theguardian--2020-06-21--Trump AG Barr will escape impeachment thanks to 'corrupt' Republicans – Nadler

Attorney general William Barr “ certainly deserves ” to be impeached and removed but will escape that fate because Republicans who control the Senate are “ corrupt against the interests of the country ” , the chairman of the House judiciary committee said on Sunday .
Jerrold Nadler , a Democrat , told CNN ’ s State of the Union he would instead take $ 50m from the attorney general ’ s “ own personal budget ” .
On Saturday evening , after a near-24-hour standoff , Barr secured the exit of Geoffrey Berman , the US attorney for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prestigious district has pursued investigations and prosecutions of allies of Donald Trump including two of his personal lawyers , Michael Cohen and Rudy Giuliani .
It also oversees the investigation of the disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein , a Trump friend , and a case involving a Turkish bank which former national security adviser John Bolton has said Trump tried to influence as a favour to the Turkish president .
Barr said on Friday night Berman , a Republican who donated to Trump in 2016 , had agreed to step down .
Berman said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barr invoked Trump ’ s authority to fire Berman , who accepted his fate .
His deputy Audrey Strauss , a career prosecutor and donor to Democrats , will assume the role until the Senate confirms a replacement .
Barr and Trump want that replacement to be Jay Clayton , the chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission who has never worked as a federal prosecutor .
Barr had said the US attorney in New Jersey , a Trump ally , would fill the role in an acting capacity .
On NBC ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House intelligence chair Adam Schiff was asked if he accepted the reported explanation that Trump ’ s move to replace Berman with Clayton was “ simply the president wanting to do a favor for a golfing buddy ” .
“ I can ’ t accept that explanation , ” Schiff said , “ given the pattern and practice of both the president in seeking to use the justice system to reward friends , punish enemies , protect people he likes , and Bill Barr ’ s willingness to carry that water for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at Berman ’ s statement , Berman apparently has the same skepticism .
There ’ s a reason … he was saying ‘ I ’ m not stepping down , ’ that he wanted to ensure that these investigations continued … Berman clearly had a concern about why he was being pushed out.
” Clayton ’ s firm , Sullivan & Cromwell , has represented Deutsche Bank , one of Trump ’ s largest creditors which is itself under investigation by the DoJ .
On Sunday Republican senator Tim Scott told ABC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no indication that those investigations will stop.
” Democrats have long claimed Barr acts more as a personal lawyer for Trump than the impartial chief of federal law enforcement .
The attorney general , they say , has misrepresented the Mueller report and interfered in criminal cases involving Trump aides Michael Flynn and Roger Stone .
Schiff also referred to recent removals of a number of independent government watchdogs .
“ Given the firings of these inspector generals , ” he said , “ given the way that Barr has sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Michael Flynn or Roger Stone , and to seek additional punishment for people like Michael Cohen ” – who has turned against the president – “ … you really have to question what ’ s really at the basis of this Friday night attempted massacre , and now , completed one.
” That was a reference to the so-called Saturday Night Massacre of 1973 , when Richard Nixon sought to fire Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox and successive officials quit rather than do so .
Nixon soon resigned , rather than be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led calls for Barr to be impeached but Nadler said : “ He certainly deserves impeachment but that would be a waste of time .
“ We know that we have a corrupt Republican majority in the Senate which will not consider an impeachment no matter what the evidence and no matter what the facts , ” Nadler said , saying such senators were “ corrupt against the interests of the country ” .
Measures against Barr would include the budget cut , he said .
When Trump was impeached , over attempts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rivals , he was acquitted in the Senate , which refused to call witnesses including Bolton , who is now publishing a book which includes allegations of more impeachable behaviour .
One Republican senator , Mitt Romney , voted for new witnesses and to impeach Trump .
Susan Collins of Maine voted for witnesses .
Nadler , like other Democrats , has suggested Barr is seeking to impede investigations close to Trump .
Asked which , he said : “ I think it ’ s obvious that a number of investigations the southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president ’ s associates , Giuliani , the Turkish investigation , we ’ ve seen a pattern of Barr corruptly impeding all these investigations .
So this is just more of the same.
” Nadler said he expected Berman to testify , if not at a hearing this week which will feature DoJ whistleblowers .
Preet Bharara , US attorney for the SDNY before Berman , whom Trump also fired , told CNN , for whom he now works , he did not think Berman would discuss ongoing investigations .
He also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The attorney general of the United States made a public misrepresentation about whether or not Geoff Berman was stepping down from office , ” he said .
“ It was clearly not the case , it was clearly a falsehood , and he tried to cover that up with a letter that spent time calling names against Geoff Berman and also retreated a little bit , allowing Berman to decide that the office was going to be left in good hands.
” Barr accused Berman of having “ chosen public spectacle over public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrongly implies that your continued tenure in the office is necessary to ensure that cases now pending in the southern district of New York are handled appropriately , ” the attorney general wrote .
“ This is obviously false .
I fully expect that the office will continue to handle all cases in the normal course.
” Bharara said he thought Barr ’ s conduct “ shows there is an unfitness for office ” .

Attorney general William Barr “certainly deserves” to be impeached and removed but will escape that fate because Republicans who control the Senate are “corrupt against the interests of the country”, the chairman of the House judiciary committee said on Sunday.
Jerrold Nadler, a Democrat, told CNN’s State of the Union he would instead take $50m from the attorney general’s “own personal budget”.
On Saturday evening, after a near-24-hour standoff, Barr secured the exit of Geoffrey Berman, the US attorney for the southern district of New York.
The prestigious district has pursued investigations and prosecutions of allies of Donald Trump including two of his personal lawyers, Michael Cohen and Rudy Giuliani.
It also oversees the investigation of the disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein, a Trump friend, and a case involving a Turkish bank which former national security adviser John Bolton has said Trump tried to influence as a favour to the Turkish president.
Barr said on Friday night Berman, a Republican who donated to Trump in 2016, had agreed to step down. Berman said he had not.
On Saturday, Barr invoked Trump’s authority to fire Berman, who accepted his fate. His deputy Audrey Strauss, a career prosecutor and donor to Democrats, will assume the role until the Senate confirms a replacement.
Barr and Trump want that replacement to be Jay Clayton, the chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission who has never worked as a federal prosecutor. Barr had said the US attorney in New Jersey, a Trump ally, would fill the role in an acting capacity.
On NBC’s Meet the Press on Sunday, House intelligence chair Adam Schiff was asked if he accepted the reported explanation that Trump’s move to replace Berman with Clayton was “simply the president wanting to do a favor for a golfing buddy”.
“I can’t accept that explanation,” Schiff said, “given the pattern and practice of both the president in seeking to use the justice system to reward friends, punish enemies, protect people he likes, and Bill Barr’s willingness to carry that water for the president.
“Also, if you look at Berman’s statement, Berman apparently has the same skepticism. There’s a reason … he was saying ‘I’m not stepping down,’ that he wanted to ensure that these investigations continued … Berman clearly had a concern about why he was being pushed out.”
Clayton’s firm, Sullivan & Cromwell, has represented Deutsche Bank, one of Trump’s largest creditors which is itself under investigation by the DoJ. On Sunday Republican senator Tim Scott told ABC’s This Week: “There is no indication that those investigations will stop.”
Democrats have long claimed Barr acts more as a personal lawyer for Trump than the impartial chief of federal law enforcement. The attorney general, they say, has misrepresented the Mueller report and interfered in criminal cases involving Trump aides Michael Flynn and Roger Stone.
Schiff also referred to recent removals of a number of independent government watchdogs.
“Given the firings of these inspector generals,” he said, “given the way that Barr has sought to intervene in cases to help out people like Michael Flynn or Roger Stone, and to seek additional punishment for people like Michael Cohen” – who has turned against the president – “… you really have to question what’s really at the basis of this Friday night attempted massacre, and now, completed one.”
That was a reference to the so-called Saturday Night Massacre of 1973, when Richard Nixon sought to fire Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox and successive officials quit rather than do so. Nixon soon resigned, rather than be removed.
Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren has led calls for Barr to be impeached but Nadler said: “He certainly deserves impeachment but that would be a waste of time.
“We know that we have a corrupt Republican majority in the Senate which will not consider an impeachment no matter what the evidence and no matter what the facts,” Nadler said, saying such senators were “corrupt against the interests of the country”.
Measures against Barr would include the budget cut, he said.
When Trump was impeached, over attempts to get from Ukraine dirt on political rivals, he was acquitted in the Senate, which refused to call witnesses including Bolton, who is now publishing a book which includes allegations of more impeachable behaviour.
One Republican senator, Mitt Romney, voted for new witnesses and to impeach Trump. Susan Collins of Maine voted for witnesses.
Nadler, like other Democrats, has suggested Barr is seeking to impede investigations close to Trump. Asked which, he said: “I think it’s obvious that a number of investigations the southern district has been doing with reference to the president’s associates, Giuliani, the Turkish investigation, we’ve seen a pattern of Barr corruptly impeding all these investigations. So this is just more of the same.”
Nadler said he expected Berman to testify, if not at a hearing this week which will feature DoJ whistleblowers.
Preet Bharara, US attorney for the SDNY before Berman, whom Trump also fired, told CNN, for whom he now works, he did not think Berman would discuss ongoing investigations. He also condemned Barr’s conduct.
“The attorney general of the United States made a public misrepresentation about whether or not Geoff Berman was stepping down from office,” he said.
“It was clearly not the case, it was clearly a falsehood, and he tried to cover that up with a letter that spent time calling names against Geoff Berman and also retreated a little bit, allowing Berman to decide that the office was going to be left in good hands.”
Barr accused Berman of having “chosen public spectacle over public service”.
“Your statement also wrongly implies that your continued tenure in the office is necessary to ensure that cases now pending in the southern district of New York are handled appropriately,” the attorney general wrote. “This is obviously false. I fully expect that the office will continue to handle all cases in the normal course.”
Bharara said he thought Barr’s conduct “shows there is an unfitness for office”.


theguardian--2020-06-21--Trump's Berman disaster suggests William Barr is not so smart after all | Lloyd Green

Maybe Bill Barr isn ’ t that smart .
With less than 150 days to the election , Roy Cohn 2.0 emerged from his scrum with Geoffrey Berman , the US attorney for the southern district of New York ( SDNY ) , looking the worse for wear .
In less than 24 hours , Barr placed Donald Trump in more jeopardy than he was when their brawl with Berman began late on Friday night .
Instead of replacing Berman in the near term with a Trump loyalist , the US attorney for New Jersey , and in the long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Securities and Exchange Commission , Audrey Strauss , a career prosecutor , will lead the “ sovereign ” district until a Trump nominee clears the Senate .
The SDNY , remember , has investigated and prosecuted close allies of the president .
For Trump and his attorney general , replacing Berman with Strauss is like jumping from frying pan to fire .
If the dynamic duo had a difficult time taming Berman , a Trump contributor and a former partner of Rudy Giuliani , reining in Strauss will prove even tougher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ praise on Strauss , calling her “ highly competent , highly capable ” and lauding her for possessing “ the knowledge and experience to hit the ground running ” .
That is not good news for the White House .
Graham chairs the Senate judiciary committee .
As a younger lawyer , Strauss bested the real Roy Cohn in a mob prosecution .
Back in the day , Cohn was Trump ’ s personal lawyer .
Like Cohn , Barr attended Horace Mann for high school and Columbia for college .
Clayton ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be evaporating .
From the looks of things , Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand , New York ’ s Democratic senators , will be given the right to spike his nomination .
They have already vowed to nix his bid , if Graham is to be believed .
Clayton is a savvy corporate lawyer , not a litigator .
Being a federal prosecutor calls for hands-on courtroom experience .
To be sure , the relationship between the SDNY and the Trump has been fractious .
Its prosecutors indicted Michael Cohen , another Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an unindicted co-conspirator .
Also , the SDNY went at Giuliani ’ s clients , Igor Fruman and Lev Parnas .
Proximity to power did not immunize the pair .
At the same time , word is that Giuliani ’ s business ventures may be receiving a proctological exam from the SDNY , which he led himself before he was New York mayor .
For the president and Barr , targeting Giuliani may have been a bridge too far .
But now they have to worry about Strauss .
Sometimes the devil you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is left untouched , the latest episode will add another coat of mire to Barr ’ s reputation .
Being this president ’ s stooge comes with a price .
Like Rick Wilson says , everything Trump touches dies .
This weekend , Barr was caught in a massive lie .
On Friday , he told the world in writing that Berman would be resigning .
Berman had promised no such thing .
Think of a seven-year old getting busted for raiding the cake batter .
Then on Saturday , Barr claimed Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maybe not .
Whatever .
On his way to Tulsa , the president punted on whether he ordered Berman ’ s dismissal .
The delegator-in-chief told the cameras that was a matter left for Barr .
In the end , Berman resigned after Strauss ’ s selection was assured .
This was far from Barr ’ s first battle with the truth or the law .
Already , he has mischaracterized the Mueller report , interfered with the sentencing of Roger Stone and dropped the prosecution of Michael Flynn , Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general ’ s guilty plea .
Practically speaking , Barr preaches law and order for the many but appears to show little concern for the rule of law when it applies to the privileged few .
Back at Horace Mann , he reportedly boycotted a school carnival because its proceeds went to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People .
When peaceful protest stood to impinge on Trump ’ s staged walk to St John ’ s in Washington earlier this month , the attorney general nodded at the use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too appears worried and distrustful of Trump ’ s AG .
Earlier this spring , Barr earned the ire of Reggie Walton , a George W Bush appointee to the federal bench .
Walton “ seriously ” questioned the attorney general ’ s integrity and credibility .
His opinion deployed words like “ distorted ” and “ misleading ” to drive the point across , not language generally associated with the nation ’ s chief law enforcement officer .
Barely two months later , John Gleeson , a former federal judge appointed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s decision to drop the Flynn case , leveled a similar charge .
His brief used the word “ corrupt ” nine times , and accused Main Justice of “ gross abuse of prosecutorial power ” .
By this measure , Eric Holder and Loretta Lynch , attorneys general during the Obama-years , look awesome .
Once before , in 1992 , Barr served as attorney general , and emerged as a reliable spear-catcher for a beleaguered George HW Bush .
But as Bush ’ s re-election bid was tanking , Barr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional oversight and defined what the law was .
It didn ’ t end well .
Faced with congressional demands for the appointment of an independent prosecutor to investigate possible administration improprieties in the run-up to the Gulf war , Barr declined .
Instead , he offered absolution by bandying about such phrases as “ not a crime ” , “ simply not criminal in any way ” , “ nothing illegal ” and “ far from being a crime ” .
After Bush lost the election , Barr successfully pressed for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stemming from the Iran-Contra scandal .
Right now , the president is trailing Joe Biden .
His Tulsa rally looks like a bust .
There were empty seats galore , and members of Trump ’ s advance team tested positive for Covid-19 .
Barr may again be pushed out the door by his countrymen – but not before he and his boss wreak further havoc .

Maybe Bill Barr isn’t that smart. With less than 150 days to the election, Roy Cohn 2.0 emerged from his scrum with Geoffrey Berman, the US attorney for the southern district of New York (SDNY), looking the worse for wear. In less than 24 hours, Barr placed Donald Trump in more jeopardy than he was when their brawl with Berman began late on Friday night.
Instead of replacing Berman in the near term with a Trump loyalist, the US attorney for New Jersey, and in the long haul with Jay Clayton, the chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, Audrey Strauss, a career prosecutor, will lead the “sovereign” district until a Trump nominee clears the Senate.
The SDNY, remember, has investigated and prosecuted close allies of the president.
For Trump and his attorney general, replacing Berman with Strauss is like jumping from frying pan to fire. If the dynamic duo had a difficult time taming Berman, a Trump contributor and a former partner of Rudy Giuliani, reining in Strauss will prove even tougher.
Already, Lindsey Graham is heaping praise on Strauss, calling her “highly competent, highly capable” and lauding her for possessing “the knowledge and experience to hit the ground running”. That is not good news for the White House. Graham chairs the Senate judiciary committee.
As a younger lawyer, Strauss bested the real Roy Cohn in a mob prosecution. Back in the day, Cohn was Trump’s personal lawyer. Like Cohn, Barr attended Horace Mann for high school and Columbia for college.
Clayton’s shot at the SDNY appears to be evaporating. From the looks of things, Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, New York’s Democratic senators, will be given the right to spike his nomination. They have already vowed to nix his bid, if Graham is to be believed. Clayton is a savvy corporate lawyer, not a litigator. Being a federal prosecutor calls for hands-on courtroom experience.
To be sure, the relationship between the SDNY and the Trump has been fractious. Its prosecutors indicted Michael Cohen, another Trump lawyer, and treated the president as an unindicted co-conspirator. Also, the SDNY went at Giuliani’s clients, Igor Fruman and Lev Parnas. Proximity to power did not immunize the pair.
At the same time, word is that Giuliani’s business ventures may be receiving a proctological exam from the SDNY, which he led himself before he was New York mayor. For the president and Barr, targeting Giuliani may have been a bridge too far. But now they have to worry about Strauss. Sometimes the devil you know is safer.
Even if Rudy is left untouched, the latest episode will add another coat of mire to Barr’s reputation. Being this president’s stooge comes with a price. Like Rick Wilson says, everything Trump touches dies.
This weekend, Barr was caught in a massive lie. On Friday, he told the world in writing that Berman would be resigning. Berman had promised no such thing. Think of a seven-year old getting busted for raiding the cake batter.
Then on Saturday, Barr claimed Trump had fired Berman. Perhaps yes, maybe not. Whatever.
On his way to Tulsa, the president punted on whether he ordered Berman’s dismissal. The delegator-in-chief told the cameras that was a matter left for Barr. In the end, Berman resigned after Strauss’s selection was assured.
This was far from Barr’s first battle with the truth or the law. Already, he has mischaracterized the Mueller report, interfered with the sentencing of Roger Stone and dropped the prosecution of Michael Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser, despite the general’s guilty plea.
Practically speaking, Barr preaches law and order for the many but appears to show little concern for the rule of law when it applies to the privileged few. Back at Horace Mann, he reportedly boycotted a school carnival because its proceeds went to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. When peaceful protest stood to impinge on Trump’s staged walk to St John’s in Washington earlier this month, the attorney general nodded at the use of flash-bangs and pepper spray.
The judiciary too appears worried and distrustful of Trump’s AG. Earlier this spring, Barr earned the ire of Reggie Walton, a George W Bush appointee to the federal bench. Walton “seriously” questioned the attorney general’s integrity and credibility. His opinion deployed words like “distorted” and “misleading” to drive the point across, not language generally associated with the nation’s chief law enforcement officer.
Barely two months later, John Gleeson, a former federal judge appointed by the court to review the justice department’s decision to drop the Flynn case, leveled a similar charge. His brief used the word “corrupt” nine times, and accused Main Justice of “gross abuse of prosecutorial power”. By this measure, Eric Holder and Loretta Lynch, attorneys general during the Obama-years, look awesome.
Once before, in 1992, Barr served as attorney general, and emerged as a reliable spear-catcher for a beleaguered George HW Bush. But as Bush’s re-election bid was tanking, Barr witnessed the Los Angeles riots, resisted congressional oversight and defined what the law was. It didn’t end well.
Faced with congressional demands for the appointment of an independent prosecutor to investigate possible administration improprieties in the run-up to the Gulf war, Barr declined. Instead, he offered absolution by bandying about such phrases as “not a crime”, “simply not criminal in any way”, “nothing illegal” and “far from being a crime”. After Bush lost the election, Barr successfully pressed for a series of pardons for Reagan administration officials stemming from the Iran-Contra scandal.
Right now, the president is trailing Joe Biden. His Tulsa rally looks like a bust. There were empty seats galore, and members of Trump’s advance team tested positive for Covid-19. Barr may again be pushed out the door by his countrymen – but not before he and his boss wreak further havoc.


theguardian--2020-06-22--‘We sit in disbelief’: the anguish of families torn apart under Trump’s deportation policy

Before her husband was deported , Seleste Hernandez was paying taxes and credit card bills .
She was earning her way and liking it .
But after her husband , Pedro , was forced to return to Mexico , her family lost his income from a commercial greenhouse job .
Seleste had to quit her nursing aide work , staying home to care for a disabled son .
Now she is trapped , grieving for a faraway spouse and relying on public assistance just to scrape by .
She went , in her eyes , from paying taxes to depending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to feeling worthless , ” she says .
Across the country , hundreds of thousands of American families are coping with anguish compounded by steep financial decline after a spouse ’ s or parent ’ s deportation , a more enduring form of family separation than Donald Trump ’ s policy that took children from parents at the border .
Trump has broadened the targets of deportation to include many immigrants with no serious criminal records .
While the benefits to communities from these removals are unclear , the costs – to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purse – are coming into focus .
The hardships for the families have only deepened with the economic strains of the coronavirus .
According to a new Marshall Project analysis with the Center for Migration Studies , just under 6.1 million American citizen children live in households with at least one undocumented family member vulnerable to deportation .
About 331,900 American children have a parent who has legal protection under Daca , or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals , the center ’ s analysis found .
After the supreme court ruled last Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was unlawful , those families are still protected from deportation , for now .
But the court ’ s ruling allows Trump to try to cancel the program again .
And the debate cast light on 10.7 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States , who remain exposed to Trump ’ s enforcement .
Nationwide , about 908,891 households with at least one American child would fall below federal poverty levels if an undocumented breadwinner was removed , according to the analysis by the center , a research organization in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a breadwinner is deported , many families that once were self-sufficient must rely on social welfare programs to survive .
With the trauma of a banished parent , some children fail in schools or require expensive medical and mental health care .
With family savings depleted , American children struggle financially to stay in school or attend college .
Seleste Hernandez is now the sole caregiver for her 30-year-old son Juan , barely able to haul his 140-pound frame from his bed to his wheelchair .
Her family and two others in north-eastern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s deportations have taken a heavy toll , have borne the costs of these expulsions .
They are part of a large and growing group of American households hit by deportation .
From 2013 to 2018 , more than 231,000 immigrants who were deported said they had American citizen children , according to the most recent data available from Immigration and Customs Enforcement , or Ice .
But despite his tough talk , Trump ’ s record on deportations is mixed .
Under his administration the numbers have climbed , reaching 337,287 deportations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – but still well below the peak of 432,281 set by President Barack Obama in 2013 , according to Department of Homeland Security statistics .
Yet under Trump , any immigrant without legal status is vulnerable , after he reversed a 2014 Obama administration directive that instructed Ice to concentrate on removing immigrants convicted of serious crimes .
In each year under Trump the number of deportees with no criminal convictions has increased , from 98,420 in 2017 to 117,117 in 2019 – 43 % of all deportations last year , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as criminals are immigrants whose crime was to cross the border without documents .
According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics , 85 % of immigrants arrested on federal charges in 2018 – a total of 105,748 arrests – were accused of immigration crimes , mainly entering the country illegally .
Ice officials say their strategy is working to make communities safer because they are taking lawbreakers off the streets .
“ These individuals , they ’ re here illegally and they ’ re committing crimes , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serving as director of Ice , at a press conference earlier this year .
“ The crime rate should be zero because the people here illegally shouldn ’ t be here to begin with.
” Back in 2004 , when Seleste Wisniewski met Pedro Hernandez in her hometown of Elyria , she was a harried single mother from Ohio ’ s battered working class , raising three children , including a son with severe cerebral palsy .
But Hernandez was not put off .
He won her heart , she said , by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flowers , to show her his pride in his farming skills .
He moved in .
Pedro went to his greenhouse job in the early morning .
Seleste , a nursing assistant for the elderly , worked at night .
They alternated the care of her son Juan , who doesn ’ t talk and can ’ t eat or move on his own .
Together Pedro and Seleste had a son , Luis , now 11 .
In 2013 , Pedro was stopped by local police for a broken license plate light @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the police turned him over to the border patrol .
Twelve years earlier , he had been deported after crossing the border without papers , so the border patrol deported him again .
Determined to get back to his family , he crossed again illegally .
But immigration agents arrested him soon after he returned home in July 2013 .
This time they charged him with illegal re-entry , a federal felony , hoping to send him to prison .
When Pedro was led in handcuffs into a federal courtroom in Cleveland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ let out an agitated cry .
The judge and the prosecutor said they were surprised to learn that Pedro was supporting a family member with a disability .
They quickly agreed to dismiss the criminal case , court records show .
By then Obama was discouraging Ice from expelling immigrants with no criminal convictions .
Pedro was granted a stay of deportation .
For the next four years , according to his case file , he checked in regularly with Ice .
He received a work permit , and with that he got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full-time job growing poinsettias at a local greenhouse , even a 401K retirement account .
He and Seleste got married .
Her application for his permanent resident green card was approved .
In a letter to his lawyer , Ice officials said Pedro was officially off their list of priorities for deportation .
That changed under Trump .
On 8 August 2017 , Ice agents went to the Hernandez home , ordering Pedro to leave by 30 September .
“ You got something wrong , ” Seleste insisted .
“ What has changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a new administration , an agent told her .
“ Sir , we ’ re still the same family , ” she protested .
“ We ’ re doing everything we were supposed to.
” An Ice spokesman , Khaalid Walls , said the agency had acted because Pedro was a “ repeat immigration violator ” .
On 28 September he was put aboard a flight to Mexico .
At the door of the plane , Ice officers handed him a notice : he was barred from returning for 20 years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seleste said , between hurt and rage .
“ We ’ re almost there .
And then , boom , get out .
And I ’ m left to put the pieces together.
” These days Pedro is farming a corn patch in the mountains above Acapulco , scratching out just enough to eat .
Seleste is home with Juan , who requires regular feeding through a stomach tube , and someone to be near him at all times .
When both Pedro and Seleste were working , they made about $ 4,300 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pay bills and buy Pedro a red pickup truck .
They paid taxes and had health insurance through their employers .
Now Seleste draws on public services to survive .
After she had to leave her job , the household income dropped to zero , and her housing subsidy , part of Juan ’ s disability assistance , soared from $ 90 to $ 811 a month , with the county now paying her entire rent .
She receives $ 509 a month in food stamps .
She lost her private health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was paid $ 1,200 from the federal coronavirus stimulus .
“ Pedro was a contributor , ” said Father Charlie Diedrick , the priest at St Mary ’ s church in Elyria , where Luis attends school .
“ He took care of his family and his neighbors .
And we put an end to that.
” Seleste organizes her day around four or five fleeting conversations by WhatsApp , when Juan is calmed by hearing Pedro ’ s voice from Mexico .
With the coronavirus threatening his frail health , Juan can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restrictions have cut Luis off from his summer visit to his father .
“ Only thing I know is me , my kids , we sit in disbelief , struggling , ” Seleste said .
“ Unnecessary suffering of the separation .
Unnecessary worry .
Is the country a safer place ?
” In November 2017 , Esperanza Pacheco went to the Ice office in Cleveland for a regular check-in .
She was detained and never came out .
A week later , she was dropped by Ice in Nuevo Laredo , Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goodbye , nothing , ” said Thalia Moctezuma , her American daughter , who was 18 and a high school senior at the time .
The north-east Ohio town of Painesville , where Pacheco lived , has been an epicenter of enforcement under Trump .
Since 2017 Ice has been tracking down undocumented people in town and cancelling stays , leading to dozens of deportations .
Many immigrants , under pressure , packed up and left on their own .
“ What you see now is a community that is very demoralized , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of HOLA , an immigrant advocacy group in Painesville .
Pacheco , a vivacious woman with an infectious giggle , is one of 14 children of a Mexican bracero farmworker who years ago became a US citizen .
He applied for citizenship for all his children .
But due to bureaucratic errors and delays , only Pacheco ’ s naturalization never went through .
In more than two decades in the United States , she married another Mexican , Eusebio Moctezuma , now a legal resident , and had four daughters born in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her record , from a day in 2002 when she left two of the girls , just toddlers , alone in her trailer home to run to a job interview .
A neighbor called the police , and Pacheco drew a misdemeanor conviction for endangering a child .
Ten years later , under Obama , Ice threatened to deport her .
Advocates mobilized .
Her daughters marched in Painesville streets .
Ice desisted , granting a deportation stay and a work permit .
By 2017 Pacheco ’ s oldest daughter was about to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new petition for a green card for her mother .
Then Trump took office .
Fifteen years after Pacheco ’ s maternal lapse , Ice officials pointed to that offense to categorize her as a criminal and justify deporting her , separating her from her daughters .
The girls were cast adrift .
Their father had to work extra hours at his landscaping construction job to pay the bills and could rarely be home .
“ When mom was here , she was cooking , talking , everything was right , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the family ’ s ramshackle trailer , his mood despondent .
“ I thought I was OK to handle my daughters .
But now I find out they need mom over here .
She ’ s the one that makes us a family together.
” Pacheco landed in a walk-up apartment in her old hometown of León , Guanajuato .
She tries to console her husband and raise her daughters by WhatsApp , messaging them throughout the day .
For her daughters , it ’ s not the same .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where it ’ s cold , it ’ s just dark , ” Thalia said .
“ It feels like a place but not a home.
” Not long after Pacheco ’ s deportation , kids in the girls ’ schools took to taunting them .
“ They started saying , your mom ’ s illegal , you should have gone back to Mexico , you ’ re not really from here , ” Eusebio said .
One daughter , M. , who was 17 , lashed out , getting into fistfights in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not using the full names of the younger daughters because they were minors when their mother was deported . )
M. began missing classes and drinking a mix of vodka and beer before school .
A year after the deportation , Thalia came home one night to find M. passed out on the floor , foaming at the mouth , a bottle of sleeping pills by her side .
She called Pacheco and turned around her phone to show her mother that M. was unconscious .
“ I wanted to fly to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything , ” Pacheco said in a phone interview from León .
Suppressing panic , she instructed Thalia on the video call how to keep M. alive and find a relative to rush her to a hospital .
M. spent a week in Rainbow Babies and Children ’ s Hospital in Cleveland , and she went to a rehab center for another week .
“ We asked her why she did that and she said , because she feels so lonely , she needed mom , ” Eusebio said , his voice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so very close to mom.
” After M. recovered , her outlook changed .
She graduated from high school , got a job , and was talking of going to college , even law school .
But the youngest daughter , M. D. , struggled .
In August 2019 she went to visit her mother in Mexico .
The girls often felt torn returning from those visits , realizing they loved their mother but did not want to live with her in Mexico .
M. D. begged her mother to come with her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ ll be there soon , ” Pacheco said , knowing it wasn ’ t true .
Not long after , M. D. , then 15 , swallowed 60 pills of ephedrine .
Her medical chart on 25 September of last year , the day she entered Rainbow Hospital , stated that she was “ currently admitted due to suicide attempt with ingestion ” .
It noted that she “ has attempted to overdose 3 prior times in last 3 months ” .
Doctors observed that M. D. had spurts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the overdose .
After two weeks in the hospital and an in-patient mental health center , on 9 October she went back to Rainbow for four more days for a procedure to repair her heart .
Thalia found a diary M. D. had kept .
She hated her life , she wrote , because her school friends had their mothers at home and were happy , and she didn ’ t have hers .
Do we deserve this ?
she asked .
Why us ?
By March , M. D. was back taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But as the coronavirus crippled the economy , their financial situation was already dire .
Eusebio , who was making $ 3,500 a month at his job , lost more than $ 7,000 when he missed work caring for his daughters in the hospital .
When Pacheco was home , she brought in at least $ 350 a week cooking Mexican specialties to sell to neighbors .
Now the family has to send Pacheco $ 100 a month to pay her rent .
Three of the sisters are working instead of going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afloat .
Rainbow Hospital , and the private University Hospitals system it is part of , absorbed almost the entire cost of the medical care for both girls .
The family was uninsured .
Eusebio received no bills for either girl ’ s emergency care , so the total cost is unclear .
He paid out $ 500 for an ambulance for M. D. and $ 720 for her psychiatric treatment .
Rainbow did send a bill for $ 9,800 for M. D. ’ s cardiac procedure , with instructions for a payment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pay anything yet .
He was out of work for a month with the pandemic lockdown .
The family has not sought federal assistance , fearing it could hurt Pacheco ’ s green card application , her only hope of returning to her family .
On the other end of a mobile app , Pacheco fights desperation .
“ I ’ m Mexican , ” she said , “ but I hope God hears me , I don ’ t want to be here in Mexico.
” Alfredo Ramos had been living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decade when he met Susan Brown , an American from a blue collar family in Painesville .
She was 20 at the time and a single mother .
They had a joyful courtship of raucous parties and walks in the woods .
Brown became pregnant , and in 2000 she and Ramos married .
But when she was in her ninth month , Ice raided the factory where Ramos was working and deported him .
Two weeks later Brown , lonely and frantic without her husband , gave birth to their son , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would want to do in that situation , ” Brown said .
She sent Ramos $ 2,000 to pay a smuggler to help him cross the border illegally .
He was back a few weeks later .
Brown ’ s family rejoiced .
“ I knew he wouldn ’ t just walk away from a child being born , ” said Jessica Brown , Susan ’ s sister .
“ We are a family that knows right from wrong .
But we believed there would be a pathway for him to something legal.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the legal pathway proved hard to find .
Two years later , a daughter , Diona , was born .
To make ends meet , Brown worked two jobs and Ramos took any work he could find , but his wages stayed low because of his undocumented status .
Over time , tensions arose .
Ramos and Brown divorced .
But he remained a hands-on provider , at times taking both children to live with him in a cramped Painesville apartment .
“ Maybe we weren ’ t hugging and stuff like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was there for me , ” Cristian said .
In March 2014 , Ramos was a passenger in a vehicle that was pulled over for a minor traffic stop by local police .
The officers demanded his immigration papers .
They turned him over to Ice .
A pattern was repeated : Ice tried to convict Ramos in federal court for an illegal entry crime .
His children chanted support for their father outside the courthouse in Erie , Pennsylvania .
The federal prosecutor dismissed the case “ in the interests of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a stay .
After that the children grew even closer to their father .
Of his times spent with Ramos , Cristian said , “ I just wanted it always to be this way.
” But shortly after Trump took office , Ice agents cancelled the stay and came looking for Ramos .
After a month on the run from house to house in Painesville , he summoned his children .
He would leave before Ice deported him , he said , so he would have a chance of returning legally to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FaceTime from a family homestead , also in León , Ramos invariably showed a smile .
But on 4 September 2018 , a relative called from Mexico .
Ramos had been executed with 27 shots by a drug gang , who mistook him for a rival trafficker .
His children watched the funeral by video .
Cristian decided he could not afford college and enlisted in the Navy .
Diona just graduated from high school , a track star whose final season of competition was suspended by the pandemic .
A scholarship she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partially pay her tuition , but loans will have to do the rest .
Brown can not help them , as she just manages to pay her own bills working in an aerospace parts factory , still going in every day during the pandemic even though she is at risk , since she has debilitating diabetes .
She can not identify a benefit from Ramos ’ s expulsion .
But she has no difficulty assessing the irreparable cost : “ Two children who are American citizens lost their father .
”

Julia Preston and Andrew Calderon of the Marshall Project

Before her husband was deported, Seleste Hernandez was paying taxes and credit card bills. She was earning her way and liking it.
But after her husband, Pedro, was forced to return to Mexico, her family lost his income from a commercial greenhouse job. Seleste had to quit her nursing aide work, staying home to care for a disabled son. Now she is trapped, grieving for a faraway spouse and relying on public assistance just to scrape by.
She went, in her eyes, from paying taxes to depending on taxpayers. “I’m back to feeling worthless,” she says.
Across the country, hundreds of thousands of American families are coping with anguish compounded by steep financial decline after a spouse’s or parent’s deportation, a more enduring form of family separation than Donald Trump’s policy that took children from parents at the border.
Trump has broadened the targets of deportation to include many immigrants with no serious criminal records. While the benefits to communities from these removals are unclear, the costs – to devastated American families and to the public purse – are coming into focus. The hardships for the families have only deepened with the economic strains of the coronavirus.
According to a new Marshall Project analysis with the Center for Migration Studies, just under 6.1 million American citizen children live in households with at least one undocumented family member vulnerable to deportation.
About 331,900 American children have a parent who has legal protection under Daca, or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, the center’s analysis found. After the supreme court ruled last Thursday that Trump’s cancellation of Daca was unlawful, those families are still protected from deportation, for now. But the court’s ruling allows Trump to try to cancel the program again. And the debate cast light on 10.7 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States, who remain exposed to Trump’s enforcement.
Nationwide, about 908,891 households with at least one American child would fall below federal poverty levels if an undocumented breadwinner was removed, according to the analysis by the center, a research organization in New York affiliated with the Catholic church.
After a breadwinner is deported, many families that once were self-sufficient must rely on social welfare programs to survive. With the trauma of a banished parent, some children fail in schools or require expensive medical and mental health care. With family savings depleted, American children struggle financially to stay in school or attend college.
Seleste Hernandez is now the sole caregiver for her 30-year-old son Juan, barely able to haul his 140-pound frame from his bed to his wheelchair. Her family and two others in north-eastern Ohio, a region where Trump’s deportations have taken a heavy toll, have borne the costs of these expulsions.
Seleste Hernandez’s husband, Pedro, was deported back to Mexico, leaving Seleste the sole caregiver for the couples disabled son, Juan. Photograph: Michael McElroy/The Marshall Project
They are part of a large and growing group of American households hit by deportation. From 2013 to 2018, more than 231,000 immigrants who were deported said they had American citizen children, according to the most recent data available from Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or Ice.
But despite his tough talk, Trump’s record on deportations is mixed. Under his administration the numbers have climbed, reaching 337,287 deportations in 2018 – the latest figures available – but still well below the peak of 432,281 set by President Barack Obama in 2013, according to Department of Homeland Security statistics.
Yet under Trump, any immigrant without legal status is vulnerable, after he reversed a 2014 Obama administration directive that instructed Ice to concentrate on removing immigrants convicted of serious crimes. In each year under Trump the number of deportees with no criminal convictions has increased, from 98,420 in 2017 to 117,117 in 2019 – 43% of all deportations last year, according to Ice reports.
Many of those recorded as criminals are immigrants whose crime was to cross the border without documents. According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, 85% of immigrants arrested on federal charges in 2018 – a total of 105,748 arrests – were accused of immigration crimes, mainly entering the country illegally.
Ice officials say their strategy is working to make communities safer because they are taking lawbreakers off the streets.
“These individuals, they’re here illegally and they’re committing crimes,” said Matthew Albence, the senior official serving as director of Ice, at a press conference earlier this year. “The crime rate should be zero because the people here illegally shouldn’t be here to begin with.”
*******
Back in 2004, when Seleste Wisniewski met Pedro Hernandez in her hometown of Elyria, she was a harried single mother from Ohio’s battered working class, raising three children, including a son with severe cerebral palsy.
But Hernandez was not put off. He won her heart, she said, by bringing her a ripe watermelon instead of flowers, to show her his pride in his farming skills.
He moved in. Pedro went to his greenhouse job in the early morning. Seleste, a nursing assistant for the elderly, worked at night. They alternated the care of her son Juan, who doesn’t talk and can’t eat or move on his own. Together Pedro and Seleste had a son, Luis, now 11.
In 2013, Pedro was stopped by local police for a broken license plate light. Instead of settling for a ticket, the police turned him over to the border patrol. Twelve years earlier, he had been deported after crossing the border without papers, so the border patrol deported him again. Determined to get back to his family, he crossed again illegally. But immigration agents arrested him soon after he returned home in July 2013. This time they charged him with illegal re-entry, a federal felony, hoping to send him to prison.
When Pedro was led in handcuffs into a federal courtroom in Cleveland, Juan, in a wheelchair, let out an agitated cry. The judge and the prosecutor said they were surprised to learn that Pedro was supporting a family member with a disability. They quickly agreed to dismiss the criminal case, court records show.
Seleste and her husband, Pedro, alternated the care of her son Juan, who doesn’t talk and can’t eat or move on his own. Photograph: Michael McElroy/The Marshall Project
By then Obama was discouraging Ice from expelling immigrants with no criminal convictions. Pedro was granted a stay of deportation. For the next four years, according to his case file, he checked in regularly with Ice. He received a work permit, and with that he got a driver’s license, a full-time job growing poinsettias at a local greenhouse, even a 401K retirement account. He and Seleste got married. Her application for his permanent resident green card was approved.
In a letter to his lawyer, Ice officials said Pedro was officially off their list of priorities for deportation.
That changed under Trump. On 8 August 2017, Ice agents went to the Hernandez home, ordering Pedro to leave by 30 September.
“You got something wrong,” Seleste insisted. “What has changed?”
There is a new president and a new administration, an agent told her.
“Sir, we’re still the same family,” she protested. “We’re doing everything we were supposed to.”
An Ice spokesman, Khaalid Walls, said the agency had acted because Pedro was a “repeat immigration violator”. On 28 September he was put aboard a flight to Mexico. At the door of the plane, Ice officers handed him a notice: he was barred from returning for 20 years.
“We were getting there,” Seleste said, between hurt and rage. “We’re almost there. And then, boom, get out. And I’m left to put the pieces together.”
These days Pedro is farming a corn patch in the mountains above Acapulco, scratching out just enough to eat. Seleste is home with Juan, who requires regular feeding through a stomach tube, and someone to be near him at all times.
When both Pedro and Seleste were working, they made about $4,300 a month, enough to buy groceries, pay bills and buy Pedro a red pickup truck. They paid taxes and had health insurance through their employers.
Now Seleste draws on public services to survive. After she had to leave her job, the household income dropped to zero, and her housing subsidy, part of Juan’s disability assistance, soared from $90 to $811 a month, with the county now paying her entire rent. She receives $509 a month in food stamps.
She lost her private health insurance and is on Medicaid. She was paid $1,200 from the federal coronavirus stimulus.
“Pedro was a contributor,” said Father Charlie Diedrick, the priest at St Mary’s church in Elyria, where Luis attends school. “He took care of his family and his neighbors. And we put an end to that.”
A picture of Pedro sits in a shrine in the family home in Elyria, Ohio. ‘He took care of his family and his neighbors. And we put an end to that.’ Photograph: Michael McElroy/The Marshall Project
Seleste organizes her day around four or five fleeting conversations by WhatsApp, when Juan is calmed by hearing Pedro’s voice from Mexico. With the coronavirus threatening his frail health, Juan can never leave the house. Pandemic travel restrictions have cut Luis off from his summer visit to his father.
“Only thing I know is me, my kids, we sit in disbelief, struggling,” Seleste said. “Unnecessary suffering of the separation. Unnecessary worry. Is the country a safer place?”
********
In November 2017, Esperanza Pacheco went to the Ice office in Cleveland for a regular check-in. She was detained and never came out. A week later, she was dropped by Ice in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico.
“We never got to say goodbye, nothing,” said Thalia Moctezuma, her American daughter, who was 18 and a high school senior at the time.
The north-east Ohio town of Painesville, where Pacheco lived, has been an epicenter of enforcement under Trump. Since 2017 Ice has been tracking down undocumented people in town and cancelling stays, leading to dozens of deportations. Many immigrants, under pressure, packed up and left on their own.
“What you see now is a community that is very demoralized,” said Veronica Dahlberg, executive director of HOLA, an immigrant advocacy group in Painesville.
Pacheco, a vivacious woman with an infectious giggle, is one of 14 children of a Mexican bracero farmworker who years ago became a US citizen. He applied for citizenship for all his children. But due to bureaucratic errors and delays, only Pacheco’s naturalization never went through.
In more than two decades in the United States, she married another Mexican, Eusebio Moctezuma, now a legal resident, and had four daughters born in Ohio. Pacheco had one blot on her record, from a day in 2002 when she left two of the girls, just toddlers, alone in her trailer home to run to a job interview. A neighbor called the police, and Pacheco drew a misdemeanor conviction for endangering a child.
Esperanza Pacheco Left: Esperanza Pacheco in the window of her apartment, in the room she has set aside when someone from her family can visit her for a few days in León, Guanajuato. Right: Pacheco’s terrace, where she has planted some flowers and where she sits to watch the afternoon go by. Photographs by Mariceu Erthal Garcia/The Marshall Project
Ten years later, under Obama, Ice threatened to deport her. Advocates mobilized. Her daughters marched in Painesville streets. Ice desisted, granting a deportation stay and a work permit. By 2017 Pacheco’s oldest daughter was about to turn 21 and was ready to present a new petition for a green card for her mother.
Then Trump took office. Fifteen years after Pacheco’s maternal lapse, Ice officials pointed to that offense to categorize her as a criminal and justify deporting her, separating her from her daughters.
The girls were cast adrift. Their father had to work extra hours at his landscaping construction job to pay the bills and could rarely be home.
“When mom was here, she was cooking, talking, everything was right,” Eusebio said one morning in the kitchen of the family’s ramshackle trailer, his mood despondent. “I thought I was OK to handle my daughters. But now I find out they need mom over here. She’s the one that makes us a family together.”
Pacheco landed in a walk-up apartment in her old hometown of León, Guanajuato. She tries to console her husband and raise her daughters by WhatsApp, messaging them throughout the day.
For her daughters, it’s not the same. “In our house, I feel that vibe where it’s cold, it’s just dark,” Thalia said. “It feels like a place but not a home.”
Not long after Pacheco’s deportation, kids in the girls’ schools took to taunting them.
“They started saying, your mom’s illegal, you should have gone back to Mexico, you’re not really from here,” Eusebio said.
One daughter, M., who was 17, lashed out, getting into fistfights in the hallways. (The Marshall Project is not using the full names of the younger daughters because they were minors when their mother was deported.)
M. began missing classes and drinking a mix of vodka and beer before school. A year after the deportation, Thalia came home one night to find M. passed out on the floor, foaming at the mouth, a bottle of sleeping pills by her side. She called Pacheco and turned around her phone to show her mother that M. was unconscious.
“I wanted to fly to them, but I couldn’t do anything,” Pacheco said in a phone interview from León. Suppressing panic, she instructed Thalia on the video call how to keep M. alive and find a relative to rush her to a hospital.
Esperanza Pacheco Left: Esperanza Pacheco calling her daughter Thalia by cellphone – they speak every day by video call. Right: portrait of Thalia. Photographs by Mariceu Erthal Garcia/The Marshall Project
M. spent a week in Rainbow Babies and Children’s Hospital in Cleveland, and she went to a rehab center for another week.
“We asked her why she did that and she said, because she feels so lonely, she needed mom,” Eusebio said, his voice thick with sorrow. “They are so very close to mom.”
After M. recovered, her outlook changed. She graduated from high school, got a job, and was talking of going to college, even law school.
But the youngest daughter, M. D., struggled. In August 2019 she went to visit her mother in Mexico. The girls often felt torn returning from those visits, realizing they loved their mother but did not want to live with her in Mexico. M. D. begged her mother to come with her to the United States.
“Baby, I’ll be there soon,” Pacheco said, knowing it wasn’t true.
Not long after, M. D., then 15, swallowed 60 pills of ephedrine. Her medical chart on 25 September of last year, the day she entered Rainbow Hospital, stated that she was “currently admitted due to suicide attempt with ingestion”. It noted that she “has attempted to overdose 3 prior times in last 3 months”.
Doctors observed that M. D. had spurts of abnormally fast heartbeat, a result of the overdose. After two weeks in the hospital and an in-patient mental health center, on 9 October she went back to Rainbow for four more days for a procedure to repair her heart.
Thalia found a diary M. D. had kept. She hated her life, she wrote, because her school friends had their mothers at home and were happy, and she didn’t have hers. Do we deserve this? she asked. Why us?
By March, M. D. was back taking her classes and the family was stabilizing. But as the coronavirus crippled the economy, their financial situation was already dire.
Eusebio, who was making $3,500 a month at his job, lost more than $7,000 when he missed work caring for his daughters in the hospital. When Pacheco was home, she brought in at least $350 a week cooking Mexican specialties to sell to neighbors. Now the family has to send Pacheco $100 a month to pay her rent. Three of the sisters are working instead of going to college, to keep the family afloat.
Rainbow Hospital, and the private University Hospitals system it is part of, absorbed almost the entire cost of the medical care for both girls. The family was uninsured. Eusebio received no bills for either girl’s emergency care, so the total cost is unclear. He paid out $500 for an ambulance for M. D. and $720 for her psychiatric treatment. Rainbow did send a bill for $9,800 for M. D.’s cardiac procedure, with instructions for a payment plan. Eusebio has not been able to pay anything yet.
He was out of work for a month with the pandemic lockdown. The family has not sought federal assistance, fearing it could hurt Pacheco’s green card application, her only hope of returning to her family.
On the other end of a mobile app, Pacheco fights desperation. “I’m Mexican,” she said, “but I hope God hears me, I don’t want to be here in Mexico.”
Esperanza Pacheco sharing a meal by video call with her husband. Photograph: Mariceu Erthal Garcia/The Marshall Project
Alfredo Ramos had been living in the United States for nearly a decade when he met Susan Brown, an American from a blue collar family in Painesville. She was 20 at the time and a single mother. They had a joyful courtship of raucous parties and walks in the woods.
Brown became pregnant, and in 2000 she and Ramos married. But when she was in her ninth month, Ice raided the factory where Ramos was working and deported him. Two weeks later Brown, lonely and frantic without her husband, gave birth to their son, Cristian.
“I did what everybody would want to do in that situation,” Brown said. She sent Ramos $2,000 to pay a smuggler to help him cross the border illegally. He was back a few weeks later.
Brown’s family rejoiced. “I knew he wouldn’t just walk away from a child being born,” said Jessica Brown, Susan’s sister. “We are a family that knows right from wrong. But we believed there would be a pathway for him to something legal.”
Because of Ramos’s deportation, the legal pathway proved hard to find. Two years later, a daughter, Diona, was born. To make ends meet, Brown worked two jobs and Ramos took any work he could find, but his wages stayed low because of his undocumented status. Over time, tensions arose. Ramos and Brown divorced.
But he remained a hands-on provider, at times taking both children to live with him in a cramped Painesville apartment. “Maybe we weren’t hugging and stuff like that, but I would always know he was there for me,” Cristian said.
In March 2014, Ramos was a passenger in a vehicle that was pulled over for a minor traffic stop by local police. The officers demanded his immigration papers. They turned him over to Ice.
A pattern was repeated: Ice tried to convict Ramos in federal court for an illegal entry crime. His children chanted support for their father outside the courthouse in Erie, Pennsylvania. The federal prosecutor dismissed the case “in the interests of justice”. Ice relented, issuing a stay.
After that the children grew even closer to their father. Of his times spent with Ramos, Cristian said, “I just wanted it always to be this way.”
But shortly after Trump took office, Ice agents cancelled the stay and came looking for Ramos. After a month on the run from house to house in Painesville, he summoned his children. He would leave before Ice deported him, he said, so he would have a chance of returning legally to be with them someday.
Beaming in on FaceTime from a family homestead, also in León, Ramos invariably showed a smile. But on 4 September 2018, a relative called from Mexico. Ramos had been executed with 27 shots by a drug gang, who mistook him for a rival trafficker. His children watched the funeral by video.
Cristian decided he could not afford college and enlisted in the Navy. Diona just graduated from high school, a track star whose final season of competition was suspended by the pandemic. A scholarship she won to the University of Kentucky will partially pay her tuition, but loans will have to do the rest.
Brown cannot help them, as she just manages to pay her own bills working in an aerospace parts factory, still going in every day during the pandemic even though she is at risk, since she has debilitating diabetes. She cannot identify a benefit from Ramos’s expulsion.
But she has no difficulty assessing the irreparable cost: “Two children who are American citizens lost their father.”


theguardian--2020-06-22--New York congressional race: fight to unseat senior party figure splits Democrats

Longstanding tensions within the Democratic party have reemerged in a New York congressional race where an insurgent candidate is seeking to unseat a long-time senior party figure .
The divide is largely between establishment Democrats lining up behind incumbent congressman Eliot Engel , a member of congress for three decades who chairs the House foreign affairs committee and liberals and anti-establishment Democrats backing Jamaal Bowman , a teacher and middle school principal .
The race has emerged as the next battlefield between divergent wings of the Democratic party .
It is the latest chance for progressives to finally notch a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contest losses and a stinging defeat of Vermont senator Bernie Sanders in the presidential race .
“ This one has really caught fire and it ’ s caught fire for a progressive movement that ’ s needed to land some more victories , ” said Ian Russell , a Democratic strategist and former deputy executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee .
The hope for progressives is that Tuesday ’ s primary contest will result in a similar outcome to the 2018 Democratic primary race for New York ’ s 14th congressional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtual unknown , ousted incumbent congressman Joe Crowley , a member of Democratic leadership in the House of Representatives .
For liberals , that race replaced a longtime Washington outsider and relative centrist with liberal firebrand “ AOC ” , who now wields unparalleled power for a young freshman congresswoman and has achieved global fame .
Unlike that 2018 race though , a constellation of liberal outside groups have already rallied around Bowman .
He has been endorsed by Our Revolution , a Sanders-aligned offshoot , Justice Democrats , MoveOn , the Working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among others .
Also unlike Ocasio-Cortez , the infrastructure of Bowman ’ s campaign is more professional .
He ’ s used a swath of well-regarded vendors and consultants regarded highly in progressive circles .
Engel , however , has enjoyed his own share of high profile Democratic support , albeit from the more establishment wing of the party .
He ’ s been endorsed by Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer , Hillary Clinton , Nancy Pelosi , and Jim Clyburn , the highest ranking African American Democrat in Congress .
Clyburn in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , explained that his history with Engel goes back years .
Engel had always been there for him , Clyburn said , so how could he not be there for the New York congressman ?
“ Anytime I ’ ve asked him to support me for something he did .
Now he asked me to support him and I ’ ll say ‘ Well I can ’ t do that because this person I ’ ve never met ?
’ ” Clyburn said .
“ I would be less than a human being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s been supporting me for 20 years – more than 20 years.
” Oftentimes heated primary races between two wings of a party are usually based on dramatically different political views .
But this one is also marked by age and race .
Engel , a 73-year old white man , is facing the prospect of being replaced by a 44-year-old black educator .
Bowman is not the only non-white longshot progressive candidate who ’ s enjoyed a burst of support .
In Kentucky , state representative Charles Booker has emerged as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell , despite the fact that Amy McGrath has been the longtime favorite .
Booker has been endorsed by Warren and the Progressive Change Campaign Committee .
But for liberals , the hopes are higher in New York .
“ Its emerged as the hottest democratic primary in the country , with all the makings of an AOC style upset repeat , ” Democratic strategist and admaker Julian Mulvey said .
“ Bowman ’ s campaign and message is picking up momentum and energy .
Combined with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make it choppy waters for the incumbent to navigate.
” A Bowman win is far from a sure thing .
Polling is sparse but Engel ’ s campaign recently tweeted that the incumbent congressman still leads by single digits – arguably a lot less than an incumbent should be ahead against a first-time candidate .

Longstanding tensions within the Democratic party have reemerged in a New York congressional race where an insurgent candidate is seeking to unseat a long-time senior party figure.
The divide is largely between establishment Democrats lining up behind incumbent congressman Eliot Engel, a member of congress for three decades who chairs the House foreign affairs committee and liberals and anti-establishment Democrats backing Jamaal Bowman, a teacher and middle school principal.
Jamaal Bowman, a teacher and middle school principal, is challenging Eliot Engel. Photograph: Corey Torpie/AP
The race has emerged as the next battlefield between divergent wings of the Democratic party. It is the latest chance for progressives to finally notch a win after a long drought of primary contest losses and a stinging defeat of Vermont senator Bernie Sanders in the presidential race.
“This one has really caught fire and it’s caught fire for a progressive movement that’s needed to land some more victories,” said Ian Russell, a Democratic strategist and former deputy executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
The hope for progressives is that Tuesday’s primary contest will result in a similar outcome to the 2018 Democratic primary race for New York’s 14th congressional district where progressive Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a virtual unknown, ousted incumbent congressman Joe Crowley, a member of Democratic leadership in the House of Representatives.
For liberals, that race replaced a longtime Washington insider and relative centrist with liberal firebrand “AOC”, who now wields unparalleled power for a young freshman congresswoman and has achieved global fame.
Unlike that 2018 race though, a constellation of liberal outside groups have already rallied around Bowman. He has been endorsed by Our Revolution, a Sanders-aligned offshoot, Justice Democrats, MoveOn, the Working Families Party and Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren among others. Also unlike Ocasio-Cortez, the infrastructure of Bowman’s campaign is more professional. He’s used a swath of well-regarded vendors and consultants regarded highly in progressive circles.
Engel, however, has enjoyed his own share of high profile Democratic support, albeit from the more establishment wing of the party. He’s been endorsed by Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer, Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi, and Jim Clyburn, the highest ranking African American Democrat in Congress.
Clyburn in a wide ranging interview with the Guardian, explained that his history with Engel goes back years. Engel had always been there for him, Clyburn said, so how could he not be there for the New York congressman?
“Anytime I’ve asked him to support me for something he did. Now he asked me to support him and I’ll say ‘Well I can’t do that because this person I’ve never met?’” Clyburn said. “I would be less than a human being not to support this person who’s been supporting me for 20 years – more than 20 years.”
Oftentimes heated primary races between two wings of a party are usually based on dramatically different political views. But this one is also marked by age and race. Engel, a 73-year old white man, is facing the prospect of being replaced by a 44-year-old black educator.
Bowman is not the only non-white longshot progressive candidate who’s enjoyed a burst of support.
In Kentucky, state representative Charles Booker has emerged as a serious candidate in the Democratic primary to face Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, despite the fact that Amy McGrath has been the longtime favorite. Booker has been endorsed by Warren and the Progressive Change Campaign Committee.
But for liberals, the hopes are higher in New York.
“Its emerged as the hottest democratic primary in the country, with all the makings of an AOC style upset repeat,” Democratic strategist and admaker Julian Mulvey said. “Bowman’s campaign and message is picking up momentum and energy. Combined with a restlessness brought on by multiple crises, make it choppy waters for the incumbent to navigate.”
.@JamaalBowmanNY: Our internals show Engel up by 8, and that was before voters knew that you weren't a Democrat, or that the Board of Elections showed that you didn't vote for Obama in 2012. — Engel for Congress (@TeamEngel) June 17, 2020
A Bowman win is far from a sure thing. Polling is sparse but Engel’s campaign recently tweeted that the incumbent congressman still leads by single digits – arguably a lot less than an incumbent should be ahead against a first-time candidate.


theguardian--2020-06-22--Fear mounts Trump may pressure FDA to rush Covid-19 vaccine by election

Concerns that Donald Trump ’ s inner circle might pressure the Food and Drug Administration ( FDA ) to rush a coronavirus vaccine to market in time for the presidential election have risen after the White House attacked the agency for reversing itself on an experimental drug treatment .
Critics say that the FDA ’ s decision in April to approve hydroxychloroquine for emergency use – an approval that the agency revoked last Monday – demonstrated that the regulator is vulnerable to political pressure from the White House .
But other outside experts said that regulatory approval for any vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that would prevent the process from being unduly rushed .
The FDA ’ s reversal on hydroxychloroquine follows earlier missteps by the agency in confronting the pandemic , critics say , including an early blanket approval of ineffective antibody tests and a tight rein on private lab testing that lasted until 13 March .
“ The worry here is that they will use the emergency use authorization standard ” to approve a vaccine , said Ezekiel Emanuel , a medical professor at the University of Pennsylvania and former Obama White House health policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it to people and they think ‘ Wow , I ’ ve got the vaccine now , ’ they ’ re likely not to physically distance , wear face masks .
And then if it doesn ’ t actually work , Oh !
We ’ ve got a disaster on our hands.
” FDA commissioner Stephen M Hahn said the agency would not allow politics to enter in the search for a vaccine .
“ We take the development of a Covid-19 vaccine for the American people very seriously , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics – has and will always guide our decision-making , including our work related to vaccines.
” Wayne Koff , president of the Human Vaccines Project , said he did not think “ there ’ s going to be political pressure ” to rush vaccine approval .
“ Because I think the data is going to be transparent , as all the data has been in this field , ” Koff said .
But others fear that with the approach of the November election , regulators could come under unprecedented pressure to deliver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has tallied more than 2m Covid-19 cases and 119,000 deaths , almost tripling the death toll of the second-ranking country , Brazil .
Both cases and deaths continue to climb in the United States .
Trump , who hosted a campaign-style rally in Oklahoma at the weekend , refuses to wear a mask in public and regularly contradicts health officials and mischaracterizes the scientific landscape .
Last Tuesday , Trump credited scientists fighting coronavirus as “ the best , the smartest , the most brilliant anywhere , and they ’ ve come up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no HIV vaccine .
Trump ’ s top trade adviser , Peter Navarro , has attacked the FDA in wild terms for its reversal on hydroxychloroquine , which the agency now says is “ unlikely to be effective in treating Covid-19 ” and could have “ potential serious side effects ” .
“ This is a Deep State blindside by bureaucrats who hate the administration they work for more than they ’ re concerned about saving American lives , ” Navarro told the New York Times .
Trump claimed in May to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have fatal cardiac side effects .
Other powerful pressures will be in play as the Trump administration strives to deliver “ a few hundred million doses of vaccine by the end of 2020 ” , the marquee promise of the vaccine drive called Operation Warp Speed .
By elevating certain vaccine candidates , the Trump administration exercises immense power over which products may eventually be brought to market – and which companies cover their growing at-risk investments in research and production .
Five vaccine candidates were selected by the Trump administration earlier this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funding and priority status in upcoming trials involving tens of thousands of patients to test the candidates ’ efficacy .
Operation Warp Speed , which is overseen by Jared Kushner , the president ’ s son-in-law , has issued no public standards or explanations for which vaccine candidates received priority and why .
“ It ’ s been so chaotic , and it ’ s not even transparent to those of us who are trying to help out , ” an unnamed source linked to Warp Speed told Science Magazine ’ s Jon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ) , which hosts Operation Warp Speed , said the selection process was “ ongoing ” .
“ Vaccine candidates must meet a number of safety , efficacy and distribution standards to successfully advance through the OWS selection process , ” a senior administration official said .
One of the leaders of the Warp Speed effort , Moncef Slaoui , a former pharmaceuticals executive , resigned in May from the board of the biotech company Moderna , which is developing a leading vaccine candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about $ 12.4m in Moderna stock options .
The Moderna candidate was one of the five finalists selected earlier this month by Warp Speed .
The candidate has shown promising results in early clinical trials and is part of a key government partnership through the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases ( NIAID ) .
An additional “ stealth ” vaccine candidate , which is being developed by the billionaire co-owner of the Los Angeles Lakers basketball team and does not appear on a list of candidates maintained by the World Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government for testing in monkeys , Cohen reported earlier this month .
HHS did not reply to a request for comment on the selection .
Scott Gottlieb , a former FDA commissioner under Trump , questioned why the group of “ finalist ” vaccine candidates elevated by HHS did not include any traditional vaccine platforms , which use inactivated or attenuated virus to provoke an immune response .
The vaccines advanced so far by HHS use novel genetics platforms .
“ There ’ s no sort of old-style technology in this mix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I ’ m surprised… because if you want to spread your bets , you probably want to spread your bets across different platforms .
And they chose very novel platforms.
” Efficacy trials involve two groups , a vaccinated group and a control group , chosen from areas where the virus is actively spreading .
If a vaccine is working , a statistically significant smaller number of people should get infected in the vaccine arm than in the control arm .
Dr Peter Gilbert of the University of Washington , a biostatistician @ @ @ @ @ @ @ HIV vaccine to help design and analyze Covid-19 efficacy trials , said that preliminary results from efficacy trials could land in October or November .
These preliminary results would be submitted to a Data Safety Monitoring Board ( DSMB ) in Washington convened by NIAID , where they could quickly produce a licensure application .
“ I would say that if everything goes well , if the enrollment is finding the cases – enrolling the right people that are actually at risk – and it starts on time , and the vaccine works @ @ @ @ @ @ @ realistic that we could have the data go to the DSMB by the end of the year , that do show that a vaccine hits its success criteria .
The first interim analysis , that could happen in November-ish or around there.
” The presidential election is on 3 November .
When the FDA revoked approval of hydroxychloroquine , Rick Bright , a former top government scientist who filed a whistleblower complaint this spring charging the Trump administration with ignoring Covid-19 dangers , called the action “ long overdue ” .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our country and should be destroyed , ” Bright tweeted .
An FDA spokesperson said the agency would “ thoroughly evaluate the data submitted in support of a vaccine ’ s safety and effectiveness , and will approve a vaccine for the prevention of Covid-19 only if the FDA determines that it is safe and effective for its intended use.
” But concerns persisted that the agency had caved on hydroxychloroquine and might do so again on vaccines .
In the event the FDA appeared to be doing so , scientists might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said Emanuel .
“ This administration – they have objectives that aren ’ t necessarily adhering to what scientists like me say , right ?
” Emanuel said .
“ I mean that ’ s the problem here .
”

Concerns that Donald Trump’s inner circle might pressure the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to rush a coronavirus vaccine to market in time for the presidential election have risen after the White House attacked the agency for reversing itself on an experimental drug treatment.
Critics say that the FDA’s decision in April to approve hydroxychloroquine for emergency use – an approval that the agency revoked last Monday – demonstrated that the regulator is vulnerable to political pressure from the White House.
But other outside experts said that regulatory approval for any vaccine would require a degree of data transparency that would prevent the process from being unduly rushed.
The FDA’s reversal on hydroxychloroquine follows earlier missteps by the agency in confronting the pandemic, critics say, including an early blanket approval of ineffective antibody tests and a tight rein on private lab testing that lasted until 13 March.
“The worry here is that they will use the emergency use authorization standard” to approve a vaccine, said Ezekiel Emanuel, a medical professor at the University of Pennsylvania and former Obama White House health policy adviser.
“And if you give it to people and they think ‘Wow, I’ve got the vaccine now,’ they’re likely not to physically distance, wear face masks. And then if it doesn’t actually work, Oh! We’ve got a disaster on our hands.”
FDA commissioner Stephen M Hahn said the agency would not allow politics to enter in the search for a vaccine. “We take the development of a Covid-19 vaccine for the American people very seriously,” he said. “Science and data – not politics – has and will always guide our decision-making, including our work related to vaccines.”
Wayne Koff, president of the Human Vaccines Project, said he did not think “there’s going to be political pressure” to rush vaccine approval. “Because I think the data is going to be transparent, as all the data has been in this field,” Koff said.
But others fear that with the approach of the November election, regulators could come under unprecedented pressure to deliver winning headlines for Trump.
The US has tallied more than 2m Covid-19 cases and 119,000 deaths, almost tripling the death toll of the second-ranking country, Brazil. Both cases and deaths continue to climb in the United States.
Trump’s top trade adviser, Peter Navarro, has attacked the FDA in wild terms for its reversal on hydroxychloroquine. Photograph: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images
Trump, who hosted a campaign-style rally in Oklahoma at the weekend, refuses to wear a mask in public and regularly contradicts health officials and mischaracterizes the scientific landscape. Last Tuesday, Trump credited scientists fighting coronavirus as “the best, the smartest, the most brilliant anywhere, and they’ve come up with the Aids vaccine.” There is no HIV vaccine.
Trump’s top trade adviser, Peter Navarro, has attacked the FDA in wild terms for its reversal on hydroxychloroquine, which the agency now says is “unlikely to be effective in treating Covid-19” and could have “potential serious side effects”.
“This is a Deep State blindside by bureaucrats who hate the administration they work for more than they’re concerned about saving American lives,” Navarro told the New York Times.
Trump claimed in May to have been taking the drug, which can have fatal cardiac side effects.
Other powerful pressures will be in play as the Trump administration strives to deliver “a few hundred million doses of vaccine by the end of 2020”, the marquee promise of the vaccine drive called Operation Warp Speed.
By elevating certain vaccine candidates, the Trump administration exercises immense power over which products may eventually be brought to market – and which companies cover their growing at-risk investments in research and production.
Five vaccine candidates were selected by the Trump administration earlier this month to receive millions of dollars in funding and priority status in upcoming trials involving tens of thousands of patients to test the candidates’ efficacy.
Operation Warp Speed, which is overseen by Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, has issued no public standards or explanations for which vaccine candidates received priority and why.
“It’s been so chaotic, and it’s not even transparent to those of us who are trying to help out,” an unnamed source linked to Warp Speed told Science Magazine’s Jon Cohen of the candidate selection process.
The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), which hosts Operation Warp Speed, said the selection process was “ongoing”.
“Vaccine candidates must meet a number of safety, efficacy and distribution standards to successfully advance through the OWS selection process,” a senior administration official said.
One of the leaders of the Warp Speed effort, Moncef Slaoui, a former pharmaceuticals executive, resigned in May from the board of the biotech company Moderna, which is developing a leading vaccine candidate. HHS announced that Slaoui would divest about $12.4m in Moderna stock options.
The Moderna candidate was one of the five finalists selected earlier this month by Warp Speed. The candidate has shown promising results in early clinical trials and is part of a key government partnership through the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID).
An additional “stealth” vaccine candidate, which is being developed by the billionaire co-owner of the Los Angeles Lakers basketball team and does not appear on a list of candidates maintained by the World Health Organization, has separately been prioritized by the government for testing in monkeys, Cohen reported earlier this month. HHS did not reply to a request for comment on the selection.
Scott Gottlieb, a former FDA commissioner under Trump, questioned why the group of “finalist” vaccine candidates elevated by HHS did not include any traditional vaccine platforms, which use inactivated or attenuated virus to provoke an immune response. The vaccines advanced so far by HHS use novel genetics platforms.
“There’s no sort of old-style technology in this mix,” Gottlieb said on CNBC. “I’m surprised… because if you want to spread your bets, you probably want to spread your bets across different platforms. And they chose very novel platforms.”
Efficacy trials involve two groups, a vaccinated group and a control group, chosen from areas where the virus is actively spreading. If a vaccine is working, a statistically significant smaller number of people should get infected in the vaccine arm than in the control arm.
Dr Peter Gilbert of the University of Washington, a biostatistician who has pivoted from work on an HIV vaccine to help design and analyze Covid-19 efficacy trials, said that preliminary results from efficacy trials could land in October or November. These preliminary results would be submitted to a Data Safety Monitoring Board (DSMB) in Washington convened by NIAID, where they could quickly produce a licensure application.
“I would say that if everything goes well, if the enrollment is finding the cases – enrolling the right people that are actually at risk – and it starts on time, and the vaccine works, then I think it’s realistic that we could have the data go to the DSMB by the end of the year, that do show that a vaccine hits its success criteria. The first interim analysis, that could happen in November-ish or around there.”
The presidential election is on 3 November.
When the FDA revoked approval of hydroxychloroquine, Rick Bright, a former top government scientist who filed a whistleblower complaint this spring charging the Trump administration with ignoring Covid-19 dangers, called the action “long overdue”.
“The drugs should never have been brought into our country and should be destroyed,” Bright tweeted.
An FDA spokesperson said the agency would “thoroughly evaluate the data submitted in support of a vaccine’s safety and effectiveness, and will approve a vaccine for the prevention of Covid-19 only if the FDA determines that it is safe and effective for its intended use.”
But concerns persisted that the agency had caved on hydroxychloroquine and might do so again on vaccines. In the event the FDA appeared to be doing so, scientists might have a limited ability to raise the alarm, said Emanuel.
“This administration – they have objectives that aren’t necessarily adhering to what scientists like me say, right?” Emanuel said. “I mean that’s the problem here.”