thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Lightning rod anti-abortion priest leads Trump effort to win Catholics in 2020

“ Here before me lies a baby killed by abortion in the second trimester of pregnancy , ” Father Frank Pavone said as he gestured to the blackened body of a terminated fetus , laid out between two lit candles on what appeared to be an altar .
“ Today , we are going to pray with this baby , and we are going to let this baby ’ s body bear witness to our nation as we begin the process to elect our next president , ” he continued , during a 45-minute livestreamed sermon recorded in a room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was only two days until the 2016 election , and Pavone , working from his Priests for Life organization ’ s Staten Island headquarters , was doing everything he could to put abortion in the forefront of voters ’ minds .
In that last week , he delivered daily sermons , made phone calls , and posted on social media with a simple message : Hillary Clinton supports abortion .
Donald Trump does not .
With this final video , he left voters of conscience with one choice .
“ Don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better than the other : You have the opportunity here to make a real difference for children just like this , ” he said as he wiggled the sheet supporting the tiny corpse .
In a Facebook accompanying the video , Pavone reiterated that point : “ Hillary Clinton and the Democratic platform says yes , let the child-killing continue ( and you pay for it ) ; Donald Trump and the Republican platform says no , the child should be protected.
” The video generated controversy within the Catholic Church and among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York denounced it , with spokesman Ed Mechmann Pavone ’ s use of the aborted fetus “ absolutely appalling.
” Pavone ’ s own bishop , Patrick Zurek of Amarillo , Texas , the video and , distancing himself from Priests for Life , said that the diocese was “ opening an investigation about all these matters.
” Pavone was also in the press for placing the fetus on an altar , even by those who would normally count themselves among his allies .
Since that incident , Pavone ’ s legitimacy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocate has been an open question .
Pavone , 61 , said that he is under no “ restrictions , ” nor has he received any “ penalties ” either for his ministry or his advocacy work — and that Zurek ’ s threat of an “ investigation ” into his 2016 video was hollow .
Pavone also said that he is pending transfer out of the Diocese of Amarillo , telling the Washington Examiner that he asked for an intervention from the Vatican after Zurek refused to give him “ the blessing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Diocese of Amarillo could not be reached for comment .
While Pavone , who has written op-eds for the Washington Examiner , has become more polarizing among Catholic leadership , since 2016 , he has cemented his position as one of President Trump ’ s top surrogates to Catholic and anti-abortion voters .
The priest on the president ’ s Catholics for Trump campaign coalition , alongside former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich , American Conservative Union chairman Matt Schlapp , and longtime Republican operative Mary Matalin .
Pavone co-hosted the coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where he spoke highly of Trump ’ s “ Catholic values , ” which include the president ’ s position on abortion , his free market economic planks , and the protection of United States borders from `` criminal aliens . ''
`` This coalition is going to be truly a movement when Catholics rise up and say , 'Hey , look , everything the church has been saying , we 're seeing it unfold before our eyes , ' '' Pavone said .
`` Not like magic but with a strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' A Trump victory is especially important in 2020 , Pavone said , when the alternative is former Vice President Joe Biden , whom Pavone has often as not holding fast to Catholic moral teaching .
Pavone ’ s support for Trump runs deep .
And it ’ s not just because Pavone enjoys the blunt oratory of a fellow New Yorker , though he does .
Trump ’ s ascendancy , Pavone says , marks a major shift in the degree of seriousness to which politicians must address abortion and other issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason , the priest keeps a portrait of Trump in his office : a reminder that if he had not been elected in 2016 , Priests for Life , as well as many other anti-abortion groups , “ wouldn ’ t be where we are today.
” And for similar reasons , the priest acts as the campaign ’ s unofficial chaplain , often attending events , all moved online because of the coronavirus pandemic , to lead the people working to reelect the president in prayer .
Faith , Pavone said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in America understand , and Trump is wise to wield it in his campaign .
“ There is a significant portion of the electorate that is moved by it because that is where they are at in their own lives , ” Pavone said .
“ To miss it is a big mistake.
” And it ’ s the “ big mistake ” that Pavone has been combating for most of his career , both as a priest and an advocate .
Ordained in 1988 , Pavone took control of Priests for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he had already become a familiar face on the circuit of activists pushing their causes in both chambers of Congress on Capitol Hill .
He frequently made statements on abortion , stem cell research , and euthanasia , often castigating politicians who identified as Catholic for not voting according to their church ’ s teaching .
In 1998 , Norma McCorvey , the plaintiff in the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade , announced that she was becoming Catholic and credited Pavone for her conversion .
Already an anti-abortion activist , McCorvey said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pavone , was calling her to continue her work in the church “ Jesus Christ himself founded.
” It was a watershed moment for Pavone , whose profile within the anti-abortion movement was already rising through his work in the Vatican under Pope John Paul II and his TV series broadcast on the Catholic Eternal Word Television Network .
As he became more politically prominent , Pavone found himself more consistently backing Republican candidates and supporting the Republican Party .
In the 2000 elections , Pavone announced an ad campaign to target Catholic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the church 's teaching.
” That same year , after meeting then-Texas Gov .
George W. Bush , Pavone threw his support behind Bush , declaring that the candidate ’ s anti-abortion positions were “ a breath of fresh air for all of us who have suffered through the Clinton/Gore era.
” After Bush was elected , Pavone became even more firmly entrenched in the Republican Party .
He spoke at the 2004 Republican National Convention , saying that on abortion , he was a “ single-issue ” voter and that Bush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As the campaign progressed , Pavone also went on the attack against Democratic candidate John Kerry , who had become the subject of ecclesiastical controversy when Cardinal Raymond Burke , a prominent conservative in the church , said that he would deny Kerry communion at mass because of his positions on abortion .
Pavone pushed the anti-Kerry animus a step further , saying on Fox News Channel ’ s The O ’ Reilly Factor that he believed it to be “ a sin ” to vote for Kerry .
Yet Pavone at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people that while a political priest , already an uncommon position for a member of the American clergy , his work was not committed to one party .
`` If , in the end , our educational activity benefits one candidate or party more than another , that 's not because we 're partisan , ” he said of Priests for Life in 2006 .
“ That 's because the candidate or party in question has taken a particular position .
That 's independent of our duty to stand up for what is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time , Pavone ’ s high-profile and often combative rhetoric put him in a tenuous position with church authorities .
After transferring in 2005 to the Diocese of Amarillo to found an anti-abortion religious order , the Missionaries of the Gospel of Life , Pavone clashed with then-Bishop John Yanta — and the order was shut down in 2007 .
Zurek , Yanta ’ s successor , raised the stakes of the conflict , Pavone in 2011 from traveling outside the diocese .
Zurek cited “ deep concerns ” over Pavone ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Life , which spent less than 63 % of its funds on its programs between 2006 and 2008 .
Zurek also complained that Pavone ’ s rhetoric , which often criticized bishops for not being outspoken enough on abortion , coupled with his refusal for diocesan oversight , was an `` incorrigible defiance of my legitimate authority as his bishop . ''
Pavone fought back , and , after a series of intrachurch disputes , in 2012 was granted permission to minister from the Priests for Life headquarters in Staten Island , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Archbishop of New York City .
But that arrangement also in acrimony when Pavone refused to allow Dolan to review Priests for Life ’ s finances .
Dolan said in a 2014 letter to U.S. bishops that Pavone ’ s lack of cooperation made him “ want nothing further to do with the organization.
” Despite the controversy , Pavone has retained control of Priests for Life , and in the Trump presidency , has risen to a resurgent prominence in the anti-abortion movement .
When reflecting how he got there , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with his bishops as analogous to the way that many people spoke out against their leaders in the years leading up to Trump ’ s election .
“ People elected this man , a totally unconventional candidate , because they were sick and tired of politicians speaking and not saying anything , always trying to mollify everybody and compromise , ” he said .
“ They didn ’ t say what the American people were really thinking and feeling .
And they didn ’ t fight for the stuff they had to fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pavone said , Catholics are sick of “ milquetoast ” bishops , not only because of the recent sexual abuse scandals but because they hesitate from frequently jumping into the political fray with church teaching , especially on abortion .
“ Just as people are sick and tired of conventional and institutional politicians , I think a lot of Catholics are sick and tired of the institutional bishops and their attitude of political correctness , ” Pavone said .
“ That ’ s a lot of what I end up having to struggle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , often consists of convincing priests to condemn the Democratic Party and its candidates for the positions it takes on abortion , while pointing out that the Republican Party , especially Trump , opposes abortion .
“ There are some who will say , ‘ Oh , he ’ s endorsing Republican candidates.
’ ” Pavone said .
“ Meanwhile , all I am doing is articulating a moral teaching.
” The priest finds it frustrating that so few members of the Catholic clergy are as outspoken as he is as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make a point , he ’ s willing to push his the bounds of his advocacy right to the moment that ignited so much controversy in 2016 — only this time , Pavone said , he would place the aborted fetus in an open casket and on a table that could not be mistaken for an altar .
It ’ s important to be respectful to the victims of abortion , he added , but people will not be moved to make political changes on the issue unless they see its gruesome effects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attention , and reaction , ” he said , “ than when we actually show pictures of the baby that ’ s been aborted , or in this case , the actual body of such a baby .
”

“Here before me lies a baby killed by abortion in the second trimester of pregnancy,” Father Frank Pavone said as he gestured to the blackened body of a terminated fetus, laid out between two lit candles on what appeared to be an altar.
“Today, we are going to pray with this baby, and we are going to let this baby’s body bear witness to our nation as we begin the process to elect our next president,” he continued, during a 45-minute livestreamed sermon recorded in a room Pavone often uses as a chapel.
It was only two days until the 2016 election, and Pavone, working from his Priests for Life organization’s Staten Island headquarters, was doing everything he could to put abortion in the forefront of voters’ minds. In that last week, he delivered daily sermons, made phone calls, and posted on social media with a simple message: Hillary Clinton supports abortion. Donald Trump does not. With this final video, he left voters of conscience with one choice.
“Don’t pretend that one isn’t better than the other: You have the opportunity here to make a real difference for children just like this,” he said as he wiggled the sheet supporting the tiny corpse.
In a Facebook post accompanying the video, Pavone reiterated that point: “Hillary Clinton and the Democratic platform says yes, let the child-killing continue (and you pay for it); Donald Trump and the Republican platform says no, the child should be protected.”
The video generated controversy within the Catholic Church and among anti-abortion activists. The Archdiocese of New York denounced it, with spokesman Ed Mechmann calling Pavone’s use of the aborted fetus “absolutely appalling.” Pavone’s own bishop, Patrick Zurek of Amarillo, Texas, condemned the video and, distancing himself from Priests for Life, said that the diocese was “opening an investigation about all these matters.” Pavone was also pilloried in the press for placing the fetus on an altar, even by those who would normally count themselves among his allies.
Since that incident, Pavone’s legitimacy in the Catholic Church as an anti-abortion political advocate has been an open question. Pavone, 61, said that he is under no “restrictions,” nor has he received any “penalties” either for his ministry or his advocacy work — and that Zurek’s threat of an “investigation” into his 2016 video was hollow. Pavone also said that he is pending transfer out of the Diocese of Amarillo, telling the Washington Examiner that he asked for an intervention from the Vatican after Zurek refused to give him “the blessing” for his anti-abortion work. The Diocese of Amarillo could not be reached for comment.
While Pavone, who has written op-eds for the Washington Examiner, has become more polarizing among Catholic leadership, since 2016, he has cemented his position as one of President Trump’s top surrogates to Catholic and anti-abortion voters. The priest serves on the president’s Catholics for Trump campaign coalition, alongside former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, American Conservative Union chairman Matt Schlapp, and longtime Republican operative Mary Matalin.
Pavone co-hosted the coalition’s launch event in early April, where he spoke highly of Trump’s “Catholic values,” which include the president’s position on abortion, his free market economic planks, and the protection of United States borders from "criminal aliens."
"This coalition is going to be truly a movement when Catholics rise up and say, 'Hey, look, everything the church has been saying, we're seeing it unfold before our eyes,'" Pavone said. "Not like magic but with a strong, united effort under this president."
A Trump victory is especially important in 2020, Pavone said, when the alternative is former Vice President Joe Biden, whom Pavone has often criticized as not holding fast to Catholic moral teaching.
Pavone’s support for Trump runs deep. And it’s not just because Pavone enjoys the blunt oratory of a fellow New Yorker, though he does. Trump’s ascendancy, Pavone says, marks a major shift in the degree of seriousness to which politicians must address abortion and other issues valued by religious voters. For this reason, the priest keeps a portrait of Trump in his office: a reminder that if he had not been elected in 2016, Priests for Life, as well as many other anti-abortion groups, “wouldn’t be where we are today.”
And for similar reasons, the priest acts as the campaign’s unofficial chaplain, often attending events, all moved online because of the coronavirus pandemic, to lead the people working to reelect the president in prayer. Faith, Pavone said, is a language that the majority of people in America understand, and Trump is wise to wield it in his campaign.
“There is a significant portion of the electorate that is moved by it because that is where they are at in their own lives,” Pavone said. “To miss it is a big mistake.”
And it’s the “big mistake” that Pavone has been combating for most of his career, both as a priest and an advocate. Ordained in 1988, Pavone took control of Priests for Life in 1993. By that point, he had already become a familiar face on the circuit of activists pushing their causes in both chambers of Congress on Capitol Hill. He frequently made statements on abortion, stem cell research, and euthanasia, often castigating politicians who identified as Catholic for not voting according to their church’s teaching.
In 1998, Norma McCorvey, the plaintiff in the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade, announced that she was becoming Catholic and credited Pavone for her conversion. Already an anti-abortion activist, McCorvey said that she felt that God, through Pavone, was calling her to continue her work in the church “Jesus Christ himself founded.” It was a watershed moment for Pavone, whose profile within the anti-abortion movement was already rising through his work in the Vatican under Pope John Paul II and his TV series broadcast on the Catholic Eternal Word Television Network.
As he became more politically prominent, Pavone found himself more consistently backing Republican candidates and supporting the Republican Party. In the 2000 elections, Pavone announced an ad campaign to target Catholic candidates who "don't come around to the church's teaching.” That same year, after meeting then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush, Pavone threw his support behind Bush, declaring that the candidate’s anti-abortion positions were “a breath of fresh air for all of us who have suffered through the Clinton/Gore era.”
After Bush was elected, Pavone became even more firmly entrenched in the Republican Party. He spoke at the 2004 Republican National Convention, saying that on abortion, he was a “single-issue” voter and that Bush had won him over on that issue. As the campaign progressed, Pavone also went on the attack against Democratic candidate John Kerry, who had become the subject of ecclesiastical controversy when Cardinal Raymond Burke, a prominent conservative in the church, said that he would deny Kerry communion at mass because of his positions on abortion. Pavone pushed the anti-Kerry animus a step further, saying on Fox News Channel’s The O’Reilly Factor that he believed it to be “a sin” to vote for Kerry.
Yet Pavone at the time was still careful to assure people that while a political priest, already an uncommon position for a member of the American clergy, his work was not committed to one party.
"If, in the end, our educational activity benefits one candidate or party more than another, that's not because we're partisan,” he said of Priests for Life in 2006. “That's because the candidate or party in question has taken a particular position. That's independent of our duty to stand up for what is right."
But at the same time, Pavone’s high-profile and often combative rhetoric put him in a tenuous position with church authorities. After transferring in 2005 to the Diocese of Amarillo to found an anti-abortion religious order, the Missionaries of the Gospel of Life, Pavone clashed with then-Bishop John Yanta — and the order was shut down in 2007.
Zurek, Yanta’s successor, raised the stakes of the conflict, suspending Pavone in 2011 from traveling outside the diocese. Zurek cited “deep concerns” over Pavone’s handling of the budget of Priests for Life, which reportedly spent less than 63% of its funds on its programs between 2006 and 2008. Zurek also complained that Pavone’s rhetoric, which often criticized bishops for not being outspoken enough on abortion, coupled with his refusal for diocesan oversight, was an "incorrigible defiance of my legitimate authority as his bishop."
Pavone fought back, and, after a series of intrachurch disputes, in 2012 was granted permission to minister from the Priests for Life headquarters in Staten Island, where he would answer to Cardinal Timothy Dolan, Archbishop of New York City. But that arrangement also ended in acrimony when Pavone refused to allow Dolan to review Priests for Life’s finances. Dolan said in a 2014 letter to U.S. bishops that Pavone’s lack of cooperation made him “want nothing further to do with the organization.”
Despite the controversy, Pavone has retained control of Priests for Life, and in the Trump presidency, has risen to a resurgent prominence in the anti-abortion movement. When reflecting how he got there, Pavone said that he sees his struggles with his bishops as analogous to the way that many people spoke out against their leaders in the years leading up to Trump’s election.
“People elected this man, a totally unconventional candidate, because they were sick and tired of politicians speaking and not saying anything, always trying to mollify everybody and compromise,” he said. “They didn’t say what the American people were really thinking and feeling. And they didn’t fight for the stuff they had to fight for.”
In the same way, Pavone said, Catholics are sick of “milquetoast” bishops, not only because of the recent sexual abuse scandals but because they hesitate from frequently jumping into the political fray with church teaching, especially on abortion.
“Just as people are sick and tired of conventional and institutional politicians, I think a lot of Catholics are sick and tired of the institutional bishops and their attitude of political correctness,” Pavone said. “That’s a lot of what I end up having to struggle against.”
And that struggle, Pavone said, often consists of convincing priests to condemn the Democratic Party and its candidates for the positions it takes on abortion, while pointing out that the Republican Party, especially Trump, opposes abortion.
“There are some who will say, ‘Oh, he’s endorsing Republican candidates.’” Pavone said. “Meanwhile, all I am doing is articulating a moral teaching.”
The priest finds it frustrating that so few members of the Catholic clergy are as outspoken as he is as the election draws near. And, to make a point, he’s willing to push his the bounds of his advocacy right to the moment that ignited so much controversy in 2016 — only this time, Pavone said, he would place the aborted fetus in an open casket and on a table that could not be mistaken for an altar.
It’s important to be respectful to the victims of abortion, he added, but people will not be moved to make political changes on the issue unless they see its gruesome effects.
“Nothing garners more response, attention, and reaction,” he said, “than when we actually show pictures of the baby that’s been aborted, or in this case, the actual body of such a baby.”


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-25--Biden accuser claims mother called Larry King show about allegations in 1993: Video

An uncovered video could boost the claims of a woman who alleges that former Vice President Joe Biden harassed and assaulted her when she worked in his office in 1993 .
Tara Reade , the accuser , worked in Biden 's Senate office in 1993 , when he was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee .
He 's now the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee .
Reade said that an Aug. 11 , 1993 , episode of Larry King Live on CNN shows her mother calling in to the show and referencing her allegations , which could corroborate some of her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reported by the Intercept and video uncovered by the conservative Media Research Center , a woman from San Luis Obispo , California , called in to the show .
[ More on this story : Everything we know about the Biden sexual assault allegation ; Active investigation : DC police probe sexual assault allegation against Joe Biden ] '' Yes , hello .
I ’ m wondering what a staffer would do besides go to the press in Washington ?
My daughter has just left there , after working for a prominent senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her problems at all , and the only thing she could have done was go to the press , and she chose not to do it out of respect for him , '' the woman caller said .
`` In other words , she had a story to tell , but , out of respect for the person she worked for , she didn ’ t tell it ? ''
King asked .
While the woman did not give her name in the episode , the Intercept reported that property records show she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reade identified the woman speaking as her mother , who died in 2016 , and has said in numerous interviews that she discussed the alleged attack by Biden and harassment with her mother .
The caller did not , however , state that her daughter was assaulted or harassed , only that she had `` problems '' and `` a story to tell . ''
Reade , 56 , alleges that Biden penetrated her with his fingers in spring 1993 and touched her hair and neck without her permission .
She says she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harassment , not the assault , and was retaliated against in part by losing supervision over office interns and being told to find a new job .
The three top staffers vehemently deny hearing about her allegations .
Biden 's campaign has also denied all allegations .
Reade 's brother and two unnamed friends say they remember hearing about either the assault or harassment at the time .
Two interns confirm that she was abruptly removed from supervising them .
[ More on this story : Could a closed archive hold answers on @ @ @ @ @ @

An uncovered video could boost the claims of a woman who alleges that former Vice President Joe Biden harassed and assaulted her when she worked in his office in 1993.
Tara Reade, the accuser, worked in Biden's Senate office in 1993, when he was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee. He's now the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee. Reade said that an Aug. 11, 1993, Larry King show titled “Washington: The Cruelest City on Earth?” shows her mother calling in to the show and referencing her allegations, which could corroborate some of her claims.
In the episode, first reported by the Intercept and video uncovered by the conservative Media Research Center, a woman from San Luis Obispo, California, called in to the show.
[More on this story: Everything we know about the Biden sexual assault allegation; Active investigation: DC police probe sexual assault allegation against Joe Biden]
#BREAKING: HERE is the video from August 11,1993's 'Larry King Live' described by @TheIntercept (and Tara Reade) as allegedly featuring her mother calling in and alluding to Reade's sexual assault claims against @JoeBiden (blog here by @ScottJW) https://t.co/fCgEqBnX7n pic.twitter.com/V5FGHskv56 — Curtis Houck (@CurtisHouck) April 24, 2020
"Yes, hello. I’m wondering what a staffer would do besides go to the press in Washington? My daughter has just left there, after working for a prominent senator, and could not get through with her problems at all, and the only thing she could have done was go to the press, and she chose not to do it out of respect for him," the woman caller said.
"In other words, she had a story to tell, but, out of respect for the person she worked for, she didn’t tell it?" King asked.
"That’s true," the woman responded.
While the woman did not give her name in the episode, the Intercept reported that property records show she lived in San Luis Obispo County.
Reade identified the woman speaking as her mother, who died in 2016, and has said in numerous interviews that she discussed the alleged attack by Biden and harassment with her mother.
The caller did not, however, state that her daughter was assaulted or harassed, only that she had "problems" and "a story to tell."
Reade, 56, alleges that Biden penetrated her with his fingers in spring 1993 and touched her hair and neck without her permission. She says she complained to several top staffers about the harassment, not the assault, and was retaliated against in part by losing supervision over office interns and being told to find a new job.
The three top staffers vehemently deny hearing about her allegations. Biden's campaign has also denied all allegations.
Reade's brother and two unnamed friends say they remember hearing about either the assault or harassment at the time. Two interns confirm that she was abruptly removed from supervising them.
[More on this story: Could a closed archive hold answers on Biden sexual misconduct claim?]


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Roger Stone: I've confessed my sins and acknowledged Jesus Christ in my life

Roger Stone , who is facing more than three years in prison , said he has a newfound faith in Jesus Christ and is making a rare congressional endorsement .
Stone , a former Trump adviser and self-described `` dirty trickster , '' opened up about what he described as his newfound `` very serious '' personal Christian faith , crediting Rev .
Franklin Graham for his counsel .
In a brief telephone interview this week with the Washington Examiner , Stone said Graham told him `` to put myself in God 's hands , '' and `` that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and confess my sins , acknowledge Jesus Christ in my life .
And I have done that . ''
`` I 'm aware of the fact there are skeptics who are going to say 'Stone is posturing .
Stone is maneuvering for public sympathy , ' and so on .
But that 's just not the case .
And He , God , knows what 's in my heart . ''
Stone was arrested in January 2019 and was later found guilty on five separate counts of lying to the House Intelligence Committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his alleged outreach to WikiLeaks , one count that he “ corruptly obstructed ” the congressional investigation , and another for attempting to intimidate a possible congressional witness , radio host Randy Credico .
Last week , federal judge Amy Berman Jackson , an Obama appointee , declined Stone 's request for a new trial on the claim that the one he had was unfair , and lifted a gag order that prevented him from publicly discussing special counsel Robert Mueller 's investigation or his own court case , which stemmed from that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the members of the jury , Tomeka Hart , was not an impartial juror due to her past partisan activity .
Hart , who was a former Democratic congressional candidate and a program officer for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation , repeatedly shared anti-Trump posts on social media .
In January 2019 , Hart shared an article that mentioned Stone and said it was “ brought to you by the lock her up peanut gallery . ''
One day later , she retweeted a tweet from a CNN commentator which criticized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Stone was sentenced to 40 months for obstruction of justice and 12 months for the other five counts to be served concurrently .
Stone also received a $ 20,000 fine and 24 months of supervised release when he gets out .
`` I 'm 67 years old , with a history of respiratory problems .
And I do think this is tantamount to a death sentence , '' Stone said of his prison sentence .
Stone 's daughter , Adria , issued a public call in November to President Trump to `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentencing would have a significant impact on their family .
Trump has decried Stone 's sentencing as a `` miscarriage of justice '' in the past but has thus far refused to grant clemency for him , though he says he is still loyal to the president .
Stone said there has been no communication between him or his lawyers and the White House on the matter .
Stone may appeal over the next couple weeks but could be court-ordered to report to prison to serve out his sentence as early as two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , all I can do is pray for justice and mercy , and I 'm doing that , '' Stone said , leaving the subject of a pardon `` in God 's hands . ''
Stone also spoke to the Washington Examiner about his decision to endorse Florida GOP congressional candidate Judson Sapp , who lives in Green Cove Springs , Florida , approximately 30 miles south from the heart of Jacksonville .
Though Stone lives farther down south in Fort Lauderdale , a source told the Washington Examiner that Stone and Sapp @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two 's activity in Florida Republican politics overlapped .
`` I think he is one of the most dynamic , young conservatives that I have met , '' Stone said of Sapp , likening the congressional candidate to Trump in several ways .
`` He 's an entrepreneur ... nobody owns him , he 's not beholden to any special interest , and I have very high hopes he could emerge as one of the real leaders in Congress , '' Stone said , likening Sapp 's entrepreneurial accomplishments to the president .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ area won by Trump during the 2016 election covering a northern swath of the state , including Gainesville , has a crowded Republican primary of candidates seeking to take the seat being vacated by retiring Rep. Ted Yoho .
Other challengers include Clay County Commissioner Gavin Rollins and former Yoho deputy chief of staff Kat Cammack , who recently obtained a prominent endorsement from Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul .
Sapp has been favored by some of Trump 's closest allies and national conservative personalities , including Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Second Amendment advocate Dana Loesch .
The Florida GOP congressional candidate also raised money in Clay County and , as a father of two , worked on the 2020 Trump Victory Finance Committee , appearing with Donald Trump Jr. , the president 's eldest son , and Trump campaign surrogate Kimberly Guilfoyle to raise funds for Trump 's reelection campaign .
Guilfoyle has lauded Sapp for his support of Trump on social media while Trump Jr. has shared opinion articles written by the Republican candidate .
`` Roger Stone is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vision and has stood with President Trump from day one .
I am honored that Roger has also chosen to stand by me , '' Sapp told the Washington Examiner .
Earlier this month , Sapp temporarily suspended campaign activities to assist supply chains in his state via railroads , asking supporters to instead donate to local charities .
According to a poll released this week by Americana Analytics , Sapp holds a significant lead in the race with 16 % approval , with Ocala Mayor Kent Guinn falling in second with 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for his district in August , he would take on one of four Democrats presently vying for the seat .

Roger Stone, who is facing more than three years in prison, said he has a newfound faith in Jesus Christ and is making a rare congressional endorsement.
Stone, a former Trump adviser and self-described "dirty trickster," opened up about what he described as his newfound "very serious" personal Christian faith, crediting Rev. Franklin Graham for his counsel.
In a brief telephone interview this week with the Washington Examiner, Stone said Graham told him "to put myself in God's hands," and "that I should put my faith in God, and confess my sins, acknowledge Jesus Christ in my life. And I have done that."
"I'm aware of the fact there are skeptics who are going to say 'Stone is posturing. Stone is maneuvering for public sympathy,' and so on. But that's just not the case. And He, God, knows what's in my heart."
Stone was arrested in January 2019 and was later found guilty on five separate counts of lying to the House Intelligence Committee during its investigation into Russian interference about his alleged outreach to WikiLeaks, one count that he “corruptly obstructed” the congressional investigation, and another for attempting to intimidate a possible congressional witness, radio host Randy Credico.
Last week, federal judge Amy Berman Jackson, an Obama appointee, declined Stone's request for a new trial on the claim that the one he had was unfair, and lifted a gag order that prevented him from publicly discussing special counsel Robert Mueller's investigation or his own court case, which stemmed from that inquiry. Stone's lawyers alleged one of the members of the jury, Tomeka Hart, was not an impartial juror due to her past partisan activity. Hart, who was a former Democratic congressional candidate and a program officer for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, repeatedly shared anti-Trump posts on social media.
In January 2019, Hart shared an article that mentioned Stone and said it was “brought to you by the lock her up peanut gallery." One day later, she retweeted a tweet from a CNN commentator which criticized Republicans who were upset with his arrest.
Stone was sentenced to 40 months for obstruction of justice and 12 months for the other five counts to be served concurrently. Stone also received a $20,000 fine and 24 months of supervised release when he gets out.
"I'm 67 years old, with a history of respiratory problems. And I do think this is tantamount to a death sentence," Stone said of his prison sentence.
Stone's daughter, Adria, issued a public call in November to President Trump to "save" her father, saying his sentencing would have a significant impact on their family.
Trump has decried Stone's sentencing as a "miscarriage of justice" in the past but has thus far refused to grant clemency for him, though he says he is still loyal to the president. Stone said there has been no communication between him or his lawyers and the White House on the matter. Stone may appeal over the next couple weeks but could be court-ordered to report to prison to serve out his sentence as early as two weeks from now.
"Right now, all I can do is pray for justice and mercy, and I'm doing that," Stone said, leaving the subject of a pardon "in God's hands."
Stone also spoke to the Washington Examiner about his decision to endorse Florida GOP congressional candidate Judson Sapp, who lives in Green Cove Springs, Florida, approximately 30 miles south from the heart of Jacksonville. Though Stone lives farther down south in Fort Lauderdale, a source told the Washington Examiner that Stone and Sapp have been friends for years as the two's activity in Florida Republican politics overlapped.
"I think he is one of the most dynamic, young conservatives that I have met," Stone said of Sapp, likening the congressional candidate to Trump in several ways. "He's an entrepreneur ... nobody owns him, he's not beholden to any special interest, and I have very high hopes he could emerge as one of the real leaders in Congress," Stone said, likening Sapp's entrepreneurial accomplishments to the president.
Florida's 3rd Congressional District, an area won by Trump during the 2016 election covering a northern swath of the state, including Gainesville, has a crowded Republican primary of candidates seeking to take the seat being vacated by retiring Rep. Ted Yoho. Other challengers include Clay County Commissioner Gavin Rollins and former Yoho deputy chief of staff Kat Cammack, who recently obtained a prominent endorsement from Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul.
Sapp has been favored by some of Trump's closest allies and national conservative personalities, including Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk, former White House press secretary Sean Spicer, and Second Amendment advocate Dana Loesch.
The Florida GOP congressional candidate also raised money in Clay County and, as a father of two, worked on the 2020 Trump Victory Finance Committee, appearing with Donald Trump Jr., the president's eldest son, and Trump campaign surrogate Kimberly Guilfoyle to raise funds for Trump's reelection campaign.
Guilfoyle has lauded Sapp for his support of Trump on social media while Trump Jr. has shared opinion articles written by the Republican candidate.
"Roger Stone is the original Trump supporter. He had a vision and has stood with President Trump from day one. I am honored that Roger has also chosen to stand by me," Sapp told the Washington Examiner.
Earlier this month, Sapp temporarily suspended campaign activities to assist supply chains in his state via railroads, asking supporters to instead donate to local charities.
According to a poll released this week by Americana Analytics, Sapp holds a significant lead in the race with 16% approval, with Ocala Mayor Kent Guinn falling in second with 4%. Should Sapp win the nomination for his district in August, he would take on one of four Democrats presently vying for the seat.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Report: Abrams ‘not currently a likely choice’ for Biden VP pick

Stacey Abrams is running an unusual campaign to try secure a spot as Joe Biden 's vice presidential pick , but she has an uphill battle ahead .
In a profile about Abrams 's quest to join the Democratic ticket , the Atlantic reported : `` According to several people familiar with the campaign ’ s running-mate selection process , Abrams is not currently a likely choice . ''
The former Georgia state legislator and failed 2018 gubernatorial candidate has become a Democratic celebrity .
Speculation about her being a vice presidential pick has been circling for over a year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would name her as his running mate long before he was the presumptive nominee .
It is not clear whether Abrams meets what Biden is looking for in a nominee : someone who is capable of quickly assuming duties as president and someone who meshes with his policy priorities and style .
When confronted with questions about her foreign policy experience , Abrams said that she has `` spent the last 20 years thinking about international issues independently and been to 16 countries doing policy work . ''
Abrams has talked to Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said that the possibility of being the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee 's running mate did not come up .
Until it does , she continues to make her case publicly .
`` I ran the most successful campaign to engage the communities we need to build the broadest coalition necessary in 2020 , because what we are going to see on the ground is that this is going to be a campaign unlike anything that ’ s been run before , ” Abrams said .
“ I ’ m the only person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this conversation who has successfully run multimillion-dollar nonprofits , for-profits , and have led teams at the state and the local level .
”

Stacey Abrams is running an unusual campaign to try secure a spot as Joe Biden's vice presidential pick, but she has an uphill battle ahead.
In a profile about Abrams's quest to join the Democratic ticket, the Atlantic reported: "According to several people familiar with the campaign’s running-mate selection process, Abrams is not currently a likely choice."
The former Georgia state legislator and failed 2018 gubernatorial candidate has become a Democratic celebrity. Speculation about her being a vice presidential pick has been circling for over a year, with some even predicting that Biden would name her as his running mate long before he was the presumptive nominee.
It is not clear whether Abrams meets what Biden is looking for in a nominee: someone who is capable of quickly assuming duties as president and someone who meshes with his policy priorities and style.
When confronted with questions about her foreign policy experience, Abrams said that she has "spent the last 20 years thinking about international issues independently and been to 16 countries doing policy work."
Abrams has talked to Biden in a recent phone call, but she said that the possibility of being the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee's running mate did not come up.
Until it does, she continues to make her case publicly.
"I ran the most successful campaign to engage the communities we need to build the broadest coalition necessary in 2020, because what we are going to see on the ground is that this is going to be a campaign unlike anything that’s been run before,” Abrams said. “I’m the only person I know of that’s in this conversation who has successfully run multimillion-dollar nonprofits, for-profits, and have led teams at the state and the local level.”


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Have Democrats set a trap for themselves by lionizing Stacey Abrams?

The path to the presidency does n't normally begin with a stint as a state legislator and then a failed gubernatorial run , but Stacey Abrams is looking to change that .
The ascendance of Abrams , whose name remained largely unknown nationally until 2017 when she began her gubernatorial campaign in Georgia , offers a prime example of a politician failing upward .
Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden , who has pledged to select a female running mate , is currently eyeing Abrams for the spot .
And with Biden being 77 years old , extra attention is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abrams , 46 , has conducted an open audition of sorts , stating openly she wants the vice presidential nomination , a stark departure from would-be candidates playing coy about their political ambitions .
Still , nobody has gone from a state legislator to vice president since the 19th century .
Additionally , her political origin story has some holes .
Abrams earned notoriety following her 2018 run , and subsequent loss , for the Georgia governorship .
In that race against Republican Brian Kemp , then Georgia 's secretary of state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abrams quickly blamed the defeat on voter suppression .
She argued that if it were n't for voter discrimination , including voter roll purges ahead of Election Day , she would have pulled out a victory .
The Georgia secretary of state 's office , though , has released figures showing voter participation dramatically increased under Kemp 's tenure as secretary of state .
Voter turnout in Georgia in 2018 was 55 % , relatively high among the states .
And no news outlet found evidence of voters being wrongly denied access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suppression for Abrams ’ s loss , Democrats ignore other factors in her uphill battle , '' Politifact reported in November .
`` She ran in a state where Republicans have dominated statewide races for decades while calling for more gun control , expanding healthcare , and decriminalizing certain drug offenses .
Her messages appealed to minorities and infrequent voters , but Kemp , who boasted that he could 'round up criminal illegals ' in his pickup truck , won more conservative parts of the state . ''
Nonetheless , it 's a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At the Nov. 20 Democratic debate in Atlanta , New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker said that `` right here in this great state of Georgia , it was the voter suppression , particularly of African American communities , that prevented us from having a Gov .
Stacey Abrams right now . ''
Two of his opponents , Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar , made similar claims at the debate .
`` There is internal party pressure on Biden to pick a black running mate , but it coincides with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reclaim the industrial Midwestern states that are key to winning the Electoral College , '' said Democratic strategist Brad Bannon , who predicted Biden would go for someone such as California Sen. Kamala Harris over Abrams .
But those kinds of statements have put Democrats in a box .
By embracing a false narrative , the party has , in effect , forced itself to abide by a lore of victimhood in which basic facts can be disputed by opponents , something the reelection campaign of President Trump ( as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on if Biden chooses Abrams as his running mate .
Abrams 's lack of national or even statewide experience may ultimately lead Biden to choose an alternative .
Biden is framing his campaign as a referendum on Trump 's governing style and a return to conventional , even boring , politics .
The lack of the former vice president 's experience , Biden says , is what 's triggered so many problems in the White House , including the Trump administration 's COVID-19 response .
`` I will listen to what she has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of experience , I am not convinced she would be the right way to go , '' said Democratic strategist Jim Manley .
Polling also shows that minorities are less concerned with Democrats nominating a white male than whites themselves .
A survey released by Pew Research Center this week found that 49 % of white Democrats are bothered by their presidential nominee being a white male , while just 28 % of blacks and 30 % of Hispanics feel the same .

The path to the presidency doesn't normally begin with a stint as a state legislator and then a failed gubernatorial run, but Stacey Abrams is looking to change that.
The ascendance of Abrams, whose name remained largely unknown nationally until 2017 when she began her gubernatorial campaign in Georgia, offers a prime example of a politician failing upward.
Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, who has pledged to select a female running mate, is currently eyeing Abrams for the spot. And with Biden being 77 years old, extra attention is being paid to his running mate.
Abrams, 46, has conducted an open audition of sorts, stating openly she wants the vice presidential nomination, a stark departure from would-be candidates playing coy about their political ambitions.
Still, nobody has gone from a state legislator to vice president since the 19th century. Additionally, her political origin story has some holes. Abrams earned notoriety following her 2018 run, and subsequent loss, for the Georgia governorship. In that race against Republican Brian Kemp, then Georgia's secretary of state, Abrams lost by over 54,000 votes.
Abrams quickly blamed the defeat on voter suppression. She argued that if it weren't for voter discrimination, including voter roll purges ahead of Election Day, she would have pulled out a victory.
The Georgia secretary of state's office, though, has released figures showing voter participation dramatically increased under Kemp's tenure as secretary of state. Voter turnout in Georgia in 2018 was 55%, relatively high among the states. And no news outlet found evidence of voters being wrongly denied access to the ballot.
"By blaming voter suppression for Abrams’s loss, Democrats ignore other factors in her uphill battle," Politifact reported in November. "She ran in a state where Republicans have dominated statewide races for decades while calling for more gun control, expanding healthcare, and decriminalizing certain drug offenses. Her messages appealed to minorities and infrequent voters, but Kemp, who boasted that he could 'round up criminal illegals' in his pickup truck, won more conservative parts of the state."
Nonetheless, it's a theme Democrats have readily embraced since. At the Nov. 20 Democratic debate in Atlanta, New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker said that "right here in this great state of Georgia, it was the voter suppression, particularly of African American communities, that prevented us from having a Gov. Stacey Abrams right now."
Two of his opponents, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, made similar claims at the debate.
"There is internal party pressure on Biden to pick a black running mate, but it coincides with a strategic imperative for the Democratic nominee to reclaim the industrial Midwestern states that are key to winning the Electoral College," said Democratic strategist Brad Bannon, who predicted Biden would go for someone such as California Sen. Kamala Harris over Abrams.
But those kinds of statements have put Democrats in a box. By embracing a false narrative, the party has, in effect, forced itself to abide by a lore of victimhood in which basic facts can be disputed by opponents, something the reelection campaign of President Trump (as well as his allies) is likely to seize on if Biden chooses Abrams as his running mate.
Abrams's lack of national or even statewide experience may ultimately lead Biden to choose an alternative. Biden is framing his campaign as a referendum on Trump's governing style and a return to conventional, even boring, politics. The lack of the former vice president's experience, Biden says, is what's triggered so many problems in the White House, including the Trump administration's COVID-19 response.
"I will listen to what she has to say, but given her relative lack of experience, I am not convinced she would be the right way to go," said Democratic strategist Jim Manley.
Polling also shows that minorities are less concerned with Democrats nominating a white male than whites themselves. A survey released by Pew Research Center this week found that 49% of white Democrats are bothered by their presidential nominee being a white male, while just 28% of blacks and 30% of Hispanics feel the same.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Trump cranks up populism as virus threatens reelection

President Trump is revving up his populist message , appealing to his base on issues such as immigration , abusive behavior by large corporations , and coronavirus-related economic lockdowns that have decimated small businesses and workers .
Trump suspended some categories of legal immigration , shamed big businesses and well-endowed universities for taking federal aid , and encouraged protests against Democratic governors who have supported extended shutdowns of the economy .
This populist offensive , though not risk-free , could help shield the president from political fallout generated by the coronavirus and a pandemic-induced recession that has left millions unemployed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him in November .
“ Trump 's populist rhetoric and action during the pandemic is helping to keep some parts of his coalition behind him , ” said Henry Olsen , a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center , a Washington think tank .
“ While most Trump voters support the lockdowns , a significant minority , between one-quarter and one-third , would prefer a faster reopening .
His populist moves keep them in his camp , even while he pursues policies that generally support continued lockdowns.
” More than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have lost their jobs since mid-March , when Trump led the charge to shutter major sectors of the American economy through at least late April as part of an aggressive national strategy to stop the spread of the coronavirus .
At one point , the president went so far as to consider issuing national shelter-in-place orders and enforcing a regional quarantine of metropolitan New York City , although he decided against the actions .
Then , with frustration over the lockdowns mounting in conservative circles , Trump tweeted “ liberate ” in support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implemented by Democratic governors in battleground states critical to his reelection prospects .
The peaceful protests on the grounds of state capitol buildings have been filled mostly with grassroots Republicans .
Next came the president ’ s executive order limiting legal immigration and sharp comments demanding that unnamed corporations and Harvard University return coronavirus relief funds obtained from a massive federal rescue package .
Trump ’ s move to infuse his management of the pandemic with sometimes polarizing populist rhetoric is a familiar refrain .
The message dominated his 2016 campaign and has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insiders believe it could pay dividends this fall against presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
“ The Trump brand is a combat brand , and he understands that , ” said Brad Todd , a GOP strategist and co-author , along with Washington Examiner columnist Salena Zito , of The Great Revolt : Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics , a book about the coalition of voters that elected Trump in 2016 .
“ People did not pick him to get along with anyone.
” But there is a downside , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His approach is alienating suburban voters , especially women , and could turn persuadable independent voters into Joe Biden supporters .
Polling has shown this is a vulnerability for the president .
In two Fox News polls conducted Saturday through Tuesday , Biden led the president among female voters by a whopping 20 percentage points , 56 % to 36 % , in Michigan , and by 21 points in Pennsylvania , 56 % to 35 % .
Still , some Democrats agree with their Republican counterparts on the efficacy of Trump 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a phony populist who threatens corporations even as he negotiates government aid for them and criticizes governors for carrying out the very coronavirus mitigation policies he supports .
Dane Strother , a Democratic strategist , accused Trump of name-checking Harvard not because he is legitimately concerned that the university is receiving rescue funds it does not need but because doing so taps into the angst of his core supporters and distracts them from his administration ’ s failings .
“ It ’ s cultural , ” he said .
“ His people devalue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Strother conceded , however , that it just might get Trump reelected despite a historic economic downturn amid a pandemic .
“ Any time he can deflect blame , which he ’ s a master of , it helps him , ” he said .

President Trump is revving up his populist message, appealing to his base on issues such as immigration, abusive behavior by large corporations, and coronavirus-related economic lockdowns that have decimated small businesses and workers.
Trump suspended some categories of legal immigration, shamed big businesses and well-endowed universities for taking federal aid, and encouraged protests against Democratic governors who have supported extended shutdowns of the economy. This populist offensive, though not risk-free, could help shield the president from political fallout generated by the coronavirus and a pandemic-induced recession that has left millions unemployed by motivating grassroots Republicans to stick with him in November.
“Trump's populist rhetoric and action during the pandemic is helping to keep some parts of his coalition behind him,” said Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, a Washington think tank. “While most Trump voters support the lockdowns, a significant minority, between one-quarter and one-third, would prefer a faster reopening. His populist moves keep them in his camp, even while he pursues policies that generally support continued lockdowns.”
More than 26 million people in the United States have lost their jobs since mid-March, when Trump led the charge to shutter major sectors of the American economy through at least late April as part of an aggressive national strategy to stop the spread of the coronavirus. At one point, the president went so far as to consider issuing national shelter-in-place orders and enforcing a regional quarantine of metropolitan New York City, although he decided against the actions.
Then, with frustration over the lockdowns mounting in conservative circles, Trump tweeted “liberate” in support of protests against stringent social distancing mandates implemented by Democratic governors in battleground states critical to his reelection prospects. The peaceful protests on the grounds of state capitol buildings have been filled mostly with grassroots Republicans.
Next came the president’s executive order limiting legal immigration and sharp comments demanding that unnamed corporations and Harvard University return coronavirus relief funds obtained from a massive federal rescue package.
Trump’s move to infuse his management of the pandemic with sometimes polarizing populist rhetoric is a familiar refrain. The message dominated his 2016 campaign and has prevailed through his presidency. Some Republican insiders believe it could pay dividends this fall against presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden.
“The Trump brand is a combat brand, and he understands that,” said Brad Todd, a GOP strategist and co-author, along with Washington Examiner columnist Salena Zito, of The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics, a book about the coalition of voters that elected Trump in 2016. “People did not pick him to get along with anyone.”
But there is a downside, and it could cost Trump his reelection.
His approach is alienating suburban voters, especially women, and could turn persuadable independent voters into Joe Biden supporters. Polling has shown this is a vulnerability for the president. In two Fox News polls conducted Saturday through Tuesday, Biden led the president among female voters by a whopping 20 percentage points, 56% to 36%, in Michigan, and by 21 points in Pennsylvania, 56% to 35%.
Still, some Democrats agree with their Republican counterparts on the efficacy of Trump's populist message despite mocking the president as a phony populist who threatens corporations even as he negotiates government aid for them and criticizes governors for carrying out the very coronavirus mitigation policies he supports.
Dane Strother, a Democratic strategist, accused Trump of name-checking Harvard not because he is legitimately concerned that the university is receiving rescue funds it does not need but because doing so taps into the angst of his core supporters and distracts them from his administration’s failings. “It’s cultural,” he said. “His people devalue education — and they certainly hate Harvard."
Strother conceded, however, that it just might get Trump reelected despite a historic economic downturn amid a pandemic. “Any time he can deflect blame, which he’s a master of, it helps him,” he said.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-24--Down but not out: Swing states look bad for Trump but show warning signs for Biden

Poll after poll in swing states shows Joe Biden edging ahead of President Trump in head-to-head matchups , a troubling sign for Republicans as the Trump administration fields constant criticism for its handling of the coronavirus pandemic : down in Florida and Michigan by 4 points , in Wisconsin by 3 points , losing by 8 points in Pennsylvania .
But the polls also show some silver linings for Trump and suggest that when , and if , life returns to a relative normal before Election Day and after the height of the coronavirus pandemic , he could close the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A Quinnipiac conducted April 6-20 finds Biden with a 4-point lead over Trump , 46 % to 42 % .
The Quinnipiac Florida poll shows a major warning sign for Trump : loss of support among older voters .
A demographic that Trump won by 17 points in , Florida voters over 65 now favor Biden by 10 points .
But that might be balanced with Trump gaining ground among Floridians aged 35-49 , whom Clinton won in 2016 by 15 points but favor Trump by 4 points in the Quinnipiac poll .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ unprecedented health crisis , Florida delivers a familiar deja vu in the head-to-head presidential race , ” said Quinnipiac University polling analyst Tim Malloy .
`` It 's Biden , but it 's close as independents play a huge potential role .
Sound familiar ? ''
In Wisconsin , a Marquette University finds that Biden leads Trump 48 % to 45 % despite Trump having a slightly better net favorability rating than Biden .
The silver lining for Trump in Wisconsin : 11 % of respondents had no opinion of Biden or had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ room for the Trump campaign to define its rival to voters .
North Carolina showed a similar trend .
A Public Policy Polling conducted April 14-15 found Trump just 1 point behind Biden , but Trump has a slightly higher favorability rating , and 12 % of voters were not sure how they felt about Biden .
A Fox News for Michigan , where Biden leads by 4 points , conducted April 18-21 suggests that Trump is losing support amid the coronavirus pandemic .
A majority of Michiganders , 59 % , thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus , while Democratic Michigan Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , who has instituted extremely strict stay-at-home orders , has a much higher job approval rating than Trump , 63 % compared to 47 % .
Trump won Michigan in 2016 by less than a quarter of a percentage point , but Biden leads Trump by 8 points in the poll , 49 % to 41 % .
A second Fox News , which found Biden 8 points ahead of Trump in Pennsylvania , similarly found that 58 % thought Trump was too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the state 's Democratic governor , Tom Wolf , had high support , 69 % .
“ If voters approve of his leadership style but are questioning if it is right for the future , holding onto Pennsylvania will be challenging for Trump .
But if they like Trump personally and will line back up behind him in November , the race could be very close , ” said Chris Anderson , one of the pollsters whose firm conducted the Fox News poll .
Another tool in Trump ’ s basket ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an April 7-8 Arizona from OH Predictive Insights found that the president trails Biden by 9 points in Arizona , it also noted that Trump has a much higher level of enthusiasm among his supporters : 88 % of those who picked Trump said that they are very or extremely enthusiastic about voting for him , while 78 % said the same for Biden .
( Other recent Arizona find Biden leading by smaller percentages . )
If coronavirus fears are still sweeping the country in November , turning out voters “ is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if a candidate ’ s supporters are not enthusiastic about voting for them in the first place , ” said Jacob Joss , data analyst at OH Predictive Insights .

Poll after poll in swing states shows Joe Biden edging ahead of President Trump in head-to-head matchups, a troubling sign for Republicans as the Trump administration fields constant criticism for its handling of the coronavirus pandemic: down in Florida and Michigan by 4 points, in Wisconsin by 3 points, losing by 8 points in Pennsylvania.
But the polls also show some silver linings for Trump and suggest that when, and if, life returns to a relative normal before Election Day and after the height of the coronavirus pandemic, he could close the gap on Biden’s lead.
A Quinnipiac Florida poll conducted April 6-20 finds Biden with a 4-point lead over Trump, 46% to 42%.
The Quinnipiac Florida poll shows a major warning sign for Trump: loss of support among older voters. A demographic that Trump won by 17 points in 2016 , Florida voters over 65 now favor Biden by 10 points.
But that might be balanced with Trump gaining ground among Floridians aged 35-49, whom Clinton won in 2016 by 15 points but favor Trump by 4 points in the Quinnipiac poll.
"Even in the midst of an unprecedented health crisis, Florida delivers a familiar deja vu in the head-to-head presidential race,” said Quinnipiac University polling analyst Tim Malloy. "It's Biden, but it's close as independents play a huge potential role. Sound familiar?"
In Wisconsin, a Marquette University poll finds that Biden leads Trump 48% to 45% despite Trump having a slightly better net favorability rating than Biden.
The silver lining for Trump in Wisconsin: 11% of respondents had no opinion of Biden or had not heard enough about him, leaving room for the Trump campaign to define its rival to voters.
North Carolina showed a similar trend. A Public Policy Polling survey conducted April 14-15 found Trump just 1 point behind Biden, but Trump has a slightly higher favorability rating, and 12% of voters were not sure how they felt about Biden.
A Fox News poll for Michigan, where Biden leads by 4 points, conducted April 18-21 suggests that Trump is losing support amid the coronavirus pandemic.
A majority of Michiganders, 59%, thought Trump was too slow in responding to the virus, while Democratic Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who has instituted extremely strict stay-at-home orders, has a much higher job approval rating than Trump, 63% compared to 47%.
Trump won Michigan in 2016 by less than a quarter of a percentage point, but Biden leads Trump by 8 points in the poll, 49% to 41%.
A second Fox News poll , which found Biden 8 points ahead of Trump in Pennsylvania, similarly found that 58% thought Trump was too slow in responding to the coronavirus and that the state's Democratic governor, Tom Wolf, had high support, 69%.
“If voters approve of his leadership style but are questioning if it is right for the future, holding onto Pennsylvania will be challenging for Trump. But if they like Trump personally and will line back up behind him in November, the race could be very close,” said Chris Anderson, one of the pollsters whose firm conducted the Fox News poll.
Another tool in Trump’s basket? The enthusiasm of his supporters.
While an April 7-8 Arizona poll from OH Predictive Insights found that the president trails Biden by 9 points in Arizona, it also noted that Trump has a much higher level of enthusiasm among his supporters: 88% of those who picked Trump said that they are very or extremely enthusiastic about voting for him, while 78% said the same for Biden. (Other recent Arizona polls find Biden leading by smaller percentages.)
If coronavirus fears are still sweeping the country in November, turning out voters “is going to be made even more difficult if a candidate’s supporters are not enthusiastic about voting for them in the first place,” said Jacob Joss, data analyst at OH Predictive Insights.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-25--Biden red herring: Candidate stokes scare over Trump postponing elections

Joe Biden ’ s warning that President Trump will try to postpone the Democratic presidential election is constitutionally impossible and politically improbable .
But while it is not legal or likely , bringing up the possibility of Trump delaying elections serves Democrats by being an outrage-to-action tool .
“ I believe that Joe Biden 's remarks are to rally the base , no different than when President Trump stands up there and says , ‘ Free Minnesota , free Michigan , ’ ” said Bob Stein , a professor of political science at Rice University who studies voting behavior .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ banning buses from taking congregants to the polls after church have had the effect of boosting voter turnout , Stein said .
Trying to prevent people from voting will “ get a progressive voter aggravated and show up.
” The former vice president and Democratic-presidential-nominee-in-waiting brought up the possibility of Trump delaying the November election at a fundraiser on Thursday .
“ Mark my words , I think he is gon na try to kick back the election somehow , come up with some rationale why it can ’ t be held , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is “ trying to let the word out that he ’ s going to do all he can to make it very hard for people to vote ” because “ that ’ s the only way he thinks he can possibly win.
” In another fundraiser on Thursday , when asked how people can trust that “ this election will happen fairly and on time , ” Biden said : “ Right now , they can ’ t trust that.
” Biden is not the only Democratic official warning that Trump could try @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Attorney General Bob Ferguson said in a reelection campaign to supporters last month that “ if President Trump delays or cancels the November elections , I will consider an emergency lawsuit.
” Ohio Senator Sherrod Brown last month that he was concerned “ the president might ask for a delay in the November election based on something , perhaps this , perhaps something else.
” Multiple experts say that Trump does not have the legal authority to move the election unilaterally , even in a .
“ There ’ s no way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Rick Hasen , a professor of law and political science at the University of California Irvine .
“ In any case , the 20th Amendment says that if there ’ s been no choice of a president by Congress , the president has to vacate office on Jan. 20.
” The broader Democratic fear is that mail-in voting and other measures are curtailed or manipulated to help Trump and hurt Biden , but blamed on concerns about spreading the coronavirus pandemic .
“ Trump or state governors could seek to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close polling places in Democratic cities in swing states .
Voting would still take place , but turnout could be skewed to help Republicans , ” Hasen in an early April op-ed .
Hasen also mentioned another “ ominous ” theory , that Trump could lobby Republican-controlled state legislatures to take back the power to assign presidential electors .
But , as Stein mentioned , any overt move by Trump or Republicans to suppress Democratic turnout could have the opposite effect .
“ No one makes money on underestimating the president , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be very surprised if he would attempt to delay the elections .
”

Joe Biden’s warning that President Trump will try to postpone the 2020 presidential election is constitutionally impossible and politically improbable.
But while it is not legal or likely, bringing up the possibility of Trump delaying elections serves Democrats by being an outrage-to-action tool.
“I believe that Joe Biden's remarks are to rally the base, no different than when President Trump stands up there and says, ‘Free Minnesota, free Michigan,’” said Bob Stein, a professor of political science at Rice University who studies voting behavior.
Efforts such as voter ID laws or banning buses from taking congregants to the polls after church have had the effect of boosting voter turnout, Stein said. Trying to prevent people from voting will “get a progressive voter aggravated and show up.”
The former vice president and Democratic-presidential-nominee-in-waiting brought up the possibility of Trump delaying the November election at a fundraiser on Thursday.
“Mark my words, I think he is gonna try to kick back the election somehow, come up with some rationale why it can’t be held,” Biden said, claiming that Trump is “trying to let the word out that he’s going to do all he can to make it very hard for people to vote” because “that’s the only way he thinks he can possibly win.”
In another fundraiser on Thursday, when asked how people can trust that “this election will happen fairly and on time,” Biden said: “Right now, they can’t trust that.”
Biden is not the only Democratic official warning that Trump could try to delay the election.
Washington state Attorney General Bob Ferguson said in a reelection campaign email to supporters last month that “if President Trump delays or cancels the November elections, I will consider an emergency lawsuit.” Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown told reporters last month that he was concerned “the president might ask for a delay in the November election based on something, perhaps this, perhaps something else.”
Multiple experts say that Trump does not have the legal authority to move the election unilaterally, even in a national emergency .
“There’s no way to legally move the election without congressional action,” said Rick Hasen, a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine. “In any case, the 20th Amendment says that if there’s been no choice of a president by Congress, the president has to vacate office on Jan. 20.”
The broader Democratic fear is that mail-in voting and other measures are curtailed or manipulated to help Trump and hurt Biden, but blamed on concerns about spreading the coronavirus pandemic.
“Trump or state governors could seek to use public health concerns as a pretext to close polling places in Democratic cities in swing states. Voting would still take place, but turnout could be skewed to help Republicans,” Hasen wrote in an early April opinion article.
Hasen also mentioned another “ominous” theory, that Trump could lobby Republican-controlled state legislatures to take back the power to assign presidential electors.
But, as Stein mentioned, any overt move by Trump or Republicans to suppress Democratic turnout could have the opposite effect.
“No one makes money on underestimating the president,” Stein said. “But I'd be very surprised if he would attempt to delay the elections.”


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-25--Former Bernie Sanders staffers erupt over Biden sexual assault allegation

A sexual assault allegation against former Vice President Joe Biden has sparked criticism from staffers who worked for the presidential campaign of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders .
Tara Reade , a former employee for Biden ’ s Senate office , claims Biden sexually assaulted her in 1993 and that appeared to show her mother corroborating that claim on a cable news show .
“ The video of Tara Reade 's late mother calling into Larry King to blow the whistle about about Tara 's sexual assault is being met with relative silence from a cadre of progressives right now and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I see you .
We all do , ” a former Sanders campaign adviser said on Twitter in response to the news of the video .
“ Progressives did n't make this happen , ” Briahna Joy Gray , Sanders ’ s former press secretary , said in response to a tweet from Donald Trump Jr. criticizing the handling of uncorroborated allegations against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh compared to the allegation against Biden .
“ Corporate Democrats chose Biden.
” Biden has yet to explain the allegation , but his surrogates have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subject , including Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar , whom many believe is a top contender to be his running mate .
`` All women in these cases have the right to be heard and have their claims thoroughly reviewed , ” .
`` I think it 's relevant to talk about anything .
And I think any woman who feels that she was assaulted has every right in the world to stand up and make her claims , '' Sanders said about Reade ’ s claims .

A sexual assault allegation against former Vice President Joe Biden has sparked criticism from staffers who worked for the presidential campaign of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders.
Tara Reade, a former employee for Biden’s Senate office, claims Biden sexually assaulted her in 1993 and recently unearthed video that appeared to show her mother corroborating that claim on a cable news show.
#BREAKING: HERE is the video from August 11,1993's 'Larry King Live' described by @TheIntercept (and Tara Reade) as allegedly featuring her mother calling in and alluding to Reade's sexual assault claims against @JoeBiden (blog here by @ScottJW) https://t.co/fCgEqBnX7n pic.twitter.com/V5FGHskv56 — Curtis Houck (@CurtisHouck) April 24, 2020
“The video of Tara Reade's late mother calling into Larry King to blow the whistle about about Tara's sexual assault is being met with relative silence from a cadre of progressives right now and I want you all to know that I see you. We all do,” a former Sanders campaign adviser said on Twitter in response to the news of the video.
The video of Tara Reade's late mother calling into Larry King to blow the whistle about about Tara's sexual assault is being met with relative silence from a cadre of progressives right now and I want you all to know that I see you. We all do. — Fred (@WaywardWinifred) April 24, 2020
“Progressives didn't make this happen,” Briahna Joy Gray, Sanders’s former press secretary, said in response to a tweet from Donald Trump Jr. criticizing the handling of uncorroborated allegations against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh compared to the allegation against Biden. “Corporate Democrats chose Biden.”
Progressives didn't make this happen.
Corporate Democrats chose Biden. https://t.co/95xVE0TkOt — Briahna Joy Gray (@briebriejoy) April 25, 2020
Biden has yet to explain the allegation, but his surrogates have been forced to answer questions about the subject, including Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, whom many believe is a top contender to be his running mate.
"All women in these cases have the right to be heard and have their claims thoroughly reviewed,” she told NPR .
"I think it's relevant to talk about anything. And I think any woman who feels that she was assaulted has every right in the world to stand up and make her claims," Sanders said about Reade’s claims.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-25--Don Trump Jr. blasts New York Times 'puff piece' on Biden that does not mention Tara Reade sexual as

Don Trump Jr. blasts New York Times 'puff piece' on Biden that does not mention Tara Reade sexual assault allegations

Donald Trump Jr. ripped into a New York Times piece detailing Joe Biden 's quarantine lifestyle , which made no mention of sexual assault allegations from a former staffer .
On Saturday morning , Trump shared a New York Times tweet that highlighted Biden 's `` lockdown lifestyle '' but failed to address mounting calls for a response to allegations from former Biden staffer Tara Reade , who insists Biden sexually assaulted her in 1993 .
`` Shockingly , the words 'Tara Reade ' are nowhere to be found in this @ nytimes puff piece on creepy @ JoeBiden ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` But don ’ t worry guys , there ’ s a lot of tough reporting in here like Joe having dinner with his wife and going on bike rides ! ''
Reade has accused Biden of sexually assaulting her in a “ semiprivate ” location in the spring of 1993 .
Reade said Biden pushed her against a wall , kissed her without her consent , and then penetrated her with his fingers .
Biden 's campaign has denied the accusations .
The New York Times 's article was published only a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Reade 's mother discussing her sexual assault claims on Larry King Live in 1993 .
Reade said it was her mother on the phone call .
On Tuesday , the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia confirmed it is `` actively '' investigating Reade 's claims against Biden .

Donald Trump Jr. ripped into a New York Times piece detailing Joe Biden's quarantine lifestyle, which made no mention of sexual assault allegations from a former staffer.
On Saturday morning, Trump shared a New York Times tweet that highlighted Biden's "lockdown lifestyle" but failed to address mounting calls for a response to allegations from former Biden staffer Tara Reade, who insists Biden sexually assaulted her in 1993.
"Shockingly, the words 'Tara Reade' are nowhere to be found in this @nytimes puff piece on creepy @JoeBiden’s campaign," Trump tweeted. "But don’t worry guys, there’s a lot of tough reporting in here like Joe having dinner with his wife and going on bike rides!"
Shockingly, the words "Tara Reade" are nowhere to be found in this @nytimes puff piece on creepy @JoeBiden’s campaign. But don’t worry guys, there’s a lot of tough reporting in here like Joe having dinner with his wife and going on bike rides! 🙄 pic.twitter.com/4Up5GPobYK — Donald Trump Jr. (@DonaldJTrumpJr) April 25, 2020
Reade has accused Biden of sexually assaulting her in a “semiprivate” location in the spring of 1993. Reade said Biden pushed her against a wall, kissed her without her consent, and then penetrated her with his fingers. Biden's campaign has denied the accusations.
The New York Times's article was published only a day after a video was widely shared of Reade's mother discussing her sexual assault claims on Larry King Live in 1993. Reade said it was her mother on the phone call.
On Tuesday, the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia confirmed it is "actively" investigating Reade's claims against Biden.


thewashingtonexaminer--2020-04-27--‘Please don’t politicize it’: Biden accuser uneasy about Republicans and those ‘harassing Blasey For

‘Please don’t politicize it’: Biden accuser uneasy about Republicans and those ‘harassing Blasey Ford’ using her story

Tara Reade , the woman who accused Joe Biden of sexually assaulting and harassing her when she worked in his Senate office in 1993 , is both aggravated by large corporate media outlets not covering her claims and wary of Republicans trying to use her allegations to their own political advantage .
“ What I would say about Republicans using this story is please do n't politicize it , ” Reade , 56 , told the Washington Examiner in an interview on Monday .
“ There are many people who identify with Republican politics that have that are also survivors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political situation is tricky for Republican operatives and allies of President Trump , who hope to damage Biden and their enemies in the press without giving credence to numerous sexual misconduct allegations against the president .
“ If they want to talk about sexual assault , sexual harassment in a general way , then this would be the time to have a general conversation , ” Reade said .
“ That has nothing to do with being Democrat or Republican , but just to empower women to be safer in their workplaces and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee and Trump ’ s reelection campaign have amplified Reade ’ s claims in the context of media bias , including by comparing coverage of her allegations to that of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh , who denied allegations against him that came to light during his 2018 confirmation hearings .
“ There was no evidence that Christine Blasey Ford ever met Brett Kavanaugh .
But no one is disputing that Tara Reade worked for Joe Biden .
Yet the media is treating her sexual assault allegations against him totally differently , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chairwoman Ronna McDaniel Reade ’ s coverage to now-convicted felon attorney Michael Avenatti appearing on multiple networks the day questionable claims about Kavanaugh from a woman named Julie Swetnick surfaced .
The president ’ s son , Donald Trump Jr. , often about large media outlets ’ coverage of Reade ’ s allegations and on new developments in her claims .
“ Even today ’ s media will have a hard time not covering this , but they will try desperately , ” he after Friday ’ s in which a woman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called in about her daughter ’ s difficulty voicing “ problems ” with a “ prominent senator.
” “ It 's OK to call out the media a little bit .
And if they want to do that , that 's fine , ” Reade said .
“ My concern is that those same people were harassing Blasey Ford.
” Reade wants her claims to amplify women ’ s claims of sexual assault , not disqualify them , even though she acknowledges that Blasey Ford ’ s allegation has been covered in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some chatter where people have used it to call Blasey Ford a liar , and I do n't subscribe to that .
I believe Blasey Ford , ” Reade said .
“ She experienced a lot of targeted harassment that was not okay.
” She is not in contact with Blasey Ford , but said she would like to be , and said that she has not been contacted by any Republican party or the Trump campaign .
“ My argument is only with the mainstream media , or the corporate media , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Reade continued .
“ Not with her history with Brett Kavanaugh.
” Leftist groups and former campaign staffers for Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders have also Reade ’ s allegations by pointing a finger at the Democratic establishment protecting its presumptive nominee and a former vice president or by declaring that they find her credible .
Reade , a lifelong Democrat , says she will no longer support either party in national elections because of how her allegations have been handled .
“ I do not support Donald Trump , nor will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reade said .
“ However , that said , I am no longer a Democrat.
” She plans to vote in local elections but is “ completely exiting ” from national politics .
“ They basically were n't interested in what I had to say because it was Joe Biden and , you know , he 's a Democrat , ” Reade said .
“ There needs to be a nonpartisan way to address this , ” Reade added , saying that “ it ’ s not fair ” for women who come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ footballs.
” “ It does n't really get to the heart of how institutionalized our rape culture is , and the lengths that people go to protect a powerful man.
” [ More on this story : Everything we know about the Biden sexual assault allegation ; ] In spring 1993 , when Reade was a staff assistant in Biden ’ s Senate office , she says that Biden forcibly kissed her and penetrated her with his fingers , and touched her hair and neck without her permission .
She says she complained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not the assault , and was retaliated against in part by losing supervision over office interns and being told to find a new job .
The three top staffers vehemently deny hearing about her allegations .
Biden 's campaign has also denied all allegations .
Reade 's brother , two unnamed friends , and say they remember hearing about either the assault or harassment at the time .
Two interns confirm that she was abruptly removed from supervising them .
Biden , Reade says , needs to address the allegations himself , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporter needs to ask Joe Biden about the sexual harassment and sexual assault , ” Reade said .
In comments to Fox News , Reade called on Biden ’ s potential to speak up about her allegations , singling out Sens .
Kamala Harris , Amy Klobuchar , and Elizabeth Warren .
“ If you continue to engage in protecting a powerful man without giving my case a closer look , you are complicit in rape , '' Reade said .
( Klobuchar has said of Reade ’ s allegations : “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) “ To the people that are asking , why did n't you come forward ?
I think if you look at my social media and look at how I 've been treated by major media outlets , you have your answer in real time , ” Reade told the Washington Examiner in another interview last week .

Tara Reade, the woman who accused Joe Biden of sexually assaulting and harassing her when she worked in his Senate office in 1993, is both aggravated by large corporate media outlets not covering her claims and wary of Republicans trying to use her allegations to their own political advantage.
“What I would say about Republicans using this story is please don't politicize it,” Reade, 56, told the Washington Examiner in an interview on Monday. “There are many people who identify with Republican politics that have that are also survivors and have also been silenced.”
The political situation is tricky for Republican operatives and allies of President Trump, who hope to damage Biden and their enemies in the press without giving credence to numerous sexual misconduct allegations against the president.
“If they want to talk about sexual assault, sexual harassment in a general way, then this would be the time to have a general conversation,” Reade said. “That has nothing to do with being Democrat or Republican, but just to empower women to be safer in their workplaces and safer in general.”
The Republican National Committee and Trump’s reelection campaign have amplified Reade’s claims in the context of media bias, including by comparing coverage of her allegations to that of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who denied allegations against him that came to light during his 2018 confirmation hearings.
“There was no evidence that Christine Blasey Ford ever met Brett Kavanaugh. But no one is disputing that Tara Reade worked for Joe Biden. Yet the media is treating her sexual assault allegations against him totally differently,” Trump War Room tweeted last week.
RNC chairwoman Ronna McDaniel compared Reade’s coverage to now-convicted felon attorney Michael Avenatti appearing on multiple networks the day questionable claims about Kavanaugh from a woman named Julie Swetnick surfaced.
The president’s son, Donald Trump Jr., often chimes in about large media outlets’ coverage of Reade’s allegations and on new developments in her claims. “Even today’s media will have a hard time not covering this, but they will try desperately,” he tweeted after Friday’s revelation of a 1993 Larry King CNN show in which a woman, who Reade identified as her mother, called in about her daughter’s difficulty voicing “problems” with a “prominent senator.”
“It's OK to call out the media a little bit. And if they want to do that, that's fine,” Reade said. “My concern is that those same people were harassing Blasey Ford.”
Reade wants her claims to amplify women’s claims of sexual assault, not disqualify them, even though she acknowledges that Blasey Ford’s allegation has been covered in a different way.
“I've seen some chatter where people have used it to call Blasey Ford a liar, and I don't subscribe to that. I believe Blasey Ford,” Reade said. “She experienced a lot of targeted harassment that was not okay.”
She is not in contact with Blasey Ford, but said she would like to be, and said that she has not been contacted by any Republican party or the Trump campaign.
“My argument is only with the mainstream media, or the corporate media, that has refused to discuss my allegations,” Reade continued. “Not with her history with Brett Kavanaugh.”
Leftist groups and former campaign staffers for Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders have also amplified Reade’s allegations by pointing a finger at the Democratic establishment protecting its presumptive nominee and a former vice president or by declaring that they find her credible.
Reade, a lifelong Democrat, says she will no longer support either party in national elections because of how her allegations have been handled.
“I do not support Donald Trump, nor will I vote for him ever,” Reade said. “However, that said, I am no longer a Democrat.”
She plans to vote in local elections but is “completely exiting” from national politics.
“They basically weren't interested in what I had to say because it was Joe Biden and, you know, he's a Democrat,” Reade said.
“There needs to be a nonpartisan way to address this,” Reade added, saying that “it’s not fair” for women who come forward with allegations to become “political footballs.”
“It doesn't really get to the heart of how institutionalized our rape culture is, and the lengths that people go to protect a powerful man.”
[More on this story: Everything we know about the Biden sexual assault allegation ; Active investigation: DC police probe sexual assault allegation against Joe Biden ]
In spring 1993, when Reade was a staff assistant in Biden’s Senate office, she says that Biden forcibly kissed her and penetrated her with his fingers, and touched her hair and neck without her permission. She says she complained to several top staffers about the harassment, not the assault, and was retaliated against in part by losing supervision over office interns and being told to find a new job.
The three top staffers vehemently deny hearing about her allegations. Biden's campaign has also denied all allegations. Reade's brother, two unnamed friends, and one named former neighbor say they remember hearing about either the assault or harassment at the time. Two interns confirm that she was abruptly removed from supervising them.
Biden, Reade says, needs to address the allegations himself, not through his campaign.
“A reporter needs to ask Joe Biden about the sexual harassment and sexual assault,” Reade said.
In comments to Fox News, Reade called on Biden’s potential vice presidential picks to speak up about her allegations, singling out Sens. Kamala Harris, Amy Klobuchar, and Elizabeth Warren. “If you continue to engage in protecting a powerful man without giving my case a closer look, you are complicit in rape," Reade said. (Klobuchar has said of Reade’s allegations: “I think this case has been investigated.”)
“To the people that are asking, why didn't you come forward? I think if you look at my social media and look at how I've been treated by major media outlets, you have your answer in real time,” Reade told the Washington Examiner in another interview last week.