitutionalist supreme court and lower court judges; protect unborn life through every means available.
But details are scarce. Perhaps more telling is what Trump and his campaign do not say. If they are successful in overturning Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act, possibly at the supreme court as soon as 10 November, it is still not clear what would replace it or how they would protect millions of people with pre-existing conditions.
There has never been a coordinated national strategy for beating the coronavirus pandemic and little sign of one in a second term beyond refusing to contemplate more economic shutdowns. Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, admitted last Sunday: “We’re not going to control the pandemic.” Trump is pinning his hopes on a vaccine, though how quickly it could be distributed and take effect remains far from certain.
Trump at a campaign rally in Tampa, Florida, on Thursday. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
Generally, Trump’s pitch at campaign rallies is more of the same: four more years of killing regulations, building the wall and draining the swamp. His new slogan, “Keep America great”, was quietly dropped as the pandemic swept the country and killed more than 225,000 Americans. Now Trump is forced to add a coda to his 2016 line: “Make America great again, again.”
In July, he was given a second chance by Hannity to outline an agenda. This time Trump started with Covid-19: “We’re going to defeat the invisible enemy. We are going to rebuild the economy. We’re going to bring back jobs from all of these foreign lands that have stolen our jobs on horrible trade deals. We are going to continue to make great trade deals. We’re going to finish rebuilding our wall.”
For Democrats, the prospect of a second Trump is the nightmare scenario that could send America down a path of no return and push the planet’s climate towards catastrophe. He would feel vindicated and liberated, they argue, to intensify his attacks on norms and institutions, completing his purge of officials deemed disloyal to him. The Axios website reported last week that if Trump wins re-election, he would immediately fire the FBI director, Christopher Wray, and expect to oust the CIA director, Gina Haspel, and defence secretary, Mark Esper.
In other words, he would shoot people on Fifth Avenue if he believed he could get away with it Tony Schwartz
Tony Schwartz, who ghostwrote Trump’s bestselling book The Art of the Deal but is now an outspoken critic, said: “He has always pushed the envelope to the point that he thought he could get away with, and that has been his only constraint. In other words, he would shoot people on Fifth Avenue if he believed he could get away with it.
“If he were to be re-elected, I think the licence he would feel, and the power he would at least try and be able to exercise, would make it possible for him to do things that would make us not think much about whether he owes money to some other countries through loans he took out.”
A Trump victory could also be interpreted as evidence that the racial backlash against Barack Obama’s, the first Black president, is complete, opening a Pandora’s box of bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia, racism and sexism. Adherents of far-right groups such as the Proud Boys and conspiracy theories such as QAnon could be emboldened as never before in modern times. The hardline senior White House senior adviser Stephen Miller is reportedly preparing executive orders for an extreme crackdown on immigration.
Drexel Heard, a Black LGBTQ activist and Democratic official in Los Angeles, said: “It’s gonna be four more years of chaos, four more years of what we have just witnessed from day one. The president started his campaign in 2015, coming down an escalator and fanning the flames of us versus them, talking about Hispanic Americans in the country. This administration started out lying on day one after inauguration, just about the size of what the inauguration looked like. So we’re going to get more of that.
“They’re going to focus more on expanding the tax cut that they already have and they’re also going to have the opportunity to expand and reshape more than they already have our federal judiciary. There are two supreme court justices [Stephen Breyer and Clarence Thomas] that may be on their way out over the next two or three years.
Donald Trump speaks at a campaign event in West Salem, Wisconsin, on 27 October. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
“And of course this president, having not been able to control this pandemic over the past six months, certainly will put us into probably another year, year and a half underneath it because they have no idea what they’re doing. But [White House press secretary] Kayleigh McEnany is going to go out on to the podium and talk about how they want to send people to Mars. I’m pretty sure we might be better off on Mars than under another four years of a Trump administration.”
On one point there appears to be agreement on all sides. Trump is not going to “pivot” or change course. A second term would be much like the first only more so and suggest to the world it might indicate a superpower in terminal decline. The man who was dubbed “a chaos candidate” by rival Jeb Bush during the 2016 Republican primary would leave his mark on history with a two-term chaos presidency.
Leon Panetta, a former defense secretary and CIA director, said: “For too long I kept telling myself that it was a matter of time before he would recognize what he needed to do in order to have a more lasting legacy in history. But the bottom line is that he’s not somebody who learns – doesn’t want to learn – and will basically continue to do the things that he’s done in the first four years the second four years with perhaps even greater damage to our democracy.”
Panetta, co-founder of the Panetta Institute for Public Policy in California, added: “The way he’s dealing with Covid is just a good example that under no circumstances is he going to admit failure. Under no circumstances is he going to take the actions that need to be taken in order to deal with it. Under no circumstances is he going to listen to advisers or more experienced people who understand these issues.
“And for that reason, we’re going to have another four years of Trump unleashed and I don’t know what direction that takes the country except into further trouble.”


theguardian--2020-11-02--'I just want peace of mind': Americans mull leaving US if Trump wins again

Ahead of election day , American Gabi Mayers has booked a flight to London .
She loves the United States .
A lot .
But she says life is hard enough without the specter of surging gun sales , extremists plotting to abduct elected officials , and brawls in Times Square amid a caravan of maskless Donald Trump supporters flouting social distancing measures .
“ All I ’ ve ever wanted to do is just be happy , and have peace of mind .
And I ’ m not able to do that in this country , ” said Mayers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City .
Mayers intends to leave for around a month and a half to begin with ( although that depends on coronavirus-related travel restrictions ) , and she ’ s not the only one with that instinct .
Faced with a country that is seemingly losing its democratic ideals , some anxious Americans are wrestling with the question of whether to flee .
“ Since Donald Trump was elected president , there are times when I now feel unsafe in this country in a very real way , ” said Jennifer Finney Boylan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ writer at the New York Times and professor at Barnard College .
“ Strangers come up to me on the street and threaten me , and I ’ m looking at a government that has done everything it can to demean the humanity of people like me.
” Although Boylan was mostly indulging a fantasy when she began her research into where she could actually go , the notion sounds less like a joke over time .
“ I ’ m not sure that I can take another four years of this , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her columns on how a “ generation of Americans ” is experiencing the urge to “ get the hell out ” of the US .
“ I ’ m far from alone in that , ” she said .
After a September presidential debate between Donald Trump and Joe Biden that was dubbed a national humiliation , surging Google searches hinted at panic among people looking for answers about how to move to Canada or New Zealand .
But even as Americans start to plan their escape from Trumpland , they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of guilt , heartache and astonishment .
“ This seems like something new , ” said Inez McGee , a retiree in California .
She had never heard other people talk about leaving the US before , much less considered it herself – not even during the craziest days of Richard Nixon ’ s presidency , which ended in resignation .
Back in 2016 , Inez , like many others , joked about getting out if Trump were elected .
Most , like Inez , did not follow through with the idea .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Charlottesville , Virginia , where a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi rammed his car into anti-racist protesters , killing Heather Heyer .
As anger and vitriol render the country almost unrecognizable , she ’ s now amenable to departing for years , should Trump win office again .
Her husband , Jim , meanwhile , feels conflicted about leaving behind family to quietly retire elsewhere .
“ This is our country , ” he said .
“ We don ’ t wan na give it up to people who are – who we feel are – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in national and key state polls , but polls have been wrong before .
Hillary Clinton won the popular vote by almost three million votes in 2016 , but that doesn ’ t determine who becomes president .
“ I did not want to be in America ruled by Donald Trump .
It was that basic , and that clear , ” said Audrey Edwards , author of American Runaway .
Edwards had started a life in Paris before the coronavirus pandemic .
After returning to the US earlier this year , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France , banned most American visitors .
“ If Trump is re-elected – and I really don ’ t think he will be – but if he is re-elected , we are in the nightmare of perhaps not being able to get out of here , ” Edwards said .
Even aside from travel restrictions , expats still encounter serious limitations on where they can resettle long-term .
Young people with means may be able to finagle their way out of the country through school , work or marriage .
Well-off retirees could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grandchildren for a new life in Latin America .
But “ I would imagine for the vast , vast majority of Americans who may want to leave , it ’ s going to be virtually impossible to actually go to another country ” , said Demetrios Papademetriou , a distinguished transatlantic fellow and president emeritus at the Migration Policy Institute .
Some Americans speculate about whether they could win asylum abroad .
But “ it is impossible to win an asylum claim ” just because Trump gets re-elected , Papademetriou said .
Latoya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ living in Ghana , has been alarmed by chatter on social media , where users bemoan America ’ s sociopolitical climate and talk about their plans to leave .
She has written a book warning readers about the less romantic realities that await them if they do actually relocate to somewhere like west Africa .
“ I kind of safeguard myself , ” Brown said .
“ But those that are coming here , they don ’ t know any better.
” Beverly Bartlett , a minister in New York City , looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to emigrate to New Zealand and Canada – when she hears reports that Trump could still win the electoral college .
But at least for now , she says she ’ s trying to live by Dietrich Bonhoeffer ’ s example .
The German theologian , who considered seeking refuge in the US during the second world war , instead returned to Germany as part of the resistance and was later executed .
“ As much as I might want to leave , it is a privilege to even be able to think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s probably better to stay here and continue to fight it , knowing that most people can ’ t leave .
”

Ahead of election day, American Gabi Mayers has booked a flight to London.
She loves the United States. A lot. But she says life is hard enough without the specter of surging gun sales, extremists plotting to abduct elected officials, and brawls in Times Square amid a caravan of maskless Donald Trump supporters flouting social distancing measures.
“All I’ve ever wanted to do is just be happy, and have peace of mind. And I’m not able to do that in this country,” said Mayers, a 25-year-old producer in New York City.
Mayers intends to leave for around a month and a half to begin with (although that depends on coronavirus-related travel restrictions), and she’s not the only one with that instinct. Faced with a country that is seemingly losing its democratic ideals, some anxious Americans are wrestling with the question of whether to flee.
“Since Donald Trump was elected president, there are times when I now feel unsafe in this country in a very real way,” said Jennifer Finney Boylan, a transgender activist, contributing opinion writer at the New York Times and professor at Barnard College.
“Strangers come up to me on the street and threaten me, and I’m looking at a government that has done everything it can to demean the humanity of people like me.”
Although Boylan was mostly indulging a fantasy when she began her research into where she could actually go, the notion sounds less like a joke over time.
“I’m not sure that I can take another four years of this,” said Boylan, who penned one of her columns on how a “generation of Americans” is experiencing the urge to “get the hell out” of the US.
“I’m far from alone in that,” she said.
After a September presidential debate between Donald Trump and Joe Biden that was dubbed a national humiliation, surging Google searches hinted at panic among people looking for answers about how to move to Canada or New Zealand. But even as Americans start to plan their escape from Trumpland, they’re doing so with a great deal of guilt, heartache and astonishment.
“This seems like something new,” said Inez McGee, a retiree in California. She had never heard other people talk about leaving the US before, much less considered it herself – not even during the craziest days of Richard Nixon’s presidency, which ended in resignation.
Back in 2016, Inez, like many others, joked about getting out if Trump were elected. Most, like Inez, did not follow through with the idea.
Then came a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, where a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi rammed his car into anti-racist protesters, killing Heather Heyer. As anger and vitriol render the country almost unrecognizable, she’s now amenable to departing for years, should Trump win office again.
Her husband, Jim, meanwhile, feels conflicted about leaving behind family to quietly retire elsewhere.
“This is our country,” he said. “We don’t wanna give it up to people who are – who we feel are – misusing it.”
Trump is trailing Biden in national and key state polls, but polls have been wrong before. Hillary Clinton won the popular vote by almost three million votes in 2016, but that doesn’t determine who becomes president.
“I did not want to be in America ruled by Donald Trump. It was that basic, and that clear,” said Audrey Edwards, author of American Runaway.
Edwards had started a life in Paris before the coronavirus pandemic. After returning to the US earlier this year, she got stranded stateside as countries, including France, banned most American visitors.
“If Trump is re-elected – and I really don’t think he will be – but if he is re-elected, we are in the nightmare of perhaps not being able to get out of here,” Edwards said.
Even aside from travel restrictions, expats still encounter serious limitations on where they can resettle long-term. Young people with means may be able to finagle their way out of the country through school, work or marriage. Well-off retirees could possibly forgo their healthcare coverage and their grandchildren for a new life in Latin America.
But “I would imagine for the vast, vast majority of Americans who may want to leave, it’s going to be virtually impossible to actually go to another country”, said Demetrios Papademetriou, a distinguished transatlantic fellow and president emeritus at the Migration Policy Institute.
06:07 Which swing states could decide the US election? – video explainer
Some Americans speculate about whether they could win asylum abroad. But “it is impossible to win an asylum claim” just because Trump gets re-elected, Papademetriou said.
Latoya Brown, who is from Alabama but living in Ghana, has been alarmed by chatter on social media, where users bemoan America’s sociopolitical climate and talk about their plans to leave. She has written a book warning readers about the less romantic realities that await them if they do actually relocate to somewhere like west Africa.
“I kind of safeguard myself,” Brown said. “But those that are coming here, they don’t know any better.”
Beverly Bartlett, a minister in New York City, looks up churches in Scotland – or how to emigrate to New Zealand and Canada – when she hears reports that Trump could still win the electoral college.
But at least for now, she says she’s trying to live by Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s example.
The German theologian, who considered seeking refuge in the US during the second world war, instead returned to Germany as part of the resistance and was later executed.
“As much as I might want to leave, it is a privilege to even be able to think about it,” Bartlett said. “It’s probably better to stay here and continue to fight it, knowing that most people can’t leave.”