theguardian--2020-11-10--'The most misunderstood state': why California's not as liberal as you think

It took mere minutes after California polls closed on election night for networks to call the state for Joe Biden .
Millions of votes in America ’ s most populous state were still to be counted , but Biden ’ s wide victory in California was guaranteed – the state is , after all , seen as a liberal bastion .
But zoom in on its sprawling 58 counties , and the solid-blue picture of California is blurred .
Even with a rousing race for the White House luring new voters to the ballot box this year , congressional conservatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are poised to pick up more in close races they lost in the last cycle .
Californians sided with corporations on the future of gig work , decided against affirmative action , and nixed both stronger rent control and a new business tax that benefits schools and local governments .
“ California is the most misunderstood state in the country , ” said the political scientist Bruce Cain , who teaches on the American west at Stanford University .
“ It has always been that way.
” California continues to produce some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both sides .
The Golden state is home to some of the most prominent conservative voices , including the House minority leader , Kevin McCarthy , and the Trump-allied congressman Devin Nunes .
It is also home to the Democratic House speaker , Nancy Pelosi , and the House intelligence committee chairman , Adam Schiff – all of whom secured new terms this election .
It still has large swaths of red territory hidden behind a Democratic super-majority in the state house .
Vice-President-Elect Kamala Harris , who hails from the Bay Area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has made it to the White House .
Before the 1990s , a largely Republican-held California sent Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan to the national stage .
That ’ s why , Cain said , it shouldn ’ t be surprising to see some hard-fought congressional seats slipping from Democrats this year .
“ These were in many instances Republican seats that were held for a decade or two , sometimes longer , ” he said .
“ It didn ’ t take much to tip it away – those seats were really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , embodied by the big battle at the top of the ticket , also encouraged Californians across the political spectrum to weigh in .
They said they saw this election as the most consequential of their lifetime and , according to surveys done by the Public Policy Institute of California ( PPIC ) , roughly three-quarters of respondents said they were more enthusiastic about voting than ever before .
They were not just Democrats .
“ The enthusiasm about voting was similar among Democrats and Republicans , ” said Mark Baldassare , PPIC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a blue state , but it meant that Republicans were going to turn out in California even if the presidential election was a foregone conclusion.
” The election brought roughly 22 million people to the polls , according to statistics from the California secretary of state – the most in the state ’ s history—and roughly 88 % of eligible residents were registered .
“ In what everybody was expecting was going to be a blue wave election , it looks like a few of the seats will turn Republican again , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the presidential election and representatives also could have clouded concentration and understanding of California ’ s complicated 12 state propositions .
“ This was a particularly challenging year for ballot measures , ” he said .
Along with the attention-suck from the race for the white house , Californians were thinking about the pandemic , wildfires , and the homelessness and housing crisis .
“ They looked through the ballot trying to get some sense of : what should I do ?
What ’ s going to help the problems that I am @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Who can I trust ?
” California ’ s propositions give power to voters to determine proposed changes to state law , but all that is needed to get a proposition on the ballot in California is $ 2,000 and enough signatures to constitute at least 5 % of the voting public .
( Measures proposing changes to the state constitution require signatures from 8 % of the electorate . )
California champions this form of direct democracy perhaps more than the 24 other states with similar proposition systems , but voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot propositions can be – and how easy it can be to manipulate the electorate with large sums of money .
Armed with expensive ad campaigns , corporations and advocacy groups have become experts at swaying public opinion .
Along with record turnout this year , there were also unprecedented levels of political funding .
More than $ 785m was spent overall on California ’ s propositions .
This year , two big industries succeeded in thwarting the will of legislators .
The most aggressive – and expensive – campaign was launched by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exemption to a controversial labor law enacted this year , which would have required them to hire their largely independent contractor workforce as employees .
Prop 22 proponents , largely backed by Uber , Lyft , and Doordash , invested more than $ 200m to win over roughly 60 % of California voters , outspending opponents 10 times over .
Their success codified a new category of worker in California – the “ gig worker ” – and sets both a precedent and strategy the companies are hoping to sweep across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away all the decisions voters made .
Prop 16 , which would change California ’ s constitution to allow universities and governmental agencies to make hiring decisions based on race , gender , or ethnicity – a move needed for affirmative action and diversifying hiring practices – lost with 56.6 % voting no , even though proponents poured more than $ 27m into the effort .
Opponents only spent $ 1.6m .
After thousands marched through the summer in support of the Black Lives Matter movement , legislators expected widespread support for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance the electorate didn ’ t fully understand the implications .
“ It is not that people don ’ t think that racism is a problem – we had established in our surveys before the election that they very much thought it was a problem , ” he said .
“ But they just didn ’ t know enough about this particular measure and didn ’ t have a sense of what this was going to do to help solve the problems around racism and discrimination.
” In such a difficult year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that could have affected how they approached complex ballot decisions .
Before election day , surveys showed 20 % of Californians ranked Covid-19 as the most important issue , followed by jobs and the economy at 16 % .
Only half of likely voters said they supported the direction their state was heading in .
Some close-call propositions that haven ’ t been finalized yet pit ideology against finances .
Prop 14 would fund stem cell research with $ 5.5bn in borrowed funds .
Prop 15 would enact new commercial property taxes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estate .
Prop 19 would alter property tax laws for homes .
“ I think there is a Covid-related concern about the status of the California economy , ” Cain said of theproposition outcomes .
“ There is an economic caution that is induced by people realizing that we are in a serious economic hole.
” He added that there was a chance these issues would be put to voters again in future elections and see different outcomes .
But even if the economy shifts , even when the coronavirus crisis comes to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divides here and around the country .
California ’ s blue hue may not always be a sure thing .
“ When all the dust settles , over 70 million people will have voted for the Republican candidate at the top , ” Cain says of the country-wide vote .
“ When you factor in the gains Republicans made in the house and quite likely the retention of the Senate , it is a sobering reminder that this country – and this state – are still heavily divided .
”

It took mere minutes after California polls closed on election night for networks to call the state for Joe Biden. Millions of votes in America’s most populous state were still to be counted, but Biden’s wide victory in California was guaranteed – the state is, after all, seen as a liberal bastion.
But zoom in on its sprawling 58 counties, and the solid-blue picture of California is blurred. Even with a rousing race for the White House luring new voters to the ballot box this year, congressional conservatives held on to their seats and Republicans are poised to pick up more in close races they lost in the last cycle. Californians sided with corporations on the future of gig work, decided against affirmative action, and nixed both stronger rent control and a new business tax that benefits schools and local governments.
“California is the most misunderstood state in the country,” said the political scientist Bruce Cain, who teaches on the American west at Stanford University. “It has always been that way.”
California continues to produce some of the most influential and oppositional politicians on both sides. The Golden state is home to some of the most prominent conservative voices, including the House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, and the Trump-allied congressman Devin Nunes. It is also home to the Democratic House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, and the House intelligence committee chairman, Adam Schiff – all of whom secured new terms this election.
It still has large swaths of red territory hidden behind a Democratic super-majority in the state house. Vice-President-Elect Kamala Harris, who hails from the Bay Area, is the only California Democrat who has made it to the White House. Before the 1990s, a largely Republican-held California sent Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan to the national stage.
That’s why, Cain said, it shouldn’t be surprising to see some hard-fought congressional seats slipping from Democrats this year. “These were in many instances Republican seats that were held for a decade or two, sometimes longer,” he said. “It didn’t take much to tip it away – those seats were really on loan.”
The sharp ideological divide, embodied by the big battle at the top of the ticket, also encouraged Californians across the political spectrum to weigh in. They said they saw this election as the most consequential of their lifetime and, according to surveys done by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC), roughly three-quarters of respondents said they were more enthusiastic about voting than ever before. They were not just Democrats.
“The enthusiasm about voting was similar among Democrats and Republicans,” said Mark Baldassare, PPIC’s President. “We are a blue state, but it meant that Republicans were going to turn out in California even if the presidential election was a foregone conclusion.” The election brought roughly 22 million people to the polls, according to statistics from the California secretary of state – the most in the state’s history – and roughly 88% of eligible residents were registered.
“In what everybody was expecting was going to be a blue wave election, it looks like a few of the seats will turn Republican again,” Baldassare said, adding that focus on the presidential election and representatives also could have clouded concentration and understanding of California’s complicated 12 state propositions.
Ballots are checked at the San Bernardino county registrar of voters office on Thursday. Photograph: Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times/Rex/Shutterstock
“This was a particularly challenging year for ballot measures,” he said. Along with the attention-suck from the race for the White House, Californians were thinking about the pandemic, wildfires, and the homelessness and housing crisis. “They looked through the ballot trying to get some sense of: what should I do? What’s going to help the problems that I am seeing now and where are the solutions? Who can I trust?”
California’s propositions give power to voters to determine proposed changes to state law, but all that is needed to get a proposition on the ballot in California is $2,000 and enough signatures to constitute at least 5% of the voting public. (Measures proposing changes to the state constitution require signatures from 8% of the electorate.)
California champions this form of direct democracy perhaps more than the 24 other states with similar proposition systems, but voters have expressed concerns over how complicated the ballot propositions can be – and how easy it can be to manipulate the electorate with large sums of money. Armed with expensive ad campaigns, corporations and advocacy groups have become experts at swaying public opinion. Along with record turnout this year, there were also unprecedented levels of political funding. More than $785m was spent overall on California’s propositions.
This year, two big industries succeeded in thwarting the will of legislators. The most aggressive – and expensive – campaign was launched by tech companies seeking to give themselves an exemption to a controversial labor law enacted this year, which would have required them to hire their largely independent contractor workforce as employees.
This country – and this state – are still heavily divided Bruce Cain, Stanford University
Prop 22 proponents, largely backed by Uber, Lyft and Doordash, invested more than $200m to win over roughly 60% of California voters, outspending opponents 10 times over. Their success codified a new category of worker in California – the “gig worker” – and sets both a precedent and strategy the companies are hoping to sweep across the country.
But financing can’t explain away all the decisions voters made. Prop 16, which would change California’s constitution to allow universities and governmental agencies to make hiring decisions based on race, gender or ethnicity – a move needed for affirmative action and diversifying hiring practices – lost with 56.6% voting no, even though proponents poured more than $27m into the effort. Opponents only spent $1.6m.
After thousands marched through the summer in support of the Black Lives Matter movement, legislators expected widespread support for the proposition. Baldassare said there was a chance the electorate didn’t fully understand the implications.
“It is not that people don’t think that racism is a problem – we had established in our surveys before the election that they very much thought it was a problem,” he said. “But they just didn’t know enough about this particular measure and didn’t have a sense of what this was going to do to help solve the problems around racism and discrimination.”
In such a difficult year, Californians had a lot on their minds and that could have affected how they approached complex ballot decisions. Before election day, surveys showed 20% of Californians ranked Covid-19 as the most important issue, followed by jobs and the economy at 16%. Only half of likely voters said they supported the direction their state was heading in.
Some close-call propositions that haven’t been finalized yet pit ideology against finances. Prop 14 would fund stem cell research with $5.5bn in borrowed funds. Prop 15 would enact new commercial property taxes based on the market value of real estate. Prop 19 would alter property tax laws for homes.
“I think there is a Covid-related concern about the status of the California economy,” Cain said of theproposition outcomes. “There is an economic caution that is induced by people realizing that we are in a serious economic hole.” He added that there was a chance these issues would be put to voters again in future elections and see different outcomes.
But even if the economy shifts, even when the coronavirus crisis comes to an end, there are sharp ideological divides here and around the country. California’s blue hue may not always be a sure thing. “When all the dust settles, over 70 million people will have voted for the Republican candidate at the top,” Cain says of the country-wide vote. “When you factor in the gains Republicans made in the House and quite likely the retention of the Senate, it is a sobering reminder that this country – and this state – are still heavily divided.”


theguardian--2020-11-10--Trump poised to leave legacy of chaos with last-minute foreign policy moves | Analysis

The abrupt dismissal of the US defence secretary , Mark Esper , and reported plans for multiple layers of new sanctions on Iran have made clear that Donald Trump ’ s last 10 weeks in office could still prove a very bumpy ride for the rest of the world .
Trump is refusing to concede his loss to Joe Biden and , while he launches a quiver of baseless legal challenges to the results , he is also seeking to demonstrate he is still in charge of foreign and defence policy – fueling fears about the impact a vengeful president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world stage over the coming 10 weeks of transition .
It was unclear on Monday whether Esper ’ s firing by tweet was just an act of score-settling with an outgoing defence secretary who openly disagreed with the president , or whether it was intended to clear the way for actions in the domestic or foreign sphere that Esper had been blocking .
On the same day as Esper ’ s departure , the Axios news website cited Israeli sources as saying the US , Israel and their Gulf allies were discussing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sanctions wall they have built around Iran , potentially with a new raft of punitive measures a week running up to Biden ’ s inauguration on 20 January .
The Trump administration strategy in recent months has been to build up pressure on Iran with the aim of provoking a response from Tehran which would make it harder for the incoming administration to salvage the 2015 nuclear deal , the Joint Comprehensive Programme of Action ( JCPOA ) .
So far , Tehran has remained broadly within the JCPOA , while shrugging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on its nuclear activity in a calibrated response to US sanctions .
But the Trump administration has clearly not given up trying to goad the Iranians into more irreversible actions .
“ Given Donald Trump ’ s record of chronically ignoring norms and customs , I would be quite concerned about the hijack that he and his administration might pull during this transition period , which is perilous even in normal times and all the more so today given the domestic and international crises facing the United States , ” said Rebecca Lissner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign policy , An Open World : How America Can Win the Contest for Twenty-First-Century Order .
Trump could declare formal withdrawal from the New Start treaty with Russia , which limits the nuclear arsenals of both states and which is due to expire in February , or seek to “ unsign ” the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty , which the US signed but which remains unratified by the Senate .
Those acts could be reversed by an incoming Biden administration but the whiplash effect would add confusion over Washington ’ s standing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US will stick to agreements it signs .
The reported new Iran sanctions show that Trump and his secretary of state , Mike Pompeo , have not given up trying to kill off the JCPOA , which has stumbled on , wounded but alive , despite US withdrawal in 2018 , the imposition of a US oil and financial embargo on Iran , and Tehran ’ s response .
The Biden team intends to negotiate a return to the JCPOA by both countries , but new sanctions would sour the mood .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration ’ s Iran envoy , Elliott Abrams , was in Israel for talks on the new measures with the prime minister , Benjamin Netanyahu , and other senior officials and was expected to fly on to Abu Dhabi and Riyadh .
The new sanctions were expected to be imposed for Iran ’ s ballistic missile programme , its alleged links with terrorism and its dire human rights record , rather than for the nuclear programme , potentially making it harder politically for a new Biden administration to remove them .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maximum pressure in the short term and throw up procedural and political hurdles for a Biden administration to contend with if it moves to provide Tehran with sanctions relief after January , ” said Naysan Rafati , an Iran expert at the International Crisis Group .
He called the coming 10 weeks as “ less a lame-duck period and more of an adrenaline-infused mallard ” .
Trump ’ s refusal to recognise his election loss or cooperate in an orderly transition has other significant implications for foreign policy and national security .
Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or defence briefings , as would be normal during a transition , because a Trump-appointed official running the General Services Administration has refused to sign the necessary paperwork .
“ Taking over the vast US federal government on a dime on January 20 is an exceptionally tall order under any circumstances , ” Lissner , a non-resident scholar at Georgetown University ’ s Center for Security Studies , said .
“ The fact is that so much of the intelligence-sharing that typically happens during the transition period is at the discretion of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the president-elect learns of ongoing or planned covert or military operations that might be in the offing , but there ’ s no law that dictates that President Trump needs to share that information.
” New national security officials entering their offices for the first time in January could arrive entirely unaware of what actions the US is pursuing around the world , equivalent to changing drivers of a huge truck travelling full speed down a busy highway .
The Trump administration may well fail in forcing its successor to follow its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows every sign of bequeathing a legacy of chaos .

The abrupt dismissal of the US defence secretary, Mark Esper, and reported plans for multiple layers of new sanctions on Iran have made clear that Donald Trump’s last 10 weeks in office could still prove a very bumpy ride for the rest of the world.
Trump is refusing to concede his loss to Joe Biden and, while he launches a quiver of baseless legal challenges to the results, he is also seeking to demonstrate he is still in charge of foreign and defence policy – fueling fears about the impact a vengeful president might have on the US role on the world stage over the coming 10 weeks of transition.
It was unclear on Monday whether Esper’s firing by tweet was just an act of score-settling with an outgoing defence secretary who openly disagreed with the president, or whether it was intended to clear the way for actions in the domestic or foreign sphere that Esper had been blocking.
This is less a lame-duck period and more of an adrenaline-infused mallard Naysan Rafati, International Crisis Group
On the same day as Esper’s departure, the Axios news website cited Israeli sources as saying the US, Israel and their Gulf allies were discussing a plan to add more bricks to the sanctions wall they have built around Iran, potentially with a new raft of punitive measures a week running up to Biden’s inauguration on 20 January.
The Trump administration strategy in recent months has been to build up pressure on Iran with the aim of provoking a response from Tehran which would make it harder for the incoming administration to salvage the 2015 nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Programme of Action (JCPOA).
So far, Tehran has remained broadly within the JCPOA, while shrugging off some of the constraints it imposed on its nuclear activity in a calibrated response to US sanctions. But the Trump administration has clearly not given up trying to goad the Iranians into more irreversible actions.
“Given Donald Trump’s record of chronically ignoring norms and customs, I would be quite concerned about the hijack that he and his administration might pull during this transition period, which is perilous even in normal times and all the more so today given the domestic and international crises facing the United States,” said Rebecca Lissner, co-author of a book on US foreign policy, An Open World: How America Can Win the Contest for Twenty-First-Century Order.
Trump could declare formal withdrawal from the New Start treaty with Russia, which limits the nuclear arsenals of both states and which is due to expire in February, or seek to “unsign” the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which the US signed but which remains unratified by the Senate. Those acts could be reversed by an incoming Biden administration but the whiplash effect would add confusion over Washington’s standing and sap confidence around the world that the US will stick to agreements it signs.
The reported new Iran sanctions show that Trump and his secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, have not given up trying to kill off the JCPOA, which has stumbled on, wounded but alive, despite US withdrawal in 2018, the imposition of a US oil and financial embargo on Iran, and Tehran’s response.
The Biden team intends to negotiate a return to the JCPOA by both countries, but new sanctions would sour the mood. On Sunday and Monday, the Trump administration’s Iran envoy, Elliott Abrams, was in Israel for talks on the new measures with the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and other senior officials and was expected to fly on to Abu Dhabi and Riyadh.
The new sanctions were expected to be imposed for Iran’s ballistic missile programme, its alleged links with terrorism and its dire human rights record, rather than for the nuclear programme, potentially making it harder politically for a new Biden administration to remove them.
05:51 Can Joe Biden and Kamala Harris unite America after Trump? – video explainer
“The intent seems to be to max out maximum pressure in the short term and throw up procedural and political hurdles for a Biden administration to contend with if it moves to provide Tehran with sanctions relief after January,” said Naysan Rafati, an Iran expert at the International Crisis Group. He called the coming 10 weeks as “less a lame-duck period and more of an adrenaline-infused mallard”.
Trump’s refusal to recognise his election loss or cooperate in an orderly transition has other significant implications for foreign policy and national security. Biden’s team is not receiving intelligence or defence briefings, as would be normal during a transition, because a Trump-appointed official running the General Services Administration has refused to sign the necessary paperwork.
“Taking over the vast US federal government on a dime on January 20 is an exceptionally tall order under any circumstances,” Lissner, a non-resident scholar at Georgetown University’s Center for Security Studies, said. “The fact is that so much of the intelligence-sharing that typically happens during the transition period is at the discretion of the president. So usually during this period, the president-elect learns of ongoing or planned covert or military operations that might be in the offing, but there’s no law that dictates that President Trump needs to share that information.”
New national security officials entering their offices for the first time in January could arrive entirely unaware of what actions the US is pursuing around the world, equivalent to changing drivers of a huge truck travelling full speed down a busy highway. The Trump administration may well fail in forcing its successor to follow its direction on critical issues, but it shows every sign of bequeathing a legacy of chaos.


theguardian--2020-11-10--Soul of the nation: how Joe Biden's faith will shape his presidency

He carries a rosary in his pocket , one that belonged to his dead son , Beau .
On election day last Tuesday , he went to mass , as he does every Sunday .
In his victory speech on Saturday night , he quoted from Ecclesiastes : “ The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season – a time to build , a time to reap , a time to sow .
And a time to heal .
This is the time to heal in America.
” For only the second time in US history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Joe Biden is sworn in as the country ’ s 46th president .
A man of profound faith , he has pledged to restore the “ soul of the nation ” after four years of rancour .
At his side will be a vice-president who , as well as being the first woman of colour to hold the position , comes from a family that has embraced the Baptist church , Hinduism and Judaism .
Catholic bishops in the US were quick to congratulate the president-elect , acknowledging that he will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Catholic , John F Kennedy being the first .
“ At this moment in American history , Catholics have a special duty to be peacemakers , to promote fraternity and mutual trust , and to pray for a renewed spirit of true patriotism in our country , ” said José Gomez , archbishop of Los Angeles and president of the US Conference of Catholic Bishops .
Biden ’ s Catholicism is at the core of his life and is likely to shape the way he governs as president .
“ I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ am a theological Catholic , ” he wrote in his book , Promises to Keep : On Life and Politics .
“ My idea of self , of family , of community , of the wider world comes straight from my religion .
It ’ s not so much the Bible , the beatitudes , the Ten Commandments , the sacraments , or the prayers I learned .
It ’ s the culture.
” Less than two weeks ago , in an article for the Christian Post , Biden wrote : “ My @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truth – that every person on earth is equal in rights and dignity , because we are all beloved children of God.
” As president , he added : “ These are the principles that will shape all that I do , and my faith will continue to serve as my anchor , as it has my entire life.
” Several of Biden ’ s campaign ads featured footage of his meetings with Pope Francis .
In a 2015 interview , Biden said Francis was “ the embodiment of Catholic social doctrine that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that everyone ’ s entitled to dignity , that the poor should be given special preference , that you have an obligation to reach out and be inclusive.
” At the Democratic convention in August , when Biden was formally adopted as the party ’ s candidate in the presidential race , his friend and successor as a Delaware senator , Chris Coons , said Biden ’ s faith was not “ a prop or political tool ” .
“ Joe ’ s faith is really about our future , about a world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where we ’ re better stewards of creation , where we have a more just immigration policy and where we call out and confront the original sins of this nation , the sins of slavery and racism .
Joe knows these are central issues in this election .
And for him , they ’ re rooted in faith , ” Coons said .
Some conservative Catholic organisations urged followers not to cast their votes for Biden because of his pro-choice stance on abortion – although a majority of US Catholics say abortion should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the Pew Research Center .
Biden has said he personally believes life begins at conception but recognises others do not share his view .
“ What I ’ m not prepared to do is impose a precise view that is borne out of my faith on other people , ” he said in a 2015 interview with America magazine .
Biden has not always been a champion of LGBT+ rights , but he now supports same sex marriage and has pledged to enact the Equality Act within 100 days of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ most pro-equality president we have ever had ” , according to LGBT rights campaigner Chad Griffin .
His Catholicism and Irish roots appear to have appealed to voters in strongly culturally Catholic rust belt states such as Pennsylvania .
Just over half of US Catholics ( 51 % ) voted for Biden last week , compared with 45 % who voted Democrat in 2016 ; and 47 % voted for Trump this time , compared with 52 % in the previous election , according to exit polls .
Biden has frequently said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal tragedies , including the death of his first wife and daughter in a 1972 car crash and again in 2015 when his son , Beau , died from cancer .
Anthea Butler , professor of religious studies at the University of Pennsylvania , said Biden ’ s language of hope and healing “ speaks a lot to his Catholic faith ” .
She told BBC Radio 4 ’ s Sunday programme : “ I think he wants to set a tone that is not simply conciliatory but that is faith-based.
” Kamala @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s vice-president from January , identifies as a black Baptist , with a family background of Hinduism and Christianity .
She is married to a Jewish man .
“ This speaks to the ways in which religion is fluid in America , and the ways in which people are holding things together in interfaith marriages and interfaith families , ” said Butler .

Harriet Sherwood Religious affairs correspondent

He carries a rosary in his pocket, one that belonged to his dead son, Beau. On election day last Tuesday, he went to mass, as he does every Sunday.
In his victory speech on Saturday night, he quoted from Ecclesiastes: “The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season – a time to build, a time to reap, a time to sow. And a time to heal. This is the time to heal in America.”
For only the second time in US history, a Catholic will occupy the White House when Joe Biden is sworn in as the country’s 46th president. A man of profound faith, he has pledged to restore the “soul of the nation” after four years of rancour.
At his side will be a vice-president who, as well as being the first woman of colour to hold the position, comes from a family that has embraced the Baptist church, Hinduism and Judaism.
Catholic bishops in the US were quick to congratulate the president-elect, acknowledging that he will be only the second president to be a Catholic, John F Kennedy being the first.
“At this moment in American history, Catholics have a special duty to be peacemakers, to promote fraternity and mutual trust, and to pray for a renewed spirit of true patriotism in our country,” said José Gomez, archbishop of Los Angeles and president of the US Conference of Catholic Bishops.
Biden’s Catholicism is at the core of his life and is likely to shape the way he governs as president.
“I’m as much a cultural Catholic as I am a theological Catholic,” he wrote in his book, Promises to Keep: On Life and Politics. “My idea of self, of family, of community, of the wider world comes straight from my religion. It’s not so much the Bible, the beatitudes, the Ten Commandments, the sacraments, or the prayers I learned. It’s the culture.”
Less than two weeks ago, in an article for the Christian Post, Biden wrote: “My Catholic faith drilled into me a core truth – that every person on earth is equal in rights and dignity, because we are all beloved children of God.”
As president, he added: “These are the principles that will shape all that I do, and my faith will continue to serve as my anchor, as it has my entire life.”
Several of Biden’s campaign ads featured footage of his meetings with Pope Francis. In a 2015 interview, Biden said Francis was “the embodiment of Catholic social doctrine that I was raised with. The idea that everyone’s entitled to dignity, that the poor should be given special preference, that you have an obligation to reach out and be inclusive.”
Then vice-president Biden meeting Pope Francis in April 2016. Photograph: Vatican Media/Reuters
At the Democratic convention in August, when Biden was formally adopted as the party’s candidate in the presidential race, his friend and successor as a Delaware senator, Chris Coons, said Biden’s faith was not “a prop or political tool”.
“Joe’s faith is really about our future, about a world with less suffering and more justice, where we’re better stewards of creation, where we have a more just immigration policy and where we call out and confront the original sins of this nation, the sins of slavery and racism. Joe knows these are central issues in this election. And for him, they’re rooted in faith,” Coons said.
Some conservative Catholic organisations urged followers not to cast their votes for Biden because of his pro-choice stance on abortion – although a majority of US Catholics say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to the Pew Research Center.
Biden has said he personally believes life begins at conception but recognises others do not share his view. “What I’m not prepared to do is impose a precise view that is borne out of my faith on other people,” he said in a 2015 interview with America magazine.
Biden has not always been a champion of LGBT+ rights, but he now supports same sex marriage and has pledged to enact the Equality Act within 100 days of becoming president. He will be the “most pro-equality president we have ever had”, according to LGBT rights campaigner Chad Griffin.
His Catholicism and Irish roots appear to have appealed to voters in strongly culturally Catholic rust belt states such as Pennsylvania. Just over half of US Catholics (51%) voted for Biden last week, compared with 45% who voted Democrat in 2016; and 47% voted for Trump this time, compared with 52% in the previous election, according to exit polls.
Biden has frequently said his faith had helped him cope with personal tragedies, including the death of his first wife and daughter in a 1972 car crash and again in 2015 when his son, Beau, died from cancer.
Anthea Butler, professor of religious studies at the University of Pennsylvania, said Biden’s language of hope and healing “speaks a lot to his Catholic faith”. She told BBC Radio 4’s Sunday programme: “I think he wants to set a tone that is not simply conciliatory but that is faith-based.”
Kamala Harris, who will be Biden’s vice-president from January, identifies as a black Baptist, with a family background of Hinduism and Christianity. She is married to a Jewish man.
“This speaks to the ways in which religion is fluid in America, and the ways in which people are holding things together in interfaith marriages and interfaith families,” said Butler.


theguardian--2020-11-10--The tasks Joe Biden faces: from racial justice to restoring faith in science

As the coronavirus pandemic tore through the US , Joe Biden ’ s most important promise to the American people was a policy platform taken for granted prior the Trump presidency : believe science .
America was already falling behind other developed nations on a panoply of key health metrics when the Covid-19 pandemic hit , and the worst of the pandemic is likely to bear down just as the Biden-Harris administration takes office .
After Donald Trump chose to downplay the threat of the virus and spread conspiracy theories , the US led the world in Covid infections and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people per day are being diagnosed with the coronavirus .
Experts predict as many as 200,000 Americans per day could receive Covid-19 diagnoses by Thanksgiving .
More than 237,000 Americans have already been killed by Covid-19 .
Some analyses suggest more than 90,000 Americans have died unnecessarily – and these figures probably underrepresent the problem .
Biden has pledged , “ disciplined , trustworthy leadership grounded in science ” , including another stimulus package , robust and free testing and treatment , investment in pandemic planning , and more support for underfunded public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already being formed .
At the same time , Biden will have to wrestle with the fallout from the Trump administration , most notably , a supreme court case that could overturn the signature achievement of the Obama-Biden administration , the Affordable Care Act , better known as Obamacare .
Should the ACA be overturned , 20 million Americans could lose insurance during a pandemic , joining the ranks of 12 million who lost employer-sponsored coverage amid pandemic-induced layoffs , and the 27 million who lacked insurance at the beginning of the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse than that which drove the law ’ s passage .
It could also have unintended consequences .
Biden will need to reckon with an insurgent left animated by a desire for single-payer healthcare called Medicare for All .
This group is likely to be unsatisfied by incremental reform .
Restoring trust in science will not be simple after four years of lies , half-truths , misdirections and conspiracy theories .
Jessica Glenza When Biden enters the White House on 20 January many epidemiologists are hoping that the US will be pulling through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Where the economy is heading is less certain .
Covid-19 and the global economy are now so intertwined that there seems no certain hope of economic recovery until the virus is under control .
The pandemic triggered a wave of shutdowns and record levels of unemployment and temporary layoffs .
Some 20 million people lost their jobs in April as the unemployment rate hit 14.7 % , the highest on record .
Unemployment fell sharply to 6.9 % in October but weekly claims for unemployment insurance remain historically high and the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic impact on the poor , women , people of color and the young has been dire .
Biden has pledged to use his presidential powers to force businesses to take the pandemic head on and increase testing and tracing , as well as manufacturing more personal protection equipment and ventilators .
He has said he would also issue new stimulus cheques to hard-hit Americans and increase payments to the unemployed that were cut by the Trump administration .
Some of the cash would come from rolling back Trump ’ s biggest achievement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Expect Republicans to try to block or curtail new spending bills .
Having run up a record $ 3.1tn budget deficit – the gap between what the US spends and what it earns through tax receipts and other revenue – Republicans are talking about the need to balance the books .
The path for Biden ’ s recovery plan will be long and hard fought .
Dominic Rushe In less than four years , the Trump administration pushed through more than 400 changes to the immigration system using every route available – from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ easily ignored by the general public .
It amounted to an incredible assault on immigration that included the family separations which prompted a wave of international condemnation .
The first steps for Biden will be to undo most of these changes .
Some policies will need the US attorney general to step in , others can be done through executive orders while others still will have to go through the same , time-consuming rule-making process that was used to enact them .
Many of Trump ’ s changes have also been met by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way through the courts .
The Biden campaign said it would specifically walk back : country-specific travel bans , extreme restrictions on asylum seekers and refugees , and the public charge rule , which penalizes people seeking green cards if they have used public benefits .
It ’ s been reported that shortly after inauguration day , Biden will reinstate protections for Dreamers and repeal the bans on almost all forms of travel from some Muslim-majority countries .
The campaign has also made clear the platform for moving forward .
Biden supports creating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undocumented immigrants and reinstating protections for undocumented people who were brought to the US as children , known as Dreamers .
Cristóbal Alex , a senior Biden adviser , told CBS that Biden would end for-profit immigration detention .
Such a move would in part be an attempt to repent for heavily criticized policies used when Biden was vice-president in Barack Obama ’ s administration , which conducted more deportations than Trump .
Biden has faced intense scrutiny over the 1994 crime bill that drove mass incarceration of Black Americans and racial inequities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his support of the legislation a “ mistake ” , and has pledged a new direction for criminal justice , including efforts to repeal federal mandatory minimum sentences .
He also plans to launch a grant program that would encourage states and cities to reduce incarceration , and has said he would expand alternatives to prison for certain drug offenses .
Biden has further promised to decriminalize marijuana and expunge prior cannabis use convictions .
He has declined , however , to support marijuana legalization and has faced criticisms from the left for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for drug crimes , which some say is a punitive and ineffective approach .
In contrast to Trump , Biden has said he would work to eliminate the death penalty .
In the wake of this year ’ s historic uprisings against police violence and systemic racism , the Biden administration is , however , likely to face intense scrutiny from progressive groups that have pushed for more aggressive efforts to rein in law enforcement .
Biden has said he would expand the authority of the US justice department to address misconduct in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a practice pushed by the Obama administration .
But Biden has rejected calls to defund police budgets and reinvest money into services , promising instead to invest more funding into police for reforms , including diversifying police forces , instituting body cameras and community policing initiatives ( policies that , activists say , have done little to prevent abuses ) .
On housing justice , Biden has pledged to restore anti-discrimination rules that Trump eliminated , and has promoted desegregation efforts .
Sam Levin Biden faces an uphill battle to tackle an escalating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or actively worsened under the Trump administration .
Scientists and climate activists have at least been heartened by Biden ’ s belated ambition to address what he calls an “ existential threat ” to the US .
“ The wrath of climate change is here , now , in America , ” Biden said in the wake of a year wracked by record wildfires and storms .
A first goal can be ticked off immediately – rejoining the Paris climate agreement that the US left at the behest of Trump .
The world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gases will be ushered back into a leadership role by a relieved international community that is struggling to restrain increasing temperatures , but it will be domestically where Biden will have to win credibility .
Executive actions will be able to halt new coal mining and oil drilling on federal land and waters , while a slew of clean air and water regulatory rollbacks at the Environmental Protection Agency under Trump will probably be reversed .
Biden has vowed to fight the air pollution that blights communities of color and has a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clean energy and create millions of jobs in renewables .
This plan , along with any new attempt to stamp out carbon emissions from the creaking coal sector , will hinge upon sweeping co-operative action from Congress , although the senate appears likely to remain in recalcitrant Republican hands .
A conservative supreme court , too , may well strike down any Biden administration attempt to roll back the rollbacks .
Some are sceptical that Biden will be able to cut through a decade of political impasse over the climate crisis .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the growing alarm among American voters over the impact of global heating .
After all , the climate crisis is a timed challenge and time is rapidly running out .
Oliver Milman Biden already has a full programme of foreign policy and national security tasks mapped out for his first few weeks , most of it focused on undoing the actions of his predecessor .
In fact , 20 January will be something of a handbrake turn in America ’ s relationship with the rest of the world .
Biden will seek to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That will begin with rejoining the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization .
There will be just over two weeks left to run of the New Start treaty , the last arms control agreement remaining in the wake of the Trump era , limiting US and Russian deployed strategic warheads to 1,550 apiece .
Biden will seek to extend the treaty by up to five years in an exchange of notes with Vladimir Putin , buying time for more negotiations on warhead stockpiles .
The administration will also start work on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2021 , which the Biden team sees as a way to sidestep the impasse at the UN security council and reinvigorate multilateral diplomacy .
Another priority is likely to be the reconstitution of the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran .
Since Trump pulled the US out of the deal in 2018 and imposed blanket sanctions on Iran , Tehran has been steadily shrugging off the constraints on its nuclear activities it accepted as part of the agreement .
Saving the deal will involve negotiating a sequence of steps by which each country returns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Trump ’ s abrogation .
The standoff with China in the western Pacific will be on the president ’ s desk , but how high up it will be in the urgent to-do pile depends on Beijing and whether it tries to exploit the US transition with an aggressive move towards Taiwan or in the South China Sea .
Julian Borger Before the election , the question was : what will Biden do about the supreme court ?
The hijacking by senate Republicans of one court seat and a power play to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election prompted strong calls from the left for a president Biden to expand the court .
But those calls relied on the Democrats taking control of the senate , which they still might do – but that would require a longshot win in not just one but two US senate runoff elections in Georgia on 5 January .
As a candidate , Biden announced that he would convene a working group to deliver recommendations about possibly adding seats to the court , instituting term limits or other measures .
Apart from that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden in shaping the federal courts is limited in a sense , because Trump and his accomplice Mitch McConnell already did it all .
Trump is leaving behind zero vacancies on the US appeals courts – the level below the supreme court – and relatively few district court vacancies for the next administration to fill .
By contrast , Trump came into office with 17 appeals court vacancies to fill , thanks to stonewalling by McConnell of Barack Obama ’ s nominees .
But the Biden administration has important work ahead where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judges appointed by Democratic presidents who put off retirement during the Trump presidency now might retire , creating vacancies for which judges must be reviewed and vetted .
In a larger way , the Biden administration will have to address a legitimacy crisis in the courts , created by the Amy Coney Barrett confirmation and a larger sense that Republicans used levers of Senate power to install a conservative majority on the court that has enormous power over the daily lives of Americans but does not reflect the country ’ s people or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first term as president , Biden will need to engage in the ongoing campaign to address monopoly power in the tech industry .
Though the Department of Justice charges brought against Google in October were spearheaded by the Trump administration , a Biden administration can take the reins and continue the bipartisan effort .
There is also the question of how to address labor issues in the gig economy .
As Biden championed strengthening unions as one of his key platforms , he will be expected to pursue reform in the gig economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to “ ensure workers in the gig economy receive the legal benefits and protections they deserve ” .
The passage of California ’ s Prop 22 , a bill exempting gig economy companies from labor laws that Biden opposed , represented a major setback for this mission .
Biden also promised in his campaign to invest $ 20bn in rural broadband infrastructure .
“ Universal broadband is long overdue and critical to broadly shared economic success , ” Biden said .
This includes expanding the government ’ s Lifeline Program , a subsidised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give more Americans access to the internet .
Biden has spoken out in the past against section 230 , a part of the Communications Decency Act that exempts tech platforms from being held liable for content that users post .
He said in January that section 230 “ immediately should be revoked ” for Facebook and other platforms .
Repealing section 230 , which non-profit digital rights organization the Electronic Frontier Foundation calls “ the most important law protecting internet speech ” , would have grave consequences .
Blogs and social media would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of what users can post about and potentially limiting how frequently they can post content .
Kari Paul

Amanda Holpuch, Jessica Glenza, Kari Paul, Sam Levin, Julian Borger, Dominic Rushe, Tom McCarthy

The coronavirus pandemic and healthcare
As the coronavirus pandemic tore through the US, Joe Biden’s most important promise to the American people was a policy platform taken for granted prior the Trump presidency: believe science.
America was already falling behind other developed nations on a panoply of key health metrics when the Covid-19 pandemic hit, and the worst of the pandemic is likely to bear down just as the Biden-Harris administration takes office.
After Donald Trump chose to downplay the threat of the virus and spread conspiracy theories, the US led the world in Covid infections and deaths.
Currently, more than 100,000 people a day are being diagnosed with the coronavirus. Experts predict as many as 200,000 Americans a day could receive Covid-19 diagnoses by Thanksgiving. More than 237,000 Americans have already been killed by Covid-19.
Some analyses suggest more than 90,000 Americans have died unnecessarily – and these figures probably underrepresent the problem.
Biden has pledged, “disciplined, trustworthy leadership grounded in science”, including another stimulus package, robust and free testing and treatment, investment in pandemic planning, and more support for underfunded public health authorities. A coronavirus taskforce is already being formed.
At the same time, Biden will have to wrestle with the fallout from the Trump administration, most notably, a supreme court case that could overturn the signature achievement of the Obama-Biden administration, the Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare.
Should the ACA be overturned, 20 million Americans could lose insurance during a pandemic, joining the ranks of 12 million who lost employer-sponsored coverage amid pandemic-induced layoffs, and the 27 million who lacked insurance at the beginning of the pandemic. This would make the uninsured crisis worse than that which drove the law’s passage.
It could also have unintended consequences. Biden will need to reckon with an insurgent left animated by a desire for single-payer healthcare called Medicare for All. This group is likely to be unsatisfied by incremental reform.
Restoring trust in science will not be simple after four years of lies, half-truths, misdirections and conspiracy theories. Jessica Glenza
05:51 Can Joe Biden and Kamala Harris unite America after Trump? – video explainer
The economy
When Biden enters the White House on 20 January many epidemiologists are hoping that the US will be pulling through the worst phase of the coronavirus pandemic. Where the economy is heading is less certain.
Covid-19 and the global economy are now so intertwined that there seems no certain hope of economic recovery until the virus is under control.
The pandemic triggered a wave of shutdowns and record levels of unemployment and temporary layoffs. About 20 million people lost their jobs in April as the unemployment rate hit 14.7%, the highest on record. Unemployment fell sharply to 6.9% in October but weekly claims for unemployment insurance remain historically high and the number of longterm unemployed is rising. The economic impact on the poor, women, people of color and the young has been dire.
Biden has pledged to use his presidential powers to force businesses to take the pandemic head on and increase testing and tracing, as well as manufacturing more personal protection equipment and ventilators.
He has said he would also issue new stimulus cheques to hard-hit Americans and increase payments to the unemployed that were cut by the Trump administration. Some of the cash would come from rolling back Trump’s biggest achievement – his $1.5tn tax cuts.
Expect Republicans to try to block or curtail new spending bills. Having run up a record $3.1tn budget deficit – the gap between what the US spends and what it earns through tax receipts and other revenue – Republicans are talking about the need to balance the books. The path for Biden’s recovery plan will be long and hard fought. Dominic Rushe
Undocumented immigrants are taken into custody by Border Patrol agents on 22 February 2018 near McAllen, Texas. Photograph: John Moore/Getty Images
Immigration
In less than four years, the Trump administration pushed through more than 400 changes to the immigration system using every route available – from sweeping executive orders to small rule changes easily ignored by the general public. It amounted to an incredible assault on immigration that included the family separations which prompted a wave of international condemnation.
The first steps for Biden will be to undo most of these changes.
Some policies will need the US attorney general to step in, others can be done through executive orders while others still will have to go through the same, time-consuming rule-making process that was used to enact them. Many of Trump’s changes have also been met by legal challenges which are still working their way through the courts.
The Biden campaign said it would specifically walk back: country-specific travel bans, extreme restrictions on asylum seekers and refugees, and the public charge rule, which penalizes people seeking green cards if they have used public benefits. It’s been reported that shortly after inauguration day, Biden will reinstate protections for Dreamers and repeal the bans on almost all forms of travel from some Muslim-majority countries.
The campaign has also made clear the platform for moving forward. Biden supports creating a pathway to citizenship for 10.5 million undocumented immigrants and reinstating protections for undocumented people who were brought to the US as children, known as Dreamers.
Cristóbal Alex, a senior Biden adviser, told CBS that Biden would end for-profit immigration detention. Such a move would in part be an attempt to repent for heavily criticized policies used when Biden was vice-president in Barack Obama’s administration, which conducted more deportations than Trump.
Amanda Holpuch
Joshua Broussard kneels in front of a memorial and mural that honors George Floyd in Houston, Texas. Photograph: Joe Raedle/Getty Images
Racial justice and police reform
Biden has faced intense scrutiny over the 1994 crime bill that drove mass incarceration of Black Americans and racial inequities for generations. He has since called his support of the legislation a “mistake”, and has pledged a new direction for criminal justice, including efforts to repeal federal mandatory minimum sentences.
He also plans to launch a grant program that would encourage states and cities to reduce incarceration, and has said he would expand alternatives to prison for certain drug offenses. Biden has further promised to decriminalize marijuana and expunge prior cannabis use convictions. He has declined, however, to support marijuana legalization and has faced criticisms from the left for his support of “mandatory” rehabilitation for drug crimes, which some say is a punitive and ineffective approach.
In contrast to Trump, Biden has said he would work to eliminate the death penalty.
In the wake of this year’s historic uprisings against police violence and systemic racism, the Biden administration is, however, likely to face intense scrutiny from progressive groups that have pushed for more aggressive efforts to rein in law enforcement.
Biden has said he would expand the authority of the US justice department to address misconduct in local police and prosecutors’ offices, a practice pushed by the Obama administration. But Biden has rejected calls to defund police budgets and reinvest money into services, promising instead to invest more funding into police for reforms, including diversifying police forces, instituting body cameras and community policing initiatives (policies that, activists say, have done little to prevent abuses).
On housing justice, Biden has pledged to restore anti-discrimination rules that Trump eliminated, and has promoted desegregation efforts. Sam Levin
Firefighters look out over a burning hillside as they fight the Blue Ridge Fire in Yorba Linda, California, 26 October. Photograph: Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images
The environment and climate change
Biden faces an uphill battle to tackle an escalating climate crisis that has been either ignored or actively worsened under the Trump administration. Scientists and climate activists have at least been heartened by Biden’s belated ambition to address what he calls an “existential threat” to the US. “The wrath of climate change is here, now, in America,” Biden said in the wake of a year wracked by record wildfires and storms.
A first goal can be ticked off immediately – rejoining the Paris climate agreement that the US left at the behest of Trump. The world’s second largest emitter of planet-heating gases will be ushered back into a leadership role by a relieved international community that is struggling to restrain increasing temperatures, but it will be domestically where Biden will have to win credibility.
Executive actions will be able to halt new coal mining and oil drilling on federal land and waters, while a slew of clean air and water regulatory rollbacks at the Environmental Protection Agency under Trump will probably be reversed. Biden has vowed to fight the air pollution that blights communities of color and has a $2tn plan to shift the US to clean energy and create millions of jobs in renewables. This plan, along with any new attempt to stamp out carbon emissions from the creaking coal sector, will hinge upon sweeping co-operative action from Congress, although the Senate appears likely to remain in recalcitrant Republican hands. A conservative supreme court, too, may well strike down any Biden administration attempt to roll back the rollbacks.
Some are sceptical that Biden will be able to cut through a decade of political impasse over the climate crisis. But a few minds may be focused by the growing alarm among American voters over the impact of global heating. After all, the climate crisis is a timed challenge and time is rapidly running out. Oliver Milman
US soldiers on patrol near an oil production facility near al-Malikiyah, Syria on 27 October. Photograph: Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images
Foreign policy
Biden already has a full programme of foreign policy and national security tasks mapped out for his first few weeks, most of it focused on undoing the actions of his predecessor.
In fact, 20 January will be something of a handbrake turn in America’s relationship with the rest of the world. Biden will seek to knit together what Trump has unravelled.
That will begin with rejoining the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization. There will be just over two weeks left to run of the New Start treaty, the last arms control agreement remaining in the wake of the Trump era, limiting US and Russian deployed strategic warheads to 1,550 apiece. Biden will seek to extend the treaty by up to five years in an exchange of notes with Vladimir Putin, buying time for more negotiations on warhead stockpiles.
The administration will also start work on organising a summit of major democracies in 2021, which the Biden team sees as a way to sidestep the impasse at the UN security council and reinvigorate multilateral diplomacy.
Another priority is likely to be the reconstitution of the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran. Since Trump pulled the US out of the deal in 2018 and imposed blanket sanctions on Iran, Tehran has been steadily shrugging off the constraints on its nuclear activities it accepted as part of the agreement. Saving the deal will involve negotiating a sequence of steps by which each country returns to where they were two years ago before Trump’s abrogation.
The standoff with China in the western Pacific will be on the president’s desk, but how high up it will be in the urgent to-do pile depends on Beijing and whether it tries to exploit the US transition with an aggressive move towards Taiwan or in the South China Sea. Julian Borger
A makeshift memorial for Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in front of the US Supreme Court on September 19, 2020 in Washington, DC. Photograph: Samuel Corum/Getty Images
The courts
Before the election, the question was: what will Biden do about the supreme court?
The hijacking by Senate Republicans of one court seat and a power play to fill another seat on the eve of the election prompted strong calls from the left for a President Biden to expand the court.
But those calls relied on the Democrats taking control of the Senate, which they still might do – but that would require a long-shot win in not just one but two US Senate runoff elections in Georgia on 5 January.
As a candidate, Biden announced that he would convene a working group to deliver recommendations about possibly adding seats to the court, instituting term limits or other measures.
Apart from that, the work to be done for Biden in shaping the federal courts is limited in a sense, because Trump and his accomplice Mitch McConnell already did it all. Trump is leaving behind zero vacancies on the US appeals courts – the level below the supreme court – and relatively few district court vacancies for the next administration to fill. By contrast, Trump came into office with 17 appeals court vacancies to fill, thanks to stonewalling by McConnell of Barack Obama’s nominees.
But the Biden administration has important work ahead where the courts are concerned. A number of judges appointed by Democratic presidents who put off retirement during the Trump presidency now might retire, creating vacancies for which judges must be reviewed and vetted.
In a larger way, the Biden administration will have to address a legitimacy crisis in the courts, created by the Amy Coney Barrett confirmation and a larger sense that Republicans used levers of Senate power to install a conservative majority on the court that has enormous power over the daily lives of Americans but does not reflect the country’s people or their views. Tom McCarthy
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg testifies before a joint hearing of the US senate commerce, science and transportation committee and Senate judiciary committee on Capitol Hill, 20 April 2018. Photograph: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images
Big tech
In his first term as president, Biden will need to engage in the ongoing campaign to address monopoly power in the tech industry. Though the Department of Justice charges brought against Google in October were spearheaded by the Trump administration, a Biden administration can take the reins and continue the bipartisan effort.
There is also the question of how to address labor issues in the gig economy. As Biden championed strengthening unions as one of his key platforms, he will be expected to pursue reform in the gig economy. In his campaign, he promised to “ensure workers in the gig economy receive the legal benefits and protections they deserve”.
The passage of California’s Prop 22, a bill exempting gig economy companies from labor laws that Biden opposed, represented a major setback for this mission.
Biden also promised in his campaign to invest $20bn in rural broadband infrastructure. “Universal broadband is long overdue and critical to broadly shared economic success,” Biden said. This includes expanding the government’s Lifeline Program, a subsidised phone and internet service provider, to give more Americans access to the internet.
Biden has spoken out in the past against section 230, a part of the Communications Decency Act that exempts tech platforms from being held liable for content that users post. He said in January that section 230 “immediately should be revoked” for Facebook and other platforms.
Repealing section 230, which non-profit digital rights organization the Electronic Frontier Foundation calls “the most important law protecting internet speech”, would have grave consequences. Blogs and social media would look radically different, reducing the scope of what users can post about and potentially limiting how frequently they can post content. Kari Paul


theguardian--2020-11-10--What is the future for Latino voters in the US? Five experts weigh in | Chuck Rocha, Cristina Beltrá

What is the future for Latino voters in the US? Five experts weigh in | Chuck Rocha, Cristina Beltrán, Danielle Pilar Clealand, Arlene Dávila, Sonja Diaz

Why did Democrats leave Latino organizations scrambling for resources ?
Everyone is talking about Miami-Dade , Florida , where Joe Biden underperformed Hillary Clinton by a large margin .
Let ’ s be clear , however : even if Biden won the county by the same margin as Clinton , he still would have lost the state by over 170,000 votes .
Democrats mostly won Latinos in Florida ; the demographic we lost was white voters .
The most devastating problem made evident in this election was Democrats ’ lack of outreach for races beside the presidential one .
Poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us a majority in the Senate and numerous congressional seats .
We assumed that the presidential race would draw Latino voters to the polls , but Biden ’ s campaign couldn ’ t pull it off on their own .
In the final months before the election , Biden spent more money on bilingual communications than any presidential candidate in history .
The problem was the disbursement of money from outside organizations : most of it seemed to go to predominantly white-led Super Pacs which focused on turning out what they viewed as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left scrambling for resources .
The story of the Latino vote in 2020 isn ’ t over .
We have a lot of data to use in future operations and in efforts to keep pushing Latino turnout up .
To take on the disaster in Florida , we need to invest in intentional organizing and outreach by Latino-led firms and organizations .
We must build a political infrastructure for the community , by the community .
• None Chuck Rocha is the president of Solidarity Strategies and the founder of Nuestro Pac .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bernie Sanders campaign Politically , there is no ‘ Latino community ’ This election revealed , yet again , that Latinos are a diverse population – not just demographically , but ideologically .
When it comes to politics , there is no “ Latino community ” .
And while Latinos are a disproportionately Democratic electorate , 2020 reminds us is that there is no single story here .
Latino voters helped turn Nevada and Arizona blue – yet Latino Trump supporters in Florida and Texas help keep those states red .
Going forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more energy into partnering with and listening to local Latino candidates and grassroots organizers on the ground .
Democrats need to get their act together when it comes to developing mobilization strategies that take into account differences of age , gender , class , race , region , sexuality , education , occupation , national origin , and generation within Latino communities .
In our eagerness to analyze Latino voting patterns , let ’ s not lose sight of the fact that Trump almost won re-election because the majority of white voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him .
The only reason Trump lost is because a minority of white voters came together with the majority of Black , Latino , Asian American and Native voters .
A multiracial coalition saved our democracy to fight another day .
• None Cristina Beltrán is an associate professor of social and cultural analysis at New York University .
She is author of The Trouble with Unity : Latino Politics and the Creation of Identity and Cruelty as Citizenship : How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy Anti-communism – and veiled racism – drove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portion of Latino voters in Florida are conservatives for whom the legacy of the Cuban Revolution – and , more recently , Venezuela ’ s move to the left – are central to their voting decisions .
To that end , Republicans worked overtime this election to paint Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as socialists , despite the candidates ’ moderate positions within the Democratic party .
But that ’ s not the entire story .
The narrative about socialism was bolstered by conservatives ’ labeling of Black Lives Matter supporters as Marxists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain Latino populations in south Florida must be seen within the context of anti-Blackness , heightened by the Black Lives Matter protests and a Black woman as the vice-presidential candidate .
Mislabeling Black Lives Matter as “ communist ” was a way to repackage racism among white Cubans and other white-identifying Latinos and make that racism politically palatable .
• None Danielle Pilar Clealand is an associate professor of Mexican American and Latino studies at the University of Texas at Austin A lot of media attention has focused on conservative Cuban voters in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accounts for only 3.1 % of the national Latinx vote .
Most Latinx in the US voted for Biden , as did most people of color generally .
We need to turn our attention to young Latinx voters , including those who flipped Arizona to the Democrats , as well as those who seek progressive alternatives beyond the limits of institutional politics .
Unfortunately , both political parties still consistently ignore Latinx people , and popular knowledge about Latinx communities remains stereotypical and rudimentary .
People still marvel at discovering we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fit into a neat demographic .
• None Arlene Dávila is professor of anthropology and American studies at NYU and the founding director of the Latinx Project The US political machine must invest in reaching Latino voters The 2020 election has seen historic levels of turnout , including Latinos and young voters .
Amid a global pandemic , however , voters badly needed alternatives to traditional campaign tactics and election administration .
They also deserved a more adequate response to widespread misinformation and voter suppression .
Within this context , neither party or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engage Latinos .
Democrats and Republicans invested large sums in persuading white voters , while neglecting the Latinos and young voters of color who have proved critical to Democratic support in Arizona .
UCLA research shows Latinos overwhelmingly supported Biden in Maricopa , Pima and Yuma counties , driving Biden toward victory there .
This was made possible by civil society organizations consistently engaging Latinos – not over months , but over years .
And Florida ’ s exit polls show Latino voters overall preferred Biden by 21 points .
Yet we keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters – a narrative which ignores the surge of white women and seniors who ultimately clinched Florida for Trump .
• None Sonja Diaz is the founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Initiative

Why did Democrats leave Latino organizations scrambling for resources?
Everyone is talking about Miami-Dade, Florida, where Joe Biden underperformed Hillary Clinton by a large margin. Let’s be clear, however: even if Biden won the county by the same margin as Clinton, he still would have lost the state by over 170,000 votes. Democrats mostly won Latinos in Florida; the demographic we lost was white voters.
The most devastating problem made evident in this election was Democrats’ lack of outreach for races beside the presidential one. Poor and limited outreach around down-ballot campaigns cost us a majority in the Senate and numerous congressional seats. We assumed that the presidential race would draw Latino voters to the polls, but Biden’s campaign couldn’t pull it off on their own. In the final months before the election, Biden spent more money on bilingual communications than any presidential candidate in history. The problem was the disbursement of money from outside organizations: most of it seemed to go to predominantly white-led Super Pacs which focused on turning out what they viewed as persuadable white voters. Latino organizations were left scrambling for resources.
The story of the Latino vote in 2020 isn’t over. We have a lot of data to use in future operations and in efforts to keep pushing Latino turnout up. To take on the disaster in Florida, we need to invest in intentional organizing and outreach by Latino-led firms and organizations. We must build a political infrastructure for the community, by the community.
Chuck Rocha is the president of Solidarity Strategies and the founder of Nuestro Pac. He was a senior adviser to the Bernie Sanders campaign
Politically, there is no ‘Latino community’
This election revealed, yet again, that Latinos are a diverse population – not just demographically, but ideologically. When it comes to politics, there is no “Latino community”. And while Latinos are a disproportionately Democratic electorate, 2020 reminds us is that there is no single story here. Latino voters helped turn Nevada and Arizona blue – yet Latino Trump supporters in Florida and Texas help keep those states red.
Going forward, the Democratic party needs to put much more energy into partnering with and listening to local Latino candidates and grassroots organizers on the ground. Democrats need to get their act together when it comes to developing mobilization strategies that take into account differences of age, gender, class, race, region, sexuality, education, occupation, national origin, and generation within Latino communities.
In our eagerness to analyze Latino voting patterns, let’s not lose sight of the fact that Trump almost won re-election because the majority of white voters in the United States continued to support him. The only reason Trump lost is because a minority of white voters came together with the majority of Black, Latino, Asian American and Native voters. A multiracial coalition saved our democracy to fight another day.
Cristina Beltrán is an associate professor of social and cultural analysis at New York University. She is author of The Trouble with Unity: Latino Politics and the Creation of Identity and Cruelty as Citizenship: How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy
Anti-communism – and veiled racism – drove many Latino voters in Florida
A large portion of Latino voters in Florida are conservatives for whom the legacy of the Cuban Revolution – and, more recently, Venezuela’s move to the left – are central to their voting decisions. To that end, Republicans worked overtime this election to paint Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as socialists, despite the candidates’ moderate positions within the Democratic party.
But that’s not the entire story. The narrative about socialism was bolstered by conservatives’ labeling of Black Lives Matter supporters as Marxists and communists. Support for Trump among certain Latino populations in south Florida must be seen within the context of anti-Blackness, heightened by the Black Lives Matter protests and a Black woman as the vice-presidential candidate. Mislabeling Black Lives Matter as “communist” was a way to repackage racism among white Cubans and other white-identifying Latinos and make that racism politically palatable.
Danielle Pilar Clealand is an associate professor of Mexican American and Latino studies at the University of Texas at Austin
Stop obsessing over Miami-Dade
A lot of media attention has focused on conservative Cuban voters in the Miami area, yet Miami-Dade county accounts for only 3.1% of the national Latinx vote. Most Latinx in the US voted for Biden, as did most people of color generally. We need to turn our attention to young Latinx voters, including those who flipped Arizona to the Democrats, as well as those who seek progressive alternatives beyond the limits of institutional politics.
Unfortunately, both political parties still consistently ignore Latinx people, and popular knowledge about Latinx communities remains stereotypical and rudimentary. People still marvel at discovering we’re not a monolith and don’t fit into a neat demographic.
Arlene Dávila is professor of anthropology and American studies at NYU and the founding director of the Latinx Project
The US political machine must invest in reaching Latino voters
The 2020 election has seen historic levels of turnout, including Latinos and young voters. Amid a global pandemic, however, voters badly needed alternatives to traditional campaign tactics and election administration. They also deserved a more adequate response to widespread misinformation and voter suppression.
Within this context, neither party or campaign expended the necessary resources to fully engage Latinos. Democrats and Republicans invested large sums in persuading white voters, while neglecting the Latinos and young voters of color who have proved critical to Democratic support in Arizona. UCLA research shows Latinos overwhelmingly supported Biden in Maricopa, Pima and Yuma counties, driving Biden toward victory there.
This was made possible by civil society organizations consistently engaging Latinos – not over months, but over years. And Florida’s exit polls show Latino voters overall preferred Biden by 21 points. Yet we keep hearing tired tropes about conservative Cuban American voters – a narrative which ignores the surge of white women and seniors who ultimately clinched Florida for Trump.


theguardian--2020-11-10--Can Joe Biden avoid Obama's mistakes? He must – for the future of the party | David Sirota

In the final scene of the film The Candidate , the newly elected Democratic Senator Bill McKay asks a harrowing question amid his victory celebration : “ What do we do now ?
” Democrats in 2020 have won a similar presidential victory – and under eerily similar circumstances as the movie depicted .
The national campaign was primarily a referendum on the incumbent Donald Trump , with Democrat Joe Biden mostly offering vague promises of a better way – and so the same question is now upon us .
To answer it , you must first appreciate how we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In this week ’ s election , Trump kept the race close by winning 82 % of voters who listed the economy as their top concern , according to exit polls .
He was able to do that amid an economic crisis because Democrats did not forcefully articulate an economic message .
Instead , Biden cast his candidacy in gauzy platitudes about restoring the country to a pre-Trump status quo .
That was enough to barely defeat Trump , who mismanaged the coronavirus response – but it was not enough to prevent Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that much-glorified pre-Trump “ normal ” of crushing economic inequality is what originally created the conditions for Trumpism , and that larger ism probably isn ’ t going away .
And so moving forward , the answer to Democrats ’ “ what do we do now ?
” question should be clear : a new Democratic White House must show it is using its power to deliver for the working class .
It must avoid replicating what happened in the first few years of the last Democratic presidency , or else we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future .
Recall that back in 2008 , Barack Obama won the White House on a wave of anger at the incumbent president , and he took office under similar crisis conditions .
And yet , despite Democrats winning large congressional majorities , Obama ’ s administration used its power to merely tweak the economic status quo , but not really change it .
From the get-go , the new White House brushed off progressives and championed a stimulus package that many economists said was far too small to quickly right the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Care Act created some long-overdue consumer protections , it ultimately strengthened the power of private insurers .
Despite Obama campaigning for a public insurance option , his administration dropped it , Democratic senators helped Republicans initially vote it down and then refused to ever bring it back up to force the issue , even though there was a good chance it would pass .
The result : Millions have lost their health insurance and millions more are paying ever-higher premiums , while insurance companies have booked huge profits – and now support for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama backed off his promise to pass new union protections for workers , and he reversed his promise to reform bad trade deals , instead pressing even more of those pacts that have become a symbol of a corrupt Washington more interested in enriching CEOs than helping workers .
Obama ’ s administration also refused to prosecute bankers and its Wall Street reform package was pathetically weak .
Its Treasury Department helped kill an initiative to break up the banks , while it approved and defended big bonuses for Wall Street executives who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a boon to a financial industry that bankrolled Obama ’ s campaign , but political poison .
During this period , progressive organizations and congressional lawmakers largely deferred to the new administration , which tried to bully the left into silence .
When liberal groups floated the idea of pressuring incumbent Democrats to support more robust health care reforms , White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel infamously berated them as “ f-ing retarded.
” The enforced deference and failure to seriously try to transform the economy ended up delivering a cataclysm : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what Obama himself called a “ shellacking.
” By the end of Obama ’ s presidency , Democrats held fewer elected offices than at any time since the early 20th century .
Trump in 2016 made fraudulent promises to crack down on Wall Street -- and he won the White House by flipping disaffected voters in locales that had been particularly hurt by a financial crisis that had never been rectified or reckoned with .
To be sure , Republicans were a powerful and determined opposition to Obama .
But Democrats ’ capitulations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truism about political capital articulated by Republican strategist Karl Rove : “ If you don ’ t spend it , it ’ s not like treasure stuck away at a storehouse someplace .
It is perishable .
It dwindles away.
” With a likely GOP Senate , a prospective Biden administration is certainly in a weaker position than Obama was in 2008 -- but there are ways for the new White House to spend political capital on a working class agenda .
As president , Biden will have the unimpeded executive authority to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulations to reform the tax code , lower drug prices , reduce student debt , crack down on Wall Street and raise wages .
He can refuse to populate his administration with corporate insiders , lobbyists and Republican Cabinet secretaries and instead staff the executive branch with officials committed to progressive economic policies .
Meanwhile , Biden can launch his first 100 days by introducing legislation that honors his campaign promises to boost the minimum wage , strengthen union protections and impose a wealth tax on billionaires .
He can also push for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investments in infrastructure , renewable energy and climate mitigation .
A Fox News exit poll shows many of those are popular — for example , the survey showed nearly three quarters of voters favor “ changing to a government-run health care plan ” and favor “ increasing government spending on green and renewable energy.
” Waging high-profile fights with Senate Republicans over these matters is good politics , and could potentially peel off necessary Republican votes for good policy .
Then again , Biden often prioritizes decorum , comity and bipartisanship .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he is elected “ nothing would fundamentally change ” and that he would not propose any legislation to change corporate behavior .
The onus , then , is on progressive activists , advocacy groups and lawmakers to demand the new president fight the good fight .
The conflicts -- even if unsuccessful -- are a way for Democrats to clarify which side it is on in the oligarch ’ s intensifying class war .
Senator Bernie Sanders has the right idea : He said he is planning to push a new Biden administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the first 100 days of the new Congress -- and he said he will support primary challenges to lawmakers who abandon the Democratic Party ’ s promises .
That effort could be boosted by newly elected House progressives , who seem eager for a battle .
A Democratic party that did not bow down to corporate power would be a return to the tradition of Franklin Roosevelt .
He welcomed the hatred of the rich and powerful and championed a New Deal agenda that delivered for the working class .
That helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and created an era of Democratic supremacy .
Democrats must be forced to do the same today .
Like FDR , they must spend political capital on an agenda that materially improves people ’ s lives .
That is the best way to ward off the electoral rise of right-wing extremism and build a lasting Democratic majority for decades to come .
• None David Sirota is a Guardian US columnist and an award-winning investigative journalist .
He is an editor at large at Jacobin , and the publisher of the newsletter Too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders ’ presidential campaign speechwriter

In the final scene of the film The Candidate, the newly elected Democratic Senator Bill McKay asks a harrowing question amid his victory celebration: “What do we do now?”
Democrats in 2020 have won a similar presidential victory – and under eerily similar circumstances as the movie depicted. The national campaign was primarily a referendum on the incumbent Donald Trump, with Democrat Joe Biden mostly offering vague promises of a better way – and so the same question is now upon us.
To answer it, you must first appreciate how we arrived at this moment of peril. In this week’s election, Trump kept the race close by winning 82% of voters who listed the economy as their top concern, according to exit polls. He was able to do that amid an economic crisis because Democrats did not forcefully articulate an economic message. Instead, Biden cast his candidacy in gauzy platitudes about restoring the country to a pre-Trump status quo.
That was enough to barely defeat Trump, who mismanaged the coronavirus response – but it was not enough to prevent Republican gains down ballot. Even more problematic, that much-glorified pre-Trump “normal” of crushing economic inequality is what originally created the conditions for Trumpism, and that larger ism probably isn’t going away.
By the end of Obama’s presidency, Democrats held fewer elected offices than at any time since the early 20th century
And so moving forward, the answer to Democrats’ “what do we do now?” question should be clear: a new Democratic White House must show it is using its power to deliver for the working class. It must avoid replicating what happened in the first few years of the last Democratic presidency, or else we may get something worse than Trump in the future.
Recall that back in 2008, Barack Obama won the White House on a wave of anger at the incumbent president, and he took office under similar crisis conditions. And yet, despite Democrats winning large congressional majorities, Obama’s administration used its power to merely tweak the economic status quo, but not really change it.
From the get-go, the new White House brushed off progressives and championed a stimulus package that many economists said was far too small to quickly right the economy.
While Obama’s Affordable Care Act created some long-overdue consumer protections, it ultimately strengthened the power of private insurers. Despite Obama campaigning for a public insurance option, his administration dropped it, Democratic senators helped Republicans initially vote it down and then refused to ever bring it back up to force the issue, even though there was a good chance it would pass. The result: Millions have lost their health insurance and millions more are paying ever-higher premiums, while insurance companies have booked huge profits – and now support for the ACA is soft.
Similarly, Obama backed off his promise to pass new union protections for workers, and he reversed his promise to reform bad trade deals, instead pressing even more of those pacts that have become a symbol of a corrupt Washington more interested in enriching CEOs than helping workers.
Obama’s administration also refused to prosecute bankers and its Wall Street reform package was pathetically weak. Its Treasury Department helped kill an initiative to break up the banks, while it approved and defended big bonuses for Wall Street executives who engineered the crisis. The moves were a boon to a financial industry that bankrolled Obama’s campaign, but political poison.
During this period, progressive organizations and congressional lawmakers largely deferred to the new administration, which tried to bully the left into silence. When liberal groups floated the idea of pressuring incumbent Democrats to support more robust health care reforms, White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel infamously berated them as “f-ing retarded.”
The enforced deference and failure to seriously try to transform the economy ended up delivering a cataclysm: Republicans in 2010 took back Congress in what Obama himself called a “shellacking.”
By the end of Obama’s presidency, Democrats held fewer elected offices than at any time since the early 20th century. Trump in 2016 made fraudulent promises to crack down on Wall Street -- and he won the White House by flipping disaffected voters in locales that had been particularly hurt by a financial crisis that had never been rectified or reckoned with.
To be sure, Republicans were a powerful and determined opposition to Obama. But Democrats’ capitulations were disasters. They never understood the truism about political capital articulated by Republican strategist Karl Rove: “If you don’t spend it, it’s not like treasure stuck away at a storehouse someplace. It is perishable. It dwindles away.”
With a likely GOP Senate, a prospective Biden administration is certainly in a weaker position than Obama was in 2008 -- but there are ways for the new White House to spend political capital on a working class agenda.
As president, Biden will have the unimpeded executive authority to implement a number of administrative rules and regulations to reform the tax code, lower drug prices, reduce student debt, crack down on Wall Street and raise wages.
He can refuse to populate his administration with corporate insiders, lobbyists and Republican Cabinet secretaries and instead staff the executive branch with officials committed to progressive economic policies.
Meanwhile, Biden can launch his first 100 days by introducing legislation that honors his campaign promises to boost the minimum wage, strengthen union protections and impose a wealth tax on billionaires. He can also push for a public health insurance option and for investments in infrastructure, renewable energy and climate mitigation.
A Fox News exit poll shows many of those are popular — for example, the survey showed nearly three quarters of voters favor “changing to a government-run health care plan” and favor “increasing government spending on green and renewable energy.” Waging high-profile fights with Senate Republicans over these matters is good politics, and could potentially peel off necessary Republican votes for good policy.
Then again, Biden often prioritizes decorum, comity and bipartisanship. He has also told his donors that if he is elected “nothing would fundamentally change” and that he would not propose any legislation to change corporate behavior.
The onus, then, is on progressive activists, advocacy groups and lawmakers to demand the new president fight the good fight. The conflicts -- even if unsuccessful -- are a way for Democrats to clarify which side it is on in the oligarch’s intensifying class war.
Senator Bernie Sanders has the right idea: He said he is planning to push a new Biden administration by introducing his own working-class legislative agenda in the first 100 days of the new Congress -- and he said he will support primary challenges to lawmakers who abandon the Democratic Party’s promises. That effort could be boosted by newly elected House progressives, who seem eager for a battle.
A Democratic party that did not bow down to corporate power would be a return to the tradition of Franklin Roosevelt. He welcomed the hatred of the rich and powerful and championed a New Deal agenda that delivered for the working class. That helped prevent the rise of a fascist alternative and created an era of Democratic supremacy.
Democrats must be forced to do the same today. Like FDR, they must spend political capital on an agenda that materially improves people’s lives. That is the best way to ward off the electoral rise of right-wing extremism and build a lasting Democratic majority for decades to come.