thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--When will we have a president-elect? Here's what you need to know

There will be a president-elect by mid-December , but not before considerable fighting and legal wrangling over the results in multiple closely contested battleground states , as the race for the White House remains unresolved three days after Election Day and counting .
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has become the prohibitive favorite to secure an Electoral College majority as he appears to sit just six votes away from the required 270 and trends in most of the four remaining uncalled states are favorable to him .
President Trump is still narrowly ahead in three of those states while Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fourth .
There also remain enough uncounted ballots in Arizona , which The Associated Press called for Biden , to potentially swing its 11 electoral votes to Trump .
Holding Arizona plus a victory in any of the uncalled states could hand Biden the presidency , but the media tallies are unofficial .
No electoral votes have formally been awarded yet .
The results in each state have to be certified .
The Trump campaign has now filed lawsuits challenging aspects of the counting process in multiple states , in addition to requesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Carolina , Georgia , Pennsylvania and Arizona could all still swing based on uncounted votes .
“ IF YOU COUNT THE LEGAL VOTES , I EASILY WIN THE ELECTION !
IF YOU COUNT THE ILLEGAL AND LATE VOTES , THEY CAN STEAL THE ELECTION FROM US !
” Trump said in a statement ( emphasis in the original ) while Biden tweeted , “ Be patient , folks .
Votes are being counted , and we feel good about where we are.
” Even after the counts are complete , the various @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through the states ' and or federal court systems , potentially going all the way up to the Supreme Court , though that would only happen on appeal and if the justices agreed to hear the case .
The Trump campaign is seeking to enforce state rules against accepting ballots after Election Day where applicable and ensure clear postmarks on mail-in ballots .
They also want to guarantee that Republican election observers are allowed access to the counts .
On Thursday , the Trump campaign won a favorable ruling on allowing its poll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ touted as “ a major victory for election integrity , election transparency , all Pennsylvania voters , and the rule of law.
” But the Trump team was rebuffed on ballot challenges in Georgia and Michigan the same day .
Even as this barrage of lawsuits began , the full Trump legal strategy is still taking shape and much of the battle remains in the court of public opinion .
`` Exactly what the president said would happen is happening , '' said Trump campaign manager Bill Stepien .
`` We see Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country every night .
We go to bed with a lead and every night , new votes mysteriously are found in a sack . ''
The interruption of vote-counting in several states where Trump led on election night , followed by a lead change after the resumption of counting , has aroused suspicions among the president and his supporters .
Far more early and mail-in voting took place in this election than ever before due to the ongoing pandemic .
Some states , including Pennsylvania , do not allow these ballots to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has contributed to the delays .
Trump has made no secret of his distrust for this process , and some have questioned whether certain states have the infrastructure in place to accurately process all these ballots in a timely manner .
The 2000 recount battle between George W. Bush and Al Gore lasted 36 days , and unlike Trump-Biden impasse it concerned only a single state .
The Supreme Court handed down the Bush v. Gore decision , which left Bush with the lead in Florida , whose electoral votes decided the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Dec. 13 .
“ Now the U.S. Supreme Court has spoken .
Let there be no doubt , while I strongly disagree with the court 's decision , I accept it , ” Gore said .
“ I accept the finality of this outcome which will be ratified next Monday in the Electoral College .
And tonight , for the sake of our unity as a people and the strength of our democracy , I offer my concession.
” The Bush v. Gore decision was controversial in part because it was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all nominated by Republican presidents , finding in favor of Bush .
The Supreme Court now has a 6-3 majority of conservatives nominated by Republicans , three of them Trump appointees .
Trump has said he never discussed election lawsuits with the most recent of these , Judge Amy Coney Barrett , and has indicated he would respect a Supreme Court decision saying he had lost .
This year the first real deadlines are a bit earlier than in 2000 .
Presidential electors will meet and cast their votes in each state on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this to happen on Monday after the second Wednesday in December of presidential election years .
But the law also mandates a “ safe harbor ” of six days before this whereby states must have their slates of electors set , meaning any contested state election would have to be resolved by Dec. 8 .
Congress could change these laws , as the Constitution leaves all these specifics up to lawmakers .
But with different parties controlling each house and only the Republicans having an incentive to draw out the process , this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be transmitted to Congress no later than Dec. 23 .
Then Congress meets in a joint session on Jan. 6 , 2021 to certify the results , which would appear to be the last possible date at which anything could be contested .
Vice President Mike Pence , as the constitutional president of the Senate , would preside over this session .
Based on past precedent , however , the Supreme Court would likely want to decide , or decline to grant an appeal on , any outstanding lawsuits that might swing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their electors on Dec. 8 .
A series of unfavorable court rulings before that , combined with Biden ’ s growing national popular vote advantage , could increase pressure on Trump to concede unless something significant changes in the ongoing counts .
The Trump campaign has said it has devoted “ absolute legal killers ” to the election fight , according to top campaign official Jason Miller .
The Biden campaign is equally braced for a legal battle .
`` We 're winning the election .
We 've won the election .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Bob Bauer , former White House counsel under Barack Obama and an attorney for the Biden campaign .


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--The new class: Republican campaigns are at a rare crossroads.

It ’ s tradition for the next campaign to begin as soon as the election is over .
And so it will be this year , with one major difference for the Republican Party : It ’ s not clear who ’ s going to run all these campaigns , and yet staffing is key to securing primary and general election victories .
The floodgates will be opened as soon as this week for tons of GOP candidates , and consultants from outside of Trumpworld , to enter the arena ahead of the 2024 presidential contest .
Some , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton , have already begun stealth campaigns , doing “ Trump ” - and “ party ” -boosting events on the 2020 campaign trail ( not so coincidentally , in Iowa and New Hampshire ) .
But who , in the end , will run — and whom will they hire ?
After all , the GOP is at an unusual crossroads .
Typically , the outgoing campaign reveals a number of consultant and staffer “ stars ” who , if not actual celebrities , are so highly regarded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the next contest in extraordinarily high demand .
But exiting the Trump era will be different .
Unlike previous GOP campaigns , the 2016 and 2020 Trump campaigns have been dominated — micromanaged , even — by the president , his immediate family , and his trusted inner circle , many of whom come from outside the traditional political establishment ( and a number of whom were unceremoniously fired , indicted , or otherwise discarded ) .
This means there are few , if any , “ must have ” staffers or consultants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Then there ’ s the old guard .
President Trump ’ s hard break with the party establishment precipitated the exiting of the party by many veteran presidential campaign fixtures .
Others have simply been out of the campaigns game for a full four or more years now , so hiring them carries a risk of staffing up with outmoded , out-of-touch figures .
All of this means there are fewer real hotshot carryover staffers and consultants for the next crop of candidates to pick and choose from .
Campaign watchers in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enthusiastic about this situation , especially as it could affect early state primary and caucus fights .
In talking to top political reporters and operatives in early states ( New Hampshire , South Carolina , Nevada ) especially , one hears this message pretty consistently : “ The GOP here has no up-and-coming , rising talent.
” Emblematic of this is one New Hampshire GOP veteran who told me , “ There are no good young operatives .
There are no good young people .
They ’ re all garbage.
” Harsh , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states where Republicans have delivered unexpected wins since 2016 , and it gets easier to spot the next generation of consultants whose names may be on all our lips , and are already on the minds of likely 2024 contenders , because they are solid professionals who add real , demonstrable value in tough races .
Iowa this year delivered a number of surprises and is the one early state where there is genuine up-and-coming talent .
Not coincidentally , that talent was involved in surprise 2020 congressional victories .
Jimmy Peacock , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Marco Rubio campaign in 2016 and stayed put , was campaign manager for Ashley Hinson — the winner in Iowa ’ s 1st Congressional District , a race universally regarded as extremely tough .
Elsewhere in the state , Matt Leopold has made a mark .
Iowa ’ s 2nd-District fight remains too close to call , but the seat has been occupied by Democrat Dave Loebsack , who first won it in the 2006 election .
If it goes to Mariannette Miller-Meeks , who is currently ahead by about 300 votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s his work in Iowa ’ s 4th , Rep. Steve King ’ s old district , where he ’ s really won admiration .
Leopold was key in enabling Randy Feenstra to beat King in a primary , leveraging his Dutch heritage to run up numbers in Dutch areas of northwest Iowa and , according to Craig Robinson , author of the Iowa Republican blog , “ essentially steal King ’ s [ northwest ] Iowa base.
” If Rubio runs again in 2024 , presumably he has the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but both Peacock and Leopold will be heavily courted .
In 2018 in Georgia , then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp narrowly defeated Stacey Abrams by 50.2 % to 48.8 % in what turned out to be a rare piece of good news for the GOP in a tough midterm cycle .
Behind the victory was Joel McElhannon , whom one Georgia political reporter described as having “ masterminded Kemp ’ s 2018 victory.
” McElhannon is not new to politics ; Erick Erickson , the Georgia-based radio host and political commentator , described @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been established in Georgia for some time.
” But his chops there will now make him attractive to national campaigns .
Of course , if Kemp should decide to run for president , presumably McElhannon , and his partner Ryan Mahoney — another major figure in Kempworld also considered to be among the very smartest operatives in Georgia — will be off-limits to other would-be contenders .
That pairing on a Kemp presidential campaign , plus Kemp ’ s conservative bona fides but relative distance from Trump , could make the Georgia governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wins reelection in two years .
Another Georgia name who hasn ’ t quite made it to national politics yet is Brian Robinson , a former top aide to Gov .
Nathan Deal .
One Georgia political reporter said Robinson “ understands messaging and Republican politics .
And he ’ s poised to help the transition if Trump doesn ’ t win another term.
” That quality will probably be in demand very shortly , and McElhannon , Mahoney , Robinson , and veteran Georgian GOP consultant Nick Ayers , who has worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close relationships with a bunch of top-flight GOP names , both current and yesteryear , could make Georgia the hot recruiting ground for 2024 candidates .
Florida is another state that saw the GOP bank unexpected wins in 2020 , and in 2018 , between Gov .
Ron DeSantis ’ s victory and Sen. Rick Scott ’ s decisive win over former Sen. Bill Nelson .
Views on DeSantis ’ s operation are divided .
Some credit Trumpworld with taking over his campaign ; others suggest the DeSantis operation was always stronger than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s 2020 Florida operation was .
Those polls also seem to have missed a bunch of voters who turned out for Scott .
As of Election Day 2018 , the RealClearPolitics polling average in that Senate race gave Nelson a 2.4-point advantage ; Scott won by 0.2 points .
Both DeSantis and Scott to run for president in 2024 , and if they do , it ’ s unlikely anyone else is getting a hold of their prized advisers who helped deliver these surprise wins .
In DeSantis ’ s case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partners Nick Iarossi and Scott Ross , known in Florida politics but not nationally , could be a boon , especially financially .
The DeSantis-Gillum race saw $ 106 million raised between the two camps .
But at the end of the day , .
Iarossi and Ross deserve at least some of the credit for that .
Ross was also considered by DeSantis for the chief of staff position , a show of trust in Ross .
Brian Ballard , who threw his lot in with Trump early in the 2016 cycle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watch in terms of Florida fundraising .
He chaired DeSantis ’ s inaugural committee , but before that , he also chaired the inaugural committees of both Scott and former Gov .
Charlie Crist ( remember him ? )
.
Ballard is capable of being a political chameleon , and the GOP is going to need a few of these after this year .
Scott , meanwhile , took his senatorial campaign staff to Washington with him , and it ’ s likely they ’ ll stay on the team and off-limits to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to know include Craig Carbone and Chris Hartline , who respectively served as Scott ’ s political director and spokesman during the Senate campaign .
But perhaps the name to watch most out of Florida is Ryan Tyson .
One top reporter with deep expertise in Florida politics said that Tyson “ has produced the state ’ s best data work ” and “ has no comparison in this state.
” The former vice president of Associated Industries of Florida , the state ’ s powerful business lobby , he is also extraordinarily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot ) feared by the Left .
Florida Democratic consultant Steve Vancore of Ryan that “ his intellect is matched only by his incredible capacity to question everything , to guess at nothing , and to demand excellence of himself and everyone around him.
” Vancore added that “ to call Ryan a rising star would be to underestimate his current impact as well as his future potential.
” That political reporter agrees , saying that Tyson , the “ son of working class parents from rural Florida , ” is “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctrinaire and has a good sense of humor.
” A bonus for whoever nabs him : While Tyson is a data guy , he ’ s also adept at fundraising , and tightly marrying data to message .
Farther west , conservative activists look to Gregg Keller .
The former executive director of the American Conservative Union is not exactly new to national politics but has played a more behind-the-scenes role when working outside of his home state .
Keller is well-regarded in part because of his willingness to pick fights with his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website him as having “ led the effort to impeach his home state Governor , a member of Gregg ’ s own political party , Eric Greitens , who was accused of sexual coercion , blackmail , stealing from a charity and a school , and various other offenses.
” But that wasn ’ t the only high-profile effort keeping Keller busy in 2018 : He also advised then-Missouri Attorney General Josh Hawley on the Senate campaign that saw him trounce Sen. Claire McCaskill by almost 6 points , when tons of GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to displace the two-term incumbent .
Some observers credit Keller , especially , for that result .
Hawley could well run for president in 2024 ; he ’ s certainly a rising star in the GOP and the major figure driving the party ’ s war on Big Tech .
If he gets and keeps Keller onside , it will help boost him even more with the base .
Finally , we come to Jason Johnson , whom the Texas Tribune 's Jay Root described in 2012 as a “ scrappy East @ @ @ @ @ @ @ genius.
” Like these other strategists , Jason is not new to politics per se .
Also like them , he has up until now really focused on his home state and not moved in a national direction .
But that is probably about to change .
Johnson started his true political ascent heading up now-Gov .
Greg Abbott ’ s campaign for attorney general .
Since 2011 , he has advised Sen. Ted Cruz , who says Johnson “ has a deep , analytical sense for politics and an instinctive sense about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign presented Johnson ’ s main foray onto the national stage , as chief strategist , but Johnson has also advised Rep. Chip Roy , Cruz ’ s former chief of staff who successfully eked out a tight race for Congress in 2018 and another that was expected to be tough this year against liberal firebrand Wendy Davis ( as of this writing , Roy is winning by about 7 points ) .
If Cruz runs again in 2024 , expect to hear a lot more about Johnson ; if he doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of offers from others entering the fray .
Because of the dearth of fresh talent in early states , barring Iowa , any presidential campaigns on which these figures land will necessarily be populated with or even dominated by Bush , McCain , Romney , and maybe a smattering of lower-level Trump aides , too .
In Iowa , expect Robert Haus and David Kochel to be top gets still .
In New Hampshire , expect to keep hearing names such as David Carney , Mike Dennehy , Patrick Hynes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the usual , established firms will likely pick sides in a primary and fight .
But as the fresher faces who bring a firsthand understanding of states whose political profile is changing rapidly ( Georgia , Texas , Iowa , and Missouri ) and a state that is perennially swingy ( Florida ) , these will be the key , lesser-known names who may send successful post-Trump GOP candidates surging in what could become a very different Republican Party .
Watch them — and who hires them .
It could be the key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party will nominate in 2024 .
Liz Mair is the founder , owner , and president of Mair Strategies LLC and a former adviser to Wisconsin Gov .
Scott Walker , Sen. Rand Paul , Gov .
Rick Perry , and Carly Fiorina .
In 2008 , she served as the Republican National Committee ’ s first and only online communications director , and a spokeswoman .

It’s tradition for the next campaign to begin as soon as the election is over. And so it will be this year, with one major difference for the Republican Party: It’s not clear who’s going to run all these campaigns, and yet staffing is key to securing primary and general election victories.
The floodgates will be opened as soon as this week for tons of GOP candidates, and consultants from outside of Trumpworld, to enter the arena ahead of the 2024 presidential contest. Some, such as South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem and Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton, have already begun stealth campaigns, doing “Trump”- and “party”-boosting events on the 2020 campaign trail (not so coincidentally, in Iowa and New Hampshire). But who, in the end, will run — and whom will they hire?
After all, the GOP is at an unusual crossroads.
Typically, the outgoing campaign reveals a number of consultant and staffer “stars” who, if not actual celebrities, are so highly regarded for their skill set that they enter the next contest in extraordinarily high demand. But exiting the Trump era will be different. Unlike previous GOP campaigns, the 2016 and 2020 Trump campaigns have been dominated — micromanaged, even — by the president, his immediate family, and his trusted inner circle, many of whom come from outside the traditional political establishment (and a number of whom were unceremoniously fired, indicted, or otherwise discarded). This means there are few, if any, “must have” staffers or consultants from the Trump team heading into 2024.
Then there’s the old guard. President Trump’s hard break with the party establishment precipitated the exiting of the party by many veteran presidential campaign fixtures. Others have simply been out of the campaigns game for a full four or more years now, so hiring them carries a risk of staffing up with outmoded, out-of-touch figures. All of this means there are fewer real hotshot carryover staffers and consultants for the next crop of candidates to pick and choose from.
Campaign watchers in and around the party are less than enthusiastic about this situation, especially as it could affect early state primary and caucus fights.
In talking to top political reporters and operatives in early states (New Hampshire, South Carolina, Nevada) especially, one hears this message pretty consistently: “The GOP here has no up-and-coming, rising talent.” Emblematic of this is one New Hampshire GOP veteran who told me, “There are no good young operatives. There are no good young people. They’re all garbage.”
Harsh, to be sure. But turn to states where Republicans have delivered unexpected wins since 2016, and it gets easier to spot the next generation of consultants whose names may be on all our lips, and are already on the minds of likely 2024 contenders, because they are solid professionals who add real, demonstrable value in tough races.
Iowa this year delivered a number of surprises and is the one early state where there is genuine up-and-coming talent. Not coincidentally, that talent was involved in surprise 2020 congressional victories. Jimmy Peacock, who moved to Iowa as part of the Marco Rubio campaign in 2016 and stayed put, was campaign manager for Ashley Hinson — the winner in Iowa’s 1st Congressional District, a race universally regarded as extremely tough. Elsewhere in the state, Matt Leopold has made a mark. Iowa’s 2nd-District fight remains too close to call, but the seat has been occupied by Democrat Dave Loebsack, who first won it in the 2006 election. If it goes to Mariannette Miller-Meeks, who is currently ahead by about 300 votes, Leopold will deserve credit. However, it’s his work in Iowa’s 4th, Rep. Steve King’s old district, where he’s really won admiration. Leopold was key in enabling Randy Feenstra to beat King in a primary, leveraging his Dutch heritage to run up numbers in Dutch areas of northwest Iowa and, according to Craig Robinson, author of the Iowa Republican blog, “essentially steal King’s [northwest] Iowa base.” If Rubio runs again in 2024, presumably he has the inside track on locking down Peacock, but both Peacock and Leopold will be heavily courted.
In 2018 in Georgia, then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp narrowly defeated Stacey Abrams by 50.2% to 48.8% in what turned out to be a rare piece of good news for the GOP in a tough midterm cycle. Behind the victory was Joel McElhannon, whom one Georgia political reporter described as having “masterminded Kemp’s 2018 victory.”
McElhannon is not new to politics; Erick Erickson, the Georgia-based radio host and political commentator, described him in an email as having “been established in Georgia for some time.” But his chops there will now make him attractive to national campaigns. Of course, if Kemp should decide to run for president, presumably McElhannon, and his partner Ryan Mahoney — another major figure in Kempworld also considered to be among the very smartest operatives in Georgia — will be off-limits to other would-be contenders. That pairing on a Kemp presidential campaign, plus Kemp’s conservative bona fides but relative distance from Trump, could make the Georgia governor a strong contender in 2024 if he wins reelection in two years.
Another Georgia name who hasn’t quite made it to national politics yet is Brian Robinson, a former top aide to Gov. Nathan Deal. One Georgia political reporter said Robinson “understands messaging and Republican politics. And he’s poised to help the transition if Trump doesn’t win another term.” That quality will probably be in demand very shortly, and McElhannon, Mahoney, Robinson, and veteran Georgian GOP consultant Nick Ayers, who has worked for Vice President Mike Pence but maintains close relationships with a bunch of top-flight GOP names, both current and yesteryear, could make Georgia the hot recruiting ground for 2024 candidates.
Florida is another state that saw the GOP bank unexpected wins in 2020, and in 2018, between Gov. Ron DeSantis’s victory and Sen. Rick Scott’s decisive win over former Sen. Bill Nelson.
Views on DeSantis’s operation are divided. Some credit Trumpworld with taking over his campaign; others suggest the DeSantis operation was always stronger than polling made it look, just as Trump’s 2020 Florida operation was. Those polls also seem to have missed a bunch of voters who turned out for Scott. As of Election Day 2018, the RealClearPolitics polling average in that Senate race gave Nelson a 2.4-point advantage; Scott won by 0.2 points .
Both DeSantis and Scott are expected to run for president in 2024, and if they do, it’s unlikely anyone else is getting a hold of their prized advisers who helped deliver these surprise wins.
In DeSantis’s case, fundraisers, lobbyists, and business partners Nick Iarossi and Scott Ross, known in Florida politics but not nationally, could be a boon, especially financially. The DeSantis-Gillum race saw $106 million raised between the two camps . But at the end of the day, DeSantis edged Andrew Gillum by a full million . Iarossi and Ross deserve at least some of the credit for that. Ross was also considered by DeSantis for the chief of staff position, a show of trust in Ross.
Brian Ballard, who threw his lot in with Trump early in the 2016 cycle, also will be a name to watch in terms of Florida fundraising. He chaired DeSantis’s inaugural committee, but before that, he also chaired the inaugural committees of both Scott and former Gov. Charlie Crist (remember him?). Ballard is capable of being a political chameleon, and the GOP is going to need a few of these after this year.
Scott, meanwhile, took his senatorial campaign staff to Washington with him, and it’s likely they’ll stay on the team and off-limits to other candidates if he runs. Names to know include Craig Carbone and Chris Hartline, who respectively served as Scott’s political director and spokesman during the Senate campaign.
But perhaps the name to watch most out of Florida is Ryan Tyson. One top reporter with deep expertise in Florida politics said that Tyson “has produced the state’s best data work” and “has no comparison in this state.” The former vice president of Associated Industries of Florida, the state’s powerful business lobby, he is also extraordinarily well-connected and probably a little (or a lot) feared by the Left. Florida Democratic consultant Steve Vancore said of Ryan that “his intellect is matched only by his incredible capacity to question everything, to guess at nothing, and to demand excellence of himself and everyone around him.” Vancore added that “to call Ryan a rising star would be to underestimate his current impact as well as his future potential.” That political reporter agrees, saying that Tyson, the “son of working class parents from rural Florida,” is “intellectually curious, quite conservative but not doctrinaire and has a good sense of humor.” A bonus for whoever nabs him: While Tyson is a data guy, he’s also adept at fundraising, and tightly marrying data to message.
Farther west, conservative activists look to Gregg Keller. The former executive director of the American Conservative Union is not exactly new to national politics but has played a more behind-the-scenes role when working outside of his home state. Keller is well-regarded in part because of his willingness to pick fights with his own party: His firm’s website describes him as having “led the effort to impeach his home state Governor, a member of Gregg’s own political party, Eric Greitens, who was accused of sexual coercion, blackmail, stealing from a charity and a school, and various other offenses.” But that wasn’t the only high-profile effort keeping Keller busy in 2018: He also advised then-Missouri Attorney General Josh Hawley on the Senate campaign that saw him trounce Sen. Claire McCaskill by almost 6 points, when tons of GOP observers worried that Hawley would not be able to displace the two-term incumbent. Some observers credit Keller, especially, for that result. Hawley could well run for president in 2024; he’s certainly a rising star in the GOP and the major figure driving the party’s war on Big Tech. If he gets and keeps Keller onside, it will help boost him even more with the base.
Finally, we come to Jason Johnson, whom the Texas Tribune's Jay Root described in 2012 as a “scrappy East Texas native with a touch of mad genius.” Like these other strategists, Jason is not new to politics per se. Also like them, he has up until now really focused on his home state and not moved in a national direction. But that is probably about to change.
Johnson started his true political ascent heading up now-Gov. Greg Abbott’s campaign for attorney general. Since 2011, he has advised Sen. Ted Cruz, who says Johnson “has a deep, analytical sense for politics and an instinctive sense about people.”
Cruz’s 2016 presidential campaign presented Johnson’s main foray onto the national stage, as chief strategist, but Johnson has also advised Rep. Chip Roy, Cruz’s former chief of staff who successfully eked out a tight race for Congress in 2018 and another that was expected to be tough this year against liberal firebrand Wendy Davis (as of this writing, Roy is winning by about 7 points). If Cruz runs again in 2024, expect to hear a lot more about Johnson; if he doesn’t, expect Johnson to get a lot of offers from others entering the fray.
Because of the dearth of fresh talent in early states, barring Iowa, any presidential campaigns on which these figures land will necessarily be populated with or even dominated by Bush, McCain, Romney, and maybe a smattering of lower-level Trump aides, too. In Iowa, expect Robert Haus and David Kochel to be top gets still. In New Hampshire, expect to keep hearing names such as David Carney, Mike Dennehy, Patrick Hynes, and Amelia Chasse. In South Carolina, the usual, established firms will likely pick sides in a primary and fight.
But as the fresher faces who bring a firsthand understanding of states whose political profile is changing rapidly (Georgia, Texas, Iowa, and Missouri) and a state that is perennially swingy (Florida), these will be the key, lesser-known names who may send successful post-Trump GOP candidates surging in what could become a very different Republican Party. Watch them — and who hires them. It could be the key to figuring out the candidate the Republican Party will nominate in 2024.
Liz Mair is the founder, owner, and president of Mair Strategies LLC and a former adviser to Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, Sen. Rand Paul, Gov. Rick Perry, and Carly Fiorina. In 2008, she served as the Republican National Committee’s first and only online communications director, and a spokeswoman.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Young people step up to fill the polling gaps

Young people in the United States are more invested in this year ’ s election than in years past , preliminary studies suggest .
Not only are they turning out to vote , but they ’ re actively contributing to the process by knocking on doors for campaigns and volunteering as poll workers .
Some of this participation has been driven by corporations incentivizing their young employees to pitch in .
Levi Strauss & Co. , for example , gave its employees Election Day off as long as they agreed to serve as poll workers .
Ashley Carlson , 33 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said she and nearly 200 of her young colleagues signed up .
Other retailers contributing to this effort include Gap , Target , and Warby Parker .
“ We knew that the pandemic was contributing to a nationwide shortage of poll workers , and we had employees ready and willing to volunteer , ” Kelly McGinnis , the chief communications officer at Levi Strauss & Co. , told the Wall Street Journal .
“ It was an obvious way that the company and our employees could offer help where it was needed.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has never been more important than it is now .
The coronavirus has forced many older people to avoid in-person gatherings , and since the vast majority of poll workers are over the age of 60 , there has been an inevitable shortage .
Some states worried that these shortages could result in delays .
But luckily , young people have stepped up .
In Pennsylvania ’ s Allegheny County , for example , election officials were able to recruit more than 6,500 poll workers to staff the county ’ s 1,323 polling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to NPR .
The challenge , however , was teaching these young first-timers how to run an efficient and reliable election .
But according to newcomer Jane Hartung , voters needn ’ t worry .
`` While I was at the poll-working class , I was with a bunch of people who were just like me — who were taking down notes , that were asking their questions , that were really invested in making sure the election was going to run smoothly , '' she said .
`` That inspired a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ felt like if I 'm with a bunch of people who are just as detail-oriented as me , then this election — at least in Allegheny County — is going to run really smoothly . ''

Young people in the United States are more invested in this year’s election than in years past, preliminary studies suggest. Not only are they turning out to vote, but they’re actively contributing to the process by knocking on doors for campaigns and volunteering as poll workers.
Some of this participation has been driven by corporations incentivizing their young employees to pitch in. Levi Strauss & Co., for example, gave its employees Election Day off as long as they agreed to serve as poll workers. Ashley Carlson, 33, a communications manager for the company, said she and nearly 200 of her young colleagues signed up. Other retailers contributing to this effort include Gap, Target, and Warby Parker.
“We knew that the pandemic was contributing to a nationwide shortage of poll workers, and we had employees ready and willing to volunteer,” Kelly McGinnis, the chief communications officer at Levi Strauss & Co., told the Wall Street Journal. “It was an obvious way that the company and our employees could offer help where it was needed.”
Their participation in the behind-the-scenes process has never been more important than it is now. The coronavirus has forced many older people to avoid in-person gatherings, and since the vast majority of poll workers are over the age of 60, there has been an inevitable shortage. Some states worried that these shortages could result in delays. But luckily, young people have stepped up.
In Pennsylvania’s Allegheny County, for example, election officials were able to recruit more than 6,500 poll workers to staff the county’s 1,323 polling places thanks to young volunteers, according to NPR. The challenge, however, was teaching these young first-timers how to run an efficient and reliable election. But according to newcomer Jane Hartung, voters needn’t worry.
"While I was at the poll-working class, I was with a bunch of people who were just like me — who were taking down notes, that were asking their questions, that were really invested in making sure the election was going to run smoothly," she said. "That inspired a lot of confidence in me, because I felt like if I'm with a bunch of people who are just as detail-oriented as me, then this election — at least in Allegheny County — is going to run really smoothly."


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Word of the Week: 'Empathy'

Word of the Week: 'Empathy'

During the Democratic National Convention in August , it did not take a political communications professional to glean that the Biden camp was using “ empathy ” as a slogan .
As a rhetorical strategy , this was a smart way to highlight some of the character deficiencies of President Trump .
This was never an official campaign slogan , but it was a catchword they used , alongside “ decency , ” quite intentionally .
“ Empathy matters in a president , ” a Biden campaign video on Facebook was titled .
There was a meeting about it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing nefarious about this .
Political campaigns use communications strategies involving repeating certain bits of language designed to bring attention to the areas in which their candidate has the advantage in terms of appeal .
The ability to notice , care about , imagine , and account for the potential hurt feelings of others is an area in which Biden has an optics edge on Trump .
On the last night before Election Day , Trump spent about a half-hour of one of his rallies doing an extended series of mean improv comedy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audio tech people had done in setting up his microphone .
When a tech guy came onstage to fix a feedback problem , Trump had the crowd of thousands jeer at him and cracked that maybe the campaign wouldn ’ t pay for the services .
Yet , I have two gripes with their use of “ empathy.
” One is a pedantic gripe about the word itself , and one is a bigger one about how the press uses political campaign catchwords .
First , as an Atlantic article about how “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Him to This Moment ” defines it : “ Empathy is the quality of putting yourself in the place of another , understanding how they are experiencing the world , identifying with their feelings , and being able to communicate that understanding to them.
” This is a longer way of explaining that em is Greek for “ in ” and pathos is Greek for feelings .
Empaths can get into others ’ feelings .
But for this same reason , we should understand that a guy such as Trump is not incapable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s actually very good at getting into other people ’ s heads , in some ways .
He knows perfectly well how being booed by a large crowd will make a mic setup guy feel .
He can model others ’ thinking .
It ’ s just that he values different things in communication and in life , like a comic has different goals than a therapist .
By “ empathic , ” political analysts in the 2020 election cycle actually meant “ prosocial ” or “ kind ” or “ altruistic ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they said , “ Empathy.
” They said it a lot .
There were dozens , maybe hundreds of pieces .
In CNN : “ Joe Biden ’ s endorsers highlight the same trait : empathy.
” In the Atlantic again : “ No Empathy , Only Anger.
” And why did they all use this same word ?
Because they didn ’ t do the part of a journalist 's job that requires thinking carefully about language and trying to at least be aware of repeating catchwords pushed by political campaigns , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should not talk about “ putting America first ” without so much as being aware they are using political sloganeering associated with a certain movement .
Agree or disagree with the agenda , it ’ s just careless writing for a journalist .
And the “ empathy ” thing , while different in content , was a Democratic version of that .
Taking greater care with words is one way media organizations could avoid doing the things that are cratering their credibility with the public .

During the Democratic National Convention in August, it did not take a political communications professional to glean that the Biden camp was using “empathy” as a slogan. As a rhetorical strategy, this was a smart way to highlight some of the character deficiencies of President Trump. This was never an official campaign slogan, but it was a catchword they used, alongside “decency,” quite intentionally. “Empathy matters in a president,” a Biden campaign video on Facebook was titled. There was a meeting about it, I assure you.
There’s nothing nefarious about this. Political campaigns use communications strategies involving repeating certain bits of language designed to bring attention to the areas in which their candidate has the advantage in terms of appeal. The ability to notice, care about, imagine, and account for the potential hurt feelings of others is an area in which Biden has an optics edge on Trump. On the last night before Election Day, Trump spent about a half-hour of one of his rallies doing an extended series of mean improv comedy bits about how bad a job the audio tech people had done in setting up his microphone. When a tech guy came onstage to fix a feedback problem, Trump had the crowd of thousands jeer at him and cracked that maybe the campaign wouldn’t pay for the services.
Yet, I have two gripes with their use of “empathy.” One is a pedantic gripe about the word itself, and one is a bigger one about how the press uses political campaign catchwords. First, as an Atlantic article about how “Biden’s Empathy Is What Matches Him to This Moment” defines it: “Empathy is the quality of putting yourself in the place of another, understanding how they are experiencing the world, identifying with their feelings, and being able to communicate that understanding to them.” This is a longer way of explaining that em is Greek for “in” and pathos is Greek for feelings. Empaths can get into others’ feelings. But for this same reason, we should understand that a guy such as Trump is not incapable of empathy as such. He’s actually very good at getting into other people’s heads, in some ways. He knows perfectly well how being booed by a large crowd will make a mic setup guy feel. He can model others’ thinking. It’s just that he values different things in communication and in life, like a comic has different goals than a therapist.
By “empathic,” political analysts in the 2020 election cycle actually meant “prosocial” or “kind” or “altruistic” or even just “gooey.” But they said, “Empathy.” They said it a lot. There were dozens, maybe hundreds of pieces. In CNN: “Joe Biden’s endorsers highlight the same trait: empathy.” In the Atlantic again: “No Empathy, Only Anger.”
And why did they all use this same word? Because they didn’t do the part of a journalist's job that requires thinking carefully about language and trying to at least be aware of repeating catchwords pushed by political campaigns, even when one agrees. Pro-Trump outlets should not talk about “putting America first” without so much as being aware they are using political sloganeering associated with a certain movement. Agree or disagree with the agenda, it’s just careless writing for a journalist. And the “empathy” thing, while different in content, was a Democratic version of that. Taking greater care with words is one way media organizations could avoid doing the things that are cratering their credibility with the public.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Lindsey Graham donates $500,000 to Trump legal fund amid claims of voter fraud

Republicans are circling the wagons around President Trump as allegations of voter fraud in several key battleground states are gaining momentum .
Sen. Lindsey Graham said he donated $ 500,000 to the president 's election defense fund , which was launched following the highly contested outcome of elections in Pennsylvania , Arizona , Georgia , Nevada , and Michigan .
`` I 'm gon na donate $ 500,000 tonight to President Trump 's defense legal fund , '' Graham told Fox News host Sean Hannity on Thursday night .
`` Give to donaldjtrump.com so that we 'll have the resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evening , the race in Pennsylvania was still too close to call , with 90 % reporting and Trump holding a razor-thin lead as potentially hundreds of thousands of mail-in ballots are waiting to be counted .
Trump 's personal lawyers said he was `` en route to Pennsylvania '' on Wednesday to investigate the vote counting in the vital battleground state that could decide the 2020 election .
Graham , who held off a high-dollar effort to unseat him from the Senate , told Hannity that allegations of election fraud were `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ count a record number of votes cast in a U.S. presidential election .
Graham said he did not trust the vote count totals in Pennsylvania , which he called `` crooked as a snake '' before saying that `` everything should be on the table '' in terms of investigating the vote counting in certain states .
Trump made similar accusations about Pennsylvania and other states during a press conference at the White House that was censored by several major news networks who have called the allegations of fraud `` untrue . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Pennsylvania , where votes are still being counted .
Votes are being counted in Georgia , where Trump is ahead , but Joe Biden is closing fast in the final stretch .
Arizona , which both the Associated Press and Fox News called for Biden on election night , is in the balance , with Trump allies saying the president can still claim victory .

Republicans are circling the wagons around President Trump as allegations of voter fraud in several key battleground states are gaining momentum.
Sen. Lindsey Graham said he donated $500,000 to the president's election defense fund, which was launched following the highly contested outcome of elections in Pennsylvania, Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and Michigan.
"I'm gonna donate $500,000 tonight to President Trump's defense legal fund," Graham told Fox News host Sean Hannity on Thursday night. "Give to donaldjtrump.com so that we'll have the resources to fight."
Sen. Lindsey Graham tells Fox News' Sean Hannity he has donated $500,000 to Pres. Trump's election defense fund:
"[Democrats] are just trying to get an outcome, damn the law, damn the outcome."pic.twitter.com/frr8WDxlXT — Alex Salvi (@alexsalvinews) November 6, 2020
As of Thursday evening, the race in Pennsylvania was still too close to call, with 90% reporting and Trump holding a razor-thin lead as potentially hundreds of thousands of mail-in ballots are waiting to be counted. Trump's personal lawyers said he was "en route to Pennsylvania" on Wednesday to investigate the vote counting in the vital battleground state that could decide the 2020 election.
Graham, who held off a high-dollar effort to unseat him from the Senate, told Hannity that allegations of election fraud were "earth-shattering" as several states continue to count a record number of votes cast in a U.S. presidential election.
Graham said he did not trust the vote count totals in Pennsylvania, which he called "crooked as a snake" before saying that "everything should be on the table" in terms of investigating the vote counting in certain states.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) tells Sean Hannity that Republicans in Pennsylvania should consider sending Trump electors to the Electoral College:
"Everything should be on the table." pic.twitter.com/IG5dWpEJxR — The Recount (@therecount) November 6, 2020
Trump made similar accusations about Pennsylvania and other states during a press conference at the White House that was censored by several major news networks who have called the allegations of fraud "untrue."
The race has yet to be decided in Pennsylvania, where votes are still being counted. Votes are being counted in Georgia, where Trump is ahead, but Joe Biden is closing fast in the final stretch. Arizona, which both the Associated Press and Fox News called for Biden on election night, is in the balance, with Trump allies saying the president can still claim victory.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Don't bet on a return to normalcy

Don't bet on a return to normalcy

For those who longed for a respite from the 24/7 political and culture wars of the past four years , the apparent results of the 2020 election seemed to offer some hope .
But will the prospect of someone not named Donald Trump in the White House and divided government ensure that the insanity of the last four years will end ?
Don ’ t count on it .
The outcome of the struggle between Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden in some key battleground states had yet to be finally resolved 48 hours after the polls closed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ point to a victory for Biden even as Trump ’ s campaign resolved to fight to the bitter end , including in the courts , to change the verdict .
Trump ’ s energy and blustering resolve to ignore conventional wisdom and the advice of experts have produced some clear achievements on both the economy and foreign policy .
But he is also the embodiment of chaos , resentment , and rage at his opponents .
He stubbornly refused to adopt presidential decorum , adapt to the demands of the presidency , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweets that have helped coarsen public discourse and turned American politics into a modern version of gladiatorial combat .
In the five years since he came down the escalator at Trump Tower , his political antagonists and their media cheering section never caught on to why so many people loved him or how not to be suckered into following him down every rabbit hole he dug for them .
It didn ’ t take long for them to adopt the same conspiratorial mindset that the most famous proponent of birther theories about Barack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only an upset victory powered by the resentment of his “ deplorable ” followers but the refusal of the Democrats and the media/pop culture/tech oligarch complex to accept his victory .
That , in turn , led to the unproven conspiracy theories about Russian collusion , as well as a pointless and partisan impeachment process , that dominated American politics for three years .
In an administration that had its fair share of disasters , such as family separation at the border , as well as triumphs , such as a booming economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was Trump ’ s bad luck to have the coronavirus pandemic happen on his watch .
That blew up the good economy and , though it can be argued his management of the calamity was probably no worse than what any of his opponents could have managed , also exposed how his undisciplined behavior and messaging can undermine public confidence in a crisis .
He was gifted with a lackluster and unenergetic opponent in Biden .
But COVID and general Trump Show fatigue that seemed to afflict everyone except the man orchestrating the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much for Republicans to overcome .
For those who had spent four years praying for the bad dream with the “ bad orange man ” to go away , this was the promise of bliss .
But along with that result came another possible blessing for those longing for political peace .
Contrary to the expectations of aggrieved liberals who thought hatred of Trump would power a blue wave that would bring Democrats control of both chambers of Congress and the White House , the Republican Party didn ’ t implode as revengeful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hard campaigning , the GOP may have saved its Senate majority .
And instead of Speaker Nancy Pelosi growing her majority , the Democrats lost several seats in the House .
That may have exploded the dream of a transformative election nurtured by the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democrats and his allies in “ the Squad.
” There would be no end to the Senate filibuster rules , no packing of the Supreme Court , no statehood for the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico ( and the promise of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no Green New Deal boondoggle to plunge the pandemic-plagued economy further into a financial abyss .
Surely , the exit of Trump from the stage and the need for both sides to compromise in order to get anything done should auger a return to some sort of political normalcy , or at least a ceasefire in the nonstop war of all against all that had characterized politics from 2016 to 2020 .
Were it solely up to Biden and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , who , in theory , should return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican in Washington , that might be true .
In gentler times , a private agreement of the president and congressional leaders that they needed to do some business might have been enough to ensure some relief from the guerrilla warfare that has become business-as-usual inside the Beltway .
But those expecting normalcy in the post-Trump era are mistaken .
As the line from Game of Thrones went , “ if you think this has a happy ending , you haven ’ t been paying attention.
” What can prevent the start of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Start with the fact that Trump is not going away .
The president may ultimately be forced to concede defeat at some point if hopes for a reversal of fortune via recounts or court interventions don ’ t pan out .
But the notion that Trump will , like his predecessors , spend the coming weeks being a good sport cooperating with a transition , or the following years working on memoirs and building a presidential library , is a fantasy .
A post-presidential Trump may not quite be the center of attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and hostile , will still be addicted to him , monitoring his Twitter account and public appearances , giving him the kind of leverage over McConnell and congressional Republicans that no previous ex-president ever had or even wanted .
That doesn ’ t just mean that his congressional acolytes and Fox News tribunes could enable him to blow up any compromises that McConnell and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy would like to make .
Unlike other defeated presidential candidates , he will also act as if he is still the head of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as former Vice President Mike Pence , Tom Cotton , Nikki Haley , Ted Cruz , and many others would prefer that he let them shine .
Part of his power will stem from the sense of grievance that rank-and-file Republicans will hold on to after his defeat .
The emergence of hundreds of thousands of mailed-in ballots that altered outcomes in some states in Democrats ’ favor may have been just the natural result of the unusual circumstances created by a pandemic-era election and the fact that Democrats were more afraid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the optics of Democratic-run governments in places such as Philadelphia and Detroit administering this blow to GOP hopes were bound to be interpreted by Republicans as a conspiracy against their president .
Indeed , after four years of an unprecedented level of anti-conservative and anti-Trump media bias and false collusion charges , they no longer believe anything broadcast on networks not named Fox ( and not everything that ’ s even broadcast there ) .
Just as many Democrats have spent the past four years believing the myth that Hillary Clinton was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too , will Republicans hold on to the idea that this election was stolen from them by Democrats and the “ deep state , ” even if their claims turn out to be no more substantial than those of the Democrats .
This will become part of the political landscape in a way that will poison the atmosphere every bit as much as the Russian plot story did .
Neither should anyone assume that Trump is done with electoral politics .
He will be not much older than Biden is now if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the list of GOP prospects know only too well , if he wants the next Republican presidential nomination , it will be his for the asking .
Trump has transformed the party that he hijacked from its establishment in 2016 .
Despite the claims of Never Trump critics that he turned it into a personality cult , in many ways , his GOP is smarter , more relevant , and more electorally competitive than the one that Bush-era holdovers and Mitt Romney supporters were running .
It has a working-class base and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minority support than it has had in living memory .
But it is also angrier and more distrustful of governing- and educated-class elites than ever .
It is now accustomed to viewing politicians playing by Queensberry rules and cutting deals as evidence of betrayal of their interests .
The GOP establishment ’ s record of pre-Trump failure validates that point of view .
Trump ’ s continued appeal and perhaps that of his children — Donald Trump Jr. may have political ambitions , as may Ivanka Trump , whose recent avowal of pro-life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office as a Republican — is only part of the formula for a continuation of political warfare .
All the energy in both political caucuses is to be found in exactly the sorts of ideological warriors who will reject normalcy .
That ’ s true on the Right with firebrands such as Sen. Josh Hawley and Rep. Matt Gaetz , and it ’ s just as much the case on the Left with Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar .
Biden ’ s somnolent campaign may also be a preview of a weak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to command his party without slipping into the kind of rhetorical excess that he has engaged in previously ( such as his 2012 campaign speech in which he told African Americans that Romney and the Republicans want to “ put y ’ all back in chains ” ) .
Like the last Congress , his may be an administration in which the radicals have far more influence than their numbers ought to give them .
An even more important factor is the way the media were radicalized in recent years .
Legacy outlets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ covering Trump .
Newspapers such as the New York Times incessantly editorialized in news headlines and story content .
CNN trumpeted every new unproven conspiracy theory about his skulduggery as if it were fact .
The refusal of nonconservative networks and publications to report on the story of Hunter Biden ’ s Ukraine and China business shenanigans in October made clear that most journalists believed their primary obligation was to defeat Trump , not report the news .
Some may think that once Trump leaves the White House , they can return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalists , emboldened by the stands of writers and editors who believe their mission to support the Black Lives Matter movement trumped their obligation to report objectively , will never go back .
Encouraged by the willingness of social media and internet oligarchs to censor Trump and shut down conservative discourse , they will continue to fuel a war against conservatives in the media and pop culture outlets .
Even if the politicians want calm , the media and entertainment shock troops the Democrats employed against Trump will ensure that the pot will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desire normalcy forget is that politics now plays the same role in many people ’ s lives once played by religion .
That , and not just Trump ’ s tweets , is why so many have cut off friends and family who don ’ t share their views and regard a relationship or marriage with someone who doesn ’ t hold them as unthinkable .
With Trump still able to bully his party to continue to engage in all-out war and the radicals on the Left and their media enablers pushing just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the post-Trump era could be as chaotic and angry as what it succeeded .
Under these circumstances , normalcy and political peace may be a pipe dream .
Jonathan Tobin is editor in chief of JNS.org and a columnist for the New York Post .
Follow him on Twitter at @ jonathans_tobin .

For those who longed for a respite from the 24/7 political and culture wars of the past four years, the apparent results of the 2020 election seemed to offer some hope. But will the prospect of someone not named Donald Trump in the White House and divided government ensure that the insanity of the last four years will end? Don’t count on it.
The outcome of the struggle between Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden in some key battleground states had yet to be finally resolved 48 hours after the polls closed. But the most likely outcome seemed to point to a victory for Biden even as Trump’s campaign resolved to fight to the bitter end, including in the courts, to change the verdict.
Trump’s energy and blustering resolve to ignore conventional wisdom and the advice of experts have produced some clear achievements on both the economy and foreign policy. But he is also the embodiment of chaos, resentment, and rage at his opponents. He stubbornly refused to adopt presidential decorum, adapt to the demands of the presidency, or at least cease his stream-of-consciousness commentary and tweets that have helped coarsen public discourse and turned American politics into a modern version of gladiatorial combat.
In the five years since he came down the escalator at Trump Tower, his political antagonists and their media cheering section never caught on to why so many people loved him or how not to be suckered into following him down every rabbit hole he dug for them. It didn’t take long for them to adopt the same conspiratorial mindset that the most famous proponent of birther theories about Barack Obama embraced. What followed was not only an upset victory powered by the resentment of his “deplorable” followers but the refusal of the Democrats and the media/pop culture/tech oligarch complex to accept his victory. That, in turn, led to the unproven conspiracy theories about Russian collusion, as well as a pointless and partisan impeachment process, that dominated American politics for three years.
In an administration that had its fair share of disasters, such as family separation at the border, as well as triumphs, such as a booming economy and Middle East peace agreements, it was Trump’s bad luck to have the coronavirus pandemic happen on his watch. That blew up the good economy and, though it can be argued his management of the calamity was probably no worse than what any of his opponents could have managed, also exposed how his undisciplined behavior and messaging can undermine public confidence in a crisis. He was gifted with a lackluster and unenergetic opponent in Biden. But COVID and general Trump Show fatigue that seemed to afflict everyone except the man orchestrating the pandemonium in the White House appeared too much for Republicans to overcome.
For those who had spent four years praying for the bad dream with the “bad orange man” to go away, this was the promise of bliss. But along with that result came another possible blessing for those longing for political peace.
Contrary to the expectations of aggrieved liberals who thought hatred of Trump would power a blue wave that would bring Democrats control of both chambers of Congress and the White House, the Republican Party didn’t implode as revengeful Never Trumpers predicted. Thanks to Trump’s hard campaigning, the GOP may have saved its Senate majority. And instead of Speaker Nancy Pelosi growing her majority, the Democrats lost several seats in the House.
That may have exploded the dream of a transformative election nurtured by the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democrats and his allies in “the Squad.” There would be no end to the Senate filibuster rules, no packing of the Supreme Court, no statehood for the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico (and the promise of four more Democratic senators), and no Green New Deal boondoggle to plunge the pandemic-plagued economy further into a financial abyss.
Surely, the exit of Trump from the stage and the need for both sides to compromise in order to get anything done should auger a return to some sort of political normalcy, or at least a ceasefire in the nonstop war of all against all that had characterized politics from 2016 to 2020.
Were it solely up to Biden and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who, in theory, should return to his pre-Trump status as the most important Republican in Washington, that might be true.
In gentler times, a private agreement of the president and congressional leaders that they needed to do some business might have been enough to ensure some relief from the guerrilla warfare that has become business-as-usual inside the Beltway. But those expecting normalcy in the post-Trump era are mistaken. As the line from Game of Thrones went, “if you think this has a happy ending, you haven’t been paying attention.”
What can prevent the start of a new era of good feelings?
Start with the fact that Trump is not going away.
The president may ultimately be forced to concede defeat at some point if hopes for a reversal of fortune via recounts or court interventions don’t pan out. But the notion that Trump will, like his predecessors, spend the coming weeks being a good sport cooperating with a transition, or the following years working on memoirs and building a presidential library, is a fantasy.
A post-presidential Trump may not quite be the center of attention, but the media, both friendly and hostile, will still be addicted to him, monitoring his Twitter account and public appearances, giving him the kind of leverage over McConnell and congressional Republicans that no previous ex-president ever had or even wanted.
That doesn’t just mean that his congressional acolytes and Fox News tribunes could enable him to blow up any compromises that McConnell and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy would like to make. Unlike other defeated presidential candidates, he will also act as if he is still the head of his party, even though 2024 GOP prospects such as former Vice President Mike Pence, Tom Cotton, Nikki Haley, Ted Cruz, and many others would prefer that he let them shine.
Part of his power will stem from the sense of grievance that rank-and-file Republicans will hold on to after his defeat.
The emergence of hundreds of thousands of mailed-in ballots that altered outcomes in some states in Democrats’ favor may have been just the natural result of the unusual circumstances created by a pandemic-era election and the fact that Democrats were more afraid of voting in person than Republicans. But the optics of Democratic-run governments in places such as Philadelphia and Detroit administering this blow to GOP hopes were bound to be interpreted by Republicans as a conspiracy against their president. Indeed, after four years of an unprecedented level of anti-conservative and anti-Trump media bias and false collusion charges, they no longer believe anything broadcast on networks not named Fox (and not everything that’s even broadcast there).
Just as many Democrats have spent the past four years believing the myth that Hillary Clinton was defeated by Russian intervention, so, too, will Republicans hold on to the idea that this election was stolen from them by Democrats and the “deep state,” even if their claims turn out to be no more substantial than those of the Democrats. This will become part of the political landscape in a way that will poison the atmosphere every bit as much as the Russian plot story did.
Neither should anyone assume that Trump is done with electoral politics. He will be not much older than Biden is now if he runs in 2024, and, as the list of GOP prospects know only too well, if he wants the next Republican presidential nomination, it will be his for the asking.
Trump has transformed the party that he hijacked from its establishment in 2016. Despite the claims of Never Trump critics that he turned it into a personality cult, in many ways, his GOP is smarter, more relevant, and more electorally competitive than the one that Bush-era holdovers and Mitt Romney supporters were running. It has a working-class base and, as the 2020 results showed, more minority support than it has had in living memory.
But it is also angrier and more distrustful of governing- and educated-class elites than ever. It is now accustomed to viewing politicians playing by Queensberry rules and cutting deals as evidence of betrayal of their interests. The GOP establishment’s record of pre-Trump failure validates that point of view.
Trump’s continued appeal and perhaps that of his children — Donald Trump Jr. may have political ambitions, as may Ivanka Trump, whose recent avowal of pro-life views could foreshadow a future run for office as a Republican — is only part of the formula for a continuation of political warfare.
All the energy in both political caucuses is to be found in exactly the sorts of ideological warriors who will reject normalcy. That’s true on the Right with firebrands such as Sen. Josh Hawley and Rep. Matt Gaetz, and it’s just as much the case on the Left with Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar.
Biden’s somnolent campaign may also be a preview of a weak presidency in which he will be unable to command his party without slipping into the kind of rhetorical excess that he has engaged in previously (such as his 2012 campaign speech in which he told African Americans that Romney and the Republicans want to “put y’all back in chains”). Like the last Congress, his may be an administration in which the radicals have far more influence than their numbers ought to give them.
An even more important factor is the way the media were radicalized in recent years.
Legacy outlets abandoned even the pretense of objectivity in covering Trump. Newspapers such as the New York Times incessantly editorialized in news headlines and story content. CNN trumpeted every new unproven conspiracy theory about his skulduggery as if it were fact. The refusal of nonconservative networks and publications to report on the story of Hunter Biden’s Ukraine and China business shenanigans in October made clear that most journalists believed their primary obligation was to defeat Trump, not report the news.
Some may think that once Trump leaves the White House, they can return to past ethical standards. But many liberal journalists, emboldened by the stands of writers and editors who believe their mission to support the Black Lives Matter movement trumped their obligation to report objectively, will never go back.
Encouraged by the willingness of social media and internet oligarchs to censor Trump and shut down conservative discourse, they will continue to fuel a war against conservatives in the media and pop culture outlets. Even if the politicians want calm, the media and entertainment shock troops the Democrats employed against Trump will ensure that the pot will be kept boiling.
What those who desire normalcy forget is that politics now plays the same role in many people’s lives once played by religion. That, and not just Trump’s tweets, is why so many have cut off friends and family who don’t share their views and regard a relationship or marriage with someone who doesn’t hold them as unthinkable.
With Trump still able to bully his party to continue to engage in all-out war and the radicals on the Left and their media enablers pushing just as hard from the other side, the post-Trump era could be as chaotic and angry as what it succeeded. Under these circumstances, normalcy and political peace may be a pipe dream.
Jonathan Tobin is editor in chief of JNS.org and a columnist for the New York Post. Follow him on Twitter at @jonathans_tobin.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Trump's Hail Mary? Some conservatives look to GOP state legislatures for Electoral College save

President Trump ’ s reelection prospects looked increasingly grim on Friday , as Democratic challenger Joe Biden took the lead in key states that would deliver a majority of the Electoral College , but some prominent conservatives are urging him to look to the contested states ’ Republican-controlled legislatures for salvation .
Trump has vowed to fight on , as his legal team fanned out across the handful of battleground states where the campaign is contesting various aspects of the counting process .
“ We believe the American people deserve to have full transparency into all vote counting and election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer about any single election , ” the president said in a statement released by his reelection campaign .
“ From the beginning , we have said that all legal ballots must be counted and all illegal ballots should not be counted , yet we have met resistance to this basic principle by Democrats at every turn . ''
While the Trump campaign boasted of the “ absolute legal killers ” on its team of lawyers , which could lead to Bush v. Gore-style litigation in multiple states ahead of an Electoral College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t soon improve , it may wind up needing to make its case in a different venue : Republican state legislatures of Arizona , Pennsylvania , North Carolina , and Georgia .
This would require convincing these lawmakers that the popular vote counts in their states were fundamentally flawed and that they should assert their constitutional power to name electors .
It ’ s an idea that has gained some traction in grassroots conservative circles .
`` REMINDER TO THE REPUBLICAN STATE LEGISLATURES , YOU HAVE THE FINAL SAY OVER THE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Levin ( all caps in the original ) , a conservative radio and television host , author , and former chief of staff to Attorney General Ed Meese during the Reagan administration .
Donald Trump Jr. , the president ’ s increasingly politically active son , retweeted Levin approvingly , and others have picked up on the strategy .
“ Everything should be on the table , ” Sen. Lindsey Graham , a freshly reelected South Carolina Republican , told Fox News ’ s Sean Hannity .
“ Each State shall appoint , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may direct , a Number of Electors , equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress , ” states Article II of the U.S. Constitution .
Prior to states choosing electors by popular vote , some legislatures did appoint them without direct voter input .
A Supreme Court decision handed down in July on “ faithless electors ” declared that under the Constitution , state legislatures have “ the broadest power of determination ” over who serves as an elector , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electors who chose to vote against their state ’ s popular vote winner as a form of protest .
Bush v. Gore , the controversial Supreme Court decision that resolved the 2000 Florida recount impasse and thus the presidential election in favor of George W. Bush , contained a passage noting a state legislature “ may , if it so chooses , select the electors itself.
” But the statehouse strategy is a long shot , by all accounts .
“ I ’ ve never heard this talked about at any level , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requested anonymity to speak candidly .
“ The only focus is on making sure legal votes count and illegal ones don ’ t. ” There would be many roadblocks to pursuing such a strategy .
No state legislature has chosen the electors itself since 1876 .
None have ever overridden their state ’ s popular vote to do so .
There are signs of weakening support among elected Republicans for Trump ’ s election lawsuits .
This would require supporting something even more controversial .
The Washington Post published an opinion column describing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to “ steal the election ” through state legislatures .
Pennsylvania state Senate Majority Leader Jake Corman and House Speaker Bryan Cutler , both Republicans , sided with Trump on not counting illegally late ballots and including GOP poll watchers in the process in a call with reporters on Friday , but they did not endorse any talk of the Legislature getting involved in choosing electors .
“ We will follow the law , ” Corman said , adding that the state ’ s election code awards the electors to the statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presumably have to be signed into law by the state ’ s governor , Democrat Tom Wolf .
Corman went further in an October op-ed he co-authored with state House Majority Leader Kerry Beninghoff .
“ We have said it many times and we will happily say it again : The Pennsylvania General Assembly does not have and will not have a hand in choosing the state ’ s presidential electors or in deciding the outcome of the presidential election , ” the two Republicans wrote .
“ The only and exclusive way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pennsylvania is by the popular vote .
The legislature has no hand in this process whatsoever.
” Rank-and-file Trump supporters remain very much in the president ’ s corner as recounts beckon in Wisconsin and Georgia , with lawsuits occurring in multiple states .
“ For months , the American people were told ad nauseum that President Trump was going to get shellacked in the Electoral College , McConnell and Republicans were out in the Senate , Pelosi was going to get a slew of reinforcements in the House , and Texas could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Republican strategist Ford O ’ Connell .
“ And why ?
Because the pollsters said so , and anyone who argued with these “ experts ” was a Trump-loving sycophant .
In short , the Americans were sold a disgusting pack of lies about a ‘ blue wave ’ that never materialized.
” “ Can Trump still win a second term ?
You bet , ” O ’ Connell added .
“ It will be without question a heavy lift , but nothing is impossible in the era of Trump .
”

President Trump’s reelection prospects looked increasingly grim on Friday, as Democratic challenger Joe Biden took the lead in key states that would deliver a majority of the Electoral College, but some prominent conservatives are urging him to look to the contested states’ Republican-controlled legislatures for salvation.
Trump has vowed to fight on, as his legal team fanned out across the handful of battleground states where the campaign is contesting various aspects of the counting process. “We believe the American people deserve to have full transparency into all vote counting and election certification, and that this is no longer about any single election,” the president said in a statement released by his reelection campaign. “From the beginning, we have said that all legal ballots must be counted and all illegal ballots should not be counted, yet we have met resistance to this basic principle by Democrats at every turn."
While the Trump campaign boasted of the “absolute legal killers” on its team of lawyers, which could lead to Bush v. Gore-style litigation in multiple states ahead of an Electoral College vote, if its prospects in court don’t soon improve, it may wind up needing to make its case in a different venue: Republican state legislatures of Arizona, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia. This would require convincing these lawmakers that the popular vote counts in their states were fundamentally flawed and that they should assert their constitutional power to name electors.
It’s an idea that has gained some traction in grassroots conservative circles. "REMINDER TO THE REPUBLICAN STATE LEGISLATURES, YOU HAVE THE FINAL SAY OVER THE CHOOSING OF ELECTORS,” tweeted Mark Levin (all caps in the original), a conservative radio and television host, author, and former chief of staff to Attorney General Ed Meese during the Reagan administration.
Donald Trump Jr., the president’s increasingly politically active son, retweeted Levin approvingly, and others have picked up on the strategy.
“Everything should be on the table,” Sen. Lindsey Graham, a freshly reelected South Carolina Republican, told Fox News’s Sean Hannity.
“Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress,” states Article II of the U.S. Constitution. Prior to states choosing electors by popular vote, some legislatures did appoint them without direct voter input.
A Supreme Court decision handed down in July on “faithless electors” declared that under the Constitution, state legislatures have “the broadest power of determination” over who serves as an elector, though the precise issue in the case was electors who chose to vote against their state’s popular vote winner as a form of protest. Bush v. Gore, the controversial Supreme Court decision that resolved the 2000 Florida recount impasse and thus the presidential election in favor of George W. Bush, contained a passage noting a state legislature “may, if it so chooses, select the electors itself.”
But the statehouse strategy is a long shot, by all accounts.
“I’ve never heard this talked about at any level,” said a Trump legal adviser who requested anonymity to speak candidly. “The only focus is on making sure legal votes count and illegal ones don’t.”
There would be many roadblocks to pursuing such a strategy. No state legislature has chosen the electors itself since 1876. None have ever overridden their state’s popular vote to do so. There are signs of weakening support among elected Republicans for Trump’s election lawsuits. This would require supporting something even more controversial. The Washington Post published an opinion column describing the idea as a “repugnant plan” to “steal the election” through state legislatures.
Pennsylvania state Senate Majority Leader Jake Corman and House Speaker Bryan Cutler, both Republicans, sided with Trump on not counting illegally late ballots and including GOP poll watchers in the process in a call with reporters on Friday, but they did not endorse any talk of the Legislature getting involved in choosing electors.
“We will follow the law,” Corman said, adding that the state’s election code awards the electors to the statewide popular vote winner. Any change would presumably have to be signed into law by the state’s governor, Democrat Tom Wolf.
Corman went further in an October op-ed he co-authored with state House Majority Leader Kerry Beninghoff.
“We have said it many times and we will happily say it again: The Pennsylvania General Assembly does not have and will not have a hand in choosing the state’s presidential electors or in deciding the outcome of the presidential election,” the two Republicans wrote. “The only and exclusive way that presidential electors can be chosen in Pennsylvania is by the popular vote. The legislature has no hand in this process whatsoever.”
Rank-and-file Trump supporters remain very much in the president’s corner as recounts beckon in Wisconsin and Georgia, with lawsuits occurring in multiple states.
“For months, the American people were told ad nauseum that President Trump was going to get shellacked in the Electoral College, McConnell and Republicans were out in the Senate, Pelosi was going to get a slew of reinforcements in the House, and Texas could possibly go blue for Biden,” said Republican strategist Ford O’Connell. “And why? Because the pollsters said so, and anyone who argued with these “experts” was a Trump-loving sycophant. In short, the Americans were sold a disgusting pack of lies about a ‘blue wave’ that never materialized.”
“Can Trump still win a second term? You bet,” O’Connell added. “It will be without question a heavy lift, but nothing is impossible in the era of Trump.”


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--Don Trump Jr. riles 2024 GOP field with Trump legal fight tweet

Donald Trump Jr. accused Republicans eyeing a 2024 White House bid of abandoning his father , throwing down a political marker with the GOP base that might be impossible for any contender to meet in the primary should President Trump run again .
Trump ’ s race with Democratic nominee Joe Biden was not called Friday , with the president pursuing legal action to contest results in key states where he lost or was losing .
But a savvy tweet from Trump Jr. declaring “ a total lack of action from virtually all of the ‘ 2024 GOP hopefuls ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notice : Failing to support the president steadfastly in this effort would prove costly in the primary .
Trump has not ruled out running for president in four years if Biden defeats him .
But even if the president is not a candidate because he is exiting after two terms or decides not to run , the issue of loyalty amid his postelection court battles could define the 2024 primary .
That complicates any desires possible 2024 contenders might have to act the statesman and avoid echoing Trump ’ s claims of voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they would have a better shot at the presidency if he loses .
“ It ’ s been a long time since the Republican base was this molten , ” a Republican operative close to Trump said .
“ It kind of reminds me of liberals after Trump won.
” In his tweet , posted Thursday afternoon , Trump Jr. challenged potential 2024 Republicans to lend material support to the president ’ s legal effort and use the stature of their office to bolster his claim that Biden and the Democrats are stealing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son did not mince words .
“ The total lack of action from virtually all of the ‘ 2024 GOP hopefuls ’ is pretty amazing .
They have a perfect platform to show that they ’ re willing & able to fight but they will cower to the media mob instead .
Don ’ t worry [ Trump ] will fight & they can watch as usual , ” Trump Jr. said , tweeting in a follow-up post that the “ notable exception ” to his complaint was Florida Gov .
Ron DeSantis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans off the sidelines — or at least to vocalize their active support for the president on Twitter to make sure there were not any doubts about their engagement .
Trump Jr. ’ s tweet hit at 3:48 p.m .
ET on Thursday .
Eighteen minutes later , Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas , a Republican considering a 2024 run , tweeted a link to donate to Trump ’ s legal defense fund , with the message : “ All votes that are *legally* cast should be counted .
There is NO excuse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counting.
” Biden appeared on the cusp of becoming the president-elect on Friday afternoon .
The former vice president led in the race for 270 Electoral College votes and was ahead in four crucial battlegrounds where vote counting was underway : Arizona , Georgia , Nevada , and Pennsylvania .
Trump maintained a narrow lead in North Carolina , the other uncalled battleground .
Claiming victory and alleging that Biden ’ s advantage was built on illegal ballots , Trump labored to hang onto the White House with aggressive action in court in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michigan , a state Biden won .
“ I easily WIN the Presidency of the United States with LEGAL VOTES CAST , ” Trump tweeted Friday .
“ The OBSERVERS were not allowed , in any way , shape , or form , to do their job and therefore , votes accepted during this period must be determined to be ILLEGAL VOTES .
U.S. Supreme Court should decide !
” Brad Parscale , a close , longtime aide who the president fired as his campaign manager over the summer , followed Trump Jr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On Twitter , Parscale admonished Republicans who want to run for president to stand with Trump in this fight if they hope to capture the nomination four years from now .
“ If you want to win in 2024 as a Republican .
I would probably start saying something .
Just saying , ” he said .
Elected Republicans in Washington and around the country are typically hesitant to break openly with Trump , fearing a grassroots backlash .
But some have urged the president to calm his rhetoric absent more concrete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are quiet , it is because they see no indications of foul play and do not believe suggestions to the contrary undermine the electoral process .
“ Most Republicans with experience in numerous elections know that the votes coming from these heavily Democratic counties are in line with higher turnout everywhere and consistent with previous elections , '' said Mike Duhaime , a Republican strategist close to Chris Christie , a Trump ally and possible 2024 presidential contender who has urged the president to lower the temperature .
`` No one else believes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ as ] to suggest something nefarious has happened . ''

Donald Trump Jr. accused Republicans eyeing a 2024 White House bid of abandoning his father, throwing down a political marker with the GOP base that might be impossible for any contender to meet in the primary should President Trump run again.
Trump’s race with Democratic nominee Joe Biden was not called Friday, with the president pursuing legal action to contest results in key states where he lost or was losing. But a savvy tweet from Trump Jr. declaring “a total lack of action from virtually all of the ‘2024 GOP hopefuls’” put aspiring Republican presidential contenders on notice: Failing to support the president steadfastly in this effort would prove costly in the primary.
Trump has not ruled out running for president in four years if Biden defeats him.
But even if the president is not a candidate because he is exiting after two terms or decides not to run, the issue of loyalty amid his postelection court battles could define the 2024 primary. That complicates any desires possible 2024 contenders might have to act the statesman and avoid echoing Trump’s claims of voter fraud and Democratic malfeasance — possibly because they would have a better shot at the presidency if he loses.
“It’s been a long time since the Republican base was this molten,” a Republican operative close to Trump said. “It kind of reminds me of liberals after Trump won.”
In his tweet, posted Thursday afternoon, Trump Jr. challenged potential 2024 Republicans to lend material support to the president’s legal effort and use the stature of their office to bolster his claim that Biden and the Democrats are stealing the election. Trump’s eldest son did not mince words.
“The total lack of action from virtually all of the ‘2024 GOP hopefuls’ is pretty amazing. They have a perfect platform to show that they’re willing & able to fight but they will cower to the media mob instead. Don’t worry [Trump] will fight & they can watch as usual,” Trump Jr. said, tweeting in a follow-up post that the “notable exception” to his complaint was Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.
The tweet appeared to push some Republicans off the sidelines — or at least to vocalize their active support for the president on Twitter to make sure there were not any doubts about their engagement.
Trump Jr.’s tweet hit at 3:48 p.m. ET on Thursday. Eighteen minutes later, Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas, a Republican considering a 2024 run, tweeted a link to donate to Trump’s legal defense fund, with the message: “All votes that are *legally* cast should be counted. There is NO excuse not to allow poll watchers to observe counting.”
Biden appeared on the cusp of becoming the president-elect on Friday afternoon.
The former vice president led in the race for 270 Electoral College votes and was ahead in four crucial battlegrounds where vote counting was underway: Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and Pennsylvania. Trump maintained a narrow lead in North Carolina, the other uncalled battleground. Claiming victory and alleging that Biden’s advantage was built on illegal ballots, Trump labored to hang onto the White House with aggressive action in court in Arizona, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Michigan, a state Biden won.
“I easily WIN the Presidency of the United States with LEGAL VOTES CAST,” Trump tweeted Friday. “The OBSERVERS were not allowed, in any way, shape, or form, to do their job and therefore, votes accepted during this period must be determined to be ILLEGAL VOTES. U.S. Supreme Court should decide!”
Brad Parscale, a close, longtime aide who the president fired as his campaign manager over the summer, followed Trump Jr.’s tweet with a similar message. On Twitter, Parscale admonished Republicans who want to run for president to stand with Trump in this fight if they hope to capture the nomination four years from now. “If you want to win in 2024 as a Republican. I would probably start saying something. Just saying,” he said.
Elected Republicans in Washington and around the country are typically hesitant to break openly with Trump, fearing a grassroots backlash. But some have urged the president to calm his rhetoric absent more concrete evidence. To the extent some Republicans are quiet, it is because they see no indications of foul play and do not believe suggestions to the contrary undermine the electoral process.
“Most Republicans with experience in numerous elections know that the votes coming from these heavily Democratic counties are in line with higher turnout everywhere and consistent with previous elections," said Mike Duhaime, a Republican strategist close to Chris Christie, a Trump ally and possible 2024 presidential contender who has urged the president to lower the temperature. "No one else believes the numbers are so out of line [as] to suggest something nefarious has happened."


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-11-06--McConnell confident in peaceful transfer of power if Biden wins

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell walked a political tightrope on Friday as Democratic nominee and apparent winner Joe Biden pulled ahead in several key battleground states that will decide the 2020 election .
With President Trump alleging issues with the vote counting process in Pennsylvania , Nevada , and Michigan , McConnell said that `` every legal vote '' should be counted before backing the legal system in the United States to `` resolve disputes '' that might arise following one of the most contentious elections in U.S. history .
`` Here ’ s how this must work in our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be counted .
Any illegally-submitted ballots must not .
All sides must get to observe the process .
And the courts are here to apply the laws & resolve disputes , '' he said .
`` That 's how Americans ' votes decide the result . ''
McConnell , who retained his Senate seat with a comfortable victory against Democratic challenger Amy McGrath on Tuesday night , said he expects Trump to concede peacefully should he lose to Biden when all the votes are counted .
`` Of course , '' McConnell told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would step aside .
`` We 've had a peaceful transfer of power going back to 1792 , every four years , we 've moved on to a new administration . ''
Officials with the Trump reelection campaign said Friday in a statement that they were determined to fight what is likely to be declared a Biden victory as the former vice president stretches his lead on the third day of ballot counting .
`` We believe the American people deserve to have full transparency into all vote counting and election certification , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any single election .
This is about the integrity of our entire election process , '' read the statement .
`` From the beginning we have said that all legal ballots must be counted and all illegal ballots should not be counted , yet we have met resistance to this basic principle by Democrats at every turn . ''

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell walked a political tightrope on Friday as Democratic nominee and apparent winner Joe Biden pulled ahead in several key battleground states that will decide the 2020 election.
With President Trump alleging issues with the vote counting process in Pennsylvania, Nevada, and Michigan, McConnell said that "every legal vote" should be counted before backing the legal system in the United States to "resolve disputes" that might arise following one of the most contentious elections in U.S. history.
"Here’s how this must work in our great country: Every legal vote should be counted. Any illegally-submitted ballots must not. All sides must get to observe the process. And the courts are here to apply the laws & resolve disputes," he said. "That's how Americans' votes decide the result."
Here’s how this must work in our great country: Every legal vote should be counted. Any illegally-submitted ballots must not. All sides must get to observe the process. And the courts are here to apply the laws & resolve disputes.
That's how Americans' votes decide the result. — Leader McConnell (@senatemajldr) November 6, 2020
McConnell, who retained his Senate seat with a comfortable victory against Democratic challenger Amy McGrath on Tuesday night, said he expects Trump to concede peacefully should he lose to Biden when all the votes are counted.
"Of course," McConnell told reporters who asked if he thought Trump would step aside. "We've had a peaceful transfer of power going back to 1792, every four years, we've moved on to a new administration."
Officials with the Trump reelection campaign said Friday in a statement that they were determined to fight what is likely to be declared a Biden victory as the former vice president stretches his lead on the third day of ballot counting.
"We believe the American people deserve to have full transparency into all vote counting and election certification, and that this is no longer about any single election. This is about the integrity of our entire election process," read the statement. "From the beginning we have said that all legal ballots must be counted and all illegal ballots should not be counted, yet we have met resistance to this basic principle by Democrats at every turn."