theguardian--2020-11-19--'Integrity still matters': the unlikely Republican standing up to Trump's voter fraud lies

Of all the Republicans to push back on Donald Trump ’ s baseless claims about voter fraud , Brad Raffensperger , the mild-mannered top election official in Georgia , did not seem like a likely candidate .
It was just a few months ago that civil rights groups called on Raffensperger , Georgia ’ s secretary of state , to resign from his position after voters spent hours waiting to vote in the primary election .
He also faced criticism for declining to mail an absentee ballot application to all voters for the general election – something he did in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by creating an election fraud taskforce and trumpeting potential voter fraud prosecutions with little context .
But after Trump lost Georgia to Joe Biden by around 13,000 votes , Raffensperger has emerged as one of the few Republican officials across the US who has aggressively disputed Trump ’ s baseless claims that fraud tainted the election result in the state .
Trump , who endorsed Raffensperger in 2018 , is now directing his ire at the secretary of state , and Georgia ’ s two Republican senators , both locked in separate runoff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Raffensperger to resign .
Raffensperger , who is quarantining after his wife tested positive for Covid-19 , continued to push back on the attacks against his office on Wednesday , saying Trump ’ s loss in the state – long considered a Republican stronghold – was the candidate ’ s fault .
“ I ’ m a conservative Republican .
Yes , I wanted President Trump to win .
But as secretary of state we have to do our job , ” he said in an interview with the Guardian .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , straight , line with integrity .
I think that integrity still matters.
” He added there were 24,000 Republicans who voted by mail in Georgia ’ s primary , but did not turn out to vote in November .
Those voters didn ’ t vote again in November , Raffensperger suggested , because Trump railed against voting by mail .
“ Voters listened to the president , they didn ’ t show up , ” he said .
“ That would have been a 10,000 person cushion that President Trump would have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back out .
They just stayed at home.
” “ Democrats really strongly pushed it , ” he added .
“ I hope that , as a Republican , our party becomes very active.
” Raffensperger says he has tried to use a fact-based approach to push back on false claims thrown at his state .
When Republicans complained about the voting machines in Georgia , the state completed an audit on a random sampling of machines in six counties and found no tampering .
“ We keep trying to knock down these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whack-a-mole .
It ’ s a rumor mill not supported by fact , ” he said .
He noted that the CDC said just before election day that voters with Covid-19 could vote in person , which might have scared off older voters from showing up at the polls .
“ It ’ s really those little things that turned out to be big things .
It ’ s not the machines , and it ’ s not the process.
” Georgia counties completed a painstaking hand audit of the presidential race on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have seized on changing vote totals in some places as evidence of wrongdoing , Raffensperger has repeatedly said there is no evidence of fraud .
Raffensperger told the Washington Post earlier this week that Senator Lindsey Graham , a South Carolina Republican , tried to pressure him to reject legally cast ballots in places where there were signature mismatch issues .
Conservatives , including the prominent Georgia attorney Lin Wood , have recently objected to a March court agreement that provides additional procedures for reviewing signatures , including timely notification of a voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ My take on it was different than [ Graham ’ s ] so we ’ re moving on , ” Raffensperger said .
“ It ’ s pretty clear that Senator Graham , President Trump , and this attorney Lin Wood , they ’ re all on the same page .
They didn ’ t understand the laws here in Georgia , and so we strengthened signature match and we have a process for that.
” He did criticize Doug Collins , the Republican Georgia congressman who is helping lead Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Collins did nothing when he was in the statehouse nor when he was in Congress for those two years for any kind of election reform bill .
He did nothing .
And now he ’ s somehow running the president ’ s review here ?
, ” he said .
“ This man did nothing about any of the federal laws that actually have really caused us taxpayer cost with these federal lawsuits that we ’ ve had in federal courts.
” Raffensperger and his wife have faced death threats since election day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have reported as Trump continues to stoke baseless accusations about fraud .
And Raffensperger said it was “ sad ” to see it coming from his own party .
“ For the last , how many months , everyone on our side was talking about all these leftwing radical groups … And then you have people on our side start talking in that same inflammatory language , ” he said .
“ This is a family feud , but we ’ re going to have to put boundaries on that .
We have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rhetoric.
” He added that he intends to run for re-election in 2022 , and that if he lost , he would accept the result .
“ Everyone has to decide how they want to run their life .
I know that if I win , I want to win honestly .
And if I lose , I want to lose honestly .
And if I lose , I can go back and do other things , ” he said .
“ I ’ m not gon na complain about the process @ @

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Of all the Republicans to push back on Donald Trump’s baseless claims about voter fraud, Brad Raffensperger, the mild-mannered top election official in Georgia, did not seem like a likely candidate.
It was just a few months ago that civil rights groups called on Raffensperger, Georgia’s secretary of state, to resign from his position after voters spent hours waiting to vote in the primary election. He also faced criticism for declining to mail an absentee ballot application to all voters for the general election – something he did in the primary. And he raised alarms by creating an election fraud taskforce and trumpeting potential voter fraud prosecutions with little context.
But after Trump lost Georgia to Joe Biden by around 13,000 votes, Raffensperger has emerged as one of the few Republican officials across the US who has aggressively disputed Trump’s baseless claims that fraud tainted the election result in the state. Trump, who endorsed Raffensperger in 2018, is now directing his ire at the secretary of state, and Georgia’s two Republican senators, both locked in separate runoff contests against Democrats, have called on Raffensperger to resign.
Raffensperger, who is quarantining after his wife tested positive for Covid-19, continued to push back on the attacks against his office on Wednesday, saying Trump’s loss in the state – long considered a Republican stronghold – was the candidate’s fault.
I wanted President Trump to win. But as secretary of state we have to do our job Brad Raffensperger
“I’m a conservative Republican. Yes, I wanted President Trump to win. But as secretary of state we have to do our job,” he said in an interview with the Guardian. “I’m gonna walk that fine, straight, line with integrity. I think that integrity still matters.”
He added there were 24,000 Republicans who voted by mail in Georgia’s primary, but did not turn out to vote in November. Those voters didn’t vote again in November, Raffensperger suggested, because Trump railed against voting by mail.
“Voters listened to the president, they didn’t show up,” he said. “That would have been a 10,000 person cushion that President Trump would have had if those folks would have come back out. They just stayed at home.”
“Democrats really strongly pushed it,” he added. “I hope that, as a Republican, our party becomes very active.”
Raffensperger says he has tried to use a fact-based approach to push back on false claims thrown at his state. When Republicans complained about the voting machines in Georgia, the state completed an audit on a random sampling of machines in six counties and found no tampering.
“We keep trying to knock down these rumors. But it’s like whack-a-mole. It’s a rumor mill not supported by fact,” he said.
He noted that the CDC said just before election day that voters with Covid-19 could vote in person, which might have scared off older voters from showing up at the polls.
Election personnel sort ballots in preparation for an audit on 7 November 2020 in Lawrenceville, Georgia. Photograph: Elijah Nouvelage/Getty Images
“It’s really those little things that turned out to be big things. It’s not the machines, and it’s not the process.”
Georgia counties completed a painstaking hand audit of the presidential race on Wednesday. While Trump and his allies have seized on changing vote totals in some places as evidence of wrongdoing, Raffensperger has repeatedly said there is no evidence of fraud.
Raffensperger told the Washington Post earlier this week that Senator Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican, tried to pressure him to reject legally cast ballots in places where there were signature mismatch issues. Conservatives, including the prominent Georgia attorney Lin Wood, have recently objected to a March court agreement that provides additional procedures for reviewing signatures, including timely notification of a voter if there is an issue with it.
“My take on it was different than [Graham’s] so we’re moving on,” Raffensperger said. “It’s pretty clear that Senator Graham, President Trump, and this attorney Lin Wood, they’re all on the same page. They didn’t understand the laws here in Georgia, and so we strengthened signature match and we have a process for that.”
He did criticize Doug Collins, the Republican Georgia congressman who is helping lead Trump’s recount effort.
Everyone has to decide how they want to run their life. I know that if I win, I want to win honestly Brad Raffensperger
“Doug Collins did nothing when he was in the statehouse nor when he was in Congress for those two years for any kind of election reform bill. He did nothing. And now he’s somehow running the president’s review here?,” he said. “This man did nothing about any of the federal laws that actually have really caused us taxpayer cost with these federal lawsuits that we’ve had in federal courts.”
Raffensperger and his wife have faced death threats since election day – something election officials around the US have reported as Trump continues to stoke baseless accusations about fraud. And Raffensperger said it was “sad” to see it coming from his own party.
“For the last, how many months, everyone on our side was talking about all these leftwing radical groups … And then you have people on our side start talking in that same inflammatory language,” he said. “This is a family feud, but we’re going to have to put boundaries on that. We have to talk to each other and lower the rhetoric.”
He added that he intends to run for re-election in 2022, and that if he lost, he would accept the result.
“Everyone has to decide how they want to run their life. I know that if I win, I want to win honestly. And if I lose, I want to lose honestly. And if I lose, I can go back and do other things,” he said. “I’m not gonna complain about the process.”


theguardian--2020-11-19--Senior Biden adviser set for key role has ties to oil and gas, climate activists warn

As Louisiana congressman Cedric Richmond takes a senior role in the incoming Biden administration , climate advocates and leaders in the fight against toxic air pollution in his district have warned of his history of poor engagement with vulnerable communities and his ties to the oil and gas industry .
But they also have urged him to leverage his new position to help direct attention to their plight .
Richmond , who has represented a south Louisiana district for 10 years and played a key early role in Joe Biden ’ s presidential campaign , was named as a senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the White House Office of Public Engagement .
He is meant to help advance the administration ’ s legislative agenda on climate change , as well as its response to the coronavirus pandemic and push for economic stimulus .
At a press conference on Tuesday Richmond , 47 , announced he would resign from Congress to take up the position , but said he would continue to advocate for the citizens of Louisiana across a range of policy issues during his tenure at the White House .
“ I look forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entire south and empowering its citizens , ” Richmond said .
Although the Democrat has been a vocal proponent of certain progressive causes , including racial justice and police reform , Richmond has faced staunch criticism from both local constituents and climate activists , which intensified after a Guardian investigation last year , revealing his extensive donations from oil , gas and chemical industries , as well as his perceived indifference to local air pollution issues .
Richmond ’ s congressional district , which encompasses the city of New Orleans and a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ River , is home to seven of the 10 most air-polluted census tracts in America , according to EPA data .
This is largely due to the continued proliferation of oil and gas refineries and petrochemical plants .
Richmond took a public stance on the issue after the Guardian ’ s reporting , calling for greater public engagement and vowed to meet with his constituents on the matter .
On Wednesday , Robert Taylor , president of the concerned citizens of St John Parish , a community group in one of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is also the subject of the Guardian ’ s Cancer Town series , said he was cautiously optimistic about Richmond ’ s new appointment .
“ I think he ’ s in a position now to be able to better serve the constituents of his district , ” Taylor said .
“ I ’ m happy to see him get the appointment , I just hope he uses it to help us.
” Taylor added : “ I would like to see him hold these chemical plants accountable because they are getting away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comes as environmental groups plan to increase pressure on Biden to follow through with his plans to cut the pollution that harms mostly communities of color and fight climate change .
While Biden has proposed spending $ 2tn on green infrastructure and other climate efforts , he could be hamstrung by a Republican-controlled Senate and forced to shift his strategy to what the White House can do without Congress .
The Sunrise Movement , a youth-led climate group that pushed Biden to intensify his climate platform , called Richmond ’ s hire a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like a betrayal , because one of President-elect Biden ’ s very first hires for his new administration has taken more donations from the fossil fuel industry during his congressional career than nearly any other Democrat , cozied up to big oil and gas , and stayed silent and ignored meeting with organizations in his own community while they suffered from toxic pollution and sea-level rise , ” said Sunrise ’ s executive director , Varshini Prakash .
Louisiana in particular is vulnerable to both the air and water pollution from fossil fuel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate change : rising seas , tougher hurricanes and worse heatwaves .
The Sunrise Movement and other progressive climate groups and lawmakers plan to rally at the Democratic National Committee on Thursday to demand bold action from Biden on the pandemic and the economic and climate threats facing communities .
Justice Democrats , a progressive group , said Biden ’ s hires are threatening his relationships with the left .
“ Progressives make up nearly half of the Democratic party ’ s seats in the House of Representatives and should receive adequate representation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive director Alexandra Rojas .
But Biden transition officials told the Guardian that Richmond ’ s role would be “ incredibly important ” across a range of policy areas , including the climate crisis .
The officials added that Richmond would work “ with a wide range of groups to make sure that the Biden-Harris administration has a direct dialogue with the American people ” .
“ President-elect Biden knows that climate change is the challenge that will define our American future .
The incoming White House staff members are committed to building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis and fight for environmental justice , ” the official said .

Oliver Laughland in New Orleans and Emily Holden

As Louisiana congressman Cedric Richmond takes a senior role in the incoming Biden administration, climate advocates and leaders in the fight against toxic air pollution in his district have warned of his history of poor engagement with vulnerable communities and his ties to the oil and gas industry.
But they also have urged him to leverage his new position to help direct attention to their plight.
Richmond, who has represented a south Louisiana district for 10 years and played a key early role in Joe Biden’s presidential campaign, was named as a senior adviser to the president-elect and will become director of the White House Office of Public Engagement. He is meant to help advance the administration’s legislative agenda on climate change, as well as its response to the coronavirus pandemic and push for economic stimulus.
At a press conference on Tuesday Richmond, 47, announced he would resign from Congress to take up the position, but said he would continue to advocate for the citizens of Louisiana across a range of policy issues during his tenure at the White House.
“I look forward to changing not only Louisiana but the entire south and empowering its citizens,” Richmond said.
Although the Democrat has been a vocal proponent of certain progressive causes, including racial justice and police reform, Richmond has faced staunch criticism from both local constituents and climate activists, which intensified after a Guardian investigation last year, revealing his extensive donations from oil, gas and chemical industries, as well as his perceived indifference to local air pollution issues.
Richmond’s congressional district, which encompasses the city of New Orleans and a number of highly polluted communities along the Mississippi River, is home to seven of the 10 most air-polluted census tracts in America, according to EPA data. This is largely due to the continued proliferation of oil and gas refineries and petrochemical plants.
Richmond took a public stance on the issue after the Guardian’s reporting, calling for greater public engagement and vowed to meet with his constituents on the matter.
On Wednesday, Robert Taylor, president of the concerned citizens of St John Parish, a community group in one of the most polluted parts of the region, which is also the subject of the Guardian’s Cancer Town series, said he was cautiously optimistic about Richmond’s new appointment.
“I think he’s in a position now to be able to better serve the constituents of his district,” Taylor said. “I’m happy to see him get the appointment, I just hope he uses it to help us.”
Taylor added: “I would like to see him hold these chemical plants accountable because they are getting away with murder.”
Richmond’s appointment comes as environmental groups plan to increase pressure on Biden to follow through with his plans to cut the pollution that harms mostly communities of color and fight climate change. While Biden has proposed spending $2tn on green infrastructure and other climate efforts, he could be hamstrung by a Republican-controlled Senate and forced to shift his strategy to what the White House can do without Congress.
The Sunrise Movement, a youth-led climate group that pushed Biden to intensify his climate platform, called Richmond’s hire a “betrayal”.
“Today feels like a betrayal, because one of President-elect Biden’s very first hires for his new administration has taken more donations from the fossil fuel industry during his congressional career than nearly any other Democrat, cozied up to big oil and gas, and stayed silent and ignored meeting with organizations in his own community while they suffered from toxic pollution and sea-level rise,” said Sunrise’s executive director, Varshini Prakash.
Louisiana in particular is vulnerable to both the air and water pollution from fossil fuel facilities and the rapidly worsening threats from climate change: rising seas, tougher hurricanes and worse heatwaves.
The Sunrise Movement and other progressive climate groups and lawmakers plan to rally at the Democratic National Committee on Thursday to demand bold action from Biden on the pandemic and the economic and climate threats facing communities.
Justice Democrats, a progressive group, said Biden’s hires are threatening his relationships with the left.
“Progressives make up nearly half of the Democratic party’s seats in the House of Representatives and should receive adequate representation in the Biden administration,” said executive director Alexandra Rojas.
But Biden transition officials told the Guardian that Richmond’s role would be “incredibly important” across a range of policy areas, including the climate crisis. The officials added that Richmond would work “with a wide range of groups to make sure that the Biden-Harris administration has a direct dialogue with the American people”.
“President-elect Biden knows that climate change is the challenge that will define our American future. The incoming White House staff members are committed to building an administration that will tackle the climate crisis and fight for environmental justice,” the official said.


theguardian--2020-11-19--Joe Biden’s win was a ‘sigh of relief’ for LGBTQ+ people. Now activists want stronger protections

Joe Biden has promised to undo years of anti-LGBTQ+ policies by Donald Trump ’ s administration , but advocates and civil rights leaders are urging the president-elect to go further in expanding protections and opportunities for queer and transgender people .
In its four years in office , the Trump administration systematically attacked the fundamental rights of LGBTQ+ people , stripping away safeguards enacted in the previous administration in education , immigration , healthcare , housing and criminal justice .
The administration in particular targeted trans rights , boosting Republican efforts to exploit trans people with fear-mongering campaign messages , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ definitions of gender that erase trans identity .
Some efforts were more successful than others , but the cumulative impact was severe .
“ I ’ ve been afraid to be growing up in this world where I ’ m not wanted and not accepted , ” said Aryn Bucci-Mooney , a 16-year-old trans student and youth activist in Albany , New York .
“ The climate that Trump has perpetuated is astonishing .
My mental health has declined because of it … It ’ s just been a big sigh of relief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
One of Trump ’ s earliest efforts to strip away trans rights came in July 2017 , when he announced by tweet that “ the United States government will not accept or allow transgender individuals to serve in any capacity in the US military ” .
The ban , which has survived repeated court challenges , impacted an estimated 15,000 trans personnel along with countless others forced to hide their identities or change career paths .
It was the start of a broader offensive that included repeated efforts to deny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with regulations that encouraged discrimination in schools , sports , medical care , prisons , homeless shelters , employment and beyond .
Trump rolled back protections for trans people in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act , which had prohibited employment discrimination based on gender identity by government contractors .
He also reversed health protections for trans people .
The administration pushed to allow federally funded homeless shelters to reject trans people and no longer mandated the bureau of prisons to consider gender identity when making decisions over where to house prisoners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Betsy DeVos rescinded anti-discrimination protections for trans children and threatened to take funding from schools that allowed trans athletes to participate on teams that matched their gender .
The policies , said Eliza Byard , executive director of Glsen , a group that works with LGBTQ+ youth , forced trans students across the country to return to using incorrect facilities , a practice that has been linked to increased rates of assault and other serious harms .
The damage will be lasting , she said : “ What has been taken from them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Trump ’ s policies were challenged in court .
In a major victory for LGBTQ+ rights groups , the supreme court ruled in June that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act does protect gay and trans workers .
But Trump ’ s term coincided with reports of increased bullying and harassment in schools , a surge in hate crimes and record levels of violence .
Bucci-Mooney , the trans student , came out when he was 12 at the start of Trump ’ s presidency .
He said he was taunted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boy ’ s soccer team , and that he eventually quit .
Now on the wrestling team , the high school junior said it would be a relief to have federal policy that supports his basic right to exist .
Trump ’ s rules “ validate the idea that we are not human beings , that it ’ s OK to discriminate against us simply because we were born in the wrong body , that it ’ s OK to take away a student ’ s right to feel safe ” , Bucci-Mooney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are talking about.
” Nic Talbott , a 27-year-old Ohio resident , was working with an Air Force National Guard recruiter when Trump announced the ban on trans people in the military , forcing him to abandon his plans .
A plaintiff in the legal case challenging the ban , Talbott was denied student loan forgiveness , scholarships , access to health care and other opportunities when he wasn ’ t able to enlist .
He plans enroll in the Reserve Officers ’ Training Corps after Biden removes the ban .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends starting their careers and their families , and I ’ m just sitting here waiting to begin my adult life.
” Serving in the closet was not an option : “ I should be able to live in my private and public life as the best version of myself.
” On LGTBQ+ rights , Biden ’ s team has promised “ the most comprehensive plan to advance equality ” in history .
That starts by dismantling Trump ’ s agenda , including a repeal of the military ’ s trans ban .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ guidance guaranteeing that trans students can access appropriate sports activities , bathrooms , locker rooms and other facilities on his first day in office .
He promised to restore protections for trans people in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act and will reinstate protections for trans people in federally funded homeless shelters .
Under Biden , the US bureau of prisons will reestablish rules that allow trans people to be housed based on their gender .
But activists on the left are hoping Biden does more than return to the policies of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t stop here after election day , ” said Bucci-Mooney .
Biden has pledged to pass the Equality Act , which would strengthen LGBTQ+ protections under the law , though its passage likely hinges on whether Democrats take control of the Senate .
With federal protections secured , advocates argue , the justice department under Biden should aggressively and proactively target anti-trans laws on the state level .
Several states are currently pushing bills to target healthcare and athletic opportunities for trans children and force schools to out trans students to their families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said Chase Strangio , deputy director for trans justice at the ACLU , who helped win the Title VII case .
“ We ’ re putting young people at incredible risk , either compromising their care when they have supportive families , or outing them when they don ’ t .
We ’ re absolutely going to cause people to die , and it will be catastrophic.
” Strangio said he also hoped the new administration would use the supreme court decision as an opportunity to expand anti-discrimination protections across federal agencies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law .
On immigration , Biden has promised to rebuild the asylum system that Trump destroyed .
Biden has pledged to “ end prolonged detention ” , noting that LGBTQ+ migrants face higher rates of sexual violence in jail .
But activists are pushing the new administration to release all trans and queer people currently detained and to give them support when they arrive at the border , instead of jail .
“ This is the opportunity to ensure that trans immigrants are not detained , and that we provide them with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jorge Gutierrez , founder of Familia : Trans Queer Liberation Movement ( TQLM ) , a national LGBTQ+ Latinx group .
LGBTQ+ undocumented groups said they were concerned that Biden ’ s transition team now includes Cecilia Muñoz , an official from the Obama-Biden administration , who oversaw the record 3m deportations that took place in the Obama years .
“ It ’ s not good news for us that she ’ s back .
How do we prevent these deportations and push president-elect Biden to do better ?
” said Emilio Vicente @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he also wanted to see Biden ’ s DoJ use its authorities to investigate civil rights abuses against incarcerated trans people , and do more to release LGBTQ+ people and others in federal prisons who have suffered during Covid .
Although the Biden win was a relief , he added , “ This change in administration changes the terms on which we ’ re operating in many ways , but it doesn ’ t change the need for people to continue to organize and demand more from these systems .
”

Joe Biden has promised to undo years of anti-LGBTQ+ policies by Donald Trump’s administration, but advocates and civil rights leaders are urging the president-elect to go further in expanding protections and opportunities for queer and transgender people.
Aryn Bucci-Mooney, 16, is a youth activist in New York. Photograph: Courtesy of Aryn Bucci-Mooney
In its four years in office, the Trump administration systematically attacked the fundamental rights of LGBTQ+ people, stripping away safeguards enacted in the previous administration in education, immigration, healthcare, housing and criminal justice.
The administration in particular targeted trans rights, boosting Republican efforts to exploit trans people with fear-mongering campaign messages, and rewriting regulations with outdated and inaccurate definitions of gender that erase trans identity.
Some efforts were more successful than others, but the cumulative impact was severe. “I’ve been afraid to be growing up in this world where I’m not wanted and not accepted,” said Aryn Bucci-Mooney, a 16-year-old trans student and youth activist in Albany, New York.
“The climate that Trump has perpetuated is astonishing. My mental health has declined because of it … It’s just been a big sigh of relief with Biden’s win,” he said.
‘Some damage can’t be undone’
One of Trump’s earliest efforts to strip away trans rights came in July 2017, when he announced by tweet that “the United States government will not accept or allow transgender individuals to serve in any capacity in the US military”. The ban, which has survived repeated court challenges, impacted an estimated 15,000 trans personnel along with countless others forced to hide their identities or change career paths.
It was the start of a broader offensive that included repeated efforts to deny trans people access to basic accommodations, with regulations that encouraged discrimination in schools, sports, medical care, prisons, homeless shelters, employment and beyond.
Trump rolled back protections for trans people in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which had prohibited employment discrimination based on gender identity by government contractors. He also reversed health protections for trans people.
The administration pushed to allow federally funded homeless shelters to reject trans people and no longer mandated the bureau of prisons to consider gender identity when making decisions over where to house prisoners.
Demonstrators protest Donald Trump’s ban on transgender people in the military. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
Trump’s education secretary, Betsy DeVos rescinded anti-discrimination protections for trans children and threatened to take funding from schools that allowed trans athletes to participate on teams that matched their gender. The policies, said Eliza Byard, executive director of Glsen, a group that works with LGBTQ+ youth, forced trans students across the country to return to using incorrect facilities, a practice that has been linked to increased rates of assault and other serious harms. The damage will be lasting, she said: “What has been taken from them can’t be undone.”
Many of Trump’s policies were challenged in court. In a major victory for LGBTQ+ rights groups, the supreme court ruled in June that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act does protect gay and trans workers. But Trump’s term coincided with reports of increased bullying and harassment in schools, a surge in hate crimes and record levels of violence.
Bucci-Mooney, the trans student, came out when he was 12 at the start of Trump’s presidency. He said he was taunted and bullied when he played on the boy’s soccer team, and that he eventually quit. Now on the wrestling team, the high school junior said it would be a relief to have federal policy that supports his basic right to exist.
Trump’s rules “validate the idea that we are not human beings, that it’s OK to discriminate against us simply because we were born in the wrong body, that it’s OK to take away a student’s right to feel safe”, Bucci-Mooney said. “These are children we are talking about.”
Nic Talbott, a 27-year-old Ohio resident, was working with an Air Force National Guard recruiter when Trump announced the ban on trans people in the military, forcing him to abandon his plans. A plaintiff in the legal case challenging the ban, Talbott was denied student loan forgiveness, scholarships, access to health care and other opportunities when he wasn’t able to enlist. He plans enroll in the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps after Biden removes the ban.
“It’s been difficult to watch my friends starting their careers and their families, and I’m just sitting here waiting to begin my adult life.” Serving in the closet was not an option: “I should be able to live in my private and public life as the best version of myself.”
Nic Talbott, 27, is a plaintiff in a legal case challenging Trump’s ban on trans people in the military. Photograph: Keith Srakocic/AP
‘The fight doesn’t stop here’
On LGTBQ+ rights, Biden’s team has promised “the most comprehensive plan to advance equality” in history. That starts by dismantling Trump’s agenda, including a repeal of the military’s trans ban.
Biden also plans to reinstate the Obama-era guidance guaranteeing that trans students can access appropriate sports activities, bathrooms, locker rooms and other facilities on his first day in office.
He promised to restore protections for trans people in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act and will reinstate protections for trans people in federally funded homeless shelters. Under Biden, the US bureau of prisons will reestablish rules that allow trans people to be housed based on their gender.
But activists on the left are hoping Biden does more than return to the policies of 2016. “The fight doesn’t stop here after election day,” said Bucci-Mooney.
Biden has pledged to pass the Equality Act, which would strengthen LGBTQ+ protections under the law, though its passage likely hinges on whether Democrats take control of the Senate.
With federal protections secured, advocates argue, the justice department under Biden should aggressively and proactively target anti-trans laws on the state level. Several states are currently pushing bills to target healthcare and athletic opportunities for trans children and force schools to out trans students to their families.
LGBTQ+ activists and supporters rally outside the US supreme court in Washington DC. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
The bills could have fatal consequences, said Chase Strangio, deputy director for trans justice at the ACLU, who helped win the Title VII case. “We’re putting young people at incredible risk, either compromising their care when they have supportive families, or outing them when they don’t. We’re absolutely going to cause people to die, and it will be catastrophic.”
Strangio said he also hoped the new administration would use the supreme court decision as an opportunity to expand anti-discrimination protections across federal agencies, with an expansive interpretation of the law.
On immigration, Biden has promised to rebuild the asylum system that Trump destroyed. Biden has pledged to “end prolonged detention”, noting that LGBTQ+ migrants face higher rates of sexual violence in jail. But activists are pushing the new administration to release all trans and queer people currently detained and to give them support when they arrive at the border, instead of jail.
“This is the opportunity to ensure that trans immigrants are not detained, and that we provide them with the legal services they need,” said Jorge Gutierrez, founder of Familia: Trans Queer Liberation Movement (TQLM), a national LGBTQ+ Latinx group.
LGBTQ+ undocumented groups said they were concerned that Biden’s transition team now includes Cecilia Muñoz, an official from the Obama-Biden administration, who oversaw the record 3m deportations that took place in the Obama years. “It’s not good news for us that she’s back. How do we prevent these deportations and push president-elect Biden to do better?” said Emilio Vicente, another TQLM activist.
Strangio said he also wanted to see Biden’s DoJ use its authorities to investigate civil rights abuses against incarcerated trans people, and do more to release LGBTQ+ people and others in federal prisons who have suffered during Covid.
Although the Biden win was a relief, he added, “This change in administration changes the terms on which we’re operating in many ways, but it doesn’t change the need for people to continue to organize and demand more from these systems.”


theguardian--2020-11-19--'We knocked on 80,000 doors:' how progressive Nithya Raman won Los Angeles

A Los Angeles urban planner who made homelessness and housing the central issues of her campaign and condemned the Los Angeles police department for “ responding to protests against police brutality with more police brutality ” , won a crucial local race this November .
Nithya Raman , 39 , joins the list of Bernie Sanders-endorsed progressives who have beaten Democratic party incumbents in closely-watched races .
Her opponent , David Ryu , had been endorsed by Nancy Pelosi and Hillary Clinton .
Raman ’ s Los Angeles city council victory won ’ t change the balance of power among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does show the impact progressives can have by organizing at the local level , and the intensity of enthusiasm she prompted among Angelenos has earned her comparisons to the New York congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
Raman ’ s campaign was powered by local advocacy groups , including the Sunrise Movement and Democratic Socialists of America , and she has endorsed a swathe of bold progressive policies , from backing a Green New Deal , to arguing that some of the Los Angeles police department ’ s budget should be diverted to pay for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She is pushing for a rent forgiveness program in response to the coronavirus crisis , and opposes all policies that criminalize people who are unhoused .
Raman spoke to the Guardian the week after her victory .
The conversation has been edited for length and clarity .
How significant were the George Floyd protests to the progressive victories in LA this year , including voters choosing a new , more progressive local prosecutor and supporting a measure to devote more taxpayer dollars to community prevention services , rather than incarceration ?
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making connections between what they were protesting in the streets and the decisions made by our county supervisors , our city council .
They were finding out the name of their city council person .
They were learning about what we spend on sheriffs and policing .
Many groups in Los Angeles , like Black Lives Matter LA and the Youth Justice Coalition , had been doing the work around these issues for a long time .
This election in Los Angeles was a result of that existing work on the ground , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our campaign around voter engagement .
Even before the protests , we had over 600 volunteers come out .
We knocked on 80,000 doors , which as far as we know , is a record .
By the general election , we had 2,000 volunteers over all .
We had 1,000 people just in our Slack .
You had 1,000 people in one Slack channel ?
Your win was one of several progressive victories in Los Angeles this November .
Do you think there was a clear message that voters here were sending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back , what I see is that we have a city and a county where many of the residents have very progressive values , but for many years there ’ s been a real gap between what I saw around me as a progressive and the policymaking that came out of the city .
Many people had not voted in municipal elections before , and the people who did participate were , on the whole , wealthier and less diverse than the population .
This time , with the election overlapping with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , designed to encourage more people to vote in local elections ] , we had the opportunity for a larger voter turnout .
The last election in my district , just 24,000 people voted .
This general election , four times that number have voted already , with the votes still being counted .
This is a city that Bernie Sanders won and that Elizabeth Warren won .
What you had in this election was the opportunity to show the strength of progressive ideas here in Los Angeles , not just around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ range of issues .
I think it ’ s a mobilization that signals possibly bigger changes for Los Angeles going forward .
What lessons do you think other progressive candidates nationwide might be able to learn from your campaign ?
We really respected voters .
We talked to as many voters as possible and didn ’ t really distinguish people who were likely to vote and people who weren ’ t .
I would encourage every progressive candidate that is eyeing a run to start early and to get out to as many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some people referred to you the AOC – Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez – of Los Angeles politics .
What do you think of that comparison ?
Um , I ’ m flattered !
She ’ s such a wonderful and eloquent voice .
The proudest moments in my campaign were when young women of color would come up to me and say that they were excited that they saw themselves in me .
I ’ m just really glad that there are more of us , you know ?
And that my daughter , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hopefully never have to wonder whether our political spaces are a space for her , because I ’ m there , and [ AOC ] is there .
As someone who took a very long time to step up and say I wanted to run for office , I ’ m hoping that the young women who are watching and seeing this don ’ t wait that long .

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A Los Angeles urban planner who made homelessness and housing the central issues of her campaign and condemned the Los Angeles police department for “responding to protests against police brutality with more police brutality”, won a crucial local race this November.
Nithya Raman, 39, joins the list of Bernie Sanders-endorsed progressives who have beaten Democratic party incumbents in closely watched races. Her opponent, David Ryu, had been endorsed by Nancy Pelosi and Hillary Clinton.
Raman’s Los Angeles city council victory won’t change the balance of power among Democrats in Washington. But her win does show the impact progressives can have by organizing at the local level, and the intensity of enthusiasm she prompted among Angelenos has earned her comparisons to the New York congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Raman’s campaign was powered by local advocacy groups, including the Sunrise Movement and Democratic Socialists of America, and she has endorsed a swath of bold progressive policies, from backing a Green New Deal, to arguing that some of the Los Angeles police department’s budget should be diverted to pay for unarmed community crisis specialists and outreach workers. She is pushing for a rent forgiveness program in response to the coronavirus crisis, and opposes all policies that criminalize people who are unhoused.
Raman spoke to the Guardian the week after her victory. The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
How significant were the George Floyd protests to the progressive victories in LA this year, including voters choosing a new, more progressive local prosecutor and supporting a measure to devote more taxpayer dollars to community prevention services, rather than incarceration?
After the protests began happening, people began making connections between what they were protesting in the streets and the decisions made by our county supervisors, our city council. They were finding out the name of their city council person. They were learning about what we spend on sheriffs and policing. Many groups in Los Angeles, like Black Lives Matter LA and the Youth Justice Coalition, had been doing the work around these issues for a long time. This election in Los Angeles was a result of that existing work on the ground, plus this widespread engagement.
Social workers join Black Lives Matter members during a demonstration against racism and police brutality in Los Angeles, on 13 June 2020. Photograph: Mark Ralston/AFP/Getty Images
We built our campaign around voter engagement. Even before the protests, we had over 600 volunteers come out. We knocked on 80,000 doors, which as far as we know, is a record. By the general election, we had 2,000 volunteers over all. We had 1,000 people just in our Slack.
You had 1,000 people in one Slack channel?
It’s a very respectful Slack.
Your win was one of several progressive victories in Los Angeles this November. Do you think there was a clear message that voters here were sending to city officials?
If you step back, what I see is that we have a city and a county where many of the residents have very progressive values, but for many years there’s been a real gap between what I saw around me as a progressive and the policymaking that came out of the city.
What you had in this election was the opportunity to show the strength of progressive ideas here in Los Angeles
Many people had not voted in municipal elections before, and the people who did participate were, on the whole, wealthier and less diverse than the population. This time, with the election overlapping with the federal election [a change from previous years, designed to encourage more people to vote in local elections], we had the opportunity for a larger voter turnout. The last election in my district, just 24,000 people voted. This general election, four times that number have voted already, with the votes still being counted.
This is a city that Bernie Sanders won and that Elizabeth Warren won. What you had in this election was the opportunity to show the strength of progressive ideas here in Los Angeles, not just around criminal justice, but around a whole range of issues. I think it’s a mobilization that signals possibly bigger changes for Los Angeles going forward.
We really respected voters. We talked to as many voters as possible and didn’t really distinguish people who were likely to vote and people who weren’t. I would encourage every progressive candidate that is eyeing a run to start early and to get out to as many voters as possible.
During the campaign, some people referred to you the AOC – Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez – of Los Angeles politics. What do you think of that comparison?
Um, I’m flattered! She’s such a wonderful and eloquent voice. The proudest moments in my campaign were when young women of color would come up to me and say that they were excited that they saw themselves in me. I’m just really glad that there are more of us, you know? And that my daughter, who is five years old, will hopefully never have to wonder whether our political spaces are a space for her, because I’m there, and [AOC] is there.
As someone who took a very long time to step up and say I wanted to run for office, I’m hoping that the young women who are watching and seeing this don’t wait that long.


theguardian--2020-11-19--The 'market' won't save us from climate disaster. We must rethink our system | Robert S Devine

The massive wildfires that have been rampaging across the American west this year are not purely natural disasters .
They are partly products of the unnatural disaster of climate change – “ unnatural ” , in that the ultimate responsibility for global warming belongs not to physics but to our economic system .
Nicholas Stern , the former chief economist of the World Bank , calls climate change the “ greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen ” .
Sadly , climate change is only one – albeit a whopper – of the countless market failures that degrade our lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phrase , “ market failure ” is actually a technical term .
It doesn ’ t refer to scams like insider trading or corporate fraud .
A failure occurs when the marketplace allocates resources in a way that does not optimally deliver wellbeing .
We understandably focus a lot of attention on the depredations of greedy tycoons and corporations , but many of the most consequential market failures stem from innate characteristics of our current market system .
Many of us probably already have a gut feeling that our current market system often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more sustainable , just and prosperous economy , however , it ’ s vital that we better comprehend the shortcomings deep in the market ’ s DNA .
Greater awareness would reduce blind faith in the market and enable people to see the market for what it is : a tool .
It can be an excellent tool when used for the right job , but relying on the market to deal with something like climate change is like trying to pound nails with a saw .
One major inherent flaw involves communication @ @ @ @ @ @ @ market , continuous indirect communication between consumers and producers leads to the best allocation of society ’ s resources .
Consumers make their desires known by the prices they ’ re willing to pay , and producers convey their costs by the prices they charge .
However , producers only communicate a narrow range of costs .
For example , an oil company will account for typical expenses , like payments to its employees , and then set its prices accordingly .
Consumers will receive those price signals and decide whether to buy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ markets enable businesses to scrub most social and environmental costs from these signals , which garbles communication with consumers .
For instance , the price of gas doesn ’ t reflect the cost of the revved-up wildfires we suffer due to the additional global warming caused by burning that oil company ’ s gasoline .
Numerous studies estimate that the true cost of gas is two to four times higher than what we pay at the pump .
Incomplete communication misleads us consumers into buying products laden with hidden costs .
Countless goods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as pollution , habitat destruction , floods , child labor , extinctions and disease .
When we fill up at the gas station the price we are charged doesn ’ t tell us that our purchase increases the odds that a wildfire will burn down our community .
Making such partially informed choices is like buying a house having seen only the kitchen .
Another characteristic of the market that leads to failure is its inability to provide incentives for businesses to produce or protect public goods , such as fire departments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the market doesn ’ t generate the public goods sometimes known as “ ecosystem services ” , such as nutrient cycling , soil formation , oxygen creation and a livable climate .
Many of these essential services operate in the background ; like plumbing and wiring , they go unnoticed and unappreciated unless they fail .
Take the flooding that drowned parts of coastal Louisiana and Mississippi in 2005 when Hurricane Katrina thrashed the Gulf coast .
More than 1,800 people died , cherished communities disintegrated , and the price tag swelled to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the devastation occurred because oil and gas development had decimated the coastal marshes that previously had tamed storm surges .
The protection those marshes provide is an extremely valuable ecosystem service , yet no entrepreneurs hustle to produce that protection .
And why would they ?
The market doesn ’ t give private businesses a profit motive to produce public goods .
For example , even if a company were to restore a marsh , they wouldn ’ t be able to sell that service because they couldn ’ t exclude anyone living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for free .
Private restoration companies exist , of course , and some make a profit by rehabilitating marshes .
But market forces didn ’ t spawn these outfits .
At some point somebody recognized the value of the marshes and made a conscious choice to try to preserve or restore them .
Most likely a number of somebodies made that choice and pressed their government to hire a restoration company .
More broadly , environmental and social projects happen when a great many somebodies vote for candidates who support such efforts .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ solution to market failures .
Instead of passively counting on supply and demand to provide everything we need , we sometimes need to exert our judgment .
And there it is , the J-word : “ judgment ” .
Free-enterprise disciples view most efforts to use our collective judgment to shape the economy as central planning that will foul the gears of the market .
But banishing judgment about how to allocate our resources will result in a world with plenty of video game consoles and fashionable shoes and precious little biodiversity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soon , biological poverty and climate chaos will also cripple the economy of stuff , and video game consoles and shoes will become scarce , as well .
Citizens who scorn judgment should note that we ’ ve exercised some collective judgment to help guide the economy since the advent of government .
The problem is that we ’ re not exercising it enough .
In recent decades we ’ ve gotten out of balance and are leaning too far toward an unrestrained market even when it ’ s the wrong tool for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s loaded with hidden costs that the market doesn ’ t communicate and that individual consumers can ’ t be expected to discover .
But government ( well , good government that pays attention to science ) has the expertise to evaluate your toaster .
If we citizens decide that we want to address climate change and air pollution , then government can do our bidding by devising energy efficiency standards for our appliances .
In fact , they did , decades ago .
According to the American Council for an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than $ 1tn to date and have reduced greenhouse gas emissions by the equivalent of the annual emissions of 800m cars .
And we don ’ t even know the standards are there – hardly the heavy hand of government that haunts free-marketeers ’ fever dreams .
So let ’ s use our judgment to create an economy that better aligns with our values .
Instead of surrendering our autonomy to the soulless mechanics of the market , we can freely choose to grow beyond being mere consumers and become forceful citizens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the author of Bush Versus the Environment and The Sustainable Economy : The Hidden Costs of Climate Change and the Path to a Prosperous Future

The massive wildfires that have been rampaging across the American west this year are not purely natural disasters. They are partly products of the unnatural disaster of climate change – “unnatural”, in that the ultimate responsibility for global warming belongs not to physics but to our economic system. Nicholas Stern, the former chief economist of the World Bank, calls climate change the “greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen”. Sadly, climate change is only one – albeit a whopper – of the countless market failures that degrade our lives.
Though it sounds like a generic phrase, “market failure” is actually a technical term. It doesn’t refer to scams like insider trading or corporate fraud. A failure occurs when the marketplace allocates resources in a way that does not optimally deliver wellbeing. We understandably focus a lot of attention on the depredations of greedy tycoons and corporations, but many of the most consequential market failures stem from innate characteristics of our current market system.
Many of us probably already have a gut feeling that our current market system often fails. In order to build a more sustainable, just and prosperous economy, however, it’s vital that we better comprehend the shortcomings deep in the market’s DNA. Greater awareness would reduce blind faith in the market and enable people to see the market for what it is: a tool. It can be an excellent tool when used for the right job, but relying on the market to deal with something like climate change is like trying to pound nails with a saw.
One major inherent flaw involves communication. In an ideal version of the market, continuous indirect communication between consumers and producers leads to the best allocation of society’s resources. Consumers make their desires known by the prices they’re willing to pay, and producers convey their costs by the prices they charge.
However, producers only communicate a narrow range of costs. For example, an oil company will account for typical expenses, like payments to its employees, and then set its prices accordingly. Consumers will receive those price signals and decide whether to buy that company’s gasoline. But markets enable businesses to scrub most social and environmental costs from these signals, which garbles communication with consumers. For instance, the price of gas doesn’t reflect the cost of the revved-up wildfires we suffer due to the additional global warming caused by burning that oil company’s gasoline. Numerous studies estimate that the true cost of gas is two to four times higher than what we pay at the pump.
Incomplete communication misleads us consumers into buying products laden with hidden costs. Countless goods and services bear the stains of harms such as pollution, habitat destruction, floods, child labor, extinctions and disease. When we fill up at the gas station the price we are charged doesn’t tell us that our purchase increases the odds that a wildfire will burn down our community. Making such partially informed choices is like buying a house having seen only the kitchen.
Another characteristic of the market that leads to failure is its inability to provide incentives for businesses to produce or protect public goods, such as fire departments or city parks. Most important, the market doesn’t generate the public goods sometimes known as “ecosystem services”, such as nutrient cycling, soil formation, oxygen creation and a livable climate. Many of these essential services operate in the background; like plumbing and wiring, they go unnoticed and unappreciated unless they fail.
Purposeful collective action is the overarching solution to market failures
Take the flooding that drowned parts of coastal Louisiana and Mississippi in 2005 when Hurricane Katrina thrashed the Gulf coast. More than 1,800 people died, cherished communities disintegrated, and the price tag swelled to more than $100bn. Much of the devastation occurred because oil and gas development had decimated the coastal marshes that previously had tamed storm surges. The protection those marshes provide is an extremely valuable ecosystem service, yet no entrepreneurs hustle to produce that protection.
And why would they? The market doesn’t give private businesses a profit motive to produce public goods. For example, even if a company were to restore a marsh, they wouldn’t be able to sell that service because they couldn’t exclude anyone living on that coast from using that protection for free.
Private restoration companies exist, of course, and some make a profit by rehabilitating marshes. But market forces didn’t spawn these outfits. At some point somebody recognized the value of the marshes and made a conscious choice to try to preserve or restore them. Most likely a number of somebodies made that choice and pressed their government to hire a restoration company. More broadly, environmental and social projects happen when a great many somebodies vote for candidates who support such efforts. Such purposeful collective action is the overarching solution to market failures. Instead of passively counting on supply and demand to provide everything we need, we sometimes need to exert our judgment.
And there it is, the J-word: “judgment”. Free-enterprise disciples view most efforts to use our collective judgment to shape the economy as central planning that will foul the gears of the market. But banishing judgment about how to allocate our resources will result in a world with plenty of video game consoles and fashionable shoes and precious little biodiversity and climate stability – and, all too soon, biological poverty and climate chaos will also cripple the economy of stuff, and video game consoles and shoes will become scarce, as well.
Citizens who scorn judgment should note that we’ve exercised some collective judgment to help guide the economy since the advent of government. The problem is that we’re not exercising it enough. In recent decades we’ve gotten out of balance and are leaning too far toward an unrestrained market even when it’s the wrong tool for the job.
Consider your toaster. It’s loaded with hidden costs that the market doesn’t communicate and that individual consumers can’t be expected to discover. But government (well, good government that pays attention to science) has the expertise to evaluate your toaster. If we citizens decide that we want to address climate change and air pollution, then government can do our bidding by devising energy efficiency standards for our appliances.
In fact, they did, decades ago. According to the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, those regulations have saved more than $1tn to date and have reduced greenhouse gas emissions by the equivalent of the annual emissions of 800m cars. And we don’t even know the standards are there – hardly the heavy hand of government that haunts free-marketeers’ fever dreams.
So let’s use our judgment to create an economy that better aligns with our values. Instead of surrendering our autonomy to the soulless mechanics of the market, we can freely choose to grow beyond being mere consumers and become forceful citizens.


theguardian--2020-11-19--This election showed that Republicans' racist 'Southern Strategy' is falling apart | Rev William Bar

This election showed that Republicans' racist 'Southern Strategy' is falling apart | Rev William Barber and Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove

Since Kamala Harris and Joe Biden gave their victory speeches in Wilmington , Delaware , Donald Trump has largely disappeared from public view , dispatching lawyers to file frivolous suits that will not impact the outcome of the election as he fumes about “ massive fraud ” and tweets without irony about an election that ended almost two weeks ago : “ WE WILL WIN !
” Like parents of a child who has suffered a sudden and unexpected loss , Senate Republicans have suggested they are willing to give the president time to come to terms with reality , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ within his rights ” to challenge election results that disappoint him .
All the while , these same senators have been asking Democratic colleagues to convey their congratulations to the president-elect , their former colleague , who they assume will understand the awkward position they find themselves in .
But Trump is not a child , and we can not pretend that he is the only one who is not willing to move on .
Make America Great Again was always a thinly veiled promise that white supremacy could mount a resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the prospect of a genuine , multi-ethnic democracy .
Trump ’ s refusal to accept the election results is not simply about his own psychological needs .
It is a performance in keeping with the Southern Strategy that has animated the Republican party for half a century .
During Richard Nixon ’ s 1968 presidential campaign , a manuscript of Kevin Phillips ’ book The Emerging Republican Majority offered a playbook for how white voters could form a winning national coalition in the post-civil rights era .
Phillips called America “ the melting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ all you ’ ve got to do with American politics is work out who hates whom and you ’ ve got it.
” Phillips advised Nixon that the Republican party could win without African American votes by painting the Democrats as the “ black party ” .
Phillips predicted “ a new American revolution coming out of the south and west ” because of fears and objections raised by the civil rights movement ’ s victories .
Nixon intended for this “ Southern Strategy ” to establish a new sun belt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the south and west .
Indeed , the Southern Strategy made the Republican party a political home for tens of millions of white people who could not move on after the civil rights movement .
Strom Thurmond , who had run as a Dixiecrat candidate for president and championed “ massive resistance ” to the Brown v Board of Ed decision , led the march of southern Democrats into a Republican party that was ready to use “ positive polarization ” to pit their base against a fusion coalition of Black , white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ socialists ” , “ coastal elites ” and “ godless progressives ” .
Though Republicans knew their base was reactionary white conservatives , they did not make explicit appeals to white supremacy .
Instead , they insisted that their values were the true American values .
Casting themselves as the champions of everyday Americans in the Heartland , they paved the way for Trump ’ s faux populism .
But the most explicit repudiation of an incumbent president since FDR ’ s victory in 1932 makes clear that the fusion coalition the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , nevertheless , grown in strength .
Despite his promise to champion American workers as a political outsider , Trump lost to Clinton among poor and low-income Americans in 2016 by eight points .
Four years later , he lost to Biden among the same demographic by 11.5 points – a 40 % gain , representing millions of people who have seen through the lie of the Southern Strategy .
When you consider that Trump improved over 2016 among Americans who make more than $ 100,000 a year , it ’ s clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagined “ populist ” base was the real key to Biden ’ s victory .
Trump lost because his explicit appeals to fear and division increased turnout among poor Black and brown people and their white allies .
This is the real reason Trump and his enablers can not accept the results of the 2020 election : to do so would reveal that the Southern Strategy has run its course .
By investing in division , Republicans have clung to power for half a century , betting on having the larger half if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But increased turnout , especially among Black , brown , Native and low-income Americans of every race , not only flipped the rust belt but also broke through the sun belt in Arizona and Georgia .
Despite the obstacles of a public health crisis and intentional voter suppression , a new majority engaged the democratic process in 2020 and rejected the Southern Strategy .
Republicans are standing by a delusional president because they can not yet imagine a future apart from the imagined past they promised to white America .
But on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appalachia to Alabama ’ s Black Belt , we have seen new fusion coalitions of Black , white and brown voters come together to refuse the politics of division and embrace a moral vision of shared government that works for everyone .
We know that the basic need for living wages , healthcare , just immigration policies and a livable planet are not right or left issues , but moral issues that can unite people of different backgrounds and ideologies .
As we watch Republicans deny reality , we remember the observation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dying mule always kicks the hardest .
While we acknowledge its danger , we can ’ t let its braying overwhelm the united voice of a historic coalition that has stood together in this election for a new day .
• None The Rev Dr William Barber II is president of Repairers of the Breach and co-chair of the Poor People ’ s Campaign : A National Call for Moral Revival .
His latest book is We Are Called to be a Movement • None Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove directs the School for Conversion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the author of Revolution Of Values

William J Barber and Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove

Since Kamala Harris and Joe Biden gave their victory speeches in Wilmington, Delaware, Donald Trump has largely disappeared from public view, dispatching lawyers to file frivolous suits that will not impact the outcome of the election as he fumes about “massive fraud” and tweets without irony about an election that ended almost two weeks ago: “WE WILL WIN!”
Like parents of a child who has suffered a sudden and unexpected loss, Senate Republicans have suggested they are willing to give the president time to come to terms with reality, asserting with straight faces that he is “within his rights” to challenge election results that disappoint him. All the while, these same senators have been asking Democratic colleagues to convey their congratulations to the president-elect, their former colleague, who they assume will understand the awkward position they find themselves in.
But Trump is not a child, and we cannot pretend that he is the only one who is not willing to move on. Make America Great Again was always a thinly veiled promise that white supremacy could mount a resistance to movements that challenge systemic racism with the prospect of a genuine, multi-ethnic democracy. Trump’s refusal to accept the election results is not simply about his own psychological needs. It is a performance in keeping with the Southern Strategy that has animated the Republican party for half a century.
During Richard Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign, a manuscript of Kevin Phillips’ book The Emerging Republican Majority offered a playbook for how white voters could form a winning national coalition in the post-civil rights era. Phillips called America “the melting pot that never melted” and explained that “all you’ve got to do with American politics is work out who hates whom and you’ve got it.” Phillips advised Nixon that the Republican party could win without African American votes by painting the Democrats as the “black party”. Phillips predicted “a new American revolution coming out of the south and west” because of fears and objections raised by the civil rights movement’s victories. Nixon intended for this “Southern Strategy” to establish a new sun belt power base for the Republican party in the south and west.
Indeed, the Southern Strategy made the Republican party a political home for tens of millions of white people who could not move on after the civil rights movement. Strom Thurmond, who had run as a Dixiecrat candidate for president and championed “massive resistance” to the Brown v Board of Ed decision, led the march of southern Democrats into a Republican party that was ready to use “positive polarization” to pit their base against a fusion coalition of Black, white and brown voters whom Republicans demonized as “socialists”, “coastal elites” and “godless progressives”. Though Republicans knew their base was reactionary white conservatives, they did not make explicit appeals to white supremacy. Instead, they insisted that their values were the true American values. Casting themselves as the champions of everyday Americans in the Heartland, they paved the way for Trump’s faux populism.
But the most explicit repudiation of an incumbent president since FDR’s victory in 1932 makes clear that the fusion coalition the Southern Strategy was designed to crush has, nevertheless, grown in strength. Despite his promise to champion American workers as a political outsider, Trump lost to Clinton among poor and low-income Americans in 2016 by eight points. Four years later, he lost to Biden among the same demographic by 11.5 points – a 40% gain, representing millions of people who have seen through the lie of the Southern Strategy. When you consider that Trump improved over 2016 among Americans who make more than $100,000 a year, it’s clear that this crack in Trump’s imagined “populist” base was the real key to Biden’s victory. Trump lost because his explicit appeals to fear and division increased turnout among poor Black and brown people and their white allies.
This is the real reason Trump and his enablers cannot accept the results of the 2020 election: to do so would reveal that the Southern Strategy has run its course. By investing in division, Republicans have clung to power for half a century, betting on having the larger half if they could split the nation in two. But increased turnout, especially among Black, brown, Native and low-income Americans of every race, not only flipped the rust belt but also broke through the sun belt in Arizona and Georgia. Despite the obstacles of a public health crisis and intentional voter suppression, a new majority engaged the democratic process in 2020 and rejected the Southern Strategy. Republicans are standing by a delusional president because they cannot yet imagine a future apart from the imagined past they promised to white America.
But on the ground, in rural communities from Appalachia to Alabama’s Black Belt, we have seen new fusion coalitions of Black, white and brown voters come together to refuse the politics of division and embrace a moral vision of shared government that works for everyone. We know that the basic need for living wages, healthcare, just immigration policies and a livable planet are not right or left issues, but moral issues that can unite people of different backgrounds and ideologies. As we watch Republicans deny reality, we remember the observation of the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa: a dying mule always kicks the hardest. While we acknowledge its danger, we can’t let its braying overwhelm the united voice of a historic coalition that has stood together in this election for a new day.


theguardian--2020-11-20--Happy birthday, Joe: 78-year-old Biden will be oldest US president to enter office

Joe Biden is celebrating his 78th birthday on Friday , an age that will make him the oldest president ever to enter office when he is inaugurated on 20 January .
Biden ’ s age , which Donald Trump – four years his junior – sought to make an issue throughout the election campaign , including the nickname “ Sleepy Joe ” , is 23 years above an average 55 years of age for accession to the presidency .
Ronald Reagan , who also drew attention for his advancing years , was 69 when he entered office in 1981 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the oldest person to be elected to the presidency – excluding Reagan ’ s re-election at 73 .
The youngest elected president is John F Kennedy , who was 43 at the time of his inauguration and 46 at the time of his assassination on 22 November 1963 , while the youngest to assume the presidency , after the assassination of William McKinley in 1901 , was Theodore Roosevelt at 42 .
As far as Biden ’ s physical health is concerned , his most recent publicly-issued medical assessment , released in December @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , vigorous ... fit to successfully execute the duties of the Presidency , to include those as chief executive , head of state and commander in chief.
” He was listed as 5ft11in tall , weighed 178 pounds , and had a blood pressure of 128/84 at that time .
He had two brain aneurysms in 1988 .
In 2009 , he had episodic atrial fibrillation .
Biden does not smoke or drink alcohol and exercises five days a week , according to his physician .
Throughout his election campaign and into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s handlers have taken steps to counter age-related misgivings – in part stemming from his light election campaign schedule know as the the “ basement strategy ” during the coronavirus pandemic .
This included often having the now-president-elect jog to the podium at speaking engagements .
In an interview with CNN , Biden promised to be “ totally transparent ” about all facets of his health if elected .
However , he hasn ’ t said how he ’ ll do that .
“ It ’ s crucial that he and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early in his presidency where he can express what he wants with a crispness that ’ s not always been his strength , ” said Ross Baker , a political scientist at Rutgers University who has advised legislators from both parties .
“ He has got to build up credibility with the American people that he ’ s physically and mentally up to the job.
” According to Baker , Biden ’ s advanced age puts greater emphasis on the quality of his staff picks .
Indeed by selecting his vice-president Kamala Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emerged during the democratic nomination campaign as one of his fiercest critics , was a tacit acknowledgment of his age issue .
Biden himself has described his role as “ transitional ” for the future of the Democratic party .

Joe Biden is celebrating his 78th birthday on Friday, an age that will make him the oldest president ever to enter office when he is inaugurated on 20 January.
Biden’s age, which Donald Trump – four years his junior – sought to make an issue throughout the election campaign, including the nickname “Sleepy Joe”, is 23 years above an average 55 years of age for accession to the presidency.
Ronald Reagan, who also drew attention for his advancing years, was 69 when he entered office in 1981. Donald Trump was 70, making him the oldest person to be elected to the presidency – excluding Reagan’s re-election at 73.
The youngest elected president is John F Kennedy, who was 43 at the time of his inauguration and 46 at the time of his assassination on 22 November 1963, while the youngest to assume the presidency, after the assassination of William McKinley in 1901, was Theodore Roosevelt at 42.
As far as Biden’s physical health is concerned, his most recent publicly-issued medical assessment, released in December 2019, reported him as “healthy, vigorous ... fit to successfully execute the duties of the Presidency, to include those as chief executive, head of state and commander in chief.”
He was listed as 5ft11in tall, weighed 178 pounds, and had a blood pressure of 128/84 at that time. He had two brain aneurysms in 1988. In 2009, he had episodic atrial fibrillation. Biden does not smoke or drink alcohol and exercises five days a week, according to his physician.
Throughout his election campaign and into the current, contentious phase of transition, Biden’s handlers have taken steps to counter age-related misgivings – in part stemming from his light election campaign schedule know as the the “basement strategy” during the coronavirus pandemic. This included often having the now-president-elect jog to the podium at speaking engagements.
In an interview with CNN, Biden promised to be “totally transparent” about all facets of his health if elected. However, he hasn’t said how he’ll do that.
“It’s crucial that he and his staff put himself in the position early in his presidency where he can express what he wants with a crispness that’s not always been his strength,” said Ross Baker, a political scientist at Rutgers University who has advised legislators from both parties.
“He has got to build up credibility with the American people that he’s physically and mentally up to the job.”
According to Baker, Biden’s advanced age puts greater emphasis on the quality of his staff picks. Indeed by selecting his vice-president Kamala Harris, 20 years his junior, who emerged during the democratic nomination campaign as one of his fiercest critics, was a tacit acknowledgment of his age issue. Biden himself has described his role as “transitional” for the future of the Democratic party.


theguardian--2020-11-20--Republican officials finally forced into action on Covid-19 as reality bites

After Republicans won big on election night in the state of Iowa , in America ’ s heartland , Governor Kim Reynolds claimed vindication for her light-handed approach to the coronavirus pandemic .
“ It was a validation of our balanced response to Covid-19 , ” Reynolds said of the vote .
“ One that is mindful of both public health and economic health.
” That was two weeks ago .
Since then , the trajectory of the pandemic in Iowa , as elsewhere in the American midwest , has taken a sharp and tragic turn .
Daily confirmed cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % in Iowa since election night , and daily deaths are up more than 50 % , hitting 41 on Tuesday .
Nationwide , the United States has passed 250,000 confirmed deaths – about twice as many as any other country .
Like other Republicans torn between fighting the pandemic and fighting the culture wars , Reynolds spent months dismissing the need for a mask mandate in her state , calling it a “ feelgood ” measure .
But new warnings from local hospitals of a dangerous overload finally drove Reynolds to reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iowa is the worst it has ever been , ” she said .
“ No one wants to do this .
I don ’ t want to do this.
” The reluctance to “ do this ” is not exclusive to Reynolds – but it is exclusive to one of America ’ s two major political parties .
Since the start of the pandemic , Republican officials across the country , cowed by Donald Trump , conspiracy-swayed constituents and lesser political calculations , have resisted asking voters to take personal action to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently , many of those states had escaped the worst consequences of the official dereliction , enjoying some luck in the mysterious dynamics of the virus ’ s spread .
But with the arrival of cooler temperatures , an increase in indoor activity and widespread pandemic fatigue , that story has changed terribly this fall , as public health experts predicted it would .
With each passing week , the unwillingness of elected Republicans to act against the virus is taking an increasing toll , health experts say .
And the mistrust in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sown has a further , potentially destructive cost yet to be paid : the climate of mistrust seems likely to hamper the country ’ s imminent effort to escape the virus ’ s clutches through universal vaccination .
“ It ’ s not just that the anti-mask , anti-distancing , anti-testing Republicans are wrong as a matter of public policy , ” tweeted Bill Kristol , editor of the conservative anti-Trump Bulwark .
“ It ’ s not even that they lack empathy for those who suffer .
They relish their lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They are proud of their inhumanity.
” Daily coronavirus-related deaths since the election are up by more than 50 % in western states with Republican leadership including North Dakota , South Dakota , Wyoming and Nebraska , according to the Covid Tracking Project – and like Iowa , those states have been flooded with new infections .
Some Republican governors , such as Reynolds and the North Dakota governor , Doug Burgum , have been driven by desperation to reverse themselves on masks .
But others , such as Nebraska ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump backer , have resisted a general mask mandate .
In lieu of such a mandate , hundreds of Nebraska healthcare workers signed an open letter published on Wednesday by the Omaha World-Herald , pleading with the public to mask up .
“ Your frontline health care workers are exhausted , ” they wrote .
“ We are scared that the hospitals won ’ t have the space and people to meet the ever-growing demand .
We are seeing many deaths and will continue to see many more.
” There is no clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in political leadership with spikes in coronavirus cases , because the virus does not respect political boundaries , said Lawrence O Gostin , a professor of public health at Johns Hopkins University .
“ It ’ s really hard to make a direct and causal connection between governors in conservative states that refuse to order masks , distancing , or send out mixed messages ” – and cases , Gostin told the Guardian .
“ But make no mistake about it , those are causing enormous flare-ups in the United States , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state as some self-contained unit .
They affect other states and they affect the entire country.
” Republican resistance to masks , social distancing and other coronavirus mitigation measures began early on in the pandemic .
The purely political prism through which Trump saw the pandemic set the tone .
In private , Trump said the virus was “ deadly stuff ” that “ goes through the air ” – while in public he said the virus was a “ hoax ” that would “ disappear ” .
Any Republican governor who dared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Ohio ’ s Mike DeWine and Maryland ’ s Larry Hogan , drew wrathful Twitter fire from the White House .
Republicans also took up coronavirus rejectionism as an ideological battle , equating basic health precautions with existential threats to personal freedom .
The conservative supreme court justice Samuel Alito said last week that safety measures had exacted “ previously unimaginable restrictions on individual liberty ” .
The attorney general , William Barr , called prospective stay-at-home orders “ the greatest intrusion on civil liberties in American history ” apart from slavery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scene on the Senate floor this week , when the Ohio Democrat Sherrod Brown asked the presiding senator , the Alaska Republican Dan Sullivan , to wear a mask to protect the health of staff members required to be present in the chamber – including one staffer seated directly underneath Sullivan .
“ I don ’ t need your instruction , ” Sullivan barked in refusal .
Ted Cruz , another Republican senator , piled on .
“ Sherrod Brown is being a complete ass , ” he tweeted .
The senators had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a final few Trump judges .
But that fact only underscored the Republican failure , in the eyes of critics , to meet Democrats halfway on a new and direly needed coronavirus relief bill , which appears a dead letter .
For millions of American lives touched by the coronavirus , it was too late to correct the failure to stand up protocols for masking and social distancing , testing and contact-tracing .
But negative consequences of the culture war around the pandemic could still lie ahead , damaging the national vaccination effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccines and distributing them [ lies with ] state and local health departments , ” said Gostin .
“ Even though you ’ re going to probably have leadership that values science , you ’ re nonetheless going to have state and local government that are resistant , and are not effectively distributing the vaccine and not encouraging their citizenry to get the vaccine .
“ And so the splintered , fragmented approach in the United States will only look worse when it comes to a vaccine distribution.
” Gostin said he hoped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the White House including all the governors and public health commissioners .
“ It ’ s going to be hard , ” said Gostin , “ but I think that ’ s our only hope to meet what we face : the most daunting logistical challenge for a vaccine campaign in our lifetime .
”

After Republicans won big on election night in the state of Iowa, in America’s heartland, Governor Kim Reynolds claimed vindication for her light-handed approach to the coronavirus pandemic.
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“It was a validation of our balanced response to Covid-19,” Reynolds said of the vote. “One that is mindful of both public health and economic health.”
That was two weeks ago. Since then, the trajectory of the pandemic in Iowa, as elsewhere in the American midwest, has taken a sharp and tragic turn.
Daily confirmed cases of Covid-19 and hospitalizations are up 100% in Iowa since election night, and daily deaths are up more than 50%, hitting 41 on Tuesday. Nationwide, the United States has passed 250,000 confirmed deaths – about twice as many as any other country.
Like other Republicans torn between fighting the pandemic and fighting the culture wars, Reynolds spent months dismissing the need for a mask mandate in her state, calling it a “feelgood” measure. But new warnings from local hospitals of a dangerous overload finally drove Reynolds to reverse course this week.
“The pandemic in Iowa is the worst it has ever been,” she said. “No one wants to do this. I don’t want to do this.”
The reluctance to “do this” is not exclusive to Reynolds – but it is exclusive to one of America’s two major political parties.
Since the start of the pandemic, Republican officials across the country, cowed by Donald Trump, conspiracy-swayed constituents and lesser political calculations, have resisted asking voters to take personal action to stop the spread of Covid-19. Until recently, many of those states had escaped the worst consequences of the official dereliction, enjoying some luck in the mysterious dynamics of the virus’s spread.
But with the arrival of cooler temperatures, an increase in indoor activity and widespread pandemic fatigue, that story has changed terribly this fall, as public health experts predicted it would. With each passing week, the unwillingness of elected Republicans to act against the virus is taking an increasing toll, health experts say.
And the mistrust in basic public health guidelines that Republicans have sown has a further, potentially destructive cost yet to be paid: the climate of mistrust seems likely to hamper the country’s imminent effort to escape the virus’s clutches through universal vaccination.
“It’s not just that the anti-mask, anti-distancing, anti-testing Republicans are wrong as a matter of public policy,” tweeted Bill Kristol, editor of the conservative anti-Trump Bulwark. “It’s not even that they lack empathy for those who suffer. They relish their lack of empathy. They glory in their callousness. They are proud of their inhumanity.”
Construction workers wear their face mask in Downtown Miami, Florida, in July in accordance with local regulations. The state governor, Ron DeSantis, resisted calls for a statewide mask mandate and in September barred local officials from enforcing mask mandates. Photograph: Cristobal Herrera-Ulashkevich/EPA
Daily coronavirus-related deaths since the election are up by more than 50% in western states with Republican leadership including North Dakota, South Dakota, Wyoming and Nebraska, according to the Covid Tracking Project – and like Iowa, those states have been flooded with new infections.
Some Republican governors, such as Reynolds and the North Dakota governor, Doug Burgum, have been driven by desperation to reverse themselves on masks. But others, such as Nebraska’s governor, Pete Ricketts, a major Trump backer, have resisted a general mask mandate.
In lieu of such a mandate, hundreds of Nebraska healthcare workers signed an open letter published on Wednesday by the Omaha World-Herald, pleading with the public to mask up.
“Your frontline health care workers are exhausted,” they wrote. “We are scared that the hospitals won’t have the space and people to meet the ever-growing demand. We are seeing many deaths and will continue to see many more.”
There is no clear map of the United States overlaying holes in political leadership with spikes in coronavirus cases, because the virus does not respect political boundaries, said Lawrence O Gostin, founding O’Neill Chair in global health law at Georgetown University and a professor of public health at Johns Hopkins University.
“It’s really hard to make a direct and causal connection between governors in conservative states that refuse to order masks, distancing, or send out mixed messages” – and cases, Gostin told the Guardian.
“But make no mistake about it, those are causing enormous flare-ups in the United States, because we can’t think of the state as some self-contained unit. They affect other states and they affect the entire country.”
Republican resistance to masks, social distancing and other coronavirus mitigation measures began early on in the pandemic. The purely political prism through which Trump saw the pandemic set the tone.
In private, Trump said the virus was “deadly stuff” that “goes through the air” – while in public he said the virus was a “hoax” that would “disappear”. Any Republican governor who dared split with the party line, such as Ohio’s Mike DeWine and Maryland’s Larry Hogan, drew wrathful Twitter fire from the White House.
Republicans also took up coronavirus rejectionism as an ideological battle, equating basic health precautions with existential threats to personal freedom.
The conservative supreme court justice Samuel Alito said last week that safety measures had exacted “previously unimaginable restrictions on individual liberty”. The attorney general, William Barr, called prospective stay-at-home orders “the greatest intrusion on civil liberties in American history” apart from slavery.
Justice Samuel Alito, pictured with his wife Martha-Ann, decried coronavirus mitigation efforts as ‘previously unimaginable restrictions on individual liberty’. Photograph: Andrew Harnik/AP
The partisan chasm produced a striking scene on the Senate floor this week, when the Ohio Democrat Sherrod Brown asked the presiding senator, the Alaska Republican Dan Sullivan, to wear a mask to protect the health of staff members required to be present in the chamber – including one staffer seated directly underneath Sullivan.
“I don’t need your instruction,” Sullivan barked in refusal.
Ted Cruz, another Republican senator, piled on. “Sherrod Brown is being a complete ass,” he tweeted.
The senators had been called to the chamber to confirm a final few Trump judges. But that fact only underscored the Republican failure, in the eyes of critics, to meet Democrats halfway on a new and direly needed coronavirus relief bill, which appears a dead letter.
For millions of American lives touched by the coronavirus, it was too late to correct the failure to stand up protocols for masking and social distancing, testing and contact-tracing. But negative consequences of the culture war around the pandemic could still lie ahead, damaging the national vaccination effort.
“The primary responsibility for prioritizing vaccines and distributing them [lies with] state and local health departments,” said Gostin. “Even though you’re going to probably have leadership that values science, you’re nonetheless going to have state and local government that are resistant, and are not effectively distributing the vaccine and not encouraging their citizenry to get the vaccine.
“And so the splintered, fragmented approach in the United States will only look worse when it comes to a vaccine distribution.”
Gostin said he hoped that Biden would convene a Covid-19 summit at the White House including all the governors and public health commissioners.
“It’s going to be hard,” said Gostin, “but I think that’s our only hope to meet what we face: the most daunting logistical challenge for a vaccine campaign in our lifetime.”