nationalobserver--2020-05-29--Canada's emissions rise, yet again. Can we please adopt U.K. Carbon Budget law now?

It 's that time of year again , when countries release their updated climate pollution inventories .
This is when aspirational climate promises get measured against real-world pollution levels .
And for Canada , the latest results are terrible .
The new data show that in 2018 , our annual emissions rose yet again .
This time , by a depressingly large 15 million tonnes of CO2 ( MtCO2 ) .
As my chart below shows , we are now emitting 729 MtCO2 per year — our highest level in more than a decade .
Worse still , we 've @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made toward our international climate targets .
We are now emitting the same amount of climate pollution as we did back in our 2005 baseline year .
Thirteen years — zero progress toward our targets .
We do n't have to keep failing .
Climate failure is a choice .
We could choose climate success instead .
For example , one thing we could quickly do is adopt the climate tool kit used successfully by our Commonwealth peer , the United Kingdom .
The U.K. emissions are shown as the blue line on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much larger population and much larger economy than we do .
( In fact , both are nearly double our size . )
So , it 's not surprising that back in 1990 , they also emitted far more climate pollution than we did .
Now , as the chart makes clear , they emit far , far less than we do .
While we 've been busy increasing emissions by 125 MtCO2 per year , the U.K. has been cutting theirs by 330 MtCO2 .
The resulting climate-action gap between our two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion tonnes per year .
Canadian and U.K. governments have both been making high-profile international climate commitments for decades .
My next chart lets you see how each nation is living up to their promises .
• Ontario pushing through changes to tenancy law as crisis looms • Union fires back after Ford says long-term care inspectors refused to go into infected homes The blue bull's-eyes show major U.K. targets .
For example , under the global Copenhagen Accord , they promised to cut their emissions to 20 per cent below their 1990 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see , they 've already cut twice as much .
Canada 's targets are shown by the red bull's-eyes .
Our Copenhagen Accord target is 17 per cent below our 2005 level .
That works out to just above our 1990 level .
Despite setting a much higher target , we 've never come anywhere close to meeting it .
Instead , we 've increased our annual emissions by 50 MtCO2 since we made our Copenhagen promise a decade ago .
So , what is the U.K. doing differently that we could adopt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.K. passed a broad climate policy tool kit called the Climate Change Act 2008 , also known as the `` Carbon Budget '' law .
Here are four key things it does that Canada 's climate policy still does not .
To start with , the law legally requires the U.K. government to create plans to meet all its climate targets .
Hey , making a plan to reach your goal seems like an obvious thing to do , right ?
But , while Canadian politicians regularly self-proclaim themselves to be climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 years of setting climate targets , Ottawa has never yet produced a plan to meet any of them .
The table on the right shows nine climate targets promised by Canadian governments .
The Mulroney government set the first two back in 1988 and 1990 .
The Chrétien government followed with two more , the most famous being our Kyoto Accord target set in 1997 .
Then , the Harper government followed with two increasingly weaker targets — `` Turning the Corner '' in 2007 and our Copenhagen Accord target in 2009 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government set our Paris Agreement target .
Nine climate targets .
Thirty years .
Zero plans produced to meet any of them .
For example , it 's now been four years since Ottawa pledged Canada 's 2030 Paris Agreement target .
And , as we will see in more detail below , the government 's own projections show that all their current and proposed policies wo n't get us anywhere close to the target .
Canadians would hugely benefit from having the luxury of such long lead times .
As it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to our 2030 climate target , and the neither the public nor the private sectors know what will be required of them .
What we do know is that we have a still growing pile of emissions to cut , a rapidly deteriorating climate system increasing the urgency and a rapidly shrinking timeline in which to cut our pollution down to safe and sustainable levels .
To remove politics from the process as much as possible , the U.K. tool kit includes an independent Committee of Climate Change ( CCC ) .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was set up to ensure emissions targets are set based on expert independent assessment of the evidence and to monitor the U.K. ’ s progress toward meeting the targets . ''
The committee does the heavy lifting and then brings proposals for carbon budgets and the policies that could be used to meet them to the government to vote on .
Then , the CCC makes sure the government of the day follows through .
Removing climate policy from political whiplash would make it far easier for Canadian individuals and businesses to plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the chaotic policy reversals that come with each change in government .
For example , as prime minister , Stephen Harper was famously opposed to carbon pricing : `` Anybody who tells you that a carbon tax is an environmental policy is trying to pull the wool over your eyes . ''
A few years later , the new Trudeau government switched Ottawa 's focus to put carbon pricing at the centre of Canada 's climate policies .
The Conservative opposition threatens to eliminate the policy when they get back in power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ all emissions in all years At the heart of the U.K .
Climate Change Act tool kit is the concept of `` carbon budgets . ''
The law requires the U.K. to set legally binding five-year carbon budgets .
These must include all emissions in every year .
These budgets are a critical tool to keep the country on track .
You can see the U.K. 's quarter-century of already-legislated carbon budgets as blue boxes on my chart below .
And you can also see how their past emissions follow them down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in place that meet the next 10 years of carbon budgets .
Now , take a look at where Canada is headed under our current policies .
That 's the dotted red line I 've added to the chart .
Our current policies wo n't get us anywhere close to our 2020 or 2030 climate commitments .
And Canada 's promised suite of additional `` proposed '' policies wo n't either .
See that red dot in 2030 labelled `` with proposed policies ? ''
That 's Ottawa 's own projection released just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biennial Report to the United Nations .
Not .
Even .
Close .
And that dot generously assumes that all the `` proposed '' policies actually get enacted — and on time .
In Canada , that certainly is n't a given , considering past political promises made and unmet : • `` We will continue to do what we have to do to meet our Kyoto obligations '' — then-natural resources minister Joe Oliver .
• `` Our government has a plan , a very good plan , to meet our target @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cent from 2005 base levels by 2020 … moving forward , we ’ re working toward achieving additional reductions from other sectors of the economy , focusing now on the oil and gas sector '' — then-environment minister Peter Kent .
After six years of promising regulations on the oil and gas sector , the Harper government eventually admitted they would n't do it .
If there was a secret plan to meet our 2020 target , the public never got to see it and as the chart above makes clear , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on our current climate plan , plus new initiatives we plan to undertake , our government is confident that we will meet and exceed our 2030 target '' — current Environment and Climate Change Minister Jonathan Wilkinson in a recent statement to Canada 's National Observer .
So , does Ottawa really have a secret plan this time ?
If so , why ca n't Canadians see it ?
Which Canadians will need to cut extra emissions , by how much and by when ?
Where are the projections showing Canada meeting our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Carbon Budget tool kit , then Canadians would know there really is a plan .
We would get to see it .
We would know far in advance what the policies will be and what our roles will be .
We 'd have carbon budgets for guardrails to keep us on a steady track .
And we 'd have independent experts doing the heavy lifting to remove much of the destructive political whiplash and antagonism we experience now .
What are we waiting for ?
How much deeper into the gathering climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blind and dangerously off course ?
Comparing entire countries can sometimes seem abstract .
So , I 'll wrap up with a chart comparing climate pollution per person .
It shows that the Brits have cut their emissions per capita in half since 1990 .
They 've dropped from 14 tonnes ( tCO2 ) per person down to seven .
That 's getting close to the world average .
The British still have a lot of emissions to cut , including those uncounted by all countries — international flights and shipping , plus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are making real progress on the emissions that all countries are responsible for under international rules — direct emissions inside their country .
Canadians , in contrast , have cut little from our direct emissions in the past three decades .
Since 1990 , our pollution per capita has gone from 22 tCO2 to 20 tCO2 .
At this rate , it will take us centuries just to get to where the British are now .
We currently pollute triple the global average .
And despite being one of the world 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both in total emissions and per capita , we have n't taken responsibility for our excesses by meeting our climate commitments — or even by creating a plan that meets them .
Instead , our emissions are still heading in the wrong direction .
Can we please adopt a U.K.-style Carbon Budget tool kit now ?

Canadian and U.K. governments have both been making high-profile international climate commitments for decades. My next chart lets you see how each nation is living up to their promises.
While we've been busy increasing emissions by 125 MtCO2 per year, the U.K. has been cutting theirs by 330 MtCO2. The resulting climate-action gap between our two major economies is rapidly approaching half a billion tonnes per year.
And for Canada, the latest results are terrible. The new data show that in 2018, our annual emissions rose yet again. This time, by a depressingly large 15 million tonnes of CO2 (MtCO2). As my chart below shows, we are now emitting 729 MtCO2 per year — our highest level in more than a decade. Worse still, we've now erased all the progress we've made toward our international climate targets. We are now emitting the same amount of climate pollution as we did back in our 2005 baseline year. Thirteen years — zero progress toward our targets. We don't have to keep failing. Climate failure is a choice. We could choose climate success instead. For example, one thing we could quickly do is adopt the climate tool kit used successfully by our Commonwealth peer, the United Kingdom. The U.K. emissions are shown as the blue line on the chart. The U.K. has a much larger population and much larger economy than we do. (In fact, both are nearly double our size.) So, it's not surprising that back in 1990, they also emitted far more climate pollution than we did. Now, as the chart makes clear, they emit far, far less than we do.
It's that time of year again, when countries release their updated climate pollution inventories . This is when aspirational climate promises get measured against real-world pollution levels.
Canada's targets are shown by the red bull's-eyes. Our Copenhagen Accord target is 17 per cent below our 2005 level. That works out to just above our 1990 level. Despite setting a much higher target, we've never come anywhere close to meeting it. Instead, we've increased our annual emissions by 50 MtCO2 since we made our Copenhagen promise a decade ago.
The blue bull's-eyes show major U.K. targets. For example, under the global Copenhagen Accord, they promised to cut their emissions to 20 per cent below their 1990 level by 2020. As you can see, they've already cut twice as much.
To start with, the law legally requires the U.K. government to create plans to meet all its climate targets. Hey, making a plan to reach your goal seems like an obvious thing to do, right?
More than a decade ago, the U.K. passed a broad climate policy tool kit called the Climate Change Act 2008 , also known as the "Carbon Budget" law. Here are four key things it does that Canada's climate policy still does not.
So, what is the U.K. doing differently that we could adopt?
The table on the right shows nine climate targets promised by Canadian governments. The Mulroney government set the first two back in 1988 and 1990. The Chrétien government followed with two more, the most famous being our Kyoto Accord target set in 1997. Then, the Harper government followed with two increasingly weaker targets — "Turning the Corner" in 2007 and our Copenhagen Accord target in 2009. In 2016, the current Trudeau government set our Paris Agreement target.
But, while Canadian politicians regularly self-proclaim themselves to be climate leaders, the reality is that in 30 years of setting climate targets, Ottawa has never yet produced a plan to meet any of them.
For example, it's now been four years since Ottawa pledged Canada's 2030 Paris Agreement target. And, as we will see in more detail below, the government's own projections show that all their current and proposed policies won't get us anywhere close to the target.
Adopting the U.K. Carbon Budget tool kit would be a gigantic climate leap forward in Canada just from the requirement that Ottawa must produce a plan to meet its targets.
Key 2: Acting soon enough
A second critical benefit of the U.K. Carbon Budget law is that it requires government to act "at least 12 years in advance to allow policy-makers, businesses and individuals enough time to prepare."
Canadians would hugely benefit from having the luxury of such long lead times. As it is, we only have 10 years remaining to our 2030 climate target, and the neither the public nor the private sectors know what will be required of them. What we do know is that we have a still growing pile of emissions to cut, a rapidly deteriorating climate system increasing the urgency and a rapidly shrinking timeline in which to cut our pollution down to safe and sustainable levels.
Key 3: An independent committee
To remove politics from the process as much as possible, the U.K. tool kit includes an independent Committee of Climate Change (CCC). As their website explains, "the CCC was set up to ensure emissions targets are set based on expert independent assessment of the evidence and to monitor the U.K.’s progress toward meeting the targets." The committee does the heavy lifting and then brings proposals for carbon budgets and the policies that could be used to meet them to the government to vote on. Then, the CCC makes sure the government of the day follows through.
Removing climate policy from political whiplash would make it far easier for Canadian individuals and businesses to plan ahead efficiently. It would help eliminate the chaotic policy reversals that come with each change in government. For example, as prime minister, Stephen Harper was famously opposed to carbon pricing: "Anybody who tells you that a carbon tax is an environmental policy is trying to pull the wool over your eyes." A few years later, the new Trudeau government switched Ottawa's focus to put carbon pricing at the centre of Canada's climate policies. The Conservative opposition threatens to eliminate the policy when they get back in power.
Key 4: Carbon budgets that cover all emissions in all years
At the heart of the U.K. Climate Change Act tool kit is the concept of "carbon budgets." The law requires the U.K. to set legally binding five-year carbon budgets. These must include all emissions in every year. These budgets are a critical tool to keep the country on track.
You can see the U.K.'s quarter-century of already-legislated carbon budgets as blue boxes on my chart below. And you can also see how their past emissions follow them down. Notice also that they already have policies in place that meet the next 10 years of carbon budgets.
Meanwhile, in Canada…
Now, take a look at where Canada is headed under our current policies. That's the dotted red line I've added to the chart. Our current policies won't get us anywhere close to our 2020 or 2030 climate commitments.
And Canada's promised suite of additional "proposed" policies won't either. See that red dot in 2030 labelled "with proposed policies?" That's Ottawa's own projection released just a few months ago in their Fourth Biennial Report to the United Nations. Not. Even. Close.
And that dot generously assumes that all the "proposed" policies actually get enacted — and on time. In Canada, that certainly isn't a given, considering past political promises made and unmet:
"We will continue to do what we have to do to meet our Kyoto obligations" — then-natural resources minister Joe Oliver.
"Our government has a plan, a very good plan, to meet our target of reducing greenhouse gases by 17 per cent from 2005 base levels by 2020 … moving forward, we’re working toward achieving additional reductions from other sectors of the economy, focusing now on the oil and gas sector" — then-environment minister Peter Kent. After six years of promising regulations on the oil and gas sector, the Harper government eventually admitted they wouldn't do it. If there was a secret plan to meet our 2020 target, the public never got to see it and as the chart above makes clear, it was never enacted.
"Based on our current climate plan, plus new initiatives we plan to undertake, our government is confident that we will meet and exceed our 2030 target" — current Environment and Climate Change Minister Jonathan Wilkinson in a recent statement to Canada's National Observer. So, does Ottawa really have a secret plan this time? If so, why can't Canadians see it? Which Canadians will need to cut extra emissions, by how much and by when? Where are the projections showing Canada meeting our targets?
If Ottawa adopted the U.K. Carbon Budget tool kit, then Canadians would know there really is a plan. We would get to see it. We would know far in advance what the policies will be and what our roles will be. We'd have carbon budgets for guardrails to keep us on a steady track. And we'd have independent experts doing the heavy lifting to remove much of the destructive political whiplash and antagonism we experience now.
What are we waiting for? How much deeper into the gathering climate storm are we going to keep flying blind and dangerously off course?
Climate pollution per person
Comparing entire countries can sometimes seem abstract. So, I'll wrap up with a chart comparing climate pollution per person.
It shows that the Brits have cut their emissions per capita in half since 1990. They've dropped from 14 tonnes (tCO2) per person down to seven. That's getting close to the world average.
The British still have a lot of emissions to cut, including those uncounted by all countries — international flights and shipping, plus from imported and exported goods. But they are making real progress on the emissions that all countries are responsible for under international rules — direct emissions inside their country.
Canadians, in contrast, have cut little from our direct emissions in the past three decades. Since 1990, our pollution per capita has gone from 22 tCO2 to 20 tCO2. At this rate, it will take us centuries just to get to where the British are now. We currently pollute triple the global average. And despite being one of the world's "Dirty Dozen" climate polluters, both in total emissions and per capita, we haven't taken responsibility for our excesses by meeting our climate commitments — or even by creating a plan that meets them.
Instead, our emissions are still heading in the wrong direction.
Can we please adopt a U.K.-style Carbon Budget tool kit now?


nationalobserver--2020-05-29--Sandy Garossino on Meng Wanzhou, Huawei, Joe Scarborough, Trump's war on Twitter and chaos in Americ

Sandy Garossino on Meng Wanzhou, Huawei, Joe Scarborough, Trump's war on Twitter and chaos in America

The former special prosecutor discussed the presidential feud on Thursday evening in a wide-ranging live video conversation that also touched on another Trump tech battle : his administration 's prosecution of Chinese firm Huawei , which has forced Canada into a global power play .
Social media giant Twitter may have finally found its “ backbone ” as it begins enforcing its own rules on its most notorious user — President Donald Trump — according to Canada 's National Observer columnist Sandy Garossino .
Within hours of Garossino ’ s remarks about Twitter , anti-police riots had broken out in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s threat of “ shooting ” them put Twitter ’ s resolve to the test .
In fact , the president ’ s own effort would “ do more to shut down ” his own online violations than anything else , by removing legal protections sheltering social media platforms from liability for users ’ posts , Garossino said .
“ It ’ s just a mess , ” she said .
“ This was wholly to do with the fact that Trump got his wrist slapped for lying on the internet.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order , however , Trump may be hoisting himself by his own petard , argued Garossino , who has long campaigned against social media bullying and blackmail since the 2012 death of Port Coquitlam , B.C , .
teen Amanda Todd .
Garossino , who was once editor-in-chief of Vancouver Observer , was responding to the social media company earlier inciting Trump ’ s wrath when it added a fact-check warning for his 80 million followers that his tweet about electoral fraud was misleading .
I can ’ t stand back & watch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Minneapolis .
A total lack of leadership .
Either the very weak Radical Left Mayor , Jacob Frey , get his act together and bring the City under control , or I will send in the National Guard & get the job done right ... .. “ Twitter tried to impose some reasonable terms-of-service limitations on his own Twitter account , which violates all of them , ” Garossino told attendees of a Zoom conversation with Linda Solomon Wood , editor-in-chief of Canada ’ s National Observer , on Thursday .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liable … they are going to step in and actually police their content.
” But within a day after Garossino ’ s remarks about the company ’ s new-found “ backbone , ” Twitter went even further .
This Tweet violates our policies regarding the glorification of violence based on the historical context of the last line , its connection to violence , and the risk it could inspire similar actions today .
https : //t.co/sl4wupRfNH She noted Twitter ’ s move Thursday was unprecedented , in that it had previously refused to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repeated unsubstantiated allegations that TV host Joe Scarborough murdered his assistant .
Behind a warning , it hid Trump ’ s tweet threatening that “ when the looting starts , the shooting starts ” as anti-police-brutality protests escalated across the U.S. in the wake of the latest killing of an unarmed Black man — concealing the president ’ s comment behind a statement that he had “ violated the Twitter Rules about glorifying violence.
” Garossino contrasted Twitter ’ s CEO , Jack Dorsey , with Facebook chairman Mark Zuckerberg , who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prominent social media users , even after Facebook ’ s own algorithm was known to be encouraging extremists to view extremist content , she said .
“ It ’ s gone much too far , ” she said .
“ It ’ s really disturbing to see people like Mark Zuckerberg claiming to want no interference … to say nothing of what went on in the 2016 election , which was an absolute catastrophe .
“ Jack Dorsey is the one tech guy who ’ s actually displayed a backbone.
” Garossino also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thursday ’ s online event .
The former Crown prosecutor and trial lawyer discussed the latest development in the legal case of Chinese tech executive Meng Wanzhou , who lost her bid to avoid a U.S. extradition process on Wednesday in the B.C .
Supreme Court .
Garossino revealed she once worked with the top court ’ s associate chief justice , Heather Holmes , who ruled against the Huawei chief financial officer charged with lying to a bank in order to breach Iran sanctions .
“ In my prosecutor days , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Garossino said , quipping that while she herself had left the profession , Holmes “ stuck with it.
” “ I have a little bit of insight into her , ” she said of the judge , who was appointed to the bench in 2001 and made associate chief justice two years ago .
Before that , she spent her four-decade career prosecuting corporate criminals .
Holmes on Wednesday issued a 23-page ruling in the complex case .
The Huawei executive argued she could not be handed to the U.S. since Canada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Iran , a rule that the offence must be a crime in both countries to allow extradition , known as “ double criminality.
” But Crown prosecutors had countered that her alleged crime was actually bank fraud , not breaching U.S. sanctions .
Meng has insisted she is innocent throughout the case , and has been under house arrest in one of her Vancouver mansions since 2018 .
“ Canada 's law of fraud looks beyond international boundaries , ” Holmes ruled on Wednesday , rejecting defence lawyers ’ argument without determining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Meng 's approach to the double-criminality analysis would seriously limit Canada 's ability to fulfil its international obligations.
” From professional experience , Garossino remembered Holmes as careful and meticulous in her analysis , adding the judge is not one to be at all swayed by the “ momentous impact ” her rulings will likely make on international relations between Canada , China and the U.S. “ She is such a straight arrow , ” Garossino said .
“ I don ’ t see her buckling on anything .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve talked to a couple people who disagree , but it ’ s not like there isn ’ t a foundation for it .
But it is a real straight-arrow move that is typical of this judge.
” Garossino ’ s commentary on the Huawei legal case and its geopolitical ramifications has garnered controversy — particularly for her view that Meng ’ s arrest by the RCMP was simply part of a political tactic by Trump .
Another company accused of similar offences , for example , is no longer facing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecution proceeds , and Canada is trapped in between the will of two global superpowers .
“ This was a huge escalation by the Americans , ” Garossino said .
At top of mind , however , should be the two Canadians who remain in Chinese government detention in what is widely seen as retaliation for Meng ’ s arrest , Garossino told her audience Thursday .
The fates of Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor — dubbed “ the two Michaels ” — rest upon the B.C .
case ’ s outcome .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad hand here , baring its teeth to the world , ” she argued , by “ effectively kidnapping ” the Canadian citizens .
She called it “ jackboot diplomacy.
” For her former lawyer colleague , Holmes , the stakes couldn ’ t be higher , with “ quite momentous impact on diplomatic relations ” and the global power balance .
But she must simply consider the facts of case law , Garossino said , and not the politics — a responsibility she knows Holmes would never shrink from .
What Canada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extradition if Holmes rules in U.S. favour , however , is another matter entirely .
And that is where Garossino admits she ’ s been most controversial on the issue .
“ My own personal opinion , and I ’ ve been roundly criticized for it , is I ’ m so unhappy with how the Americans handled the Meng arrest , ” Garossino said .
“ Eventually , this matter is going to get to ( the ) attorney general , and there have been enough violations of her Charter rights , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on that and refuse the extradition on that basis .
“ She goes back to China , we get the two Michaels back — that would be the deal for releasing Meng.
” Garossino 's views have proven controversial among some of her fellow national pundits , including others demanding the release of Kovrig and Spavor — particularly among those who want Ottawa to take a much more aggressive stance against China generally .
In his Ottawa Citizen column earlier this year , Terry Glavin dismissed the argument that the attorney general should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said was akin to a hostage swap .
“ The prisoner-exchange remedy they ’ ve proposed relies on some heretofore undisclosed assurance from Beijing that indeed the two Mikes would be surrendered , ” Glavin wrote on Jan. 22 , “ if only Prime Minister Justin Trudeau would hornswoggle from Justice Minister David Lametti an unseemly intervention on Meng ’ s behalf … The gambit also relies on Canadians believing Beijing ’ s propaganda contrivance to the effect that U.S. President Donald Trump got us into this mess.
” Garossino said such arguments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he “ would certainly intervene ” in Meng 's prosecution if it would help him sign “ the largest trade deal ever made.
” And in an April 6 Twitter exchange , Garossino said she 'd “ have some time ” for Glavin 's argument “ if Trump had not completely soiled this process by openly bartering Meng ’ s captivity for trade concessions.
” She countered that sabre-rattling with China overestimates Canada 's power and influence in the world , and would regardless likely not be effective in freeing the detained Canadians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty horrific circumstances ” for more than 500 days , accused of spying by the Chinese dictatorship .
“ These are Canadians who are really suffering — they ’ re in severe jeopardy .
If this process goes forward and this extradition happens , it ’ s entirely possible that China could hold one of their summary trials , a two-hour affair , and they could be facing death , ” Garossino said Thursday .
“ The Chinese government is a clear bad actor that doesn ’ t deserve rewarding .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea we ’ re going to stand up to China .
What are they thinking ?
We have this imaginary view of Canada — we ’ re a little entity here , we have no leverage.
” Garossino frequently appears on national television , and her commentary has earned Canada ’ s National Observer several national and provincial awards , including the national award for best column from the Canadian Online Publishing Awards .
This live interview is part of Canada 's National Observer ’ s Conversation series featuring topics around COVID-19 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
To watch the full conversation , head to our YouTube channel .
To stay up to date on upcoming interviews , subscribe here .

Garossino discussed the presidential feud on Thursday evening in a wide-ranging live video conversation that also touched on another Trump tech battle: his administration's prosecution of Chinese firm Huawei, which has forced Canada into a global power play.
Social media giant Twitter may have finally found its “backbone” as it begins enforcing its own rules on its most notorious user — President Donald Trump — according to Canada's National Observer columnist Sandy Garossino.
Within hours of Garossino’s remarks about Twitter, anti-police riots had broken out in cities across the United States and Trump’s threat of “shooting” them put Twitter’s resolve to the test.
Garossino, who was once editor-in-chief of Vancouver Observer, was responding to the social media company earlier inciting Trump’s wrath when it added a fact-check warning for his 80 million followers that his tweet about electoral fraud was misleading.
I can’t stand back & watch this happen to a great American City, Minneapolis. A total lack of leadership. Either the very weak Radical Left Mayor, Jacob Frey, get his act together and bring the City under control, or I will send in the National Guard & get the job done right.....
“Twitter tried to impose some reasonable terms-of-service limitations on his own Twitter account, which violates all of them,” Garossino told attendees of a Zoom conversation with Linda Solomon Wood, editor-in-chief of Canada’s National Observer, on Thursday. “If they’re going to be liable … they are going to step in and actually police their content.”
“It’s just a mess,” she said. “This was wholly to do with the fact that Trump got his wrist slapped for lying on the internet.”
With his “weird and incoherent” order, however, Trump may be hoisting himself by his own petard, argued Garossino, who has long campaigned against social media bullying and blackmail since the 2012 death of Port Coquitlam, B.C,. teen Amanda Todd.
In fact, the president’s own effort would “do more to shut down” his own online violations than anything else, by removing legal protections sheltering social media platforms from liability for users’ posts, Garossino said.
She noted Twitter’s move Thursday was unprecedented, in that it had previously refused to remove or warn about Trump’s repeated unsubstantiated allegations that TV host Joe Scarborough murdered his assistant.
This Tweet violates our policies regarding the glorification of violence based on the historical context of the last line, its connection to violence, and the risk it could inspire similar actions today. https://t.co/sl4wupRfNH — Twitter Comms (@TwitterComms) May 29, 2020
But within a day after Garossino’s remarks about the company’s new-found “backbone,” Twitter went even further.
Behind a warning, it hid Trump’s tweet threatening that “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” as anti-police-brutality protests escalated across the U.S. in the wake of the latest killing of an unarmed Black man — concealing the president’s comment behind a statement that he had “violated the Twitter Rules about glorifying violence.”
Garossino contrasted Twitter’s CEO, Jack Dorsey, with Facebook chairman Mark Zuckerberg, who has opposed moves to enforce fact checking on prominent social media users, even after Facebook’s own algorithm was known to be encouraging extremists to view extremist content, she said.
“It’s gone much too far,” she said. “It’s really disturbing to see people like Mark Zuckerberg claiming to want no interference … to say nothing of what went on in the 2016 election, which was an absolute catastrophe.
“Jack Dorsey is the one tech guy who’s actually displayed a backbone.”
U.S. ‘escalation’ versus China’s ‘jackboot diplomacy’
Garossino also addressed another tech battle involving Trump at Thursday’s online event.
The former Crown prosecutor and trial lawyer discussed the latest development in the legal case of Chinese tech executive Meng Wanzhou, who lost her bid to avoid a U.S. extradition process on Wednesday in the B.C. Supreme Court.
Garossino revealed she once worked with the top court’s associate chief justice, Heather Holmes, who ruled against the Huawei chief financial officer charged with lying to a bank in order to breach Iran sanctions.
“In my prosecutor days, I used to work with Heather Holmes,” Garossino said, quipping that while she herself had left the profession, Holmes “stuck with it.”
“I have a little bit of insight into her,” she said of the judge, who was appointed to the bench in 2001 and made associate chief justice two years ago. Before that, she spent her four-decade career prosecuting corporate criminals.
Holmes on Wednesday issued a 23-page ruling in the complex case. The Huawei executive argued she could not be handed to the U.S. since Canada didn’t have its own sanctions against Iran, a rule that the offence must be a crime in both countries to allow extradition, known as “double criminality.” But Crown prosecutors had countered that her alleged crime was actually bank fraud, not breaching U.S. sanctions. Meng has insisted she is innocent throughout the case, and has been under house arrest in one of her Vancouver mansions since 2018.
“Canada's law of fraud looks beyond international boundaries,” Holmes ruled on Wednesday, rejecting defence lawyers’ argument without determining whether the accused was guilty, however. “Meng's approach to the double-criminality analysis would seriously limit Canada's ability to fulfil its international obligations.”
From professional experience, Garossino remembered Holmes as careful and meticulous in her analysis, adding the judge is not one to be at all swayed by the “momentous impact” her rulings will likely make on international relations between Canada, China and the U.S.
“She is such a straight arrow,” Garossino said. “I don’t see her buckling on anything.
“I think that was the right ruling. I’ve talked to a couple people who disagree, but it’s not like there isn’t a foundation for it. But it is a real straight-arrow move that is typical of this judge.”
Garossino’s commentary on the Huawei legal case and its geopolitical ramifications has garnered controversy — particularly for her view that Meng’s arrest by the RCMP was simply part of a political tactic by Trump.
Another company accused of similar offences, for example, is no longer facing U.S. prosecution. But Huawei’s prosecution proceeds, and Canada is trapped in between the will of two global superpowers.
“This was a huge escalation by the Americans,” Garossino said.
At top of mind, however, should be the two Canadians who remain in Chinese government detention in what is widely seen as retaliation for Meng’s arrest, Garossino told her audience Thursday. The fates of Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor — dubbed “the two Michaels” — rest upon the B.C. case’s outcome.
Detained Canadian citizens Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig. Photographs from Facebook
“China continues to play a very bad hand here, baring its teeth to the world,” she argued, by “effectively kidnapping” the Canadian citizens. She called it “jackboot diplomacy.”
For her former lawyer colleague, Holmes, the stakes couldn’t be higher, with “quite momentous impact on diplomatic relations” and the global power balance. But she must simply consider the facts of case law, Garossino said, and not the politics — a responsibility she knows Holmes would never shrink from.
What Canada’s attorney general does about the extradition if Holmes rules in U.S. favour, however, is another matter entirely. And that is where Garossino admits she’s been most controversial on the issue.
“My own personal opinion, and I’ve been roundly criticized for it, is I’m so unhappy with how the Americans handled the Meng arrest,” Garossino said. “Eventually, this matter is going to get to (the) attorney general, and there have been enough violations of her Charter rights, the attorney Gegeral can hang his hat on that and refuse the extradition on that basis.
“She goes back to China, we get the two Michaels back — that would be the deal for releasing Meng.”
Garossino's views have proven controversial among some of her fellow national pundits, including others demanding the release of Kovrig and Spavor — particularly among those who want Ottawa to take a much more aggressive stance against China generally.
In his Ottawa Citizen column earlier this year, Terry Glavin dismissed the argument that the attorney general should intervene to release Meng in what he said was akin to a hostage swap.
“The prisoner-exchange remedy they’ve proposed relies on some heretofore undisclosed assurance from Beijing that indeed the two Mikes would be surrendered,” Glavin wrote on Jan. 22, “if only Prime Minister Justin Trudeau would hornswoggle from Justice Minister David Lametti an unseemly intervention on Meng’s behalf … The gambit also relies on Canadians believing Beijing’s propaganda contrivance to the effect that U.S. President Donald Trump got us into this mess.”
Garossino said such arguments ignore Trump's own 2018 pronouncements that he “would certainly intervene” in Meng's prosecution if it would help him sign “the largest trade deal ever made.” And in an April 6 Twitter exchange, Garossino said she'd “have some time” for Glavin's argument “if Trump had not completely soiled this process by openly bartering Meng’s captivity for trade concessions.”
She countered that sabre-rattling with China overestimates Canada's power and influence in the world, and would regardless likely not be effective in freeing the detained Canadians, who have been held in “pretty horrific circumstances” for more than 500 days, accused of spying by the Chinese dictatorship.
“These are Canadians who are really suffering — they’re in severe jeopardy. If this process goes forward and this extradition happens, it’s entirely possible that China could hold one of their summary trials, a two-hour affair, and they could be facing death,” Garossino said Thursday. “The Chinese government is a clear bad actor that doesn’t deserve rewarding.
“I see in a lot of commentary the idea we’re going to stand up to China. What are they thinking? We have this imaginary view of Canada — we’re a little entity here, we have no leverage.”
Garossino frequently appears on national television, and her commentary has earned Canada’s National Observer several national and provincial awards, including the national award for best column from the Canadian Online Publishing Awards.
This live interview is part of Canada's National Observer’s Conversation series featuring topics around COVID-19, the economy, politics and climate change. To watch the full conversation, head to our YouTube channel. To stay up to date on upcoming interviews, subscribe here.


nationalobserver--2020-05-29--Trump targets Twitter, threatens changes to U.S. law that protects online platforms

Donald Trump launched a Twitter war of a different sort Thursday , picking a fight with the online platforms that helped to shape his political career — a feud that , should it escalate , could curtail free speech in the United States and even run afoul of North America 's new trade pact .
Angered by Twitter 's decision to place fact-check flags on two of his recent tweets , Trump signed an executive order Thursday authorizing a review of Section 230 of the U.S. Communications Decency Act , a cornerstone of the modern-day internet that protects online platforms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their sites .
`` Currently , social media giants like Twitter receive an unprecedented liability shield based on the theory that they 're a neutral platform , which they 're not , '' Trump said in the Oval Office , with Attorney General Bill Barr standing at his side .
The order , he said , calls for new regulations that would strip that protection from any social media outlets `` that engage in censoring or any political conduct . ''
`` That 's a big deal , '' Trump said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're not going to have a shield . ''
• Ontario pushing through changes to tenancy law as crisis looms • Union fires back after Ford says long-term care inspectors refused to go into infected homes While the move is being billed by the White House as a full-throated defence of America 's precious constitutional right to free expression , and dismissed by others as posturing , experts say changes to the law would encourage companies like Twitter , Google and Facebook to simply hit delete rather than defend the rights of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Countries that do not have these kinds of provisions find that platforms will often err on the side of removing content , '' said Michael Geist , a law professor at the University of Ottawa who specializes in online and e-commerce issues .
`` That would probably be , at the end of the day , the crucial takeaway here : this is framed as being measures designed to help safeguard free speech , and yet limiting some of these kinds of protections would have the effect of doing the opposite . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the foundation on which Big Tech is built , has been the subject of heated debate on Capitol Hill in recent years as the 20-year-old vision of the internet as a self-policing free-speech utopia has been sullied by the seedier corners of cyberspace , where hate speech , misogyny and disinformation campaigns flourish .
But congressional concerns about the law depend on which side of the aisle they 're coming from : while Democrats take issue with content that foments hatred and falsehoods , Republicans complain about efforts to moderate content that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That 's what Trump contends Twitter was doing when a pair of tweets he sent Tuesday claiming mail-in ballots are vulnerable to election fraud were tagged with links urging followers to `` get the facts about mail-in ballots . ''
The links led readers to a brief note that called the claims `` unsubstantiated , '' citing reports by CNN and the Washington Post — two of the president 's most loathed media outlets .
Trump targets Twitter , threatens changes to U.S. law enshrined in USMCA The Communications Decency Act is n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Section 230 appears .
It also happens to be part of the digital chapter of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement , where it was included to ensure that the protection it provides technology companies in the U.S. is applicable right across North America .
`` The extent to which the United States decided that it was going to create new levels of liability for these platforms , counter to or in conflict with what 's found in Section 230 — that might run afoul of their new obligations under the USMCA , '' Geist said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specializes in Canada-U.S. trade , said while that 's true on paper , the agreement is designed to be a `` living document '' that its myriad committees , interagency groups and enforcement bodies will be policing carefully during the early stages to ensure any conflicts or contradictions can be navigated .
And as always , it 's an open question whether Trump will make good on his threat in the first place , he added .
`` These are warning shots and teeing up some kind of negotiation that will happen , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't see this as anything that will have a practical effect in the short term . ''
Steve DelBianco , president of NetChoice , a D.C.-based trade association that lobbies Congress on behalf of the technology industry , said while Trump 's intent is to protect freedom of expression on the internet , he 's going about it the wrong way .
`` It 's the wrong vehicle in the right direction , '' DelBianco said .
`` Social media has been a godsend for average people , average Canadians , who want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a big traditional-media filter .
For that reason , the limited liability that 's in the USMCA makes sense for Canada , no matter what President Trump may do here in the United States to work over social-media platforms that he feels are not treating him fairly . ''
Trump seemed to have found a surprising ally of sorts : Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg .

Donald Trump launched a Twitter war of a different sort Thursday, picking a fight with the online platforms that helped to shape his political career — a feud that, should it escalate, could curtail free speech in the United States and even run afoul of North America's new trade pact. Angered by Twitter's decision to place fact-check flags on two of his recent tweets, Trump signed an executive order Thursday authorizing a review of Section 230 of the U.S. Communications Decency Act, a cornerstone of the modern-day internet that protects online platforms from being held liable for third-party content on their sites. "Currently, social media giants like Twitter receive an unprecedented liability shield based on the theory that they're a neutral platform, which they're not," Trump said in the Oval Office, with Attorney General Bill Barr standing at his side. The order, he said, calls for new regulations that would strip that protection from any social media outlets "that engage in censoring or any political conduct." "That's a big deal," Trump said. "They have a shield. They're not going to have a shield."
While the move is being billed by the White House as a full-throated defence of America's precious constitutional right to free expression, and dismissed by others as posturing, experts say changes to the law would encourage companies like Twitter, Google and Facebook to simply hit delete rather than defend the rights of those who post contentious statements online. "Countries that do not have these kinds of provisions find that platforms will often err on the side of removing content," said Michael Geist, a law professor at the University of Ottawa who specializes in online and e-commerce issues. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions "That would probably be, at the end of the day, the crucial takeaway here: this is framed as being measures designed to help safeguard free speech, and yet limiting some of these kinds of protections would have the effect of doing the opposite."
Section 230, credited by many as the foundation on which Big Tech is built, has been the subject of heated debate on Capitol Hill in recent years as the 20-year-old vision of the internet as a self-policing free-speech utopia has been sullied by the seedier corners of cyberspace, where hate speech, misogyny and disinformation campaigns flourish. Trump targets Twitter, threatens changes to U.S. law enshrined in USMCA But congressional concerns about the law depend on which side of the aisle they're coming from: while Democrats take issue with content that foments hatred and falsehoods, Republicans complain about efforts to moderate content that they say end up suppressing conservative viewpoints. That's what Trump contends Twitter was doing when a pair of tweets he sent Tuesday claiming mail-in ballots are vulnerable to election fraud were tagged with links urging followers to "get the facts about mail-in ballots." The links led readers to a brief note that called the claims "unsubstantiated," citing reports by CNN and the Washington Post — two of the president's most loathed media outlets. The Communications Decency Act isn't the only place where the text of Section 230 appears. It also happens to be part of the digital chapter of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, where it was included to ensure that the protection it provides technology companies in the U.S. is applicable right across North America. "The extent to which the United States decided that it was going to create new levels of liability for these platforms, counter to or in conflict with what's found in Section 230 — that might run afoul of their new obligations under the USMCA," Geist said.
Dan Ujczo, a lawyer who specializes in Canada-U.S. trade, said while that's true on paper, the agreement is designed to be a "living document" that its myriad committees, interagency groups and enforcement bodies will be policing carefully during the early stages to ensure any conflicts or contradictions can be navigated. And as always, it's an open question whether Trump will make good on his threat in the first place, he added. "These are warning shots and teeing up some kind of negotiation that will happen," Ujczo said. "I don't see this as anything that will have a practical effect in the short term."


nationalobserver--2020-05-30--Pride leader Colin Ratushniak mulls bid for town council

If he ran and won , it would make him the only openly gay councillor in La Ronge and the first as far as we know .
Lac La Ronge regional pride committee advocate , former professional figure skater and television producer Colin Ratushniak is considering running for town council following unanimous approval of his submission to fly the pride flag in La Ronge for the full month of June .
He had a successful career as a figure skater , having toured with “ Disney on Ice ” for five years .
Ratushniak is known for his 2011 appearance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ice '' alongside skating partner , U.K. television presenter Laura Hamilton .
Ratushniak is a pilot with Transwest and fitness supervisor at the Jonas Roberts Memorial Community Centre ’ s fitness centre where he manages the gym area .
“ I think that it ’ s necessary for people to see that we ’ re viable .
So this was a fantastic win for our organization , ” Ratushniak told Canada ’ s National Observer after the town council meeting approved his bid on Thursday .
The council vote is significant because it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have agreed to a motion regarding the pride flag .
Ratushniak said the fact everyone on council voted in favour of the motion is in itself a win .
“ At 32 , I said , ‘ I ’ m going to go after my passion.
’ And that ’ s what I did .
So I went back and finished my training .
Once I finished my training , I got a job here immediately and moved to up here about 13 months ago.
” “ I was working 9-5 and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doing .
I actually got my pilot ’ s licence when I was 17 and that ’ s what I wanted to do , ” he said .
That ’ s when he rediscovered his childhood love of flying and made an abrupt career change in his early 30s .
“ I produced ‘ Big Brother ’ over there for about three years and then I moved back to Toronto , where I was working at CTV ... on their specialty programming like ‘ etalk , ’ and the ‘ Much Music Video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ratushniak toured in approximately 65 countries around the world for 13 years and moved into television , becoming a producer in the U.K. From there , he moved into television production .
“ I did cruise ships , I did a TV show in the U.K. that was sort of like ‘ Dancing with the Stars.
’ I have a colourful past , ” he said .
Promotional video of last year 's Lac La Ronge regional pride parade .
Organizers are looking at ways to have a socially distanced parade this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
 Also in 2019 , his group of about 10 volunteers involved the community and staged a walk-in at the La Ronge town council chamber , demanding acceptance for the pride flag .
“ I couldn ’ t believe that in this day and age , things like that were still being struck down .
Especially considering how far we ’ ve come.
” Ratushniak also got involved in pride and started taking a leadership role in the solidarity movement to get the pride flag accepted in La Ronge .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as we possibly could .
It was amazing to see the support from the community , ” Ratushniak said .
Pushing for equality on the La Ronge town council hits close to home for Ratushniak .
“ I grew up in northern Manitoba in a town of 2,000 people and I left because I didn ’ t feel like my community was there .
I was lost or didn ’ t know where to turn for support for that , so coming back to a small town , I felt like it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” He said what makes it all worthwhile for him is when he sees the impact his advocacy work has on youth struggling with coming out in the community and to their parents .
“ As long as I continue to have that effect on people ’ s lives , I will continue to push for that equality that we deserve and need , ” he said .
He said homophobia continues to be an issue in society and this can be especially hard in small communities like La Ronge .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have dealt with suicide , ” he said .
Ratushniak said Coun .
Jordan McPhail and Mayor Ron Woytowich were the only two who showed up to yearly pride parades .
“ We might see more involvement this year because there 's an election coming up and people might want to save face … The only thing that we can do is try to educate people and that ’ s the win in this game , ” he said .
Ratushniak credits McPhail for making the first pride parade four years ago possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motion to raise the pride flag was defeated four votes to three .
Prior to the vote , McPhail had famously raised the pride flag at town council regardless .
There was gradual progress on the issue in following years as pride parades continued to happen .
In 2018 , town of La Ronge chief administrative officer Stephen Conway resigned and sent a letter accusing some council members of homophobia and misogyny as well as racist behaviour , violent drunkenness , corruption and conflict of interest .
Conway alleged in his letter that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and provided there are no members of the public in attendance ” members of council attacked people using highly offensive language toward sexual and racial minorities .
The pride flag motion was brought back to council in 2019 and passed six to one , with Coun .
Dallas Everest voting against .
This year ’ s motion , put forward by McPhail and seconded by Coun .
Matt Klassen , saw full support for allowing the flag to fly for the month of July .
Woytowich told National Observer that while he can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ councillors are homophobic , the reasons given for objections to the pride flag were more procedural .
He said that he has personally always supported both the pride parade and raising the flag , but in the past , councillors took issue with the way motions were put forward .
Woytowich said his understanding was , in the past , councillors were concerned about the flag setting a precedent for other flags to go up in La Ronge , and also because at the time , they only had three flag poles — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one for the town .
The 2017 records show that he supported the pride flag motion in 2017 , when it was voted down .
“ I think it was absolutely necessary from the beginning in 2017 .
Ultimately , at the time , it did fail , but I think we ’ ve come a long way and that ’ s part of pride celebrations — to raise awareness and to educate people .
Colin has done an amazing job at educating the public and councillors , ” McPhail said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who also sits on the La Ronge town council , previously voted for the flag , but was absent from Thursday 's meeting .
“ By raising that flag , it ’ s also saying that the community supports you and is not against you in any way , ” Jordan McPhail said .
“ I think it ’ s a win for the tri-communities .
I think La Ronge needs to continue to be a beacon in showing equality and showing that LGBTQ2+ people are viable and visible within the community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re your brothers , we ’ re your uncles , we ’ re your aunts , we ’ re taxpaying citizens , ” Ratushniak said .
Ratushniak said if he ultimately runs for council , he will continue to advocate for the community .
“ We ’ re seeing the pride flag and the pride movement happening in the tri-communities and things are finally moving in the right direction .
I want people to know that they ’ re not alone and that the communities are here to support them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ wins that will show that , ” he said .
Because of COVID-19 , the coming pride parade was cancelled and is being reformatted .
Ratushniak is looking at options to conduct a socially distanced pride celebration , such as a parade where people stay inside their vehicles , and an online awareness campaign involving a choreography challenge .
He suggested following the Lac La Ronge regional pride committee Facebook and Instagram pages for updates on what will happen this year .
This year the flag will be raised at the community flagpole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the town office as it was last year .

“I think that it’s necessary for people to see that we’re viable. So this was a fantastic win for our organization,” Ratushniak told Canada’s National Observer after the town council meeting approved his bid on Thursday.
The council vote is significant because it marks the first time all members present have agreed to a motion regarding the pride flag. Ratushniak said the fact everyone on council voted in favour of the motion is in itself a win.
If he ran and won, it would make him the only openly gay councillor in La Ronge and the first as far as we know.
Lac La Ronge regional pride committee advocate, former professional figure skater and television producer Colin Ratushniak is considering running for town council following unanimous approval of his submission to fly the pride flag in La Ronge for the full month of June.
He had a successful career as a figure skater, having toured with “Disney on Ice” for five years. Ratushniak is known for his 2011 appearance in the TV show "Dancing on Ice" alongside skating partner, U.K. television presenter Laura Hamilton.
Ratushniak is a pilot with Transwest and fitness supervisor at the Jonas Roberts Memorial Community Centre’s fitness centre where he manages the gym area.
“I produced ‘Big Brother’ over there for about three years and then I moved back to Toronto, where I was working at CTV ... on their specialty programming like ‘etalk,’ and the ‘Much Music Video Awards,’” he said.
Ratushniak toured in approximately 65 countries around the world for 13 years and moved into television, becoming a producer in the U.K.
From there, he moved into television production. “I did cruise ships, I did a TV show in the U.K. that was sort of like ‘Dancing with the Stars.’ I have a colourful past,” he said.
Promotional video of last year's Lac La Ronge regional pride parade. Organizers are looking at ways to have a socially distanced parade this year. From Colin Ratushniak's YouTube channel.
“At 32, I said, ‘I’m going to go after my passion.’ And that’s what I did. So I went back and finished my training. Once I finished my training, I got a job here immediately and moved to up here about 13 months ago.”
“I was working 9-5 and it wasn't what I wanted to be doing. I actually got my pilot’s licence when I was 17 and that’s what I wanted to do,” he said.
That’s when he rediscovered his childhood love of flying and made an abrupt career change in his early 30s.
Colin Ratushniak with Lac La Ronge Indian band chief Tammy Cook-Searson in front of the two-spirited flag at the Lac La Ronge band office during pride month. Ratushniak said that the band has been supportive of pride month since the beginning. Photograph courtesy of Colin Ratushniak.
Ratushniak also got involved in pride and started taking a leadership role in the solidarity movement to get the pride flag accepted in La Ronge.
“I couldn’t believe that in this day and age, things like that were still being struck down. Especially considering how far we’ve come.”
Also in 2019, his group of about 10 volunteers involved the community and staged a walk-in at the La Ronge town council chamber, demanding acceptance for the pride flag.
Drag queen celebrity Cheryl Trade, Miss Gay Saskatoon 2019 and host of Disco Diva's showed up in her hometown of La Ronge to support flying the pride flag. Photograph courtesy of Colin Ratushniak.
“We packed the chamber with as many people as we possibly could. It was amazing to see the support from the community,” Ratushniak said.
Pushing for equality on the La Ronge town council hits close to home for Ratushniak.
“I grew up in northern Manitoba in a town of 2,000 people and I left because I didn’t feel like my community was there. I was lost or didn’t know where to turn for support for that, so coming back to a small town, I felt like it’s very important to keep pushing that.”
He said what makes it all worthwhile for him is when he sees the impact his advocacy work has on youth struggling with coming out in the community and to their parents.
“As long as I continue to have that effect on people’s lives, I will continue to push for that equality that we deserve and need,” he said.
Colin Ratushniak and others volunteering with the Lac La Ronge regional pride committee's 2019 initiative in front of the Northern Village of Air Ronge for pride month. The village has no flagpole, but supports pride in other ways such as by hanging flags in office windows and supporting rainbow crosswalks. Photograph courtesy of Colin Ratushniak.
He said homophobia continues to be an issue in society and this can be especially hard in small communities like La Ronge.
“We have parents here who have children who have dealt with suicide,” he said.
Ratushniak said Coun. Jordan McPhail and Mayor Ron Woytowich were the only two who showed up to yearly pride parades.
“We might see more involvement this year because there's an election coming up and people might want to save face … The only thing that we can do is try to educate people and that’s the win in this game,” he said.
Ratushniak credits McPhail for making the first pride parade four years ago possible.
La Ronge town councillor Jordan McPhail in the front seat of his pickup truck during the 2019 pride parade. Photograph courtesy of Colin Ratushniak.
In 2017, McPhail’s motion to raise the pride flag was defeated four votes to three. Prior to the vote, McPhail had famously raised the pride flag at town council regardless. There was gradual progress on the issue in following years as pride parades continued to happen.
In 2018, town of La Ronge chief administrative officer Stephen Conway resigned and sent a letter accusing some council members of homophobia and misogyny as well as racist behaviour, violent drunkenness, corruption and conflict of interest.
Conway alleged in his letter that “once the media leaves the room and provided there are no members of the public in attendance” members of council attacked people using highly offensive language toward sexual and racial minorities.
This week the La Ronge town council voted unanimously for Ratushniak's request to keep the pride flag up all month in June. Photograph by Michael Bramadat-Willcock.
The pride flag motion was brought back to council in 2019 and passed six to one, with Coun. Dallas Everest voting against. This year’s motion, put forward by McPhail and seconded by Coun. Matt Klassen, saw full support for allowing the flag to fly for the month of July.
Woytowich told National Observer that while he cannot speak to whether or not any councillors are homophobic, the reasons given for objections to the pride flag were more procedural. He said that he has personally always supported both the pride parade and raising the flag, but in the past, councillors took issue with the way motions were put forward.
Woytowich said his understanding was, in the past, councillors were concerned about the flag setting a precedent for other flags to go up in La Ronge, and also because at the time, they only had three flag poles — one for Canada, one for Saskatchewan and one for the town. The 2017 records show that he supported the pride flag motion in 2017, when it was voted down.
La Ronge mayor Ron Woytowich said that he has always personally supported the pride flag and parades. He has attended pride parades along with councillor Jordan McPhail in the past.
“I think it was absolutely necessary from the beginning in 2017. Ultimately, at the time, it did fail, but I think we’ve come a long way and that’s part of pride celebrations — to raise awareness and to educate people. Colin has done an amazing job at educating the public and councillors,” McPhail said.
McPhail’s grandfather, Rex McPhail, who also sits on the La Ronge town council, previously voted for the flag, but was absent from Thursday's meeting.
“By raising that flag, it’s also saying that the community supports you and is not against you in any way,” Jordan McPhail said.
“I think it’s a win for the tri-communities. I think La Ronge needs to continue to be a beacon in showing equality and showing that LGBTQ2+ people are viable and visible within the community. We’re your sisters, we’re your brothers, we’re your uncles, we’re your aunts, we’re taxpaying citizens,” Ratushniak said.
Ratushniak said if he ultimately runs for council, he will continue to advocate for the community.
A supporter stands up at the La Ronge town council as part of a 2019 walk-in for the pride flag. Photograph courtesy of Colin Ratushniak.
“We’re seeing the pride flag and the pride movement happening in the tri-communities and things are finally moving in the right direction. I want people to know that they’re not alone and that the communities are here to support them. It’s small steps and small wins that will show that,” he said.
Because of COVID-19, the coming pride parade was cancelled and is being reformatted.
Ratushniak is looking at options to conduct a socially distanced pride celebration, such as a parade where people stay inside their vehicles, and an online awareness campaign involving a choreography challenge.
He suggested following the Lac La Ronge regional pride committee Facebook and Instagram pages for updates on what will happen this year.
This year the flag will be raised at the community flagpole in Patterson Park instead of in front of the town office as it was last year.
Michael Bramadat-Willcock/Local Journalism Initiative/Canada's National Observer


nationalobserver--2020-06-01--Enviro Canada inspections for polluting in Canada down sharply since 2015

Environment Canada has been doing fewer inspections , investigations and prosecutions over the last five years to enforce a law protecting people from toxic chemicals and air pollution .
According to figures provided last month in response to a written question submitted in the House of Commons , the department investigated 43 companies for violations of the Canadian Environmental Protection Act in 2015-16 .
There were 22 prosecutions and convictions .
In each of the last two fiscal years , however , the department investigated 12 companies .
One was prosecuted and convicted .
`` It definitely raises a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NDP MP Laurel Collins , the critic for environment and climate change who posed the question .
`` It 's wild that there was only one investigation that led to a prosecution in 2018 and 2019 , '' she said .
`` I think most Canadians would be surprised to hear that .
I do n't think anyone thinks there is only one company violating . ''
• Sandy Garossino on Meng Wanzhou , Huawei , Joe Scarborough , Trump 's war on Twitter and chaos in America • Canada 's emissions rise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopt U.K .
Carbon Budget law now ?
The Canadian Environmental Protection Act ( CEPA ) governs how Canada manages toxic chemicals and air pollution .
In February , Collins submitted the order paper question , which is what MPs use when they want a more detailed answer from the government than is usually possible during the daily oral question period in the House of Commons .
She was seeking an update to a 2018 report on CEPA enforcement from the federal environment commissioner .
That report called out Environment Canada for disproportionately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they use for cleaning — known as perchloroethylene — even though it was not more toxic than other substances investigators were supposed to be monitoring .
Collins says she was disheartened to find that enforcement has fallen `` dramatically . ''
Asked to explain the drop in investigations under the act , a spokesperson for Environment Canada said only that investigations can be complex and take many years to complete .
Environment Minister Jonathan Wilkinson would not comment because enforcement is an arm's-length process that must remain outside the political realm , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutions for polluting in Canada down sharply since 2015 The data provided to Collins does not mirror the numbers the department publishes in its annual report on the Canadian Environmental Protection Act .
The response to Collins looked at investigations by the number of companies involved .
The annual report reflected the number of investigations for each regulation under the act .
Some companies are investigated under more than one regulation .
Those annual reports do show the number of total inspections the department is doing has also dropped substantially , from 3,898 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Companies that have been convicted end up on a national registry of environmental offenders .
Some of the most recent cases involved selling products with volatile organic compounds above legal limits , chemical leaks and spills from electrical transformers , selling toxic chemicals to companies without making sure they had proper storage facilities available , and improperly disposing seafood waste in the ocean .
Muhannad Malas , the toxics program manager at Environmental Defence , an advocacy organization , said the Liberal government tries to bill itself as having the `` gold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is just not very much enforcement happening .
`` When you start digging into the numbers here you find that the government is not taking it seriously , '' he said .
The Liberals formed government in the fall of 2015 and were re-elected , with a minority mandate , in October 2019 .
The government is also well behind schedule in reforming the Canadian Environmental Protection Act .
The law has to be reviewed every five years .
The last review began in 2016 and was completed by the House of Commons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee made more than 80 recommendations , including a suggestion to consider enshrining the right to a healthy environment in the law , mandatory labels for hazardous materials in a product , and better data collection on those products .
Malas said he was encouraged when strengthening the law was one of the items in Wilkinson 's mandate letter last fall .
He is worried the COVID-19 pandemic , which has delayed numerous other environmental promises including better fuel standards and a single-use plastics ban , will also push back CEPA reform .

Environment Canada has been doing fewer inspections, investigations and prosecutions over the last five years to enforce a law protecting people from toxic chemicals and air pollution. According to figures provided last month in response to a written question submitted in the House of Commons, the department investigated 43 companies for violations of the Canadian Environmental Protection Act in 2015-16. There were 22 prosecutions and convictions. In each of the last two fiscal years, however, the department investigated 12 companies. One was prosecuted and convicted. "It definitely raises a lot of questions and concerns," said NDP MP Laurel Collins, the critic for environment and climate change who posed the question. "It's wild that there was only one investigation that led to a prosecution in 2018 and 2019," she said. "I think most Canadians would be surprised to hear that. I don't think anyone thinks there is only one company violating."
The Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA) governs how Canada manages toxic chemicals and air pollution. In February, Collins submitted the order paper question, which is what MPs use when they want a more detailed answer from the government than is usually possible during the daily oral question period in the House of Commons. She was seeking an update to a 2018 report on CEPA enforcement from the federal environment commissioner. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions That report called out Environment Canada for disproportionately focusing on dry cleaners and the fluid they use for cleaning — known as perchloroethylene — even though it was not more toxic than other substances investigators were supposed to be monitoring.
Collins says she was disheartened to find that enforcement has fallen "dramatically." Investigations, prosecutions for polluting in Canada down sharply since 2015 Asked to explain the drop in investigations under the act, a spokesperson for Environment Canada said only that investigations can be complex and take many years to complete. Environment Minister Jonathan Wilkinson would not comment because enforcement is an arm's-length process that must remain outside the political realm, according to spokeswoman Moira Kelly. The data provided to Collins does not mirror the numbers the department publishes in its annual report on the Canadian Environmental Protection Act. The response to Collins looked at investigations by the number of companies involved. The annual report reflected the number of investigations for each regulation under the act. Some companies are investigated under more than one regulation. Those annual reports do show the number of total inspections the department is doing has also dropped substantially, from 3,898 in 2015-16, to 1,608 in 2018-19.
Companies that have been convicted end up on a national registry of environmental offenders. Some of the most recent cases involved selling products with volatile organic compounds above legal limits, chemical leaks and spills from electrical transformers, selling toxic chemicals to companies without making sure they had proper storage facilities available, and improperly disposing seafood waste in the ocean. Muhannad Malas, the toxics program manager at Environmental Defence, an advocacy organization, said the Liberal government tries to bill itself as having the "gold standard" of environmental protections but there is just not very much enforcement happening. "When you start digging into the numbers here you find that the government is not taking it seriously," he said.


nationalobserver--2020-06-01--Quebec families struggle to mourn those lost to COVID-19 in the hard-hit province

July Mak spent nearly every night with her father , Paul .
Because he was plagued by health problems , including a stroke that left him unable to walk on his own , the family decided to put her father in a long-term care facility in Montreal over a decade ago , Mak said .
That 's where the 68-year-old contracted the novel coronavirus and died at the end of March .
`` What if we did n't place him there ?
Maybe he could have survived this , '' Mak said in a recent interview .
Those feelings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her father 's death have made the mourning process difficult .
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`` I still ca n't believe he 's gone .
I just ca n't believe it , because there 's no closure , '' she said .
`` There ( are ) a lot of questions that come up during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among thousands of people grieving the loss of a loved one from COVID-19 across Quebec , which has recorded more than half of all the COVID-19 cases and deaths in Canada .
The province 's long-term care homes , known as CHSLDs , have become the epicentre of the outbreak .
The province recorded more than 50,000 confirmed cases and over 4,300 deaths as of Friday .
Close to two-thirds of those deaths have happened in long-term care facilities , according to government statistics .
The grieving process itself has been complicated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families are still struggling to honour their loved ones amid ongoing restrictions on large gatherings and essential services , such as funerals .
Nathalie Viens , co-ordinator at Monbourquette Bereavement Training at the Universite de Montreal , says many people were unprepared to deal with the deaths because COVID-19 hit so quickly and without warning .
`` When you do n't have this preparation ... the shock and the denial stage are more intense , and it 's going to take longer for you to realize ( your loved one is ) really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard-hit Quebec , families struggle to mourn those lost to COVID-19 Rules around social distancing have also made it difficult for people to get the in-person support and comfort they would normally get after the death of a loved one , Viens said .
Deborah Ward said she luckily was able to talk to her mother , Doris McCall , about what type of funeral she wanted shortly before she died .
McCall chose some favourite music she wanted to have played — Nat King Cole and Edith Piaf — and Ward said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's hand in her final moments .
But when Ward received a phone call from the hospital on April 1 telling her that her mother was dying — she had contracted COVID-19 in a CHSLD on Montreal 's West Island — Ward said she realized those plans would not pan out .
Instead , Ward and her children lit a candle and tightly held hands at their home in Boucherville , about 35 kilometres from the hospital her mother was in , while thinking of McCall .
The act was comforting , Ward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her know that we are there with her as best as we can be .
We let the candle burn out and then I got a call and the doctor said that she had passed . ''
With so many COVID-19 deaths in the province , the Quebec government in late April announced a program to provide support for bereaved families .
It invested $ 240,000 to bolster the work of helplines for adults and youth and provide people who lost loved ones with up to three private support sessions free of charge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also used social media to share their grief and send condolences to one another .
A public Facebook group for people who have loved ones at CHSLD Sainte-Dorothee , a hard-hit facility in Laval , counts dozens of messages .
`` I am living this mourning alone , '' reads one .
`` The call I feared came last night .
My aunt died from this cursed virus , '' reads another .
Viens at the Universite de Montreal said talking about what happened is an important step in the grieving process , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for help if they need it .
But for Christian Lapointe , whose father Romeo died of COVID-19 in early April at a Montreal CHSLD , it feels as though the mourning process has yet to really begin .
Lapointe said he was told his father was not feeling well on April 6 .
The 77-year-old tested positive for COVID-19 the next day .
The day after that , he was dead .
`` It was very violent , extremely quick , and completely out of our control , '' Lapointe said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ disease , had been moved into the long-term care home only two months before his death .
The family could not go to the morgue to identify his body , they could not be with him in his final hours , and they have not yet held a funeral , Lapointe said .
`` I feel like it 's not really mourning .
It 's like time is going by , and eventually it will become a real period of mourning , '' he said .
`` But right now , it 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 31 , 2020 .

July Mak spent nearly every night with her father, Paul. Because he was plagued by health problems, including a stroke that left him unable to walk on his own, the family decided to put her father in a long-term care facility in Montreal over a decade ago, Mak said. That's where the 68-year-old contracted the novel coronavirus and died at the end of March. "What if we didn't place him there? Maybe he could have survived this," Mak said in a recent interview. Those feelings of guilt and anger over the circumstances surrounding her father's death have made the mourning process difficult.
"I still can't believe he's gone. I just can't believe it, because there's no closure," she said. "There (are) a lot of questions that come up during the process of mourning." Mak is among thousands of people grieving the loss of a loved one from COVID-19 across Quebec, which has recorded more than half of all the COVID-19 cases and deaths in Canada. The province's long-term care homes, known as CHSLDs, have become the epicentre of the outbreak. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions The province recorded more than 50,000 confirmed cases and over 4,300 deaths as of Friday. Close to two-thirds of those deaths have happened in long-term care facilities, according to government statistics.
The grieving process itself has been complicated by the ongoing crisis, and many Quebec families are still struggling to honour their loved ones amid ongoing restrictions on large gatherings and essential services, such as funerals. In hard-hit Quebec, families struggle to mourn those lost to COVID-19 Nathalie Viens, co-ordinator at Monbourquette Bereavement Training at the Universite de Montreal, says many people were unprepared to deal with the deaths because COVID-19 hit so quickly and without warning. "When you don't have this preparation ... the shock and the denial stage are more intense, and it's going to take longer for you to realize (your loved one is) really dead," Viens said. Rules around social distancing have also made it difficult for people to get the in-person support and comfort they would normally get after the death of a loved one, Viens said. Deborah Ward said she luckily was able to talk to her mother, Doris McCall, about what type of funeral she wanted shortly before she died.
McCall chose some favourite music she wanted to have played — Nat King Cole and Edith Piaf — and Ward said she promised she would hold her mother's hand in her final moments. But when Ward received a phone call from the hospital on April 1 telling her that her mother was dying — she had contracted COVID-19 in a CHSLD on Montreal's West Island — Ward said she realized those plans would not pan out. Instead, Ward and her children lit a candle and tightly held hands at their home in Boucherville, about 35 kilometres from the hospital her mother was in, while thinking of McCall. The act was comforting, Ward said.