theguardian--2020-05-19--'Not a mask in sight': thousands flock to Yellowstone as park reopens

On Monday , thousands of visitors from across the country descended on Yellowstone national park , which opened for the first time since its closure in March due to the coronavirus pandemic .
“ We have been cooped up for weeks , ” Jacob Willis told the Guardian near a crowd of onlookers at the Old Faithful Geyser .
“ When the parks opened , we jumped at the opportunity to travel , ” said Willis , who had arrived from Florida .
Yellowstone , America ’ s oldest national park , and the nearby Grand Teton national park are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the support of the Trump administration .
“ I hope everybody is listening , ” Donald Trump announced earlier in May .
“ The parks are opening , and rapidly , actually.
” While many have celebrated the reopening of the revered landscapes , others have raised health concerns about large , possibly maskless , groups of out-of-state visitors arriving and potentially skirting social distancing guidelines .
“ We checked the webcam at Old Faithful at about 3.30pm yesterday , ” said Kristin Brengel , the senior vice-president of government affairs at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Not much physical distancing happening and not a single mask in sight.
” “ I think we ’ re the only car from Teton county , ” said Mark Segal , a Wyoming local , noting the prominence of out-of-state license plates in Yellowstone on Monday .
At the Moran entrance station in Wyoming – the entrance to both Grand Teton and Yellowstone park – cars began to line up at 5.30am .
By 11am , an hour before opening , vehicles with license plates from as far away as New York , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highway leading to the park entrance .
Park fees were waived and masked rangers cheerfully welcomed visitors who streamed through the gate .
Many of the visitors drove directly to Old Faithful , Yellowstone ’ s most popular attraction , to watch the 2.20 geyser eruption .
The Guardian witnessed rangers having to disperse large groups of onlookers twice .
Amy , a 19-year-old from San Diego , traveled to Yellowstone with four college friends .
They planned to visit many of the parks that have recently reopened .
“ We wanted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Amy , as hundreds of visitors sat on the semi-circle of benches that surround Old Faithful .
According to the National Park Service , Yellowstone ’ s phased reopening includes a ban on tour buses , overnight camping and lodging .
Only the Wyoming gates into the park are currently open , and the park will provide protective barriers “ where needed ” and encourage “ the use of masks or facial coverings in high-density areas ” .
“ The park ’ s goal is to open safely and conservatively , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduce risks to our employees and visitors , and help local economies begin to recover , ” said the Yellowstone superintendent , Cam Sholly .
For Segal , who came on opening day in hopes of a quiet Yellowstone experience , the number of out of state visitors was disturbing .
“ What if everyone that leaves here goes and gets a bite in Jackson ?
” he asked , referring to a nearby town and speaking to the Guardian from his car as he and his family waited to get into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re afraid of .
”

On Monday, thousands of visitors from across the country descended on Yellowstone national park, which opened for the first time since its closure in March due to the coronavirus pandemic.
“We have been cooped up for weeks,” Jacob Willis told the Guardian near a crowd of onlookers at the Old Faithful Geyser. “When the parks opened, we jumped at the opportunity to travel,” said Willis, who had arrived from Florida.
Yellowstone, America’s oldest national park, and the nearby Grand Teton national park are the most recent to have partially reopened with the support of the Trump administration.
“I hope everybody is listening,” Donald Trump announced earlier in May. “The parks are opening, and rapidly, actually.”
Visitors gather along the side of the road to try to photograph a grizzly bear with her cubs on Monday afternoon. Photograph: Gabriela Campos/The Guardian
While many have celebrated the reopening of the revered landscapes, others have raised health concerns about large, possibly maskless, groups of out-of-state visitors arriving and potentially skirting social distancing guidelines.
“We checked the webcam at Old Faithful at about 3.30pm yesterday,” said Kristin Brengel, the senior vice-president of government affairs at the National Parks Conservation Association. “Not much physical distancing happening and not a single mask in sight.”
“I think we’re the only car from Teton county,” said Mark Segal, a Wyoming local, noting the prominence of out-of-state license plates in Yellowstone on Monday.
At the Moran entrance station in Wyoming – the entrance to both Grand Teton and Yellowstone park – cars began to line up at 5.30am. By 11am, an hour before opening, vehicles with license plates from as far away as New York, Washington State and Alaska sprawled along the highway leading to the park entrance.
Visitors watch Old Faithful erupt on 18 May 2020, Yellowstone national park’s opening day. Photograph: Gabriela Campos/The Guardian
Park fees were waived and masked rangers cheerfully welcomed visitors who streamed through the gate.
Many of the visitors drove directly to Old Faithful, Yellowstone’s most popular attraction, to watch the 2.20 geyser eruption. The Guardian witnessed rangers having to disperse large groups of onlookers twice.
Amy, a 19-year-old from San Diego, traveled to Yellowstone with four college friends. They planned to visit many of the parks that have recently reopened.
“We wanted to get out and see the country,” said Amy, as hundreds of visitors sat on the semi-circle of benches that surround Old Faithful.
Hundreds of cars line up to enter Yellowstone and Grand Teton national parks. Cars with license plates from New York and Florida were among the visitors awaiting entry. Photograph: Gabriela Campos/The Guardian
According to the National Park Service, Yellowstone’s phased reopening includes a ban on tour buses, overnight camping and lodging. Only the Wyoming gates into the park are currently open, and the park will provide protective barriers “where needed” and encourage “the use of masks or facial coverings in high-density areas”.
“The park’s goal is to open safely and conservatively, ensure we take the right actions to reduce risks to our employees and visitors, and help local economies begin to recover,” said the Yellowstone superintendent, Cam Sholly.
For Segal, who came on opening day in hopes of a quiet Yellowstone experience, the number of out of state visitors was disturbing.
“What if everyone that leaves here goes and gets a bite in Jackson?” he asked, referring to a nearby town and speaking to the Guardian from his car as he and his family waited to get into the park. “This is exactly what we’re afraid of.”


theguardian--2020-05-19--Will Donald Trump end up in prison? He could be a step closer … | Arwa Mahdawi

BAMAGATE !
OBAMAGATE !
Donald Trump seems to think that if he yells “ Obamagate ” often enough and loud enough , it will magic a scandal into existence and send his arch-nemeses , Barack Obama and Joe Biden , to jail .
On Monday , the US attorney general , William Barr , burst his boss ’ s bubble and dismissed the possibility of a criminal investigation into Obama or Biden .
Because , you know , they didn ’ t do anything wrong .
Trump responded to Barr ’ s statement in his usual fashion : sulking like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Well , if it was me they would [ investigate ] ” before continuing to babble incoherently .
It may be wishful thinking , but I have a feeling that one reason Trump is so keen to accuse Obama and Biden of criminality is because he is starting to get nervous about going to jail himself .
Last week , Biden pledged that , if elected president , he wouldn ’ t use his executive powers to pardon Trump of potential crimes .
This wasn ’ t the first time the presumptive Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go easy on Trump .
In October , Biden told an Iowa radio station that it had been a mistake for Gerald Ford to pardon his predecessor , Richard Nixon , after Watergate in 1974 .
Pardoning Trump , Biden said , “ wouldn ’ t unite [ the US ] ” and would send the message that some people are above the law .
Of course , as it stands , the US president is above the law .
In 1973 , amid the Watergate scandal , the Department of Justice adopted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ constitutionally immune ” from criminal prosecution , a position it reaffirmed in 2000 .
As long as he is president , Trump is safe .
When he leaves office , however , it is another matter : there are a host of charges he might face .
These include obstruction of justice charges in relation to the Russia investigation ; illegally withholding military aid to Ukraine in order to pressure them to investigate his political rivals ; and soliciting campaign donations from foreign nationals – all of which Trump denies .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the laws Trump has potentially broken in his interaction with Ukraine and China as president could land him 10 years in prison .
And it is not just Trump ’ s conduct as president that has opened him to potential legal trouble .
There is also the matter of his financial and tax dealings , which are the subject of numerous lawsuits .
Importantly , how long Trump stays in power has a bearing on any potential legal liability .
The statute of limitations on obstruction of justice charges , for example , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump gets another term , he will run down the clock on that .
Honestly , if you want to do the crime without doing the time , it really pays to be president .
If Trump ever goes to jail , it will be one of the happiest days of my life .
Not everyone is so enthusiastic about “ locking him up ” , however .
Earlier this year , the then Democratic presidential candidate Andrew Yang said that , if he were president , he wouldn ’ t investigate Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the world , it ’ s a very , very nasty pattern that developing countries have fallen into , where a new president ends up throwing the president before them in jail.
” Look , I understand that the US , where people die because they can ’ t afford diabetes medication , doesn ’ t want to be like a “ developing country ” .
Nevertheless , there is a very nasty pattern into which authoritarian regimes have fallen , where the leader does whatever they like with no repercussions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be like that , either .
I have no idea what the chances of Trump ending up in prison are , but I am pretty sure he is not happy that there is even a small possibility he might swap the White House for the “ big house ” .
But his approval ratings are dropping and the chances of a President Biden are rising .
That means Trump is going to do everything he can to win re-election in November ; he is not just fighting for another term , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He is fighting to avoid the possibility of a Trumpgate .

OBAMAGATE! OBAMAGATE! Donald Trump seems to think that if he yells “Obamagate” often enough and loud enough, it will magic a scandal into existence and send his arch-nemeses, Barack Obama and Joe Biden, to jail.
On Monday, the US attorney general, William Barr, burst his boss’s bubble and dismissed the possibility of a criminal investigation into Obama or Biden. Because, you know, they didn’t do anything wrong. Trump responded to Barr’s statement in his usual fashion: sulking like a petulant child and saying: “Well, if it was me they would [investigate]” before continuing to babble incoherently.
It may be wishful thinking, but I have a feeling that one reason Trump is so keen to accuse Obama and Biden of criminality is because he is starting to get nervous about going to jail himself. Last week, Biden pledged that, if elected president, he wouldn’t use his executive powers to pardon Trump of potential crimes. This wasn’t the first time the presumptive Democratic nominee has said he wouldn’t go easy on Trump. In October, Biden told an Iowa radio station that it had been a mistake for Gerald Ford to pardon his predecessor, Richard Nixon, after Watergate in 1974. Pardoning Trump, Biden said, “wouldn’t unite [the US]” and would send the message that some people are above the law.
Of course, as it stands, the US president is above the law. In 1973, amid the Watergate scandal, the Department of Justice adopted the position that a sitting president is “constitutionally immune” from criminal prosecution, a position it reaffirmed in 2000. As long as he is president, Trump is safe.
When he leaves office, however, it is another matter: there are a host of charges he might face. These include obstruction of justice charges in relation to the Russia investigation; illegally withholding military aid to Ukraine in order to pressure them to investigate his political rivals; and soliciting campaign donations from foreign nationals – all of which Trump denies. According to the investigative site the Intercept, the laws Trump has potentially broken in his interaction with Ukraine and China as president could land him 10 years in prison.
And it is not just Trump’s conduct as president that has opened him to potential legal trouble. There is also the matter of his financial and tax dealings, which are the subject of numerous lawsuits.
Importantly, how long Trump stays in power has a bearing on any potential legal liability. The statute of limitations on obstruction of justice charges, for example, is only five years. So if Trump gets another term, he will run down the clock on that. Honestly, if you want to do the crime without doing the time, it really pays to be president.
If Trump ever goes to jail, it will be one of the happiest days of my life. Not everyone is so enthusiastic about “locking him up”, however. Earlier this year, the then Democratic presidential candidate Andrew Yang said that, if he were president, he wouldn’t investigate Trump: “If you look at history around the world, it’s a very, very nasty pattern that developing countries have fallen into, where a new president ends up throwing the president before them in jail.”
Look, I understand that the US, where people die because they can’t afford diabetes medication, doesn’t want to be like a “developing country”. Nevertheless, there is a very nasty pattern into which authoritarian regimes have fallen, where the leader does whatever they like with no repercussions. I am not sure the US wants to be like that, either.
I have no idea what the chances of Trump ending up in prison are, but I am pretty sure he is not happy that there is even a small possibility he might swap the White House for the “big house”. But his approval ratings are dropping and the chances of a President Biden are rising. That means Trump is going to do everything he can to win re-election in November; he is not just fighting for another term, he is also fighting for his freedom. He is fighting to avoid the possibility of a Trumpgate.


theguardian--2020-05-18--You don't have to choose between jobs and safety. Just ask West Virginia | Stephen Smith

West Virginia is no stranger to a crisis .
In 1918 , a mineworker in West Virginia was more likely to die on the job than an American soldier fighting overseas in the first world war .
So West Virginians fought back .
Black , white and immigrant miners marched – 10,000 strong – against the coal operators ’ hired thugs and bought politicians .
The West Virginia mine wars marked the bloodiest labor conflict in American history .
A century later , West Virginia educators sparked a nationwide strike movement .
Like the miners before them , teachers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shut down schools and overwhelmed the state capitol .
Their fight for the quality healthcare they were promised continues to this day .
Living in West Virginia means getting used to crisis – mine explosions , chemical spills , floods .
Today we are faced with a new crisis , a virus killing our people and threatening their livelihoods .
But the story is the same .
We ’ re stuck with politicians who come on TV every day , telling us we have to choose between our health and our bank accounts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s the same lie they told coalminers and striking teachers : “ Get back to work .
Or else.
” It wasn ’ t true then .
And in the wealthiest country in the history of the world , it is not true now .
Yet establishment politicians in both parties persist with the lie .
One party ’ s leaders are crowing for us to choose our bank accounts – and get back to work .
The other party is begging us to choose our health – and stay home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politician has offered the simple alternative : we don ’ t have to choose .
We can guarantee economic security and keep every working family safe , paid for by an end to grotesque wealth inequality .
Those kinds of plans never come from the top .
Instead , we need a government where the people who work the hardest and sacrifice the most are also the people who write the laws .
The people with the least have always given the most .
That ’ s why we should govern .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re ready , you haven ’ t been paying attention .
Following a 2016 flood here , West Virginians witnessed two parallel recovery responses .
One response was led by the good ol ’ boy politicians in our state capitol .
They got more than $ 147m in federal cash and frittered it away on consultants and a fancy conference .
Three years later , most of the money was unspent , and most of the families unhelped .
The other response to the flood was led by local citizens , churches @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homes with less money , and an awful lot faster .
The Covid-19 pandemic has drawn an even clearer contrast .
While wealthy companies threaten to close hospitals and lay off essential frontline workers , people with barely enough food to eat are volunteering to sew masks from home , for free .
While offshore cruise lines get bailed out , food bank volunteers are pitching in extra shifts .
While our state ’ s governor was encouraging folks to eat at Bob Evans , our campaign volunteers were reinventing our field operation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Three hundred and eighteen “ neighborhood captains ” have since answered the call to check in weekly on 100 of their neighbors each – making sure folks have the food , medicine , unemployment benefits and absentee ballots they need .
We can have a government led by the people who pitch in , instead of those who profiteer .
But we have to take it .
There ’ s a slate of more than 90 candidates running for office in West Virginia in 2020 trying to do just that .
We call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We don ’ t take money from the big pharma executives driving up prices during the crisis , or the big energy executives that are refusing to protect miners and gas workers .
We have pledged never to cross a picket line and never to hide from a debate .
We ’ re running on a New Deal for West Virginia , written and ratified by voters at 197 town halls and countless strategy sessions .
We wrote this New Deal before the pandemic , but the ideas remain the same : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan that shift land and wealth from out-of-state corporations to small businesses and working families .
A state bank to finance a WPA-style jobs program , rebuilding our roads , schools , broadband and waterways .
An anti-corruption unit in our state police to end election-buying and catch corporate criminals .
The idea that we don ’ t have to choose between our health and our bank accounts is only radical to those served by the status quo .
In West Virginia , we have had enough of the status quo .
• @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for governor in West Virginia

West Virginia is no stranger to a crisis.
In 1918, a mineworker in West Virginia was more likely to die on the job than an American soldier fighting overseas in the first world war. So West Virginians fought back. Black, white and immigrant miners marched – 10,000 strong – against the coal operators’ hired thugs and bought politicians. The West Virginia mine wars marked the bloodiest labor conflict in American history.
A century later, West Virginia educators sparked a nationwide strike movement. Like the miners before them, teachers and bus drivers donned red bandannas as they shut down schools and overwhelmed the state capitol. Their fight for the quality healthcare they were promised continues to this day.
Living in West Virginia means getting used to crisis – mine explosions, chemical spills, floods. Today we are faced with a new crisis, a virus killing our people and threatening their livelihoods.
But the story is the same. We’re stuck with politicians who come on TV every day, telling us we have to choose between our health and our bank accounts.
They’re lying. And it’s the same lie they told coalminers and striking teachers: “Get back to work. Or else.”
It wasn’t true then. And in the wealthiest country in the history of the world, it is not true now.
Yet establishment politicians in both parties persist with the lie. One party’s leaders are crowing for us to choose our bank accounts – and get back to work. The other party is begging us to choose our health – and stay home. But no American party or establishment politician has offered the simple alternative: we don’t have to choose. We can guarantee economic security and keep every working family safe, paid for by an end to grotesque wealth inequality.
Those kinds of plans never come from the top. Instead, we need a government where the people who work the hardest and sacrifice the most are also the people who write the laws. The people with the least have always given the most. That’s why we should govern. And if you don’t think we’re ready, you haven’t been paying attention.
Following a 2016 flood here, West Virginians witnessed two parallel recovery responses. One response was led by the good ol’ boy politicians in our state capitol. They got more than $147m in federal cash and frittered it away on consultants and a fancy conference. Three years later, most of the money was unspent, and most of the families unhelped. The other response to the flood was led by local citizens, churches and community organizations. They built more homes with less money, and an awful lot faster.
The Covid-19 pandemic has drawn an even clearer contrast. While wealthy companies threaten to close hospitals and lay off essential frontline workers, people with barely enough food to eat are volunteering to sew masks from home, for free. While offshore cruise lines get bailed out, food bank volunteers are pitching in extra shifts.
While our state’s governor was encouraging folks to eat at Bob Evans, our campaign volunteers were reinventing our field operation into a Covid crisis response team. Three hundred and eighteen “neighborhood captains” have since answered the call to check in weekly on 100 of their neighbors each – making sure folks have the food, medicine, unemployment benefits and absentee ballots they need.
We can have a government led by the people who pitch in, instead of those who profiteer. But we have to take it.
There’s a slate of more than 90 candidates running for office in West Virginia in 2020 trying to do just that. We call ourselves West Virginia Can’t Wait. We don’t take money from the big pharma executives driving up prices during the crisis, or the big energy executives that are refusing to protect miners and gas workers. We have pledged never to cross a picket line and never to hide from a debate.
We’re running on a New Deal for West Virginia, written and ratified by voters at 197 town halls and countless strategy sessions. We wrote this New Deal before the pandemic, but the ideas remain the same: a Homestead Act and Robin Hood tax plan that shift land and wealth from out-of-state corporations to small businesses and working families. A state bank to finance a WPA-style jobs program, rebuilding our roads, schools, broadband and waterways. An anti-corruption unit in our state police to end election-buying and catch corporate criminals.
The idea that we don’t have to choose between our health and our bank accounts is only radical to those served by the status quo. In West Virginia, we have had enough of the status quo.


theguardian--2020-05-18--‘They don’t give him enough credit’: the voters who back Trump, even through the pandemic

Few people understand the terrible cost of the coronavirus like Lee Snover , a Republican party chair in one of the key swing counties that could determine whether Donald Trump is reelected as president in November .
Snover , who helped deliver an upset victory for Trump in 2016 in Northampton county , Pennsylvania , lost her father to the virus this spring .
Her husband fell critically ill , too , spending 17 days in an intensive care unit before recovering .
Her mother , a cancer survivor , was also in intensive care for eight days before emerging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family , ” Snover said .
Trump stands accused of driving up the coronavirus death toll by downplaying the public health threat and urging the country to “ reopen ” too quickly .
But Snover does not see the president as having failed her family .
“ I don ’ t think people give him enough credit , ” she said .
“ If you think about what a businessman he was , and how much he loved that booming economy , do you know how hard it was for him to shut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So I give him credit for that.
” At times it has appeared that the pandemic , which has already taken at least 90,000 lives in the United States and wreaked havoc with the economy , would also destroy support for Trump , and his chances for reelection .
But interviews with longtime Trump supporters in Northampton county indicate the extraordinary durability of backing for the president among his base .
As part of his nascent return to the campaign trail during the pandemic , Trump made a trip to Snover ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , last week .
He visited a medical equipment distributor and blasted Governor Tom Wolf , a Democrat , for not easing virus mitigation measures sooner .
“ Next year is going to be through the roof , ” Trump said .
“ We have to get your governor of Pennsylvania to start opening up a little bit .
You have areas of Pennsylvania that are barely affected , and they have – they want to keep them closed .
Can ’ t do that.
” It was only Trump ’ s second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the venue was carefully chosen .
Northampton , which borders Allentown and is the subject of an ongoing Guardian series , was one of only three counties statewide to vote twice for Barack Obama before falling for Trump in 2016 ; handing him the massive electoral prize of Pennsylvania – and the presidency .
If Trump can win here again , political analysts say , he has a good chance of holding the White House .
Christopher Borick , director of the Institute of Public Opinion at Muhlenberg College in Allentown , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have changed the race for Trump much in the Lehigh Valley .
“ Despite this enormous thing happening , I don ’ t see clear indicators that the race itself has changed here , in the sense that there ’ s been only some modest movement in polls ” in recent months , Borick said .
“ While the world has changed since the onset of the pandemic , the political calculus hasn ’ t. ” ‘ We ’ re lucky to get a president like him ’ Joe D ’ Ambrosio , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bethlehem , Pennsylvania , for more than 50 years , was also struck by tragedy this spring , when one of his best friends died from the virus .
“ He and his wife caught a cold , ” D ’ Ambrosio said .
“ He was perfectly healthy , this was six weeks ago .
She caught a cold , he caught a cold , so he said to his wife , ‘ I just can ’ t breathe right ’ .
So they go to the hospital.
” His friend fought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about two people from Minnesota that died from it , they ’ re just statistics , ” D ’ Ambrosio said .
“ But when they ’ re close to you , then you realize how real this thing is.
” Like a lot of older Democrats in a town that was once home to the legendary – and heavily unionized – Bethlehem Steel , D ’ Ambrosio voted for both parties over the years before coming out as an early and enthusiastic Trump supporter .
That support has not changed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I think we ’ re so lucky that at this time in our life , we were able to get a president like him , at the right time , ” D ’ Ambrosio said .
He dismissed criticism that Trump had made the country complacent by advising that the virus would “ disappear ” .
“ What he did was damage control , ” D ’ Ambrosio said .
“ People were starting to panic , buying everything , emptying the stores .
He got it to calm down.
” Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mostly in the Philadelphia metropolitan area .
Last week Wolf announced an additional $ 16m in funding for food banks , where people have queued up before dawn , after the state shed about 2m jobs from mid-March onwards .
Bruce Haines , a former steel executive who runs the Historic Hotel Bethlehem , a crown jewel of the local tourism industry , said business had plunged .
“ It was like you turned off a lightbulb , ” Haines said on the phone from Florida .
“ The cancellation calls the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And it hit us blindly , because we were coming off our best year ever in 2019.
” Haines praised Trump ’ s move to reopen the economy .
“ I think it ’ s right on target , and it ’ s necessary , ” Haines said .
“ And anybody who ’ s a businessman knows that Trump ’ s the right guy there , to bring us out of this downturn .
Because he ’ s a businessman.
” Peg Ferraro , a Republican official popular with Democrats who for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county council , retired last year and also spoke on the phone from Florida .
“ I think he ’ s doing as well as could be expected under the circumstances , where you ’ ve never been through it really before , ” she said of Trump .
“ I think he was absolutely correct in leaving it up to the governors – they know their states better than making blanket statements for everybody.
” Trump ’ s visit to Pennsylvania last Thursday represented a headache for Wolf , who is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reopening the state county by county .
True to a national pattern , Republicans from more rural districts in the state are less likely to see the pandemic as dangerous than Democrats , Borick said .
Trump could still lose in the Lehigh Valley .
Public approval of his handling of the coronavirus crisis has plunged nationally from about 50 % in late March to just over 40 % now , with about 55 % disapproving , according to polling averages .
While there is plenty of time before the election to reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a similar trend .
Trump ’ s margin of victory in 2016 in Northampton county was narrow , spurred by record turnout .
And his opponent in that race , Hillary Clinton , was disliked by voters in a way that Joe Biden , the presumed Democratic nominee , who grew up in Pennsylvania , does not appear to be .
The unique logistics of the fall election could also go a long way in deciding the victor here , Borick said .
Just last year , Pennsylvania for the first time approved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the advantage in November to the party that shows better organization at standing up vote-by-mail and at getting people to the polls amid a potential second pandemic wave .
And for all the president ’ s support in the region , there is a resistance to Trump that is as galvanized as his base .
“ He couldn ’ t run a one-car funeral , ” said Frank Behum , a former unionized steelworker and vocal Trump critic .
“ Even my Republican friends , they ’ re telling me they ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But you don ’ t know – remember in the 1980s , people said they ’ re not voting for Reagan either .
“ So you don ’ t know what they ’ re going to do .
”

Few people understand the terrible cost of the coronavirus like Lee Snover, a Republican party chair in one of the key swing counties that could determine whether Donald Trump is re-elected as president in November.
Snover, who helped deliver an upset victory for Trump in 2016 in Northampton county, Pennsylvania, lost her father to the virus this spring. Her husband fell critically ill, too, spending 17 days in an intensive care unit before recovering. Her mother, a cancer survivor, was also in intensive care for eight days before emerging.
“It spread through my entire family,” Snover said.
Trump stands accused of driving up the coronavirus death toll by downplaying the public health threat and urging the country to “reopen” too quickly. But Snover does not see the president as having failed her family.
“I don’t think people give him enough credit,” she said. “If you think about what a businessman he was, and how much he loved that booming economy, do you know how hard it was for him to shut the country down? That was hard. So I give him credit for that.”
At times it has appeared that the pandemic, which has already taken at least 90,000 lives in the United States and wreaked havoc with the economy, would also destroy support for Trump, and his chances for reelection. But interviews with longtime Trump supporters in Northampton county indicate the extraordinary durability of backing for the president among his base.
The state that decides Trump’s win
As part of his nascent return to the campaign trail during the pandemic, Trump made a trip to Snover’s backyard, in Allentown, Pennsylvania, last week. He visited a medical equipment distributor and blasted Governor Tom Wolf, a Democrat, for not easing virus mitigation measures sooner.
“Next year is going to be through the roof,” Trump said. “We have to get your governor of Pennsylvania to start opening up a little bit. You have areas of Pennsylvania that are barely affected, and they have – they want to keep them closed. Can’t do that.”
Supporters gather to welcome Donald Trump’s motorcade in Allentown, Pennsylvania. Photograph: Matt Smith/REX/Shutterstock
It was only Trump’s second outing since the pandemic hit, and the venue was carefully chosen. Northampton, which borders Allentown and is the subject of an ongoing Guardian series, was one of only three counties statewide to vote twice for Barack Obama before falling for Trump in 2016; handing him the massive electoral prize of Pennsylvania – and the presidency.
If Trump can win here again, political analysts say, he has a good chance of holding the White House.
Christopher Borick, director of the Institute of Public Opinion at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, said that the pandemic does not appear to have changed the race for Trump much in the Lehigh Valley.
“Despite this enormous thing happening, I don’t see clear indicators that the race itself has changed here, in the sense that there’s been only some modest movement in polls” in recent months, Borick said. “While the world has changed since the onset of the pandemic, the political calculus hasn’t.”
‘We’re lucky to get a president like him’
Joe D’Ambrosio, 79, who has cut hair in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, for more than 50 years, was also struck by tragedy this spring, when one of his best friends died from the virus.
“He and his wife caught a cold,” D’Ambrosio said. “He was perfectly healthy, this was six weeks ago. She caught a cold, he caught a cold, so he said to his wife, ‘I just can’t breathe right’. So they go to the hospital.”
His friend fought for a week. “When you talk about two people from Minnesota that died from it, they’re just statistics,” D’Ambrosio said. “But when they’re close to you, then you realize how real this thing is.”
Like a lot of older Democrats in a town that was once home to the legendary – and heavily unionized – Bethlehem Steel, D’Ambrosio voted for both parties over the years before coming out as an early and enthusiastic Trump supporter. That support has not changed.
“I’ll tell you what, I think we’re so lucky that at this time in our life, we were able to get a president like him, at the right time,” D’Ambrosio said.
A protester wears a Trump face mask while rallying against the coronavirus restrictions in Pennsylvania. Photograph: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters
He dismissed criticism that Trump had made the country complacent by advising that the virus would “disappear”.
“What he did was damage control,” D’Ambrosio said. “People were starting to panic, buying everything, emptying the stores. He got it to calm down.”
Pennsylvania has recorded more than 4,000 Covid-19 deaths, mostly in the Philadelphia metropolitan area. Last week Wolf announced an additional $16m in funding for food banks, where people have queued up before dawn, after the state shed about 2m jobs from mid-March onwards.
Bruce Haines, a former steel executive who runs the Historic Hotel Bethlehem, a crown jewel of the local tourism industry, said business had plunged.
“It was like you turned off a lightbulb,” Haines said on the phone from Florida. “The cancellation calls the week of 9 March were incredible. And it hit us blindly, because we were coming off our best year ever in 2019.”
Haines praised Trump’s move to reopen the economy. “I think it’s right on target, and it’s necessary,” Haines said. “And anybody who’s a businessman knows that Trump’s the right guy there, to bring us out of this downturn. Because he’s a businessman.”
A downward trend
Peg Ferraro, a Republican official popular with Democrats who for years was the only woman on the county council, retired last year and also spoke on the phone from Florida.
“I think he’s doing as well as could be expected under the circumstances, where you’ve never been through it really before,” she said of Trump. “I think he was absolutely correct in leaving it up to the governors – they know their states better than making blanket statements for everybody.”
Trump’s visit to Pennsylvania last Thursday represented a headache for Wolf, who is in an escalating war with Republican officials over reopening the state county by county. True to a national pattern, Republicans from more rural districts in the state are less likely to see the pandemic as dangerous than Democrats, Borick said.
Trump supporters hold signs highlighting their displeasure with Pennsylvania’s governor. Photograph: Matt Rourke/Associated Press
Trump could still lose in the Lehigh Valley. Public approval of his handling of the coronavirus crisis has plunged nationally from about 50% in late March to just over 40% now, with about 55% disapproving, according to polling averages. While there is plenty of time before the election to reverse that slide, polling in Pennsylvania shows a similar trend.
Trump’s margin of victory in 2016 in Northampton county was narrow, spurred by record turnout. And his opponent in that race, Hillary Clinton, was disliked by voters in a way that Joe Biden, the presumed Democratic nominee, who grew up in Pennsylvania, does not appear to be.
The unique logistics of the fall election could also go a long way in deciding the victor here, Borick said. Just last year, Pennsylvania for the first time approved absentee voting for everyone, potentially throwing the advantage in November to the party that shows better organization at standing up vote-by-mail and at getting people to the polls amid a potential second pandemic wave.
And for all the president’s support in the region, there is a resistance to Trump that is as galvanized as his base.
“He couldn’t run a one-car funeral,” said Frank Behum, a former unionized steelworker and vocal Trump critic.
“Even my Republican friends, they’re telling me they’re not voting for that clown again. But you don’t know – remember in the 1980s, people said they’re not voting for Reagan either.
“So you don’t know what they’re going to do.”


theguardian--2020-05-20--Campaign wars: Trump rallies own base while Biden tries to broaden his

Diving into the campaign app for Donald Trump ’ s re-election campaign results in a radically different experience than the app for Joe Biden ’ s campaign .
It is a difference that illustrates a key aspect of how the Trump campaign is going about organizing online during the coronavirus pandemic versus Biden ’ s effort : the former is mobilizing its own base , and the latter is seeking to broaden it .
The Trump campaign ’ s app and digital footprint increasingly reflects an emphasis on activating its passionate communities of supporters .
Meanwhile , the Biden campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional approach , with an app and organizing events that point more to the list-building approach common among federal and statewide campaigns .
It allows for voters that aren ’ t necessarily hardcore Democrats or Biden supporters .
In a campaign where door-to-door knocking is limited because of the coronavirus , strategists are having to explore new online ways of rallying voters and collecting information on potential supporters .
“ People don ’ t want you to knock on their door any more .
Digital does that now .
They haven ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ old people want to go to events .
Well , you ’ ve seen digital solve all that with Zoom .
You ’ ve seen digital solve that with an app , ” said Republican strategist Jim McIntosh .
“ Coronavirus has sped up the natural cycle of things .
We were already going this way but digital impact will have the biggest impact this year.
” Strategists have taken note of the differences in the two presidential campaigns ’ approach .
“ What Trump is doing with the app that I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s really building up this idea of ‘ us versus them .
You ’ re on our team .
You ’ re with us , ’ ” said Democratic digital strategist Stefan Smith , former online engagement director for Pete Buttigieg ’ s presidential campaign .
“ So you become this sort of under-siege political minority … because that ’ s the language they ’ re using , even though they ’ re winning .
That mentality keeps them feeling like , ‘ OK , we have to stay together ’ , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The difference between the two apps is apparent from the minute the downloads have completed .
The Trump campaign app sends out multiple email alerts over a few days – the Biden campaign app over the same period barely sent out any .
Both campaign apps offer updated lists of events , but the Trump campaign app also offers other ways to help it .
You can help registering voters , become “ a bundler ” for fundraising , “ Host a Maga meet-up ” , join the campaign ’ s election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump team leader ” .
There ’ s also a point system on the app for rewards .
“ This is about energizing the base and getting more out of the same people , ” said Republican strategist and ad maker Will Ritter .
For the Biden campaign app , there are standard links to make calls , send texts , volunteer and donate , and a list of campaign events .
But there is no point system .
And the variety of ways to engage with the campaign is smaller .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events online .
Both campaigns send out fundraising and supporter emails .
Both campaigns have migrated mostly to holding events online with surrogates .
For Biden , it ’ s often himself and other elected officials or leaders of various wings of the Democratic party ; for Trump , it ’ s minor icons within the larger Trump movement .
But the Trump campaign has been much more aggressive about slicing up and offering various groups for Trump supporters .
The campaign regularly distributes a weekly broadcast schedule of online events with groups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and “ Maga Mamas ” and an event featuring Lara Trump , the president ’ s daughter-in-law .
Trump himself doesn ’ t participate in those events but he doesn ’ t have to as he has the bully pulpit of his office .
Oftentimes during the pandemic official White House events involving Trump have been featured live on major cable networks .
Smith said that another major difference between the campaign ’ s online approach has been the types of voters the campaigns are trying to reach .
“ [ The Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ putting things on your own social media profile .
Like if you look at the instructions on the app , ” Smith said , pointing to the step-by-step instructions on the Trump campaign app to invite friends and use specific hashtags .
Those directions are for a specific audience of older Trump supporters who may not be as savvy as younger voters .
“ It has instructions in the app – ‘ How do you sign up for a Facebook page ?
’ Not : how do you post on one ?
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get on Facebook just to spread news about the president to earn points so that they can maybe see him and get merch or whatever.
” Smith added : “ This is a base strategy .
This is the assumption that if we can get everybody in the same direction and we don ’ t lose anybody then we can keep them.
” Even before the Democratic presidential primary shrank to only Biden , strategists fretted about the data lead Republicans and the Trump campaign had been building over their Democratic rivals .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump campaign scares me a little , ” Smith warned .
“ They have so much runway , they have so much data.
” The Biden campaign has been working to catch up .
Recently the campaign has been on a hiring spree , bringing in a swath of new digital staffers .
Even before the coronavirus pandemic emerged , the Trump campaign was more focused on rallying base voters with its big rallies .
That was a sign , Ritter said , of where the campaign ’ s priorities have been .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not to just excite the human beings in the room .
It gives a thing for your base supporters to participate in .
Maybe , while they ’ re there and pumped up you can push them farther down the funnel , ” Ritter said .
“ You can turn the supporter to a volunteer , and a volunteer to a door knocker or a donor .
You ’ ve got to feed the beast .
You ’ ve got to give supporters a place to put their energy and enthusiasm , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watch because an email that says : ‘ Stay tuned , Joe Biden is about to do another Zoom from his basement !
’ – it ’ s not going to get the job done , ” Ritter added .

Diving into the campaign app for Donald Trump’s re-election campaign results in a radically different experience than the app for Joe Biden’s campaign.
It is a difference that illustrates a key aspect of how the Trump campaign is going about organizing online during the coronavirus pandemic versus Biden’s effort: the former is mobilizing its own base, and the latter is seeking to broaden it.
The Trump campaign’s app and digital footprint increasingly reflects an emphasis on activating its passionate communities of supporters. Meanwhile, the Biden campaign has thus far taken a far more traditional approach, with an app and organizing events that point more to the list-building approach common among federal and statewide campaigns. It allows for voters that aren’t necessarily hardcore Democrats or Biden supporters.
In a campaign where door-to-door knocking is limited because of the coronavirus, strategists are having to explore new online ways of rallying voters and collecting information on potential supporters.
“People don’t want you to knock on their door any more. Digital does that now. They haven’t wanted to go to events. Only old people want to go to events. Well, you’ve seen digital solve all that with Zoom. You’ve seen digital solve that with an app,” said Republican strategist Jim McIntosh. “Coronavirus has sped up the natural cycle of things. We were already going this way but digital impact will have the biggest impact this year.”
Strategists have taken note of the differences in the two presidential campaigns’ approach.
“What Trump is doing with the app that I think is so interesting … is he’s really building up this idea of ‘us versus them. You’re on our team. You’re with us,’” said Democratic digital strategist Stefan Smith, former online engagement director for Pete Buttigieg’s presidential campaign.
“So you become this sort of under-siege political minority … because that’s the language they’re using, even though they’re winning. That mentality keeps them feeling like, ‘OK, we have to stay together’, and then you’re getting constant uploads.”
The difference between the two apps is apparent from the minute the downloads have completed.
The Trump campaign app sends out multiple email alerts over a few days – the Biden campaign app over the same period barely sent out any. Both campaign apps offer updated lists of events, but the Trump campaign app also offers other ways to help it. You can help registering voters, become “a bundler” for fundraising, “Host a Maga meet-up”, join the campaign’s election day team, or “Become a Trump team leader”. There’s also a point system on the app for rewards.
“This is about energizing the base and getting more out of the same people,” said Republican strategist and ad maker Will Ritter.
For the Biden campaign app, there are standard links to make calls, send texts, volunteer and donate, and a list of campaign events. But there is no point system. And the variety of ways to engage with the campaign is smaller.
It’s a similar situation with supporter events online. Both campaigns send out fundraising and supporter emails. Both campaigns have migrated mostly to holding events online with surrogates. For Biden, it’s often himself and other elected officials or leaders of various wings of the Democratic party; for Trump, it’s minor icons within the larger Trump movement.
Joe Biden in San Diego last year. His campaign has been on a hiring spree, bringing in a swath of new digital staffers. Photograph: Mike Blake/Reuters
But the Trump campaign has been much more aggressive about slicing up and offering various groups for Trump supporters. The campaign regularly distributes a weekly broadcast schedule of online events with groups like “Black Voices for Trump” and “Maga Mamas” and an event featuring Lara Trump, the president’s daughter-in-law. Trump himself doesn’t participate in those events but he doesn’t have to as he has the bully pulpit of his office. Oftentimes during the pandemic official White House events involving Trump have been featured live on major cable networks.
Smith said that another major difference between the campaign’s online approach has been the types of voters the campaigns are trying to reach.
“[The Trump] ecosystem is really about sharing, putting things on your own social media profile. Like if you look at the instructions on the app,” Smith said, pointing to the step-by-step instructions on the Trump campaign app to invite friends and use specific hashtags.
Those directions are for a specific audience of older Trump supporters who may not be as savvy as younger voters. “It has instructions in the app – ‘How do you sign up for a Facebook page?’ Not: how do you post on one? But they’re helping their older supporters get on Facebook just to spread news about the president to earn points so that they can maybe see him and get merch or whatever.”
Smith added: “This is a base strategy. This is the assumption that if we can get everybody in the same direction and we don’t lose anybody then we can keep them.”
Even before the Democratic presidential primary shrank to only Biden, strategists fretted about the data lead Republicans and the Trump campaign had been building over their Democratic rivals.
“As a digital professional, the Trump campaign scares me a little,” Smith warned. “They have so much runway, they have so much data.”
The Biden campaign has been working to catch up. Recently the campaign has been on a hiring spree, bringing in a swath of new digital staffers.
Even before the coronavirus pandemic emerged, the Trump campaign was more focused on rallying base voters with its big rallies. That was a sign, Ritter said, of where the campaign’s priorities have been.
“The purpose of a rally is not to just excite the human beings in the room. It gives a thing for your base supporters to participate in. Maybe, while they’re there and pumped up you can push them farther down the funnel,” Ritter said.
“You can turn the supporter to a volunteer, and a volunteer to a door knocker or a donor. You’ve got to feed the beast. You’ve got to give supporters a place to put their energy and enthusiasm, to organize around, give them something to watch because an email that says: ‘Stay tuned, Joe Biden is about to do another Zoom from his basement!’ – it’s not going to get the job done,” Ritter added.


theguardian--2020-05-20--He joked about killing endangered species. Trump gave him a top environment job

In July 2017 , William Perry Pendley , a crusading conservative attorney , delivered a speech to a group of rightwing activists in North Carolina in which he was completely candid about his ideological commitments .
He accused “ the media ” of selling “ their soul to the greens ” .
And after criticizing the Endangered Species Act , he made light of killing endangered species .
“ This is why out west we say ‘ shoot , shovel and shut up ’ when it comes to the discovery of endangered species on your property , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the event obtained by the Guardian .
“ And I have to say , as a lawyer , that ’ s not legal advice , ” he added , as some in his audience quietly snickered at the reference to the illegal extermination , and the burial , of endangered animals .
It has been almost three years since he gave those remarks , and Pendley is now the acting director of the Bureau of Land Management , or BLM , a powerful agency that oversees more than 240m acres of federal land @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mineral resources and is required to comply with environmental laws like the Endangered Species Act .
Pendley has helped turn BLM into what one high-level employee , who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals , called “ a ghost ship ” in which “ suspicion ” , “ fear ” and “ low morale ” abound , despite the best efforts of career civil servants to support each other .
As Pendley and his superiors at the interior department press ahead with an effort to move BLM ’ s headquarters from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the agency has hemorrhaged staff members and lost critical institutional memory , which many critics believe was the true purpose of the relocation effort all along .
“ A skeleton crew is left ” at BLM headquarters , said the employee .
“ So few people were able to move west that a lot of people retired early and a lot of people took other jobs , so my ballpark estimate is there is only about 20 % of permanent employees left ” at headquarters .
As a result , the agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ duties , like responding to public records requests and conducting oversight of state and regional operations , the staffer added .
Environmental and government watchdog groups are now responding with a lawsuit that calls into question the legitimacy of Pendley ’ s position .
Last week a pair of environmental nonprofits sued the interior department , alleging that by repeatedly tapping Pendley as the BLM ’ s acting director , rather than officially nominating him for the position , the interior secretary has skirted the Senate confirmation process usually required for high-level executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law .
“ The illegitimate Pendley appointment is particularly troublesome because he has forcibly moved the BLM Headquarters from Washington DC , to remote western Colorado , ” said Peter Jenkins , a senior counsel at Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility , one of the groups that sued .
“ In doing so he uprooted the lives of scores of seasoned BLM staff and disrupted this already strained agency.
” “ Mr Pendley brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to the department and is committed to carrying out the administration ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ … mission for the betterment of the American people , ” said Conner Swanson , the spokesperson .
“ Mr Pendley has provided a steady hand in facilitating important matters , from the BLM headquarters move west to its response to Covid-19.
” Swanson has said that the lawsuit against Pendley is “ baseless ” .
Pendley , a tall man with a handlebar mustache and a penchant for cowboy boots , has remarked in the past that his “ personal opinions are irrelevant ” to his job at BLM .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m a zealous advocate for my client .
My client is the American people and my bosses are the president of the United States and [ interior ] secretary [ David ] Bernhardt , ” Pendley said during an appearance at the conference of the Society of Environmental Journalists in Fort Collins , Colorado , last year .
“ What I thought , what I wrote , what I did in the past is irrelevant .
I have orders , I have laws to obey , and I intend to do that.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and wildlife protections .
After serving in the Reagan administration in the 1980s , he became the president of the Mountain States Legal Foundation ( MSLF ) , a conservative litigation organization funded by conservative and industry groups including the Charles Koch Foundation and Exxon Mobil , according to research from the watchdog groups Documented and Accountable.US .
Under Pendley ’ s leadership , the firm was a persistent foe of federal land agencies , getting involved in dozens of cases on behalf of industry groups and private landowners to challenge environmental protections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became something of a fixture among the anti-government set , writing numerous books extolling rebellion against public lands and the federal government .
He has expressed sympathy in the past for the Bundy family , whose militant agitation against federal land ownership included the armed takeover of the Malheur national wildlife refuge in 2016 .
He has compared climate change to unicorns because “ neither exist ” .
And in a 2016 National Review article , he laid out a case that argued for the near-total abolition of federal public lands across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal advocacy on behalf of extractive industries , Pendley brought with him a 17-page recusal list of past clients , employers and investments when he took control of the BLM in 2019 .
The list included groups such as the American Exploration & Mining Association and the Petroleum Association of Wyoming .
It has been nearly impossible for the public to know whether Pendley has abided by his recusal list , however , because the BLM has failed to release his detailed official calendar to the public .
Though Pendley has long been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always had kind words for Donald Trump .
In a 2016 op-ed in the Daily Caller , for instance , he said then-candidate Trump “ is not fit to pull off Reagan ’ s boots ” .
Apart from Pendley ’ s role in moving BLM ’ s headquarters to Colorado , the agency under his leadership has also repeatedly proposed land management plans that heavily promote the energy industry .
In March , for instance , conservationists in Montana came out aggressively against a BLM resource management plan that they believe is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas interests , according to the Billings Gazette .
In a statement issued earlier this year , Representative Raúl Grijalva , the chairman of the House natural resources committee , expressed his concerns over Pendley .
“ Anyone who wants our land management agencies to be functional in the future needs to recognize the seriousness of what Secretary Bernhardt , acting director Pendley , and their subordinates are doing .
”

In July 2017, William Perry Pendley, a crusading conservative attorney, delivered a speech to a group of rightwing activists in North Carolina in which he was completely candid about his ideological commitments.
He accused “the media” of selling “their soul to the greens”. And after criticizing the Endangered Species Act, he made light of killing endangered species.
“This is why out west we say ‘shoot, shovel and shut up’ when it comes to the discovery of endangered species on your property,” he said, according to an audio recording of the event obtained by the Guardian. “And I have to say, as a lawyer, that’s not legal advice,” he added, as some in his audience quietly snickered at the reference to the illegal extermination, and the burial, of endangered animals.
It has been almost three years since he gave those remarks, and Pendley is now the acting director of the Bureau of Land Management, or BLM, a powerful agency that oversees more than 240m acres of federal land belonging to the American people, manages mineral resources and is required to comply with environmental laws like the Endangered Species Act.
Pendley has helped turn BLM into what one high-level employee, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, called “a ghost ship” in which “suspicion”, “fear” and “low morale” abound, despite the best efforts of career civil servants to support each other.
As Pendley and his superiors at the interior department press ahead with an effort to move BLM’s headquarters from Washington DC to Grand Junction, Colorado, the agency has hemorrhaged staff members and lost critical institutional memory, which many critics believe was the true purpose of the relocation effort all along.
“A skeleton crew is left” at BLM headquarters, said the employee. “So few people were able to move west that a lot of people retired early and a lot of people took other jobs, so my ballpark estimate is there is only about 20% of permanent employees left” at headquarters. As a result, the agency is failing to fulfill its most basic duties, like responding to public records requests and conducting oversight of state and regional operations, the staffer added.
Environmental and government watchdog groups are now responding with a lawsuit that calls into question the legitimacy of Pendley’s position. Last week a pair of environmental nonprofits sued the interior department, alleging that by repeatedly tapping Pendley as the BLM’s acting director, rather than officially nominating him for the position, the interior secretary has skirted the Senate confirmation process usually required for high-level executive branch appointments, and has violated federal law.
“The illegitimate Pendley appointment is particularly troublesome because he has forcibly moved the BLM Headquarters from Washington DC, to remote western Colorado,” said Peter Jenkins, a senior counsel at Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility, one of the groups that sued. “In doing so he uprooted the lives of scores of seasoned BLM staff and disrupted this already strained agency.”
An interior department spokesperson defended Pendley’s record.
The Trump administration rolled back key provisions of the Endangered Species Act, a law credited with saving the gray wolf, bald eagle and grizzly bear. Photograph: Karen Bleier/AFP via Getty Images
“Mr Pendley brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to the department and is committed to carrying out the administration’s priorities and achieving the BLM’s … mission for the betterment of the American people,” said Conner Swanson, the spokesperson. “Mr Pendley has provided a steady hand in facilitating important matters, from the BLM headquarters move west to its response to Covid-19.” Swanson has said that the lawsuit against Pendley is “baseless”.
Pendley, a tall man with a handlebar mustache and a penchant for cowboy boots, has remarked in the past that his “personal opinions are irrelevant” to his job at BLM.
“I have a new job now. I’m a zealous advocate for my client. My client is the American people and my bosses are the president of the United States and [interior] secretary [David] Bernhardt,” Pendley said during an appearance at the conference of the Society of Environmental Journalists in Fort Collins, Colorado, last year. “What I thought, what I wrote, what I did in the past is irrelevant. I have orders, I have laws to obey, and I intend to do that.”
Pendley has long opposed public lands and wildlife protections. After serving in the Reagan administration in the 1980s, he became the president of the Mountain States Legal Foundation (MSLF), a conservative litigation organization funded by conservative and industry groups including the Charles Koch Foundation and Exxon Mobil, according to research from the watchdog groups Documented and Accountable.US.
Under Pendley’s leadership, the firm was a persistent foe of federal land agencies, getting involved in dozens of cases on behalf of industry groups and private landowners to challenge environmental protections implemented by the interior department.
Pendley became something of a fixture among the anti-government set, writing numerous books extolling rebellion against public lands and the federal government. He has expressed sympathy in the past for the Bundy family, whose militant agitation against federal land ownership included the armed takeover of the Malheur national wildlife refuge in 2016.
He has compared climate change to unicorns because “neither exist”. And in a 2016 National Review article, he laid out a case that argued for the near-total abolition of federal public lands across the nation.
Given his long history of legal advocacy on behalf of extractive industries, Pendley brought with him a 17-page recusal list of past clients, employers and investments when he took control of the BLM in 2019. The list included groups such as the American Exploration & Mining Association and the Petroleum Association of Wyoming. It has been nearly impossible for the public to know whether Pendley has abided by his recusal list, however, because the BLM has failed to release his detailed official calendar to the public.
Though Pendley has long been a committed conservative, he has not always had kind words for Donald Trump. In a 2016 op-ed in the Daily Caller, for instance, he said then-candidate Trump “is not fit to pull off Reagan’s boots”.
Apart from Pendley’s role in moving BLM’s headquarters to Colorado, the agency under his leadership has also repeatedly proposed land management plans that heavily promote the energy industry. In March, for instance, conservationists in Montana came out aggressively against a BLM resource management plan that they believe is far too friendly to corporate oil and gas interests, according to the Billings Gazette.
In a statement issued earlier this year, Representative Raúl Grijalva, the chairman of the House natural resources committee, expressed his concerns over Pendley.
“Anyone who wants our land management agencies to be functional in the future needs to recognize the seriousness of what Secretary Bernhardt, acting director Pendley, and their subordinates are doing.”


theguardian--2020-05-20--Roosevelt's New Deal offered hope for the desperate. We can do the same now | Eric Rauchway

A larger proportion of Americans have lost their jobs during this pandemic than at any time since the Great Depression .
In the UK , unemployment increased to 2.1 million in April , and economists expect millions more people to become unemployed once the furlough scheme ends .
The current , acute crisis in unemployment is likely to become a chronic condition that , even if it waxes and wanes , will not remedy itself .
Like the Great Depression , it demands intervention not only to resume trade and employment , but also to preserve the institutions we cherish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; many of the jobs that used to exist have already gone , and more will go still .
We will have to feel our way to reviving industries in a world altered by fear of contagion .
People will want to avoid human contact to a greater degree than ever before , accelerating existing trends toward greater automation and socially distanced work .
Economic busts generally foster market consolidation , as bigger operators weather a storm that swamps smaller enterprises .
These effects have an inequitable impact , hurting the poor far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cruel effects of inept or inactive governments .
For all the clamour that the economy is in peril , what remains of democracy is in far greater danger of perishing from this new depression without some form of new New Deal .
The United States tried denial as its first response to the Great Depression of the early 20th century .
In 1929 , President Herbert Hoover said : “ Any lack of confidence in the economic future or the basic strength of business in the United States is foolish.
” When his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could do nothing to alleviate the crisis .
“ Economic depression can not be cured by legislative action or executive pronouncement , ” he said .
Soaring unemployment finally provoked political action .
Hoover allowed a federal public works programme that provided , he noted with satisfaction , sustenance to some 700,000 Americans and their families ; at the time , about seven million remained unemployed .
Hoover ran for re-election in 1932 , claiming his policies had ended the depression and urging voters to be grateful to him : “ Let ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington of a Republican administration.
” He pledged a balanced budget , higher tariffs and tighter monetary policy .
Unpersuaded , voters chose Franklin D Roosevelt .
Roosevelt promised public works and jobs , labour rights , and a transition to more sustainable practices of production .
He acknowledged that he , too , would like a balanced budget – once the nation had spent the necessary amount to end the depression .
He espoused “ the philosophy of social justice ” , rejecting “ trickle down ” prosperity and preferring instead to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and secure [ so ] their prosperity will rise upward , just as yeast rises up ” .
Taking office in March 1933 , with more than ten million unemployed , Roosevelt and Democratic majorities in Congress delivered looser monetary policy , price support for agriculture , union rights and billions of dollars for public works and employment .
Economic recovery began immediately and continued thereafter , with rapid growth that nevertheless took years to make up ground lost during the Hoover years .
It took several tries to get the jobs programme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bankrolled projects to be managed at the local level .
But major works required advance planning , and by the end of summer 1933 , only 250,000 Americans had jobs on such projects .
Some smaller works did get under way , but letting local governments run them meant there were inequities in working conditions and wages , along with varying degrees of managerial competence .
Eventually the Roosevelt administration decided to hire workers itself , on projects of all kinds in all states and territories .
Mandating eight-hour days and 40-hour weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standard of living , and barring child labour , the public works programmes set national expectations for working conditions .
Racial discrimination on the works was prohibited first by rule and then by law ; the public works programmes gave black Americans unprecedented economic opportunities , even in an age of continued segregation .
Mostly , the workers were builders .
They installed or improved more than half a million miles of roads .
They built schools , parks , libraries , post offices , seaports and airports ; bridges and hydroelectric dams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but vital – sidewalks .
They brought power – electrical , to be sure , but with it political and symbolic – to people and parts of the country that never had it before .
Even with three to four million workers at once on its payroll , Roosevelt ’ s New Deal was still too small : as many more citizens remained unemployed .
To dispel the depression , the New Deal should have grown bigger , sooner .
Washington remained fearful of spending the necessary sums until after the war .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deal ’ s only aim .
The depression had brought self-government into global disrepute .
The apparent incapacity or unwillingness of elected officials eroded faith in representative government and emboldened dictators .
Roosevelt wanted the New Deal public works programmes to prove that democracy worked , and for everyone .
Recovery could not begin anywhere unless it began everywhere : “ interdependence is the watchword of this age ” .
Perhaps no part of the New Deal reflected this commitment so well as the programmes for artists , musicians , and writers – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without them the construction would have had less meaning .
The New Deal was the biggest peacetime expression of national purpose in American history .
New Deal art reflected this notion .
Writers and artists documented the memories of formerly enslaved people , the music of rural folks and the lives of workers in factory and field , and by making art out of them acknowledged their importance .
This version of democracy , built on the interdependence of a variety of peoples , became Roosevelt ’ s vision for the United Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place – or staying at home – has robbed us of the common spaces that were vital to the New Deal ’ s cultural programme .
We can not congregate in theatres or stadiums , or even stop to chat in the street .
Yet our interdependence is no less real for its intangibility .
We should remember that cornerstone of the New Deal .
We can learn , too , from New Dealers ’ commitment to providing people not only with a social safety net but with jobs to lift them out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a model the New Deal programme of public works that modernised the economy and adapted it to the world that was then new ; advocates for a global “ green new deal ” have long contended that we need a new infrastructure to prepare ourselves for a more sustainable way of life .
We might also learn from the New Deal ’ s deficiencies .
We should be bold , going bigger sooner and erring on the side of too much rather than too little , and uncompromising in seeking equity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a jobs programme is not only to provide economic stimulus , but also the dignity of work at a decent wage under good conditions to all who can do it , and moreover to remind us that , should enough of us choose it , we can prove that democracy works .
• Eric Rauchway is distinguished professor of history at the University of California , Davis .
He is the author of Winter War : Hoover , Roosevelt , and the First Clash Over the New Deal ( 2018 ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keynes Ended the Depression , Defeated Fascism , and Secured a Prosperous Peace ( 2015 )

A larger proportion of Americans have lost their jobs during this pandemic than at any time since the Great Depression. In the UK, unemployment increased to 2.1 million in April, and economists expect millions more people to become unemployed once the furlough scheme ends. The current, acute crisis in unemployment is likely to become a chronic condition that, even if it waxes and wanes, will not remedy itself. Like the Great Depression, it demands intervention not only to resume trade and employment, but also to preserve the institutions we cherish.
The virus will not simply evaporate; many of the jobs that used to exist have already gone, and more will go still. We will have to feel our way to reviving industries in a world altered by fear of contagion. People will want to avoid human contact to a greater degree than ever before, accelerating existing trends toward greater automation and socially distanced work. Economic busts generally foster market consolidation, as bigger operators weather a storm that swamps smaller enterprises. These effects have an inequitable impact, hurting the poor far more than the rich, demonstrating the cruel effects of inept or inactive governments. For all the clamour that the economy is in peril, what remains of democracy is in far greater danger of perishing from this new depression without some form of new New Deal.
Hoover ran for re-election in 1932, claiming his policies had ended the depression and urging voters to be grateful to him. They chose Roosevelt
The United States tried denial as its first response to the Great Depression of the early 20th century. In 1929, President Herbert Hoover said: “Any lack of confidence in the economic future or the basic strength of business in the United States is foolish.” When his scolding failed, Hoover insisted that government could do nothing to alleviate the crisis. “Economic depression can not be cured by legislative action or executive pronouncement,” he said.
Soaring unemployment finally provoked political action. Hoover allowed a federal public works programme that provided, he noted with satisfaction, sustenance to some 700,000 Americans and their families; at the time, about seven million remained unemployed. Hoover ran for re-election in 1932, claiming his policies had ended the depression and urging voters to be grateful to him: “Let’s be thankful for the presence in Washington of a Republican administration.” He pledged a balanced budget, higher tariffs and tighter monetary policy. Unpersuaded, voters chose Franklin D Roosevelt.
Roosevelt promised public works and jobs, labour rights, and a transition to more sustainable practices of production. He acknowledged that he, too, would like a balanced budget – once the nation had spent the necessary amount to end the depression. He espoused “the philosophy of social justice”, rejecting “trickle down” prosperity and preferring instead to “make the average of mankind comfortable and secure [so] their prosperity will rise upward, just as yeast rises up”.
Taking office in March 1933, with more than ten million unemployed, Roosevelt and Democratic majorities in Congress delivered looser monetary policy, price support for agriculture, union rights and billions of dollars for public works and employment. Economic recovery began immediately and continued thereafter, with rapid growth that nevertheless took years to make up ground lost during the Hoover years.
It took several tries to get the jobs programme going. First, the Roosevelt administration bankrolled projects to be managed at the local level. But major works required advance planning, and by the end of summer 1933, only 250,000 Americans had jobs on such projects. Some smaller works did get under way, but letting local governments run them meant there were inequities in working conditions and wages, along with varying degrees of managerial competence.
Unemployed men queuing fat a soup kitchen run by the Bahai Fellowship at 203 East 9th Street, New York, circa 1930. Photograph: FPG/Getty Images
Eventually the Roosevelt administration decided to hire workers itself, on projects of all kinds in all states and territories. Mandating eight-hour days and 40-hour weeks, calibrating wages to assure a decent standard of living, and barring child labour, the public works programmes set national expectations for working conditions. Racial discrimination on the works was prohibited first by rule and then by law; the public works programmes gave black Americans unprecedented economic opportunities, even in an age of continued segregation.
Mostly, the workers were builders. They installed or improved more than half a million miles of roads. They built schools, parks, libraries, post offices, seaports and airports; bridges and hydroelectric dams; stadiums and theatres and — humble but vital – sidewalks. They brought power – electrical, to be sure, but with it political and symbolic – to people and parts of the country that never had it before.
Even with three to four million workers at once on its payroll, Roosevelt’s New Deal was still too small: as many more citizens remained unemployed. To dispel the depression, the New Deal should have grown bigger, sooner. Washington remained fearful of spending the necessary sums until after the war. But economic recovery was not the New Deal’s only aim.
The depression had brought self-government into global disrepute. The apparent incapacity or unwillingness of elected officials eroded faith in representative government and emboldened dictators. Roosevelt wanted the New Deal public works programmes to prove that democracy worked, and for everyone. Recovery could not begin anywhere unless it began everywhere: “interdependence is the watchword of this age”.
Perhaps no part of the New Deal reflected this commitment so well as the programmes for artists, musicians, and writers – cheap, compared to construction, but without them the construction would have had less meaning. The New Deal was the biggest peacetime expression of national purpose in American history. New Deal art reflected this notion. Writers and artists documented the memories of formerly enslaved people, the music of rural folks and the lives of workers in factory and field, and by making art out of them acknowledged their importance. This version of democracy, built on the interdependence of a variety of peoples, became Roosevelt’s vision for the United Nations.
During this pandemic, sheltering in place – or staying at home – has robbed us of the common spaces that were vital to the New Deal’s cultural programme. We cannot congregate in theatres or stadiums, or even stop to chat in the street. Yet our interdependence is no less real for its intangibility. We should remember that cornerstone of the New Deal.
We can learn, too, from New Dealers’ commitment to providing people not only with a social safety net but with jobs to lift them out of unemployment. We might also take as a model the New Deal programme of public works that modernised the economy and adapted it to the world that was then new; advocates for a global “green new deal” have long contended that we need a new infrastructure to prepare ourselves for a more sustainable way of life.
We might also learn from the New Deal’s deficiencies. We should be bold, going bigger sooner and erring on the side of too much rather than too little, and uncompromising in seeking equity. And we should remember that the purpose of a jobs programme is not only to provide economic stimulus, but also the dignity of work at a decent wage under good conditions to all who can do it, and moreover to remind us that, should enough of us choose it, we can prove that democracy works.


theguardian--2020-05-20--Supreme court blocks House Democrats' access to Mueller grand jury materials – as it happened

Apple and Google have released long-awaited smartphone technology to automatically notify people if they might have been exposed to the @ @ @ @ @ announced the unprecedented collaboration to leverage their technology to help trace and contain the spread @ @ @ @ @ and say 22 countries and several US states are already planning to build voluntary phone @ @ @ @ @ The software relies on Bluetooth wireless technology to detect when someone who downloaded the app @ @ @ @ @ app user who later tests positive for the virus .
Many governments have already tried @ @ @ @ @ roll out their own phone apps to fight the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ encountered technical problems on Apple and Android phones and haven ’ t been widely adopted @ @ @ @ @ to track people ’ s location , which Apple and Google are omitting from their @ @ @ @ @ and accuracy concerns .

Maanvi Singh in San Francisco (now) and Joan E Greve in Washington and Joanna Walters in New York (earlier)

20 May 2020 00.44 BST The Supreme Court temporarily blocked House Democrats from accessing grand jury material from special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. The solicitor general filed a request earlier this month to halt a federal appeals court’s order to turn over the material, which the court granted today. The justices set a June 1 deadline to file briefs to determine whether the case should undergo a full review.
The solicitor general filed a request earlier this month to halt a federal appeals court’s order to turn over the material, which the court granted today. The justices set a June 1 deadline to file briefs to determine whether the case should undergo a full review. Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer, may be released from prison to serve the remainder of his sentence at home, per reports. Cohen would be one of many prisoners being released due to coronavirus concerns.
Cohen would be one of many prisoners being released due to coronavirus concerns. Democrats criticized Trump for threatening to withhold funding from Michigan and Nevada over their efforts to expand vote by mail. Nevada’s Democratic governor said the threat was “inappropriate and dangerous” as states seek safe voting options in the middle of a global pandemic.
Nevada’s Democratic governor said the threat was “inappropriate and dangerous” as states seek safe voting options in the middle of a global pandemic. Black Americans are dying of coronavirus at a rate three times higher than that of white Americans, according to a new report. More than 20,000 African Americans have already died from the virus.
according to a new report. More than 20,000 African Americans have already died from the virus. Trump suggested holding the next G7 summit in person, despite previously announcing that it would take place virtually. It would be very difficult to reschedule the meeting now, and it’s very unclear world leaders would agree to travel to the US as the country’s number of coronavirus cases continues to climb.
despite previously announcing that it would take place virtually. It would be very difficult to reschedule the meeting now, and it’s very unclear world leaders would agree to travel to the US as the country’s number of coronavirus cases continues to climb. Secretary of state Mike Pompeo dismissed claims that the state department inspector general was fired in retaliation for investigations he had launched. “It’s patently false,” Pompeo said of the accusations. The firing of Steve Linick has sparked concern that the Trump administration is trying to suppress government oversight.
20 May 2020 00.26 BST The majority of Americans are worried about reopening causing a spike in infections. According to a poll from the Associated Press and the National Opinion Research Centre at the University of Chicago, about 54 % of respondents were “very or extremely worried” about reopening causing more infections, and 29 % were “somewhat worried” about the risk. Overall, more than half the respondents said that the restrictions in their area were about right to prevent the spread of coronavirus.
20 May 2020 00.14 BST The Guardian’s Kari Paul reports: Apple and Google have released long-awaited smartphone technology to automatically notify people if they might have been exposed to the coronavirus. The companies had announced the unprecedented collaboration to leverage their technology to help trace and contain the spread of coronavirus last month, and say 22 countries and several US states are already planning to build voluntary phone apps using their software. The software relies on Bluetooth wireless technology to detect when someone who downloaded the app has spent time near another app user who later tests positive for the virus. Many governments have already tried, mostly unsuccessfully, to roll out their own phone apps to fight the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic. Many of those apps have encountered technical problems on Apple and Android phones and haven’t been widely adopted. They often use GPS to track people’s location, which Apple and Google are omitting from their new tool because of privacy and accuracy concerns. Apple and Google release phone app to notify users of coronavirus exposure Read more
20 May 2020 00.05 BST The Sanders campaign, seeking unity, has asked surrogates to refrain from attacking Biden, the Washington Post reports. From the Post: The Vermont senator’s campaign has told some supporters picked to represent him this year to sign agreements barring attacks on other candidates or party leaders, combative confrontations on social media or talking to reporters without approval. The move, which carried a threat of being removed as a delegate, has the effect of blunting one of the most powerful if divisive tools of Sanders’s movement — its unrestrained online presence and tendency to stoke controversy through other media, which has at times spiraled into abuse of his opponents, perceived and real. “Refrain from making negative statements about other candidates, party leaders, Campaigns, Campaign staffers, supporters, news organizations or journalists. This Campaign is about the issues and finding solutions to America’s problems,” said the social media policy sent to some delegates. “Our job is to differentiate the senator from his opponents on the issues — not through personal attacks.” “Do your best to avoid online arguments or confrontations,” the policy said. “If engaging in an adversarial conversation, be respectful when addressing opposing viewpoints or commenting on the opposition.” The agreements angered some Sanders delegates, and the campaign is now working with delegates to adjust its demands.
20 May 2020 23.44 BST The Senate is debating the next phase of coronavirus relief. Republicans have largely rejected the Democrats proposal for a rescue package, claiming that it costs too much. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell dismissed the Democrats’ bill dismissed as a “totally unserious effort.” But even within the the GOP, there seems to be disagreement about how best to help states weather the pandemic. GOP v GOP: Rick Scott on the floor about to block for the second time John Kennedy’s effort to give states and cities more flexibility to use their existing money for operational expenses beyond coronavirus expenses — Manu Raju (@mkraju) May 20, 2020
20 May 2020 23.29 BST Lauren Gambino Joe Biden assailed Donald Trump in a pair of virtual events in Wisconsin, calling him “a destroyer of everything he touches.”
“All he’s ever done is hollow out what really matters and then slap a gold sign on a flimsy foundation,” Biden said during the virtual rally in the battleground state.
“Donald Trump claimed he would fight for the forgotten man, the working class,” the former vice president continued. “But as soon as he got into office, he forgot them.”
Earlier on Wednesday, Biden held a virtual roundtable with Wisconsin congressman Ron Kind and community advocates who spoke about the challenges facing rural Americans during the epidemic.
During the back and forth, Biden, referring to federal funding to combat the economic fallout from the virus, said: “Not one more penny should go to a Fortune 500 company. Period. Period. They don’t need it.”
“Among the speakers at the “rally” was Wisconsin senator Tammy Baldwin, who has been mentioned as a possible vice presidential nominee after she won re-election in 2018. Biden called her a “true champion for Wisconsin, a true leader.”
Biden has been ramping up his virtual campaign schedule in recent weeks. Earlier events have been riddled with technical glitches - and the occasional honking duck. By contrast, Wednesday’s events went smoothly. Biden's lead over Trump widens – but strain on his virtual campaign grows Read more
20 May 2020 23.19 BST Sam Levin Prisoners and advocates told the Guardian that some infected inmates are in isolation without medical care or adequate food, cut off from family and attorneys More than 3,200 prisoners in California have contracted Covid-19 and at least 16 inmates have died, in a public health catastrophe that advocates say was both predictable and preventable.
Inmates and advocates told the Guardian that at six prisons and jails with rapidly escalating outbreaks, basic protocols to prevent the virus from spreading are being ignored, and that they fear imminent mass fatalities and hospitalizations. Interviews with prisoners, their families and attorneys, along with internal records, reveal that: Some prisoners sick with coronavirus have complained that they aren’t getting enough food and water while quarantined, and that they don’t have access to doctors, temperature checks, basic medicine, phone calls, regular showers, outdoor time or sanitary supplies.
Inmates have reported being reprimanded for wearing face coverings. At least one inmate was formally disciplined for trying to use bleach to help clean a prison.
In one facility, prisoners assigned to make masks for others allegedly contracted Covid-19 in the process.
Some prisoners with Covid-19 have been unable to talk to loved ones, who have been left uncertain if their relatives are still alive. 'People are sick all around me': inside the coronavirus catastrophe in California prisons Read more
20 May 2020 22.59 BST Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer, will be released from federal prison, a person familiar with the matter told the Wall Street Journal. Due to coronavirus concerns, Cohen is expected to serve the remainder of his sentence from home. The Journal reports: He is among more than 2,500 federal inmates who have been placed on home confinement in recent weeks as prison officials try to identify those who are at high risk for the disease and low risk for re-offending.
Updated at 22.59 BST
20 May 2020 22.42 BST Trump said he would finish his preventative hydroxychloroquine regime “in a day or two.”
Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump said he’s been taking the anti-malaria drug as a preventative measure, despite a lack of evidence that it is effective when taken in this way. Although the FDA’s emergency authorization for the drug allowed for it to be used as a treatment — rather than a prophylactic — for Covid-19, in hospital settings and clinical trials, researchers are studying whether hydroxychloroquine can be used to ward off disease. But that research is in its early stages, and some specialists worry that the president’s politicizing of the drug by repeatedly touting it without evidence will interfere with legitimate science. “The virus is not Democrat or Republican, and hydroxychloroquine is not Democrat or Republican, and I’m just hopeful that people would allow us to finish our scientific work,” William O’Neill, an interventional cardiologist at Henry Ford Hospital in Detroit, who is studying hydroxychloroquine as a prophylactic in health care workers, told the New York Times. “The worst thing in the world that would happen,” he added, “is that at the end of this epidemic, in late September, we don’t have a cure or a preventive because we let politics interfere with the scientific process.”
20 May 2020 22.02 BST Today so far That’s it from me today. My west coast colleague, Maanvi Singh, will take over the blog for the next few hours. Here’s where the day stands so far: The Supreme Court temporarily blocked House Democrats from accessing grand jury material from special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. The solicitor general filed a request earlier this month to halt a federal appeals court’s order to turn over the material, which the court granted today. The justices set a June 1 deadline to file briefs to determine whether the case should undergo a full review.
The solicitor general filed a request earlier this month to halt a federal appeals court’s order to turn over the material, which the court granted today. The justices set a June 1 deadline to file briefs to determine whether the case should undergo a full review. Democrats criticized Trump for threatening to withhold funding from Michigan and Nevada over their efforts to expand vote by mail. Nevada’s Democratic governor said the threat was “inappropriate and dangerous” as states seek safe voting options in the middle of a global pandemic.
Nevada’s Democratic governor said the threat was “inappropriate and dangerous” as states seek safe voting options in the middle of a global pandemic. Black Americans are dying of coronavirus at a rate three times higher than that of white Americans, according to a new report. More than 20,000 African Americans have already died from the virus.
according to a new report. More than 20,000 African Americans have already died from the virus. Trump suggested holding the next G7 summit in person, despite previously announcing that it would take place virtually. It would be very difficult to reschedule the meeting now, and it’s very unclear world leaders would agree to travel to the US as the country’s number of coronavirus cases continues to climb.
despite previously announcing that it would take place virtually. It would be very difficult to reschedule the meeting now, and it’s very unclear world leaders would agree to travel to the US as the country’s number of coronavirus cases continues to climb. Secretary of state Mike Pompeo dismissed claims that the state department inspector general was fired in retalation for investigations he had launched. “It’s patently false,” Pompeo said of the accusations. The firing of Steve Linick has sparked concern that the Trump administration is trying to suppress government oversight. Maanvi will have more coming up, so stay tuned.
20 May 2020 21.54 BST Trump appeared to slightly back down from his threat to withhold funding from Michigan and Nevada over their efforts to expand vote by mail. Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump did not specify which federal funds he would withhold, adding that he did not think the move would ultimately be necessary. .@realDonaldTrump declines to say what federal funding he may withhold from Michigan, says he doesn’t think it will be necessary and says he’s not concerned about the message of threatening to hold back funds while the state is facing flooding disasters. pic.twitter.com/PsAudgltV4 — Jeff Mason (@jeffmason1) May 20, 2020 It’s worth noting that legal experts have said it would almost certainly be unconstitutional for Trump to withhold funds over states’ election practices. White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany dodged questions this afternoon about which funds Trump was seeking to withhold and how the president thought Michigan officials had violated the law by moving to expand vote by mail.
20 May 2020 21.32 BST The Supreme Court’s decision to temporarily block House Democrats from accessing the grand jury material increases the likelihood that the information will not be made public before the November election. Solicitor General Noel Francisco has argued the House judiciary committee does not have an urgent need to review the material from special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation, considering Trump was acquitted in an impeachment trial earlier this year. “The House already has impeached the president, the Senate already has acquitted him, and neither [the committee] nor the House has provided any indication that a second impeachment is imminent,” Francisco wrote. But a federal appeals court ruled that House members’ need for the material was still relevant. “The committee has repeatedly stated that if the grand jury materials reveal new evidence of impeachable offenses, the committee may recommend new articles of impeachment,” Judge Judith Rogers wrote in the 2-1 decision.
20 May 2020 21.22 BST Solicitor general Noel Francisco filed a request with the Supreme Court earlier this month to temporarily block a federal appeals court’s order, which would have allowed House Democrats access to the grand jury material. Francisco argued it would cause “irreparable harm” to the federal government if House Democrats were allowed to review the grand jury material from special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. “Once the government discloses the secret grand-jury records, their secrecy will irrevocably be lost,” Francisco wrote. “That is particularly so when, as here, they are disclosed to a congressional committee and its staff.”
20 May 2020 21.15 BST Supreme Court blocks House access to Mueller grand jury materials The Supreme Court has temporarily blocked House Democrats from accessing grand jury material gathered during special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. The high court issued a stay on members of the House judiciary committee accessing the material in order to allow a legal challenge to play out. The justices set a June 1 deadline to file briefs to determine whether the court should take up a full review of the case.
Updated at 21.20 BST