nationalobserver--2020-09-30--First Nations wary of consultation process on Discovery Islands fish farm decision

Studies show that contentious fish farms in the Discovery Islands pose little risk to wild salmon , therefore they will not face immediate closure , the Department of Fisheries and Oceans ( DFO ) said Monday .
Nonetheless , a final decision on the fate of 18 open-net pen operations in the region will be delayed pending consultation with seven area First Nations about whether to renew the region 's fish farm licences , which are set to expire in December .
Talks will begin immediately with the Holmalco , Klahoose , Komoks , Kwiakah , Tla'amin , We Wai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , DFO said .
Though it 's unclear if all the region ’ s First Nations want the farms removed from their territorial waters , many don ’ t have confidence in DFO 's proposed consultation process , describing it as long overdue , inadequate , or both .
The DFO decision takes place as Fraser River sockeye salmon runs are predicted to be 293,000 fish , the lowest number since records began in 1983 .
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Last year ’ s low returns had set the previous record low , while the 2018 season saw among the lowest returns in the previous four decades .
The farms were facing removal by Sept. 30 , a deadline set by the Cohen Commission report that examined the decline of Fraser River sockeye .
The 2012 report recommended the fisheries minister close farms in the region — which lie along a critical sockeye salmon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they posed minimal risk to wild fish .
Darren Blaney , chief of the Homalco First Nation , said DFO has never reached out for his input on salmon farms in the Discovery Islands despite having eight years to do so .
And he ’ s worried First Nations ' concerns won ’ t be heard or acted on after this consultation either .
“ Our Aboriginal rights do n't even seem to be part of the equation because ( DFO ) is definitely going to bat for the fish farms each and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Our Aboriginal rights do n't even seem to be part of the equation , because ( DFO ) is definitely going to bat for the fish farms , ” Homalco Chief Darren Blaney after DFO finds Discovery Island fish farms do n't pose risk to wild salmon .
@ FishOceansCAN The ministry needs to take First Nations rights and views into account when making decisions about the risks of open-net pens in the Discovery Islands , he added .
The Homalco Nation has been trying to get DFO to come to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fish farms in the area for some time , said Blaney .
The Liberal government should stick to its campaign promise to move fish farms breeding Atlantic salmon onto land by 2025 , he said .
However , the federal government walked back that promise , and Fisheries Minister Bernadette Jordan now says DFO will devise a transition plan for open-net pens by that date .
Homalco Chief Darren Blaney , pictured above at a June Black Lives Matter protest , says DFO needs to respect Aboriginal rights when deciding the fate of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photo by Rochelle Baker Fish farm pathogens pose little risk to migrating salmon , DFO says DFO decided to keep the aquaculture operations open past the September deadline after studying nine different farm fish pathogens and concluding they pose little risk to migrating sockeye salmon .
Sea lice — which can concentrate in farms and endanger the survival of juvenile salmon migrating through the area — was not among the nine diseases studied .
Fish farm measures to control sea lice problems meet the minimum risk threshold to wild salmon outlined in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monday .
The federal government wants strong , collaborative relationships with Indigenous peoples regarding the management of the marine environment , said Minister Jordan in a press release .
“ We recognize the concerns raised by partners that these particular farms may not be the best fit for this location nor for the adjacent communities , ” Jordan said .
She promised the ultimate decision on the farms would factor in “ area-based ” Indigenous knowledge , social , economic , geographic , and environmental factors .
Though concerns around Discovery Islands salmon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wanted to wait until scientific risk assessments were complete before consulting with area First Nations on the issue , the minister ’ s office said .
At least two First Nations within the Discovery Islands region warned DFO they have conditions they want met before they ’ ll sit down for talks .
The We Wai Kai and Wei Wai Kum Nations said they wouldn ’ t be accepting any unilateral decisions by DFO about open-net salmon farms in their territorial waters .
In a written response to the minister ’ s invitation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Wei Wai Kum Chief Chris Roberts said the farms are in their core territory , and they want DFO to talk with them one on one .
“ A generic regional approach to consultation by DFO ignores this position and is not conducive to meaningful engagement with our specific concerns regarding impacts to our title and rights , ” the chiefs said .
Assu and Roberts said they are pursuing a meaningful role in protecting Fraser River salmon , but first and foremost , they want a collaborative partnership between their Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognizes their decision-making authority in their territory .
The chiefs did n't say if they are seeking the removal of open-net pens from the Discovery Islands region .
Other First Nations want a seat at the consultation table More than two dozen First Nations living along the Fraser River who depend on the salmon fishery are demanding to be included in the consultation process , even if they have no territory in the Discovery Islands .
Salmon is an essential nutritional , social , and cultural food for them all .
An essential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No sockeye fisheries — including First Nations ’ food , social , and ceremonial fisheries , which are an Aboriginal right and protected under Section 35 of the Constitution — opened this year .
“ This is a fishery that used to be in the millions , there used to be enough for everybody ” said Robert Phillips , political executive with the First Nations Summit and a member of the Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw ( Shuswap ) of the Canim Lake First Nation .
“ If we can not feed ourselves , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after generation , for hundreds of thousands of years , then you know there ’ s a problem.
” Robert Phillips , political executive with the First Nations Summit , said the decline and decisions around Fraser River sockeye impacts many First Nations across the province .
Photo by Colin Braker/First Nations Summit It ’ s a watershed-wide connection to the salmon that DFO has omitted from its impact assessment process , which in turn has made it easier to narrow the scope and length of required consultations , explained William Nikolakis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of British Columbia focused on Aboriginal rights and natural resource law .
The federal and provincial governments are required to consult with First Nations when the government determines its actions will negatively impact a First Nation ’ s aboriginal rights .
The comprehensiveness of that consultation is determined in relation to the project ’ s anticipated impact on these rights .
So , if the government claims there is no direct relationship between open-pen fish farms in the Discovery Islands and Fraser River First Nations ’ loss of access to their food , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not required to consult them on its decision .
That ’ s what Nikolakis sees happening here , with the DFO narrowing the scope of its scientific review to a level that excludes the ecosystem-wide impacts of open-pen fish farms — and the extensive consultation process those findings could trigger .
And their view , Phillips said , ignores the obvious : Salmon are a migratory species .
“ Wild salmon are not one place .
They go in the ocean , they go up rivers , they spawn .
All First @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be consulted .
”

Studies show that contentious fish farms in the Discovery Islands pose little risk to wild salmon, therefore they will not face immediate closure, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) said Monday. Nonetheless, a final decision on the fate of 18 open-net pen operations in the region will be delayed pending consultation with seven area First Nations about whether to renew the region's fish farm licences, which are set to expire in December. Talks will begin immediately with the Holmalco, Klahoose, Komoks, Kwiakah, Tla'amin, We Wai Kai and Wei Wai Kum First Nations, DFO said. Though it's unclear if all the region’s First Nations want the farms removed from their territorial waters, many don’t have confidence in DFO's proposed consultation process, describing it as long overdue, inadequate, or both. The DFO decision takes place as Fraser River sockeye salmon runs are predicted to be 293,000 fish, the lowest number since records began in 1983.
Last year’s low returns had set the previous record low, while the 2018 season saw among the lowest returns in the previous four decades. The farms were facing removal by Sept. 30, a deadline set by the Cohen Commission report that examined the decline of Fraser River sockeye. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions The 2012 report recommended the fisheries minister close farms in the region — which lie along a critical sockeye salmon migration route — unless DFO could prove they posed minimal risk to wild fish.
Darren Blaney, chief of the Homalco First Nation, said DFO has never reached out for his input on salmon farms in the Discovery Islands despite having eight years to do so. “Our Aboriginal rights don't even seem to be part of the equation, because (DFO) is definitely going to bat for the fish farms,” Homalco Chief Darren Blaney after DFO finds Discovery Island fish farms don't pose risk to wild salmon. @FishOceansCAN And he’s worried First Nations' concerns won’t be heard or acted on after this consultation either. “Our Aboriginal rights don't even seem to be part of the equation because (DFO) is definitely going to bat for the fish farms each and every time,” Blaney said Monday. The ministry needs to take First Nations rights and views into account when making decisions about the risks of open-net pens in the Discovery Islands, he added. The Homalco Nation has been trying to get DFO to come to the table during treaty negotiations to discuss fish farms in the area for some time, said Blaney.
The Liberal government should stick to its campaign promise to move fish farms breeding Atlantic salmon onto land by 2025, he said. However, the federal government walked back that promise, and Fisheries Minister Bernadette Jordan now says DFO will devise a transition plan for open-net pens by that date. Homalco Chief Darren Blaney, pictured above at a June Black Lives Matter protest, says DFO needs to respect Aboriginal rights when deciding the fate of fish farms in Discovery Islands. File photo by Rochelle Baker


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--BP and Shell still backing associations that lobby against greenhouse gas regulation

This story was originally published by HuffPost and appears here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration Earlier this year , oil giants BP and Royal Dutch Shell assessed the climate lobbying done by trade associations they have been involved with , and publicly quit a handful of high-profile industry groups campaigning to undermine regulations to reduce greenhouse gases .
The effort was part of a vow to increase corporate transparency and bring planet-heating emissions to net zero over the next few decades .
But Shell and BP ― the second- and fourth-largest oil companies by revenue last year ― @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eight trade organizations lobbying against climate measures in the United States and Australia , an Unearthed and HuffPost investigation has found .
These groups were not disclosed in the public reviews .
Reviews of leaked and publicly available documents show those groups are part of the sprawling network of state and regional trade associations that have , in at least one case , boasted about quashing the very carbon-reduction policies the oil giants publicly claim to support .
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The companies said they either hoped to reform the trade groups , including the eight identified here , of which they are still part , or planned to review their membership going forward .
But both BP and Shell refused to disclose full lists of trade associations where they have ongoing involvement .
“ Our approach is that where policy differences arise , we will seek to influence from within ― and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said in a statement .
“ If we reach an impasse , we will be transparent in publicly stating our differences .
And on major issues , if our views and those of an association can not be reconciled then we will be prepared to leave.
” A Shell spokeswoman said its next review would “ select the additional industry associations because their climate-related policies have brought them to the attention of investors and non-governmental organisations , and because they operate in regions or countries where we have significant business activities.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to publish an industry associations report and we are pleased that other companies have since published reports , ” she said by email .
“ Our next update will assess our alignment with the 18 industry associations featured already , as well as others.
” But the findings cast a dim light over the oil behemoths ’ ballyhooed new climate pledges , raising questions about how seriously they can be taken when the companies are still funding lobbying operations that undermine their new commitments .
In the United States , both Shell and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Western Energy Consumers , which crusaded against Oregon ’ s efforts to put a price on carbon emissions , and the Texas Oil & Gas Association , a trade group in the nation ’ s top oil-producing state battling rules to restrict output of methane , a super-heating greenhouse gas .
An Unearthed and HuffPost investigation identified at least eight trade associations the companies failed to disclose in transparency reports .
# greenwashing @ shell @ BP # climatechange In Australia , the two giants back the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , two groups fighting to undercut the country ’ s contributions to the Paris climate accords .
Shell , meanwhile , quietly held its seat on the Queensland Resources Council , a key advocate of building the world ’ s largest coal mine .
“ This is a standard business practice , ” said Robert Brulle , a climate denial researcher and professor at Brown University ’ s Institute at Brown for Environment and Society .
“ They ’ re trying to have it both ways , being socially responsible without changing their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helm in February , BP CEO Bernard Looney began a review of lobbying by the company ’ s trade groups .
He billed the effort as a “ small but important step towards rebuilding trust in BP.
” He promised a new era on climate change , where the company that a decade earlier rebranded as “ Beyond Petroleum ” would eliminate its carbon footprint and direct its powerful lobbying machine toward “ advocacy for policies that support net zero.
” Shell published its own review in 2019 , which it updated this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ van Beurden called “ a first step towards greater transparency around our activities with industry associations on the topic of climate change.
” Yet the reviews covered only a narrow slice of their memberships .
Shell acknowledged its membership in hundreds of industry groups worldwide , but said its review assessed only 19 organizations selected “ because their positions on climate-related policy have brought them to the attention of investors and non-governmental organisations ( NGOs ) .
” BP declined to provide a ballpark estimate of how many trade associations it affiliates with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 groups “ on the basis that they are actively involved in energy policy discussions and salient to stakeholders.
” “ BP and Shell ’ s disclosures focus on a narrower selection of industry associations , ” said Faye Holder , an analyst at InfluenceMap , a British research outfit that analyzes the fossil fuel industry ’ s finances .
“ These groups tend to be the larger and more visible ones that already disclose their corporate membership , while the smaller , regional and sometimes less transparent ones are more likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jarring examples of groups the companies omitted from the reviews are two regional organizations whose names suggest they represent coalitions of ordinary citizens concerned about energy prices .
In fact , the groups represent some of the biggest companies in the world , a tactic known in politics as “ AstroTurfing , ” wherein powerful industry players create front groups meant to appear like grassroots organizations with Average-Joe followings .
In February 2019 , Alliance of Western Energy Consumers , which represents heavy industry on the West Coast , boasted that it had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Oregon ― describing efforts to drive “ grassroots opposition ” and coordinate “ vote counts ” during the state legislative session , emails obtained by the Climate Investigations Center show .
Both companies claim to strongly support carbon pricing , including in Oregon .
Yet several employees of both BP and Shell at the time are listed as recipients of these emails .
Shell confirmed that it is a member .
BP declined to comment .
Though the companies failed to disclose it in their reviews , BP and Shell are also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Energy Alliance .
The group bills itself as the “ voice of the energy consumer , ” but is actually run by the Republican-linked consultancy HBW Resources .
After running campaigns to oppose President Barack Obama ’ s rules to limit emissions of methane from oil and gas operations and pollution from coal power stations , the Consumer Energy Alliance turned its attention to state-level fights .
The group was party to a lawsuit seeking to overturn Oregon ’ s clean fuel program , which aims to significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in March 2019 .
In a statement , the Consumer Energy Alliance said it fought Oregon ’ s clean fuel program because it would have raised prices without achieving significant environmental outcomes .
The group said it opposed the Obama administration ’ s methane rule because it “ would have interfered with the successful performance of state rules that were already reducing methane emissions.
” When President Donald Trump moved to roll back the methane rule shortly after taking office , BP and Shell publicly opposed the move .
“ We don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their job but we ’ re ready to break with that and say , ‘ Actually , we want to tell you how to do your job , ’ ” Shell ’ s U.S. Country Chair Gretchen Watkins told Reuters at a March 2019 conference , urging the Trump administration “ to put in a regulatory framework that will both regulate existing methane emissions by also future methane emissions.
” When the Environmental Protection Agency finalized plans to gut the methane rule in August , David Lawler , the head of BP America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ respectfully disagrees with today ’ s decision by the administration.
” Both companies remain members of the American Petroleum Institute , the industry ’ s largest and most influential lobby in the United States and a fierce proponent of the Trump administration ’ s changes to the methane rule .
Yet perhaps even more influential on the rollback were the state-level organizations whose smaller members claimed the biggest benefits from the deregulatory effort .
BP remains a member of the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association , the Texas Independent Producers & @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Association of Wyoming .
Shell and BP are members of the Texas Oil & Gas Association .
All of the groups campaigned aggressively for changes the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association said brought the federal regulation in line with what ’ s “ appropriate ” to “ emphasize flexibility and innovation.
” None of the groups ’ names appeared in either company ’ s reviews .
Meanwhile , the Petroleum Association of Wyoming ― on whose board a BP executive sits ― joined a lawsuit last year to allow the leasing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without assessing the climate impacts .
Among the other major groups BP and Shell left off their reviews was the National Ocean Industries Association , which successfullylobbied the Trump administration to open up the United State ’ s entire continental shelf to drilling .
The move would open up areas containing up to 45 billion barrels of oil ― 21 billion barrels of which are estimated to be economically recoverable ― and jeopardize chances of meeting the Paris climate goals .
A report released by the campaign group Global Witness last year found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas fields is incompatible with limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial norms , an average temperature roughly half a degree warmer than today .
NOIA has also lobbied the Trump administration to exclude the wider climate impacts of oil and gas projects from being assessed as part of the process of approving major infrastructure .
Earlier this year Unearthed reported that BP has lobbied in support of these changes .
“ We think it ’ s important that we continue to responsibly explore for and develop U.S. offshore resources to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” a Shell spokeswoman said .
“ It ’ s equally important that regulators ensure sound science can be gathered from prospective new areas to inform potential leasing and future exploration decisions.
” The key condition that BP and Shell say they have placed on trade groups is support for the Paris climate accord , which means backing the goal ― and policies to reach it ― of keeping global temperature rises to 1.5 degrees celsius .
This has led Shell to walk away from one of its lobby groups and BP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they will seek to change some trade associations from within and identified others as being fully aligned with them on climate policy .
But two powerful lobby groups that BP and Shell publicly support ― the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association and the Business Council of Australia ― back the use of a controversial loophole that could slash Australia ’ s contribution to the Paris goals .
Our approach is that where policy differences arise , we will seek to influence from within ― and this may take time.BP The loophole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s overachievement in meeting weak emissions reduction targets it secured under the Kyoto protocol .
According to an analysis of the Australian government ’ s plans , using the credits would effectively cut the country ’ s 2030 climate target from 26 % to 14 % .
The European Union has banned member states from doing this on the grounds that it threatens the integrity of the Paris Agreement and no country other than Australia is openly planning to do so .
But during last year ’ s general election , both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Business Council of Australia challenged the Labor Party for refusing to use the credits if they won .
Despite this , both oil majors insist they are aligned with these groups on climate policy .
“ Despite Australia ’ s horrific summer of bushfires , the government has not retracted its support for Kyoto carryover credits , and nor have APPEA [ or ] the BCA , ” said Dan Gocher , an analyst for the nonprofit Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility .
Norwegian oil major Equinor ― another member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has also criticized the loophole , and said in a review of its own lobby groups that the use of Kyoto credits could reduce the ambitions of the Paris climate agreement .
Equinor added that it would “ encourage APPEA to take a clear stand on ... not supporting carryover of credits from the Kyoto protocol to the Paris Agreement.
” “ BP and Shell have announced ambitious cuts to their carbon emissions , ” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse ( D-R.I. ) said in an interview , “ but if they were serious about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give big trade groups an ultimatum : support serious climate legislation or we ’ ll quit .
”

Zach Boren, Alexander C. Kaufman, Lawrence Carter

Reviews of leaked and publicly available documents show those groups are part of the sprawling network of state and regional trade associations that have, in at least one case, boasted about quashing the very carbon-reduction policies the oil giants publicly claim to support.
But Shell and BP ― the second- and fourth- largest oil companies by revenue last year ― are still active members of at least eight trade organizations lobbying against climate measures in the United States and Australia, an Unearthed and HuffPost investigation has found. These groups were not disclosed in the public reviews.
The effort was part of a vow to increase corporate transparency and bring planet-heating emissions to net zero over the next few decades.
Earlier this year, oil giants BP and Royal Dutch Shell assessed the climate lobbying done by trade associations they have been involved with, and publicly quit a handful of high-profile industry groups campaigning to undermine regulations to reduce greenhouse gases.
This story was originally published by HuffPost and appears here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration
A Shell spokeswoman said its next review would “select the additional industry associations because their climate-related policies have brought them to the attention of investors and non-governmental organisations, and because they operate in regions or countries where we have significant business activities.”
“Our approach is that where policy differences arise, we will seek to influence from within ― and this may take time,” BP said in a statement. “If we reach an impasse, we will be transparent in publicly stating our differences. And on major issues, if our views and those of an association cannot be reconciled then we will be prepared to leave.”
The companies said they either hoped to reform the trade groups, including the eight identified here, of which they are still part, or planned to review their membership going forward. But both BP and Shell refused to disclose full lists of trade associations where they have ongoing involvement.
“This is a standard business practice,” said Robert Brulle, a climate denial researcher and professor at Brown University’s Institute at Brown for Environment and Society. “They’re trying to have it both ways, being socially responsible without changing their actual positions.”
In Australia, the two giants back the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association and the Business Council of Australia, two groups fighting to undercut the country’s contributions to the Paris climate accords. Shell, meanwhile, quietly held its seat on the Queensland Resources Council, a key advocate of building the world’s largest coal mine.
In the United States, both Shell and BP support groups such as the Alliance of Western Energy Consumers, which crusaded against Oregon’s efforts to put a price on carbon emissions, and the Texas Oil & Gas Association, a trade group in the nation’s top oil-producing state battling rules to restrict output of methane, a super-heating greenhouse gas.
But the findings cast a dim light over the oil behemoths’ ballyhooed new climate pledges, raising questions about how seriously they can be taken when the companies are still funding lobbying operations that undermine their new commitments.
“We were one of the first companies to publish an industry associations report and we are pleased that other companies have since published reports,” she said by email. “Our next update will assess our alignment with the 18 industry associations featured already, as well as others.”
Shell published its own review in 2019, which it updated this year as part of what CEO Ben van Beurden called “a first step towards greater transparency around our activities with industry associations on the topic of climate change.” Yet the reviews covered only a narrow slice of their memberships.
Shortly after taking the helm in February, BP CEO Bernard Looney began a review of lobbying by the company’s trade groups. He billed the effort as a “small but important step towards rebuilding trust in BP.” He promised a new era on climate change, where the company that a decade earlier rebranded as “Beyond Petroleum” would eliminate its carbon footprint and direct its powerful lobbying machine toward “advocacy for policies that support net zero.”
Shell acknowledged its membership in hundreds of industry groups worldwide, but said its review assessed only 19 organizations selected “because their positions on climate-related policy have brought them to the attention of investors and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).”
BP declined to provide a ballpark estimate of how many trade associations it affiliates with, but said its review focused on 30 groups “on the basis that they are actively involved in energy policy discussions and salient to stakeholders.”
“BP and Shell’s disclosures focus on a narrower selection of industry associations,” said Faye Holder, an analyst at InfluenceMap, a British research outfit that analyzes the fossil fuel industry’s finances. “These groups tend to be the larger and more visible ones that already disclose their corporate membership, while the smaller, regional and sometimes less transparent ones are more likely to be left out.”
United States Of AstroTurfing
Among the more jarring examples of groups the companies omitted from the reviews are two regional organizations whose names suggest they represent coalitions of ordinary citizens concerned about energy prices.
In fact, the groups represent some of the biggest companies in the world, a tactic known in politics as “AstroTurfing,” wherein powerful industry players create front groups meant to appear like grassroots organizations with Average-Joe followings.
In February 2019, Alliance of Western Energy Consumers, which represents heavy industry on the West Coast, boasted that it had “defeated all carbon pricing bills” in Oregon ― describing efforts to drive “grassroots opposition” and coordinate “vote counts” during the state legislative session, emails obtained by the Climate Investigations Center show.
Both companies claim to strongly support carbon pricing, including in Oregon. Yet several employees of both BP and Shell at the time are listed as recipients of these emails. Shell confirmed that it is a member. BP declined to comment.
Though the companies failed to disclose it in their reviews, BP and Shell are also listed as top members of the Consumer Energy Alliance. The group bills itself as the “voice of the energy consumer,” but is actually run by the Republican-linked consultancy HBW Resources.
After running campaigns to oppose President Barack Obama’s rules to limit emissions of methane from oil and gas operations and pollution from coal power stations, the Consumer Energy Alliance turned its attention to state-level fights. The group was party to a lawsuit seeking to overturn Oregon’s clean fuel program, which aims to significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions from transport fuels. The case concluded unsuccessfully in March 2019.
In a statement, the Consumer Energy Alliance said it fought Oregon’s clean fuel program because it would have raised prices without achieving significant environmental outcomes. The group said it opposed the Obama administration’s methane rule because it “would have interfered with the successful performance of state rules that were already reducing methane emissions.”
Methane Haze
When President Donald Trump moved to roll back the methane rule shortly after taking office, BP and Shell publicly opposed the move.
“We don’t usually tell governments how to do their job but we’re ready to break with that and say, ‘Actually, we want to tell you how to do your job,’” Shell’s U.S. Country Chair Gretchen Watkins told Reuters at a March 2019 conference, urging the Trump administration “to put in a regulatory framework that will both regulate existing methane emissions by also future methane emissions.”
When the Environmental Protection Agency finalized plans to gut the methane rule in August, David Lawler, the head of BP America, issued a statement saying the company “respectfully disagrees with today’s decision by the administration.”
Both companies remain members of the American Petroleum Institute, the industry’s largest and most influential lobby in the United States and a fierce proponent of the Trump administration’s changes to the methane rule. Yet perhaps even more influential on the rollback were the state-level organizations whose smaller members claimed the biggest benefits from the deregulatory effort.
BP remains a member of the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association, the Texas Independent Producers & Royalty Owners Association, and the Petroleum Association of Wyoming. Shell and BP are members of the Texas Oil & Gas Association.
All of the groups campaigned aggressively for changes the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association said brought the federal regulation in line with what’s “appropriate” to “emphasize flexibility and innovation.” None of the groups’ names appeared in either company’s reviews.
Meanwhile, the Petroleum Association of Wyoming ― on whose board a BP executive sits ― joined a lawsuit last year to allow the leasing of public lands for oil and gas drilling without assessing the climate impacts.
Among the other major groups BP and Shell left off their reviews was the National Ocean Industries Association, which successfullylobbied the Trump administration to open up the United State’s entire continental shelf to drilling.
The move would open up areas containing up to 45 billion barrels of oil ― 21 billion barrels of which are estimated to be economically recoverable ― and jeopardize chances of meeting the Paris climate goals. A report released by the campaign group Global Witness last year found that any investment in new oil and gas fields is incompatible with limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial norms, an average temperature roughly half a degree warmer than today.
NOIA has also lobbied the Trump administration to exclude the wider climate impacts of oil and gas projects from being assessed as part of the process of approving major infrastructure. Earlier this year Unearthed reported that BP has lobbied in support of these changes.
“We think it’s important that we continue to responsibly explore for and develop U.S. offshore resources to counter the natural decline of existing fields,” a Shell spokeswoman said. “It’s equally important that regulators ensure sound science can be gathered from prospective new areas to inform potential leasing and future exploration decisions.”
Australia’s Climate Loophole
The key condition that BP and Shell say they have placed on trade groups is support for the Paris climate accord, which means backing the goal ― and policies to reach it ― of keeping global temperature rises to 1.5 degrees celsius. This has led Shell to walk away from one of its lobby groups and BP to quit three. Both companies have said they will seek to change some trade associations from within and identified others as being fully aligned with them on climate policy.
But two powerful lobby groups that BP and Shell publicly support ― the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association and the Business Council of Australia ― back the use of a controversial loophole that could slash Australia’s contribution to the Paris goals.
Our approach is that where policy differences arise, we will seek to influence from within ― and this may take time.BP
The loophole involves using surplus carbon credits from Australia’s overachievement in meeting weak emissions reduction targets it secured under the Kyoto protocol. According to an analysis of the Australian government’s plans, using the credits would effectively cut the country’s 2030 climate target from 26% to 14%.
The European Union has banned member states from doing this on the grounds that it threatens the integrity of the Paris Agreement and no country other than Australia is openly planning to do so. But during last year’s general election, both the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association and the Business Council of Australia challenged the Labor Party for refusing to use the credits if they won.
Despite this, both oil majors insist they are aligned with these groups on climate policy.
“Despite Australia’s horrific summer of bushfires, the government has not retracted its support for Kyoto carryover credits, and nor have APPEA [or] the BCA,” said Dan Gocher, an analyst for the nonprofit Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility.
Norwegian oil major Equinor ― another member of Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association ― has also criticized the loophole, and said in a review of its own lobby groups that the use of Kyoto credits could reduce the ambitions of the Paris climate agreement.
Equinor added that it would “encourage APPEA to take a clear stand on ... not supporting carryover of credits from the Kyoto protocol to the Paris Agreement.”
“BP and Shell have announced ambitious cuts to their carbon emissions,” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) said in an interview, “but if they were serious about addressing climate change, they’d give big trade groups an ultimatum: support serious climate legislation or we’ll quit.”


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Buying food online? Farmers are paying to make that possible — and it might put them out of business

Grocery shopping online is convenient .
A convenience farmers fear could put them out of business .
A handful of grocery chains supply Canadians with food and , with online sales predicted to surge beyond the pandemic , they ’ re racing to adapt .
That means a suite of expenses — warehouses , robotics , software development , delivery trucks — that farmers and processors say are being passed down to them .
“ This is coming from the imbalance of ( market ) power , ” said Michael Graydon , CEO of Food , Health , and Consumer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canada ’ s food , beverage , and consumer products industries .
“ When you ’ ve got over 80 per cent of grocery retail consolidated into five individual retailers , it gives them ( significant market power ) .
That ’ s the root cause of the issue.
” Together , Loblaws , Sobeys/Safeway , and Metro make up 63 per cent of all grocery stores in the country .
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That leaves farmers and food processors few options to get their products to market , and minimal negotiating power to set prices that reflect their costs of production .
It ’ s a situation farmers say has contributed to skyrocketing farm debt in Canada and could have cascading impacts on Canada ’ s food supply chain .
Farm debt has increased exponentially since the 1990s , pushing many off their farms and undermining the resilience of those who remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Farmers ' Union .
“ That makes farmers less resilient , less able to adapt to climate change , less able to have the reserves they need to protect themselves from unexpected events like pandemics , ” said Darrin Qualman , director of climate policy and action for the National Farmers Union .
Canadian farmers have been increasingly pinched between rising costs for growing food and lower prices for years .
They ’ re the only part of Canada ’ s food supply chain that is distributed across several thousand small businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among both grocery chains and seed and fertilizer companies .
They ’ re also competing against producers in Mexico , the United States , and other countries where the cost of growing and processing food is cheaper , Graydon said .
Eventually , farmers and processors can ’ t cut their costs any further .
Unless they can convince domestic retailers that their food is worth a higher price tag , they ’ re forced out of business and that increases Canadians ’ dependence on food grown across international borders or thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has risen steadily since the 1970s , but not the price farmers get for their wheat .
That can be explained with two possible scenarios , Qualman said : “ Inadequately controlled market and profit-taking , or bloat and inefficiencies.
” Graph by Darrin Qualman/National Farmers ' Union .
Taken together , these forces have put farmers and processors in a difficult position , Graydon and Qualman agreed .
A position that ’ s set to get worse as grocery chains race for online dominance , a competition best exemplified by a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canada in July .
“ The basic # food # production part of the # foodsystem — the farms — are less able to withstand shocks , '' said @ DarrinQualman .
`` And along the way , on the # processor and # retailer side , you have brittleness there too.
” That 's a # foodsecurity problem .
The company ’ s plans include renovating a third of its Canadian stores , building two new distribution centres to serve online customers , and incorporating robots and machine learning into its operations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re developing a supply chain that is the envy of the world .
The better the supply chain , the quicker our customers can get the products they want , ” said John Bayliss , senior vice-president of logistics and supply chains for Walmart Canada in a written statement in July .
Canada 's National Observer made multiple requests to Walmart for comment that were not answered by publication time .
The problem , Graydon said , is that the company has been clear the $ 3.5 billion won ’ t come from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be transferred down the supply chain as an “ infrastructure fee ” applied to the price received by the food processors and farmers supplying the U.S.-based company .
“ There ’ s been this tradition to improve profitability while ( keeping prices low for consumers ) by putting all the risk and responsibility ( of expansion ) back onto the suppliers , ” Graydon said .
That ’ s common among grocery chains across the country , he explained .
What ’ s different with Walmart ’ s recent announcement is that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be cutting into the prices suppliers received to fund the expansion project .
And presented with few other places to sell their goods , producers don ’ t have much choice besides accepting the price cut and hoping they stay afloat .
“ ( Walmart ) has just reported some of the best financial results in the history of their organization and is now putting what is traditionally the purview of the company themselves — capital investment in growth — onto its ( suppliers ) , ” Graydon said .
Walmart saw its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first quarter of 2020 , a direct result of pandemic panic purchases , and the fastest pace of growth in almost 20 years .
Monthly retail sales for Canadian grocery stores surged by about $ 2 billion above average during the first three months of 2020 , reaching about $ 10.3 billion by April .
The bulk of this growth went to the country ’ s three major grocery chains — Loblaws , Sobeys/Safeway , and Metro — companies that are also surging into online shopping , Graydon said .
They ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re funding these expansion plans .
Even the federal government is concerned .
“ It is unfortunate to see grocers impose these costly ( expansion ) fees during this pandemic , which fall on the thousands of Canadian food producers who are working hard to feed Canadians and support their communities amid many challenges , ” said Agriculture and Agri-Food Minister Marie-Claude Bibeau in an emailed statement .
“ Food producers and processors , and their workers , have played a critical role during the pandemic.
” However , she noted that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domain between suppliers and buyers , and these areas fall under provincial jurisdiction ...
Given that unfair business practices , including as they relate to terms of sale , are addressed at the provincial level , we encourage our provincial and territorial counterparts to examine this matter.
” The minister did not specify whether the federal Competition Act , which aims to “ maintain and encourage competition in Canada ... to ensure that small and medium-sized enterprises have an equitable opportunity to participate in the Canadian economy , ” could be applied in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ area represents Canadian total farm sales , while the green represents Canadian farms ' net income .
The discrepancy between the two originates in a mismatch between farmers ' costs of production and the price they receive for their products — prices set by Canada 's grocery chains .
Graph by Darrin Qualman/National Farmers Union .
“ The problem is the way the Competition Act is established today , ” he said .
The Competition Bureau , which administers the act , only looks at the consumer impacts of mergers and consolidation within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bureau ) doesn ’ t look at the impact ( of consolidation ) on the supply chain supporting these retailers.
” Two huge federally inspected meat-packing plants process about 80 per cent of all beef eaten in Canada .
They ’ re preferred suppliers for Canadian grocery chains because only federally inspected meat can cross provincial borders , while consolidated processing capacity leads to economies of scale — and cheaper meat .
Both were hit hard by the pandemic , with one forced to close for two weeks to control a COVID-19 outbreak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tumbling cattle prices , steers piled up in feedlots and farms across the country , and concerns of countrywide meat shortages , explained Qualman from the National Farmers Union .
That should be a wake-up call , Graydon said .
“ It ’ s unfortunate that the competition laws in this country haven ’ t adjusted to the consolidation to protect the wider supply chain .
”

Grocery shopping online is convenient. A convenience farmers fear could put them out of business. A handful of grocery chains supply Canadians with food and, with online sales predicted to surge beyond the pandemic, they’re racing to adapt. That means a suite of expenses — warehouses, robotics, software development, delivery trucks — that farmers and processors say are being passed down to them. “This is coming from the imbalance of (market) power,” said Michael Graydon, CEO of Food, Health, and Consumer Products of Canada, an association representing Canada’s food, beverage, and consumer products industries. “When you’ve got over 80 per cent of grocery retail consolidated into five individual retailers, it gives them (significant market power). That’s the root cause of the issue.” Together, Loblaws, Sobeys/Safeway, and Metro make up 63 per cent of all grocery stores in the country.
That leaves farmers and food processors few options to get their products to market, and minimal negotiating power to set prices that reflect their costs of production. It’s a situation farmers say has contributed to skyrocketing farm debt in Canada and could have cascading impacts on Canada’s food supply chain. Farm debt has increased exponentially since the 1990s, pushing many off their farms and undermining the resilience of those who remain, Qualman explained. Graph by the National Farmers' Union. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions “That makes farmers less resilient, less able to adapt to climate change, less able to have the reserves they need to protect themselves from unexpected events like pandemics,” said Darrin Qualman, director of climate policy and action for the National Farmers Union.
Canadian farmers have been increasingly pinched between rising costs for growing food and lower prices for years. They’re the only part of Canada’s food supply chain that is distributed across several thousand small businesses — a sharp contrast to heavy consolidation among both grocery chains and seed and fertilizer companies. “The basic #food #production part of the #foodsystem — the farms — are less able to withstand shocks," said @DarrinQualman. "And along the way, on the #processor and #retailer side, you have brittleness there too.” That's a #foodsecurity problem. They’re also competing against producers in Mexico, the United States, and other countries where the cost of growing and processing food is cheaper, Graydon said. Eventually, farmers and processors can’t cut their costs any further. Unless they can convince domestic retailers that their food is worth a higher price tag, they’re forced out of business and that increases Canadians’ dependence on food grown across international borders or thousands of kilometres away. The price of bread has risen steadily since the 1970s, but not the price farmers get for their wheat. That can be explained with two possible scenarios, Qualman said: “Inadequately controlled market and profit-taking, or bloat and inefficiencies.” Graph by Darrin Qualman/National Farmers' Union. Taken together, these forces have put farmers and processors in a difficult position, Graydon and Qualman agreed. A position that’s set to get worse as grocery chains race for online dominance, a competition best exemplified by a $3.5-billion e-commerce expansion project announced by Walmart Canada in July. The company’s plans include renovating a third of its Canadian stores, building two new distribution centres to serve online customers, and incorporating robots and machine learning into its operations.
“This investment ensures we’re developing a supply chain that is the envy of the world. The better the supply chain, the quicker our customers can get the products they want,” said John Bayliss, senior vice-president of logistics and supply chains for Walmart Canada in a written statement in July. Canada's National Observer made multiple requests to Walmart for comment that were not answered by publication time. The problem, Graydon said, is that the company has been clear the $3.5 billion won’t come from its coffers. Instead, it will be transferred down the supply chain as an “infrastructure fee” applied to the price received by the food processors and farmers supplying the U.S.-based company. “There’s been this tradition to improve profitability while (keeping prices low for consumers) by putting all the risk and responsibility (of expansion) back onto the suppliers,” Graydon said.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Ottawa unveils deal to buy millions of rapid COVID-19 test devices

The Liberal government pushed back against criticism over a lack of rapid tests for COVID-19 on Tuesday as it unveiled a deal to buy millions of such devices from a U.S. company — whenever Health Canada approves them .
Canadians across the country have been forced to wait days to find out if they are infected after being tested for COVID-19 , which Canada 's chief public health officer acknowledged Tuesday as a reason for concern .
`` It absolutely is worrisome because if you have a significant backlog and people do n't get their test results for a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time for doing the contact tracing , '' Tam said at a media briefing in Ottawa .
`` That can accelerate the spread .
So it is something we really must all work together and try to reduce as quickly as possible . ''
That came as the number of positive cases across Canada continued to increase , with more than 500 in Ontario and nearly 800 in Quebec alone .
Authorities in Montreal and Quebec City went to their highest alert level while Ontario Premier Doug Ford faced calls for a tightening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Times editor says media has learned nothing in covering Trump voters • Toronto school shut down over COVID-19 as Ontario reports 700 more cases • Could forests be our best strategy for COVID-19 recovery and reducing future pandemics ?
Rapid tests that can produce results in hospitals , nursing homes , schools and even homes have come to be seen as one way to prevent the spread of COVID-19 as the world waits for a vaccine .
While Health Canada approved one test last week that does n't need a lab , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a result and involves a portable unit .
The focus for many has instead been on what are called antigen tests , which have been described as similar to a pregnancy test when it comes to speed and ease of use .
Other countries have already approved rapid antigen tests , with U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday announcing plans to buy and distribute 150 million units of one rapid test in the country .
The World Health Organization has also reached an agreement to supply 120 million tests to developing countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tests in Canada currently sits at zero , with officials warning that approving a device that does not produce accurate results can actually spread of COVID-19 .
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau defended federal regulators on Tuesday as the Conservatives blasted the government for the lack of antigen tests and called on the Liberals to step up their efforts .
`` Medical experts will make the determinations that are best for Canadians , '' Trudeau told reporters after co-hosting a United Nations conference to raise money for COVID-19 relief efforts in developing countries .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ over a lack of rapid tests for COVID-19 on Tuesday , September 29 , 2020 , as it unveiled a deal to buy millions of such devices from a U.S. company — whenever Health Canada approves them .
`` On the political side , as much as we 'd love to see those tests as quickly as possible , we 're not going to tell our scientists how to do their job and do that work . ''
Even as Trudeau defended the lack of tests , Health Canada was unveiling its first-ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ antigen devices approved by the regulator .
The federal procurement minister also announced a deal to purchase 7.9 million such tests once they are sanctioned .
The new guidelines state that a device must be at least 80 per cent accurate to be authorized , reflecting concerns that inaccuracies — particularly false negatives — can lead to the further spread of COVID-19 .
That includes five antigen tests currently under review .
Asked why the guidelines were only being published now when the rush to develop and approve a rapid antigen test has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's chief medical adviser , Dr. Supriya Sharma , indicated the standard was already being applied .
`` We 've had companies come in with submissions , '' she said .
`` We 've been looking at those submissions , we 've been working with them on a case-by-case basis as we go through that process .
This is a way to sort of standardize that , systemize it and put it out in a guidance document where it 's publicly available . ''
Sharma went on to describe the effort to approve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the regulator 's top priorities .
She suggested one of the reasons some devices have been approved elsewhere but not here is because the companies behind them have not submitted them to Health Canada .
`` You have to have a company that has a willingness to submit to Canada , but most importantly , has the capacity to produce those devices , '' Sharma said .
`` As soon as we 're aware of a company that may be manufacturing a device and marketing it internationally … we do have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As Ottawa was inking deals for vaccine doses ahead of the inevitable global rush that will accompany the successful development of an inoculation , Procurement Minister Anita Anand on Tuesday announced a deal with U.S. firm Abbott Laboratories for 7.9 million yet-to-be-approved antigen tests .
Sharma could not say when the Abbott test , or any others currently under review by Health Canada , will be approved .
The test was conditionally approved in the U.S. earlier this year before concerns were raised about its accuracy .
The Food and Drug Administration reissued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critic Michelle Rempel Garner accused the Liberals of having been asleep at the wheel while other countries rushed to get rapid tests into the field .
She called on Health Minister Patty Hajdu to personally lead Canada 's efforts to get devices into the approval process .
`` She should be out actively looking for these types of technologies and proactively getting them into the review process , '' Rempel Garner said `` At a time when every country in the world is proactively trying to acquire and develop these technologies to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is content to say : 'We 're letting them come to us . '
Our allies are winning in this race for supplies . ''
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 29 , 2020 .
— With files from Mia Rabson and Mike Blanchfield

The Liberal government pushed back against criticism over a lack of rapid tests for COVID-19 on Tuesday as it unveiled a deal to buy millions of such devices from a U.S. company — whenever Health Canada approves them. Canadians across the country have been forced to wait days to find out if they are infected after being tested for COVID-19, which Canada's chief public health officer acknowledged Tuesday as a reason for concern. "It absolutely is worrisome because if you have a significant backlog and people don't get their test results for a number of days, you've now lost time for doing the contact tracing," Tam said at a media briefing in Ottawa. "That can accelerate the spread. So it is something we really must all work together and try to reduce as quickly as possible." That came as the number of positive cases across Canada continued to increase, with more than 500 in Ontario and nearly 800 in Quebec alone. Authorities in Montreal and Quebec City went to their highest alert level while Ontario Premier Doug Ford faced calls for a tightening of COVID-19 restrictions.
Rapid tests that can produce results in hospitals, nursing homes, schools and even homes have come to be seen as one way to prevent the spread of COVID-19 as the world waits for a vaccine. While Health Canada approved one test last week that doesn't need a lab, the device still needs about 90 minutes for a result and involves a portable unit. The focus for many has instead been on what are called antigen tests, which have been described as similar to a pregnancy test when it comes to speed and ease of use. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions Other countries have already approved rapid antigen tests, with U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday announcing plans to buy and distribute 150 million units of one rapid test in the country. The World Health Organization has also reached an agreement to supply 120 million tests to developing countries.
Yet the number of approved antigen tests in Canada currently sits at zero, with officials warning that approving a device that does not produce accurate results can actually spread of COVID-19. The Liberal government pushed back against criticism over a lack of rapid tests for COVID-19 on Tuesday, September 29, 2020, as it unveiled a deal to buy millions of such devices from a U.S. company — whenever Health Canada approves them. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau defended federal regulators on Tuesday as the Conservatives blasted the government for the lack of antigen tests and called on the Liberals to step up their efforts. "Medical experts will make the determinations that are best for Canadians," Trudeau told reporters after co-hosting a United Nations conference to raise money for COVID-19 relief efforts in developing countries. "On the political side, as much as we'd love to see those tests as quickly as possible, we're not going to tell our scientists how to do their job and do that work." Even as Trudeau defended the lack of tests, Health Canada was unveiling its first-ever guidelines for companies hoping to get their antigen devices approved by the regulator. The federal procurement minister also announced a deal to purchase 7.9 million such tests once they are sanctioned.
The new guidelines state that a device must be at least 80 per cent accurate to be authorized, reflecting concerns that inaccuracies — particularly false negatives — can lead to the further spread of COVID-19. That includes five antigen tests currently under review. Asked why the guidelines were only being published now when the rush to develop and approve a rapid antigen test has been underway for months, Health Canada's chief medical adviser, Dr. Supriya Sharma, indicated the standard was already being applied. "We've had companies come in with submissions," she said.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Deficit on track to hit $330 billion

Deficit on track to hit $330 billion

The COVID-19 pandemic will leave a lasting scar on the Canadian economy that could produce permanent deficits , the parliamentary budget officer says in a report estimating this year 's shortfall at $ 328.5 billion .
That figure reflects measures announced as of the start of the month , including an estimated $ 225.9 billion in emergency aid in response to the pandemic .
It also reflects the budget office 's prediction the government will recoup more in personal and corporate taxes than the Liberals estimated in a July update that pegged the deficit at $ 343.2 billion , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wage subsidy program , which the Liberals have now vowed to extend until next summer .
The scenario budget officer Yves Giroux outlined in his updated outlook suggested economic output wo n't return to pre-pandemic levels until early 2022 and will still be below where it would have been had the pandemic never happened .
The national unemployment rate wo n't be at or below where it was in February until 2023 or 2024 , Giroux said in his report released Tuesday .
• Toronto school shut down over COVID-19 as Ontario reports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times editor says media has learned nothing in covering Trump voters • Could forests be our best strategy for COVID-19 recovery and reducing future pandemics ?
Federal spending should fall as emergency aid expires , putting the deficit for the next fiscal year at about $ 73.8 billion and falling thereafter .
But in a nod to how dramatically the government 's fiscal position has changed , Giroux estimated deficits roughly $ 40 billion larger each year , on average , compared to the outlook the office provided pre-pandemic .
`` And what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that there will need to be tweaks or adjustments to take that into consideration because permanent , higher-than-otherwise levels of deficit do accumulate over time , '' Giroux said in an interview .
The debt this year is expected to push past $ 1 trillion , and continue to climb .
As a percentage of the economy , which had been the Liberals ' preferred fiscal anchor , the debt could peak at 48.3 per cent in 2023 before finally falling under the PBO 's scenario .
`` Every step of the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , supporting the most vulnerable , ensuring our businesses can come back strong through this pandemic and ensuring every step of the way that we do so in a fiscally responsible way , '' Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said in question period in the House of Commons Tuesday .
The COVID-19 pandemic will leave a lasting scar on the Canadian economy that could produce permanent deficits , the parliamentary budget officer says in a report estimating this year 's shortfall at $ 328.5 billion .
`` That 's what Canadians expect of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep doing . ''
Federal finances are sustainable , `` but barely , '' Giroux said , noting it wouldn ’ t take much in terms of new spending or tax cuts for the situation to change .
The report paints one possible spending picture , envisioning a world where pandemic-related restrictions stay in place for the next 12 to 18 months while a vaccine is developed and then widely distributed .
The timing of a vaccine , an extension of pandemic-related aid , changes to interest rates , or the creation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's scenario .
For instance , should the government debt-finance some or all of the proposed measures in its recent throne speech , the medium-term outlook for federal finances could change .
Overall , Giroux said things are likely to be worse than they are likely to be better in the scenario his office paints .
The Liberals ' throne speech vowed a fiscal update this fall , and to tax extreme wealth to pad depleted government coffers .
`` No one knows what the Liberal government means when they say that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question period .
He called on the government to ensure `` those who have profited off the pandemic pay the price . ''
Conservative finance critic Pierre Poilievre said the government needed a plan put more people to work , and have fewer on federal aid , by helping small- and medium-sized businesses .
`` The only way to protect the finances of the government , to furnish the funds for our programs and put food on the table of our families is through jobs , '' he said .

The COVID-19 pandemic will leave a lasting scar on the Canadian economy that could produce permanent deficits, the parliamentary budget officer says in a report estimating this year's shortfall at $328.5 billion. That figure reflects measures announced as of the start of the month, including an estimated $225.9 billion in emergency aid in response to the pandemic. It also reflects the budget office's prediction the government will recoup more in personal and corporate taxes than the Liberals estimated in a July update that pegged the deficit at $343.2 billion, as well as lower-than-anticipated spending on the federal wage subsidy program, which the Liberals have now vowed to extend until next summer. The scenario budget officer Yves Giroux outlined in his updated outlook suggested economic output won't return to pre-pandemic levels until early 2022 and will still be below where it would have been had the pandemic never happened. The national unemployment rate won't be at or below where it was in February until 2023 or 2024, Giroux said in his report released Tuesday.
Federal spending should fall as emergency aid expires, putting the deficit for the next fiscal year at about $73.8 billion and falling thereafter. But in a nod to how dramatically the government's fiscal position has changed, Giroux estimated deficits roughly $40 billion larger each year, on average, compared to the outlook the office provided pre-pandemic. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions "And what that means for fiscal policy is … that there will need to be tweaks or adjustments to take that into consideration because permanent, higher-than-otherwise levels of deficit do accumulate over time," Giroux said in an interview.
The debt this year is expected to push past $1 trillion, and continue to climb. The COVID-19 pandemic will leave a lasting scar on the Canadian economy that could produce permanent deficits, the parliamentary budget officer says in a report estimating this year's shortfall at $328.5 billion. As a percentage of the economy, which had been the Liberals' preferred fiscal anchor, the debt could peak at 48.3 per cent in 2023 before finally falling under the PBO's scenario. "Every step of the way, we've had Canadians' backs, supporting the most vulnerable, ensuring our businesses can come back strong through this pandemic and ensuring every step of the way that we do so in a fiscally responsible way," Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said in question period in the House of Commons Tuesday. "That's what Canadians expect of us, and that's what we'll keep doing." Federal finances are sustainable, "but barely," Giroux said, noting it wouldn’t take much in terms of new spending or tax cuts for the situation to change.
The report paints one possible spending picture, envisioning a world where pandemic-related restrictions stay in place for the next 12 to 18 months while a vaccine is developed and then widely distributed. The timing of a vaccine, an extension of pandemic-related aid, changes to interest rates, or the creation of new programs could throw off the PBO's scenario. For instance, should the government debt-finance some or all of the proposed measures in its recent throne speech, the medium-term outlook for federal finances could change. Overall, Giroux said things are likely to be worse than they are likely to be better in the scenario his office paints.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Letter sent by  Erin O'Toole mirrors MacKay's text

A fundraising letter sent by new Conservative Leader Erin O'Toole to party members contains passages identical to sections of his rival Peter MacKay 's campaign website .
The missive to members was sent earlier this month in the wake of O'Toole 's victory over MacKay in the August leadership vote .
Portions of the letter about the impact of COVID-19 , O'Toole 's vision for the party and a definition of conservative values all contain the same sentences and phrasing as MacKay 's campaign website .
Conservative party spokesman Cory Hann says human error is to blame : a contractor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ version in the event MacKay won the contest , and one for an O'Toole victory .
Hann says content from the MacKay letter was inadvertently left in when the final version was put together .
O'Toole won the contest with 57 per cent of the available points , compared to MacKay 's 43 per cent .
The two men were perceived as the front-runners during the contest , and ran distinctly different campaigns .
O'Toole 's campaign included ads directly attacking MacKay , whom he sought to paint as `` Liberal-lite '' compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ credentials .
MacKay took only a few pointed jabs at his rivals , framing his campaign more in terms of his own vision .
The portions from MacKay 's website which appear in the O'Toole letter include a paragraph on the impact of COVID-19 , and broad-brush comments about conservative values .
`` Canada needs Conservative ideas and Conservative solutions that will work in every part of the country , '' reads a bolded section on MacKay 's website .
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`` Canada needs Conservative ideas and Conservatives solutions that will work in every part of the country , '' reads an underlined statement in the letter , a copy of which was obtained by The Canadian Press .
Both also share this line : `` My vision is to leave an even better Canada to our children and grandchildren . ''
Hann said the contract with the third party who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Since winning the leadership Mr. O ’ Toole has instructed the party to review all vendors and their operations , analyzing both value for money as well as their professional standards , and this vendor is part of this ongoing review process , '' he said in an email .
While the letter might have been written in error , it underscores one of the running themes of the now-concluded campaign : how similar the two men are to each other .
Both come from political families and both were lawyers before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the military and veterans ' causes .
O'Toole served in the military and was briefly veterans affairs minister while MacKay was defence minister for several years .
A fundraising letter sent by new Conservative Leader Erin O'Toole to party members contains passages identical to sections of his rival Peter MacKay 's campaign website .
Both also have ties to Nova Scotia .
O'Toole did some of his military service and went to university in the province .
MacKay is one of the province 's noted political sons , having grown up in and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in national politics .
MacKay has not ruled out attempting to do again , though would have to first secure O'Toole 's blessing to run as a Conservative candidate in the next election .
This report by The Canadian Press was first published September 29 , 2020 .

A fundraising letter sent by new Conservative Leader Erin O'Toole to party members contains passages identical to sections of his rival Peter MacKay's campaign website.
The missive to members was sent earlier this month in the wake of O'Toole's victory over MacKay in the August leadership vote.
Portions of the letter about the impact of COVID-19, O'Toole's vision for the party and a definition of conservative values all contain the same sentences and phrasing as MacKay's campaign website.
Conservative party spokesman Cory Hann says human error is to blame: a contractor hired to write the note drafted one version in the event MacKay won the contest, and one for an O'Toole victory.
Hann says content from the MacKay letter was inadvertently left in when the final version was put together.
O'Toole won the contest with 57 per cent of the available points, compared to MacKay's 43 per cent.
The two men were perceived as the front-runners during the contest, and ran distinctly different campaigns.
O'Toole's campaign included ads directly attacking MacKay, whom he sought to paint as "Liberal-lite" compared to O'Toole's "true blue" credentials.
MacKay took only a few pointed jabs at his rivals, framing his campaign more in terms of his own vision.
The portions from MacKay's website which appear in the O'Toole letter include a paragraph on the impact of COVID-19, and broad-brush comments about conservative values.
"Canada needs Conservative ideas and Conservative solutions that will work in every part of the country," reads a bolded section on MacKay's website.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Saskatchewan premier sets campaign in motion

Party leaders in Saskatchewan officially began their campaigns Tuesday in an election race defined by the COVID-19 pandemic and the dramatic difference between the two leaders seeking power .
Scott Moe met with Lt-Gov .
Russell Mirasty at Government House to ask him to dissolve the legislature and set in motion a 28-day campaign that will culminate with a vote on the pre-fixed date of Oct. 26 .
Moe is trying to secure a fourth term for the Saskatchewan Party , and his first mandate from the public as premier .
He came to that office two years ago when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retiring leader Brad Wall .
Moe began his campaign in Regina , one of the cities viewed as a battleground in this election .
He asked residents to base their vote on who they trust to steer the economy through a recovery from the pandemic .
He said most business are back operating and emphasized that over the last 13 years , under the leadership of his predecessor , the province 's population and economy both grew .
• Toronto school shut down over COVID-19 as Ontario reports 700 more cases • Former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learned nothing in covering Trump voters • Could forests be our best strategy for COVID-19 recovery and reducing future pandemics ?
`` We have stepped forward with supports throughout the last six months , and you will see in this platform that the Saskatchewan Party will put forward … items that speak to , not only the growth of our economy and the growth of our opportunity , but ensuring that affordability is increased for our families . ''
One of Moe 's goals is to eliminate Saskatchewan 's projected $ 2.1-billion deficit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made will be done with `` fiscal prudence . ''
NDP Leader Ryan Meili said that another Sask .
Party victory would usher in four years of austerity at a time when people are struggling for work , waiting for medical services and wrestling with whether to send their children back to school .
At his campaign kickoff , also in Regina , Meili pitched himself as a leader who would improve health care and education , as well as make the lives of workers better with a $ 15-an-hour minimum wage .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear to the people of Saskatchewan : You have a choice .
You don ’ t have to settle for Scott Moe and the status quo .
You can vote for the change you want . ''
Meili , who travelled to Moose Jaw afterwards , promised to soon release costs for the promises he has already made , such as bringing in $ 25-a-day child care .
Party leaders in Saskatchewan officially began their campaigns on Tuesday , September 29 , 2020 , in an election race defined by the COVID-19 pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders seeking power .
Saskatchewan will be the third province in the country to send voters to the polls during the pandemic .
New Brunswickers went to the polls earlier this month and an election has been called in British Columbia for Oct. 24 .
Moe 's Saskatchewan Party had 46 seats in the legislature at dissolution , while the Opposition NDP had 13 .
Jim Farney , head of politics and international studies at the University of Regina , said the stakes are high for the NDP this time around .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be between 20 and 25 seats .
But if there ’ s a repeat of past elections , with increasingly fewer seats , Farney said he ca n't imagine `` how people don ’ t start looking around the party and going 'something is fundamentally wrong.
’ '' Farney said Moe 's message is that the province is operating as near to normal as possible during the pandemic .
But problems could arise for Moe if the number of COVID-19 positive cases jumps in schools , and parents in their 30s and 40s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While the Saskatchewan Party appears to have a lock on the support of rural residents , key battlegrounds will be Regina , Saskatoon and Moose Jaw , Farney suggested .
“ That ’ s going to be ( Moe 's ) political challenge , '' he said .
`` Can ( Moe ) pitch a message that appeals to suburban voters ? ''
The Saskatchewan Party sprang out of a coalition in 1997 of Liberals and disgruntled Progressive Conservatives .
It is largely viewed through its policy decisions as a conservative party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early years under leader Elwin Hermanson , the party had difficulty gaining ground outside rural areas and lost two elections .

Party leaders in Saskatchewan officially began their campaigns Tuesday in an election race defined by the COVID-19 pandemic and the dramatic difference between the two leaders seeking power. Scott Moe met with Lt-Gov. Russell Mirasty at Government House to ask him to dissolve the legislature and set in motion a 28-day campaign that will culminate with a vote on the pre-fixed date of Oct. 26. Moe is trying to secure a fourth term for the Saskatchewan Party, and his first mandate from the public as premier. He came to that office two years ago when he won the leadership contest to replace retiring leader Brad Wall. Moe began his campaign in Regina, one of the cities viewed as a battleground in this election. He asked residents to base their vote on who they trust to steer the economy through a recovery from the pandemic. He said most business are back operating and emphasized that over the last 13 years, under the leadership of his predecessor, the province's population and economy both grew.
"We have stepped forward with supports throughout the last six months, and you will see in this platform that the Saskatchewan Party will put forward … items that speak to, not only the growth of our economy and the growth of our opportunity, but ensuring that affordability is increased for our families." One of Moe's goals is to eliminate Saskatchewan's projected $2.1-billion deficit by 2024, so any election promises made will be done with "fiscal prudence." Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions NDP Leader Ryan Meili said that another Sask. Party victory would usher in four years of austerity at a time when people are struggling for work, waiting for medical services and wrestling with whether to send their children back to school.
At his campaign kickoff, also in Regina, Meili pitched himself as a leader who would improve health care and education, as well as make the lives of workers better with a $15-an-hour minimum wage. Party leaders in Saskatchewan officially began their campaigns on Tuesday, September 29, 2020, in an election race defined by the COVID-19 pandemic and the dramatic difference between the two leaders seeking power. “We’re saying loud and clear to the people of Saskatchewan: You have a choice. You don’t have to settle for Scott Moe and the status quo. You can vote for the change you want." Meili, who travelled to Moose Jaw afterwards, promised to soon release costs for the promises he has already made, such as bringing in $25-a-day child care. Saskatchewan will be the third province in the country to send voters to the polls during the pandemic. New Brunswickers went to the polls earlier this month and an election has been called in British Columbia for Oct. 24. Moe's Saskatchewan Party had 46 seats in the legislature at dissolution, while the Opposition NDP had 13.
Jim Farney, head of politics and international studies at the University of Regina, said the stakes are high for the NDP this time around. A good showing, he said, would be between 20 and 25 seats. But if there’s a repeat of past elections, with increasingly fewer seats, Farney said he can't imagine "how people don’t start looking around the party and going 'something is fundamentally wrong.’" Farney said Moe's message is that the province is operating as near to normal as possible during the pandemic. But problems could arise for Moe if the number of COVID-19 positive cases jumps in schools, and parents in their 30s and 40s — who are swing voters — mobilize.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Trudeau pledges extra $400 million in humanitarian aid

Aid agencies welcomed Canada ’ s commitment on Tuesday of an extra $ 400 million in development and humanitarian spending to combat COVID-19 .
The new money will go to `` to trusted partners on the ground fighting COVID-19 , '' Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said during a video conference at the United Nations that he co-hosted with Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Jamaica 's Prime Minister Andrew Holness .
`` From ensuring equitable access to vaccines , to providing more time for distressed countries to make bilateral debt payments , including Caribbean and small island states , we 're working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a more resilient world , '' Trudeau said .
Non-government organizations welcomed the government ’ s added spending after pleading for decades with successive Liberal and Conservative governments to offer a meaningful boost to the country ’ s overseas development assistance budget .
Nicolas Moyer , the chief executive of the Canadian Council for International Cooperation , said the new funds announced Tuesday by Trudeau were significant given last Friday ’ s commitment by the government to contribute $ 220 million to the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility or COVAX , which will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ middle-income countries .
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`` These investments come at a critical moment .
With immense and growing needs around the world , Canada has stepped up at a time when world needs Canadian leadership more than ever , '' said Moyer .
`` The COVID pandemic is the challenge of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s critical that Canada stands up and does its share . ''
Lindsay Glassco , president of Plan International Canada , said the pandemic has unravelled decades of progress on reducing poverty and improving gender equality at home and abroad .
`` The pandemic has shown us how truly connected the world is and that solutions must extend beyond borders , '' said Glassco .
`` The Canadian government has responded once again with funding and support to stop this setback , and for that we are grateful . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Save the Children , said the novel coronavirus is destroying the lives of children in crisis zones from Syria to Myanmar .
Aid agencies welcomed Canada ’ s commitment on Tuesday , September 29 , 2020 , of an extra $ 400 million in development and humanitarian spending to combat COVID-19 .
“ Now is the time we need leaders like Canada to commit to the global fight against this virus .
We are reassured and inspired to see the government of Canada step up to the challenge while calling on others to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It was the second time since the spring that Trudeau , Guterres and Holness held a meeting of the UN ’ s high-level panel on `` financing for development in the era of COVID-19 and beyond . ''
They held their first joint meeting in late May , less than three weeks before Canada failed to win a temporary seat on the Security Council .
Canada ran on a platform of trying to help rebuild the post-pandemic world in a contest that pitted it against Norway and Ireland for two non-permanent seats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trudeau said after the Security Council defeat that Canada would remain active on the world stage in trying to rebuild the battered economy .
`` Canada believes that a strong , co-ordinated response across the world and across sectors is essential .
This pandemic has provided an opportunity for a reset , '' Trudeau said Tuesday .
`` This is our chance to accelerate our pre-pandemic efforts to reimagine economic systems that actually address global challenges like extreme poverty , inequality , and climate change . ''
Trudeau said Canada will invest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will continue to advocate for debt relief for developing countries facing economic hardship because of the pandemic .
Canada will push to have the voices of those countries heard in larger forums such as the G7 , G20 and World Bank , he added .
Guterres said he welcomed Trudeau ’ s push for debt relief , adding he would be advocating for it in the G20 because it could provide up to $ 12 billion in help for participating countries .

Aid agencies welcomed Canada’s commitment on Tuesday of an extra $400 million in development and humanitarian spending to combat COVID-19. The new money will go to "to trusted partners on the ground fighting COVID-19," Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said during a video conference at the United Nations that he co-hosted with Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Jamaica's Prime Minister Andrew Holness. "From ensuring equitable access to vaccines, to providing more time for distressed countries to make bilateral debt payments, including Caribbean and small island states, we're working on concrete options that will help build a more resilient world," Trudeau said. Non-government organizations welcomed the government’s added spending after pleading for decades with successive Liberal and Conservative governments to offer a meaningful boost to the country’s overseas development assistance budget. Nicolas Moyer, the chief executive of the Canadian Council for International Cooperation, said the new funds announced Tuesday by Trudeau were significant given last Friday’s commitment by the government to contribute $220 million to the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility or COVAX, which will help purchase vaccine doses for low- and middle-income countries.
"These investments come at a critical moment. With immense and growing needs around the world, Canada has stepped up at a time when world needs Canadian leadership more than ever," said Moyer. "The COVID pandemic is the challenge of a generation. When the world needs us, it’s critical that Canada stands up and does its share." Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions Lindsay Glassco, president of Plan International Canada, said the pandemic has unravelled decades of progress on reducing poverty and improving gender equality at home and abroad.
"The pandemic has shown us how truly connected the world is and that solutions must extend beyond borders," said Glassco. Aid agencies welcomed Canada’s commitment on Tuesday, September 29, 2020, of an extra $400 million in development and humanitarian spending to combat COVID-19. "The Canadian government has responded once again with funding and support to stop this setback, and for that we are grateful." Bill Chambers, the chief executive of Save the Children, said the novel coronavirus is destroying the lives of children in crisis zones from Syria to Myanmar. “Now is the time we need leaders like Canada to commit to the global fight against this virus. We are reassured and inspired to see the government of Canada step up to the challenge while calling on others to do the same," he said. It was the second time since the spring that Trudeau, Guterres and Holness held a meeting of the UN’s high-level panel on "financing for development in the era of COVID-19 and beyond." They held their first joint meeting in late May, less than three weeks before Canada failed to win a temporary seat on the Security Council.
Canada ran on a platform of trying to help rebuild the post-pandemic world in a contest that pitted it against Norway and Ireland for two non-permanent seats on the council, starting next year. Trudeau said after the Security Council defeat that Canada would remain active on the world stage in trying to rebuild the battered economy. "Canada believes that a strong, co-ordinated response across the world and across sectors is essential. This pandemic has provided an opportunity for a reset," Trudeau said Tuesday.


nationalobserver--2020-09-30--Montreal restaurateurs shocked by 28-day shut down order

Montreal restaurateurs say they do n't understand why the provincial government is ordering their businesses to close even though there have been no COVID-19 outbreaks tied to the city 's famed restaurant industry .
On Monday , authorities moved Montreal and Quebec City to the highest COVID-19 alert level , banning private indoor gatherings and shutting bars , cinemas and restaurant dining rooms for 28 days .
`` We did everything by the book , everything right , '' said Martin Juneau , owner of Pastaga , a well-known restaurant in Montreal 's Little Italy .
Like many restaurateurs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff additional training to avoid COVID-19 transmission .
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Some restaurant owners have spent thousands of dollars on barriers and personal protective equipment , Martin Vezina , spokesman for Quebec 's restaurateur association , said Tuesday .
He said the members of his organization are `` in shock '' after hearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that private gatherings – and not restaurants – were the major source of rising COVID-19 cases in Quebec .
There have been no reported outbreaks and no reports of COVID-19 transmission from staff to clients in Montreal restaurants , the city ’ s public health director , Dr. Mylene Drouin , told reporters Tuesday .
Michael Lafaille opened a second location of his restaurant , Kwizinn , three weeks ago , an expansion that was delayed for months by the pandemic .
`` We had to work overnight , long hours , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 's a waste of time . ''
Despite working hard and playing by the rules , he feels restaurants are n't being treated as real businesses by the government .
Montreal restaurateurs stunned by 28-day provincial shutdown order , claiming there have been no COVID-19 outbreaks tied to the city 's famed restaurant industry .
# Montreal # COVID-19 # restaurants Because his restaurant 's second location is new , it wo n't qualify for existing rent support programs which are based on income in previous years , he said .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online delivery services charge high fees that can make it hard to turn a profit , he added .
Genevieve Touchette , general manager of Le Central , said some of the 22 restaurants in her downtown Montreal food hall aren ’ t set up for takeout and delivery .
Her business depends on downtown foot traffic and with concert halls ordered to close , she said an already bad situation will get worse .
Touchette said she doesn ’ t understand how closing a controlled environment – especially a large one such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is supposed to help break the second wave .
Juneau said that while he expects Pastaga to survive the shutdown , some of his other businesses – a small grocery store , a wine bar and an ice cream shop – may not .
In a July survey of 580 members of the restaurateurs ' association , 61 per cent said they would go out of business within six months if their outlook did n't improve , Vezina said .
`` Now the situation has changed for the worse . ''
Many restaurants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t be able to use , Vezina explained .
His organization is calling on the government to compensate restaurants for those losses , and to help with cash flow and rent .
For restaurant workers , there are also fears .
Shawn Barr , who works in the kitchen at O ’ Thym , a fine dining restaurant in Montreal ’ s Gay Village , said he expects his hours to be greatly reduced .
While he ’ s not worried in the short-term , he said he is afraid of what could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I have faith we will survive , our fate rests in the hands of our customers . ''

Montreal restaurateurs say they don't understand why the provincial government is ordering their businesses to close even though there have been no COVID-19 outbreaks tied to the city's famed restaurant industry. On Monday, authorities moved Montreal and Quebec City to the highest COVID-19 alert level, banning private indoor gatherings and shutting bars, cinemas and restaurant dining rooms for 28 days. Restaurant owners say they've been treated unfairly. "We did everything by the book, everything right," said Martin Juneau, owner of Pastaga, a well-known restaurant in Montreal's Little Italy. Like many restaurateurs, Juneau installed dividers between tables and gave staff additional training to avoid COVID-19 transmission.
Some restaurant owners have spent thousands of dollars on barriers and personal protective equipment, Martin Vezina, spokesman for Quebec's restaurateur association, said Tuesday. He said the members of his organization are "in shock" after hearing for days from provincial officials who said that private gatherings – and not restaurants – were the major source of rising COVID-19 cases in Quebec. Billion-dollar land deals in Ontario raise corruption suspicions There have been no reported outbreaks and no reports of COVID-19 transmission from staff to clients in Montreal restaurants, the city’s public health director, Dr. Mylene Drouin, told reporters Tuesday.
Michael Lafaille opened a second location of his restaurant, Kwizinn, three weeks ago, an expansion that was delayed for months by the pandemic. Montreal restaurateurs stunned by 28-day provincial shutdown order, claiming there have been no COVID-19 outbreaks tied to the city's famed restaurant industry. #Montreal #COVID-19 #restaurants "We had to work overnight, long hours," he said. "It feels like it's a waste of time." Despite working hard and playing by the rules, he feels restaurants aren't being treated as real businesses by the government. Because his restaurant's second location is new, it won't qualify for existing rent support programs which are based on income in previous years, he said. And while takeout and delivery will help, online delivery services charge high fees that can make it hard to turn a profit, he added. Genevieve Touchette, general manager of Le Central, said some of the 22 restaurants in her downtown Montreal food hall aren’t set up for takeout and delivery. Her business depends on downtown foot traffic and with concert halls ordered to close, she said an already bad situation will get worse.
Touchette said she doesn’t understand how closing a controlled environment – especially a large one such as the 20,000 square-foot Le Central – is supposed to help break the second wave. Juneau said that while he expects Pastaga to survive the shutdown, some of his other businesses – a small grocery store, a wine bar and an ice cream shop – may not. In a July survey of 580 members of the restaurateurs' association, 61 per cent said they would go out of business within six months if their outlook didn't improve, Vezina said. "Now the situation has changed for the worse."