thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-11--Donald Trump’s Race Speech In Tulsa Will Be Just Another Sop To His White Supporters

The rally , in other words , will be a place for the white president to talk to a mostly white crowd about all of the good he ’ s done for Black people .
If it follows Trump ’ s trends in speaking about race , he will give a self-congratulating speech about how he has , as he ’ s fond of saying , “ done more for the Black community than any president since Abraham Lincoln.
” There will be talk of the Black unemployment rate , a talking point now made moot ; his urban Opportunity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only white billionaires ; criminal justice reform , which came as he rolled back Obama administration police reforms ; and he ’ ll claim that he “ saved ” historically black colleges and universities .
Trump ’ s campaign intends to use these symbols of Black oppression and Black freedom to sell his reelection despite the fact that he ’ s the most openly racist U.S. president in modern history .
He will give this speech not from behind his desk at the Oval Office , where he would be presented as president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fervent and mostly white supporters at one of his infamous rallies , which have at times displayed racist violence that he encouraged .
With the blessings of the police , thousands of whites descended on Greenwood and killed hundreds of Black people , looted stores and burned the neighborhood to the ground .
They were aided by police-approved airplanes that dropped bombs .
Nearly every commercial property was destroyed , and 9,000 people were left homeless .
The fire department did not respond .
The police pressed no charges .
Political and religious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation into the massacre was not conducted until 2001 .
Emancipation Day has been a moment to celebrate freedom and to reflect on slavery .
Many celebrations petered out or were suppressed as the Jim Crow era of white supremacist authoritarianism descended on the South at the turn of the 20th century .
But Juneteenth spread , thanks in part to the Great Migration of Blacks escaping the repression in the South for the promise of the North and West .
The date is currently either a holiday or a day of commemoration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government does not recognize any day as a national holiday to celebrate emancipation .
“ The people from Texas took Juneteenth Day to Los Angeles , Oakland , Seattle , and other places they went , ” Isabel Wilkerson wrote in “ The Warmth of Other Suns.
” “ Even now , with barbecues and red soda pop , they celebrate June 19 , 1865 , the day Union soldiers rode into Galveston , announced that the Civil War was over , and released the quarter-million slaves in Texas who , not knowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation.
” Like all of Trump ’ s talk about race in America , his Tulsa address is meant for the consumption of his base of white supporters .
He is incapable of striking any other tone when he talks about race in America because he has already laid his cards on the table .
He not only began his political career with a racist smear of the first Black president , but he also has solidified his opposition to the Black struggle for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Juneteenth celebration , by demagoguing Black Lives Matter protests with his hateful attacks .
“ Negro American consciousness is not a product ( as so often seems true of so many American groups ) of a will to historical forgetfulness , ” Ralph Ellison wrote in 1963 .
“ It is a product of our memory , sustained and constantly reinforced by events , by our watchful waiting , and by our hopeful suspension of final judgment as to the meaning of our grievances .
”

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President Donald Trump is going to Tulsa, Oklahoma, the site of a 1921 racist massacre triggered by white resentment, on June 19, the Juneteenth holiday celebrating the Black emancipation from slavery and the continued struggle for freedom. He’s planning a rally while Americans join in widespread anti-racism protests, which he opposes. And he’s going so he can talk up his record on race to his largely white voter base.
The rally next Friday will be Trump’s first since suspending major campaign events due to the coronavirus pandemic and the first since global protests began after the police killing of George Floyd, a Black man, in Minnesota.
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White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said Thursday that he’s holding the rally on Juneteenth because “it’s a meaningful day to him, and it’s a day where [he] wants to share some of the progress that’s been made as we look forward and more that needs to be done.”
The rally, in other words, will be a place for the white president to talk to a mostly white crowd about all of the good he’s done for Black people. If it follows Trump’s trends in speaking about race, he will give a self-congratulating speech about how he has, as he’s fond of saying, “done more for the Black community than any president since Abraham Lincoln.” There will be talk of the Black unemployment rate, a talking point now made moot; his urban Opportunity Zones, which have so far enriched only white billionaires; criminal justice reform, which came as he rolled back Obama administration police reforms; and he’ll claim that he “saved” historically black colleges and universities.
It is “almost blasphemous,” CeLillianne Green, a historian and poet, told The Washington Post.
And, “more than a slap in the face to African Americans, it is overt racism from the highest office in the land,” Rep. Al Green (D-Texas) tweeted about Trump’s hijacking of the symbols of Tulsa and Juneteenth.
President Donald Trump speaks to supporters during a March 2 rally in Charlotte, North Carolina. His next rally is set for Tulsa, Oklahoma. Brian Blanco via Getty Images
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Trump’s campaign intends to use these symbols of Black oppression and Black freedom to sell his reelection despite the fact that he’s the most openly racist U.S. president in modern history. He will give this speech not from behind his desk at the Oval Office, where he would be presented as president of all Americans, but to his fervent and mostly white supporters at one of his infamous rallies, which have at times displayed racist violence that he encouraged.
His audience is not the nation at large, let alone Black Americans, but the white pro-Trump faithful. Trump’s political success has been buoyed by a racist white backlash based in resentment of the election of the first Black president, Barack Obama, and the country’s changing racial demographics. Similar resentments of Black gains led whites to burn Tulsa’s Greenwood District 99 years ago.
The Greenwood Massacre
On May 31, Tulsa commemorated the 99th anniversary of the Greenwood Massacre. The massacre, formerly known as the Tulsa Race Riots, occurred when a white mob, aided by police officers, killed up to 300 people as they destroyed a vital Black business district.
The Black business district in the segregated neighborhood began with the opening of a grocery store in 1905. By the late 1910s, the district had flourished with dozens of businesses, churches, a public library, a movie theater and a three-story hotel. It became known as Black Wall Street.
In 1919, 380,000 Black American soldiers came home from World War I. They were determined that their sacrifice for their country should be rewarded with freedom at home.
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“We return,” W.E.B. DuBois wrote about Black veterans in 1919. “We return from fighting. We return fighting.”
White America met them with closed fists. Even before Black veterans returned home, racist politicians were warning that their patriotism was a threat to white supremacy.
“Impress the negro with the fact that he is defending the flag, inflate his untutored soul with military airs, teach him that it is his duty to keep the emblem of the Nation, it is but a short step to the conclusion that his political rights must be respected,” Sen. James Vardaman, a Mississippi Democrat, said in 1917.
In the Red Summer of 1919, white mobs rioted in Black neighborhoods in Chicago; Houston; Omaha, Nebraska; Charleston, South Carolina; and Washington, D.C. In Washington, the first victim was a 22-year-old Black veteran. In other cities, Black veterans defended their neighborhoods from the racist mobs. In the South, Black veterans were assaulted simply for appearing in uniform in public, and at least 13 were lynched.
A memorial to Tulsa's Black Wall Street outside the Greenwood Cultural Center on the outskirts of downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. Sue Ogrocki/ASSOCIATED PRESS
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These passions did not recede after 1919, particularly in Tulsa. White resentment boiled as the successful Greenwood District grew, until it ran up against white Tulsa’s boundaries. Those resentments exploded after a downtown Tulsa clerk accused a Black teenager, who had touched the arm of a white elevator attendant, of rape.
The teen was arrested, and an armed white mob came to haul him out of jail and murder him. But they were met by a Black mob from Greenwood, including armed WWI veterans, who had come to protect the teenager. A fight happened after a white man challenged one Black veteran’s right to carry a gun. Someone fired a weapon, and within minutes 20 were dead on both sides.
With the blessings of the police, thousands of whites descended on Greenwood and killed hundreds of Black people, looted stores and burned the neighborhood to the ground. They were aided by police-approved airplanes that dropped bombs. Nearly every commercial property was destroyed, and 9,000 people were left homeless. The fire department did not respond. The police pressed no charges. Political and religious leaders blamed the Black residents. An investigation into the massacre was not conducted until 2001.
It was yet another example of white America seeing Black America’s success as an existential threat and then sweeping it into the dustbin of history.
Juneteenth
President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation on Jan. 1, 1863, turned the Civil War into a battle for the liberation of enslaved people in the South. But for most enslaved Black people, liberation did not arrive until Union troops did. In Texas, that date arrived months after the war’s end and Lincoln’s assassination on June 19, 1865, when Gen. Gordon Granger informed a gathering of slaves they had been freed when he read Lincoln’s proclamation.
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Celebrations of liberation proliferated in Black communities throughout the South after the Civil War. These Emancipation Days were usually held on the dates that the local Black population was emancipated, like April 16 in Washington, D.C., or on Jan. 1 to commemorate Lincoln’s proclamation. Naturally, Texans celebrated Emancipation Day on June 19. The holiday came to be called Juneteenth.
Emancipation Day has been a moment to celebrate freedom and to reflect on slavery. Many celebrations petered out or were suppressed as the Jim Crow era of white supremacist authoritarianism descended on the South at the turn of the 20th century. But Juneteenth spread, thanks in part to the Great Migration of Blacks escaping the repression in the South for the promise of the North and West. The date is currently either a holiday or a day of commemoration in 47 states, but the federal government does not recognize any day as a national holiday to celebrate emancipation.
“The people from Texas took Juneteenth Day to Los Angeles, Oakland, Seattle, and other places they went,” Isabel Wilkerson wrote in “The Warmth of Other Suns.” “Even now, with barbecues and red soda pop, they celebrate June 19, 1865, the day Union soldiers rode into Galveston, announced that the Civil War was over, and released the quarter-million slaves in Texas who, not knowing they had been freed, had toiled for two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation.”
Trump’s Racism
Like all of Trump’s talk about race in America, his Tulsa address is meant for the consumption of his base of white supporters. He is incapable of striking any other tone when he talks about race in America because he has already laid his cards on the table. He not only began his political career with a racist smear of the first Black president, but he also has solidified his opposition to the Black struggle for further liberation, symbolically represented by the Juneteenth celebration, by demagoguing Black Lives Matter protests with his hateful attacks.
A supporter wears a Confederate flag shirt as Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally on June 10, 2016, in Richmond, Virginia. Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post via Getty Images
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“The first time I heard [Black Lives Matter], I said, ‘You have to be kidding,’” Trump said in 2016. “I think it’s a very, very, very divisive term. There’s no question about it.”
“He’s wrong,” Trump said after former Secretary of State Colin Powell, a Republican, talked about his support for Black Lives Matter protests in 2015. “He’s totally wrong. It’s ‘All lives matter,’ and that should be the theme of this country, frankly, or one of the themes. So he’s obviously catering to somebody. I don’t know who he’s catering to.”
The 2016 Republican National Convention gave an entire night the theme of “Make America Safe Again” that featured speakers denouncing Black Lives Matter and praising police ― to raucous applause.
Multiple Black Lives Matter protesters who disrupted Trump’s rallies were assaulted by his supporters. “Maybe he should have been roughed up because it was absolutely disgusting what he was doing,” Trump said about one Black Lives Matter protester who was assaulted at a rally.
At another rally, Trump urged his supporters to physically eject three protesters who had chanted Black Lives Matter slogans. “Get out!” he bellowed. “Get them out!” The three protesters, a man and two women, were then pushed and punched by his supporters. One of those supporters was a “Make America Great Again”-hat-wearing Matthew Heimbach, a white supremacist once touted as the next David Duke.
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“White Americans are getting fed up and they’re learning that they must either push back or be pushed down,” Heimbach, who would later plead guilty to assault from the incident, wrote in a blog post afterward.
Heimbach would later help organize and attend the Aug. 12, 2017, “Unite the Right” white supremacist rally to protect a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee in Charlottesville, Virginia. The murder of Heather Heyer by one of the rally attendees resulted in Trump attempting to give his first talk on race relations in America, in which he declared that some of the white supremacists and neo-Nazis there were “fine people.”
Trump also defended the stated cause of the white supremacists: not removing the statue of Lee. He has since become the leading proponent of maintaining and venerating Confederate symbology throughout the United States, including on military bases. Republican senators agreed Wednesday night to an amendment offered by Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) to rename military bases that honor Confederate generals over the next three years. Trump tweeted his opposition Thursday afternoon.
“THOSE THAT DENY THEIR HISTORY ARE DOOMED TO REPEAT IT!” Trump tweeted Thursday in response to efforts to remove Confederate symbols across the country.
He’s also spent the past few weeks praising police and suppressing protests against police brutality after Floyd’s death. While he condemned the police officer who killed Floyd by kneeling on his neck for nearly nine minutes, Trump has said that there is only a small proportion of “bad apples” within police forces.
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These acts, but not these alone, will make it impossible for any message of racial reconciliation from Trump to reach Black America, and an increasing part of white America, without it being viewed as anything more than the condescension it is.
Trump venerates a certain strain of white history, one that buries the history of Greenwood and does not celebrate emancipation, unless suddenly politically convenient. But Black Americans remember their history, too.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-11--Black Tulsans Call Trump's Juneteenth Rally Plan 'A Slap In The Face'

OKLAHOMA CITY ( AP ) — Black community and political leaders called on President Donald Trump to at least change the Juneteenth date for a rally kicking off his return to public campaigning , saying Thursday that plans for a rally on the day that marks the end of slavery in America come as a “ slap in the face.
” From Sen. Kamala Harris of California to Tulsa civic officials , black leaders said it was offensive for Trump to pick that day — June 19 — and that place — Tulsa , an Oklahoma city that in 1921 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ orchestrated white-on-black killing spree .
“ To choose the date , to come to Tulsa , is totally disrespectful and a slap in the face to even happen , ” said Sherry Gamble Smith , president of Tulsa ’ s Black Wall Street Chamber of Commerce , an organization named after the prosperous black community that white Oklahomans burned down in the 1921 attack .
“ As the party of Lincoln , Republicans are proud of the history of Juneteenth , ” said Katrina Pierson , senior adviser to the Trump campaign .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of success for Black Americans , including unprecedented low unemployment prior to the global pandemic , all-time high funding for Historically Black Colleges and Universities , and criminal justice reform.
” The Trump campaign was aware in advance that the date for the president ’ s return to rallies was Juneteenth , according to two campaign officials , who were not authorized to speak publicly about internal discussions and spoke on condition of anonymity .
When the date was discussed , it was noted that Biden had held a fundraiser a year ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was not meant to be incendiary , some blowback was expected , the officials said .
But the campaign was caught off guard by the intensity , particularly when some linked the selection to the 1921 massacre .
Arena marketing director Meghan Blood said Thursday she didn ’ t know yet about any plans for social distancing or other coronavirus precautions for Trump ’ s rally , which would be one of the larger public gatherings in the U.S. at this stage of the outbreak .
Campaign officials said safety decisions would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A disclaimer on the ticket registration website said attendees voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to COVID-19 and agree not to hold the campaign liable for any illness .
The campaign officials said the Trump campaign picked Oklahoma because arrangements could be made quickly , for a variety of reasons : Oklahoma has a Republican , Trump-friendly governor ; the state is not seeing huge numbers of coronavirus cases ; and the arena was “ turn-key ” and could easily be opened for the rally .
Moreover , the rally will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held by Rep. Kendra Horn , one of the Democrats the GOP feels is vulnerable this fall .
Campaign officials also wanted to hold the rally where they could all but guarantee a big crowd despite coronavirus concerns , according to the officials .
Oklahoma is one of the most Republican states in the nation and Trump has not held a rally there as president , so it will likely deliver an enthusiastic audience eager to see him , the officials believed .
On Tuesday , Tulsa police released video and said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two black teenagers for jaywalking .
Video of the June 4 incident showed officers pinned one of the two unidentified teens stomach-down on the ground .
On Monday , a Tulsa police major played down police shootings of African Americans nationally by telling a radio show that statistically , “ we ’ re shooting African Americans about 24 % less than we probably ought to be , based on the crimes being committed.
” And on Wednesday , the same day Tulsa Mayor G.T .
Bynum welcomed news of Trump ’ s rally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s progress against COVID-19 , Bynum apologized for remarks about a 2016 police killing of an unarmed black man .
Bynum had said the killing was “ more about the really insidious nature of drug utilization than it is about race.
” Nationally , as research brings to light more about the 1921 massacre , Tulsa increasingly is associated with the rampage in which white Tulsans razed a thriving black business community , killing as many as 300 people .
Long dismissed by generations of white Tulsans as a race “ riot , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marked this year by community memorials .

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OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) — Black community and political leaders called on President Donald Trump to at least change the Juneteenth date for a rally kicking off his return to public campaigning, saying Thursday that plans for a rally on the day that marks the end of slavery in America come as a “slap in the face.”
Trump campaign officials discussed in advance the possible reaction to the Juneteenth date, but despite fierce blowback there are no plans to change it.
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From Sen. Kamala Harris of California to Tulsa civic officials, black leaders said it was offensive for Trump to pick that day — June 19 — and that place — Tulsa, an Oklahoma city that in 1921 was the site of a fiery and orchestrated white-on-black killing spree.
“This isn’t just a wink to white supremacists — he’s throwing them a welcome home party,” Harris, a leading contender to be Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden’s running mate, tweeted of Trump’s rally plans.
“To choose the date, to come to Tulsa, is totally disrespectful and a slap in the face to even happen,” said Sherry Gamble Smith, president of Tulsa’s Black Wall Street Chamber of Commerce, an organization named after the prosperous black community that white Oklahomans burned down in the 1921 attack.
At a minimum, Gamble Smith said, the campaign should “change it to Saturday the 20th, if they’re going to have it.”
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Trump announced the rally plan Wednesday afternoon. It comes as his harsh law-and-order stance appears to fall increasingly out of sync with a growing concern over police abuse of African Americans after the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Trump campaign officials defended the rally.
“As the party of Lincoln, Republicans are proud of the history of Juneteenth,” said Katrina Pierson, senior adviser to the Trump campaign. “President Trump has built a record of success for Black Americans, including unprecedented low unemployment prior to the global pandemic, all-time high funding for Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and criminal justice reform.”
The Trump campaign was aware in advance that the date for the president’s return to rallies was Juneteenth, according to two campaign officials, who were not authorized to speak publicly about internal discussions and spoke on condition of anonymity.
When the date was discussed, it was noted that Biden had held a fundraiser a year ago on Juneteenth. Though choosing June 19 was not meant to be incendiary, some blowback was expected, the officials said. But the campaign was caught off guard by the intensity, particularly when some linked the selection to the 1921 massacre.
Scheduling the highly anticipated comeback rally in Oklahoma, a state Trump won easily in 2016, raised eyebrows.
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The campaign picked Tulsa’s BOK Center, with a listed seat capacity of 19,199. The arena’s Facebook page shows organizers calling off shows there by country singer Alan Jackson and other performers into mid-July, citing the coronavirus pandemic.
Arena marketing director Meghan Blood said Thursday she didn’t know yet about any plans for social distancing or other coronavirus precautions for Trump’s rally, which would be one of the larger public gatherings in the U.S. at this stage of the outbreak.
Campaign officials said safety decisions would be made in coordination with local authorities. A disclaimer on the ticket registration website said attendees voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to COVID-19 and agree not to hold the campaign liable for any illness.
The campaign officials said the Trump campaign picked Oklahoma because arrangements could be made quickly, for a variety of reasons: Oklahoma has a Republican, Trump-friendly governor; the state is not seeing huge numbers of coronavirus cases; and the arena was “turn-key” and could easily be opened for the rally. Moreover, the rally will be held up the turnpike from a district held by Rep. Kendra Horn, one of the Democrats the GOP feels is vulnerable this fall.
Campaign officials also wanted to hold the rally where they could all but guarantee a big crowd despite coronavirus concerns, according to the officials. Oklahoma is one of the most Republican states in the nation and Trump has not held a rally there as president, so it will likely deliver an enthusiastic audience eager to see him, the officials believed.
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Tulsa, an oil center along the Arkansas River, has had its own marches, viral videos and problematic police actions during this month’s unrest.
On Tuesday, Tulsa police released video and said they were investigating officers who handcuffed and arrested two black teenagers for jaywalking. Video of the June 4 incident showed officers pinned one of the two unidentified teens stomach-down on the ground.
“Get off me! I can’t breathe! I can’t breathe! I can’t breathe!” one teen shouts in the police video.
“You can breathe just fine,” the officer replies.
On Monday, a Tulsa police major played down police shootings of African Americans nationally by telling a radio show that statistically, “we’re shooting African Americans about 24% less than we probably ought to be, based on the crimes being committed.”
And on Wednesday, the same day Tulsa Mayor G.T. Bynum welcomed news of Trump’s rally pick as evidence of the city’s progress against COVID-19, Bynum apologized for remarks about a 2016 police killing of an unarmed black man. Bynum had said the killing was “more about the really insidious nature of drug utilization than it is about race.”
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Nationally, as research brings to light more about the 1921 massacre, Tulsa increasingly is associated with the rampage in which white Tulsans razed a thriving black business community, killing as many as 300 people. Long dismissed by generations of white Tulsans as a race “riot,” the May 31-June 1 events were marked this year by community memorials.
Oklahoma’s black Democratic Party chairwoman also condemned Trump’s rally plan. “A day set aside to commemorate the freedom of enslaved people must not be marred by the words or actions of a racist president,” Alicia Andrews said.
Community groups had earlier canceled a main Tulsa Juneteenth celebration because of the coronavirus pandemic.
Some black Tulsans said they planned to turn out for public protests of Trump on that day. “There’s definitely going to be demonstrating,” Gamble Smith said.
—-
Lemire reported from New York City. Associated Press writer Zeke Miller contributed to this report.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-12--‘The Daily Show’ PSA Begs Canada To Invade ‘Failed State’ America

“ The Daily Show with Trevor Noah ” issued a spoof PSA-style appeal for Canada to invade the “ failed state ” of America on Thursday .
The Comedy Central show ’ s correspondents ― Roy Wood Jr. , Jaboukie Young-White , Michael Kosta , Desi Lydic , and Dulcé Sloan ― began by lamenting a country “ in crisis , ” “ ravaged by disease , ” where “ the economy has collapsed ” and “ soldiers patrol the streets.
” “ Now , what if I told you that that country is America ?
” they asked .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ failed state .
America needs a return to democracy .
And if it ’ s one thing America knows , it ’ s when a country needs democracy , you invade it.
” “ Please invade us .
We ’ re not asking for a donation , we ’ re asking for an invasion , ” the comedians added .
They asked viewers to sign an online petition that has now garnered more than 23,000 signatures .
“ And to my fellow Americans , why would we not want Canada to invade us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it will be polite .
Canadian racism , with a smile.
” Check out the video here :

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“The Daily Show with Trevor Noah” issued a spoof PSA-style appeal for Canada to invade the “failed state” of America on Thursday.
The Comedy Central show’s correspondents ― Roy Wood Jr., Jaboukie Young-White, Michael Kosta, Desi Lydic, and Dulcé Sloan ― began by lamenting a country “in crisis,” “ravaged by disease,” where “the economy has collapsed” and “soldiers patrol the streets.”
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“Now, what if I told you that that country is America?” they asked. “Admit it. America is a failed state. America needs a return to democracy. And if it’s one thing America knows, it’s when a country needs democracy, you invade it.”
“Please invade us. We’re not asking for a donation, we’re asking for an invasion,” the comedians added. They asked viewers to sign an online petition that has now garnered more than 23,000 signatures.
“And to my fellow Americans, why would we not want Canada to invade us? We’ll still have racism, but it will be polite. Canadian racism, with a smile.”
Check out the video here:


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-11--Evangelical Leader Calls On Denomination To Retire Gavel Named For Slaveholder

Now , as symbols of the Confederacy are taken down across the country in the wake of George Floyd ’ s death , the historic gavel and its place in the Southern Baptist Convention ’ s traditions are being questioned .
“ While we do not want to , nor could we , erase our history , it is time for this gavel to go back into the display case at the Executive Committee offices , ” Greear wrote in a statement on the Baptist Press , the SBC ’ s official news site .
Greear ’ s proposal is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confront its racist roots .
The SBC was formed in 1845 by a breakaway group of Baptists in the South who believed it was moral for Christian missionaries to own slaves .
The SBC is now a network of 47,000 autonomous , predominantly white , conservative evangelical churches .
The Broadus gavel has long held a cherished place in the SBC ’ s traditions and history .
It was reportedly constructed with wood from Jerusalem , to symbolize Jesus ’ s ministry , according to the SBC ’ s historical records .
Broadus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and it has been used at most of the SBC ’ s annual gatherings since then .
Greear , a North Carolina megachurch pastor who was elected SBC president in 2018 , said he felt uneasy about using the Broadus gavel during last year ’ s annual meeting .
Greear said he didn ’ t know that he had a choice to use other historic SBC gavels .
The Broadus gavel wouldn ’ t have been used this year regardless , since the SBC ’ s annual meeting was canceled due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Greear said he ’ s going to consider using other options , such as the Annie Armstrong gavel , which is named after a Baptist missionary .
Retiring the Broadus gavel would send “ a symbolic yet tangible message that we are a convention of all people , made in the image of God , and who matter deeply to God , ” Greear wrote .
Some Black Southern Baptist pastors have criticized the denomination ’ s use of the Broadus gavel in the past .
Days before Greear ’ s post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pastor in Texas , wrote on Twitter that the “ John Broadus gavel must go.
” “ I ’ m grateful to see this shifting and not excuse-making for keeping these Confederate relics and celebration of Confederate heroes , ” McKissic said .
R. Albert Mohler Jr. , president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary , compared Broadus ’ s place in SBC history to that of America ’ s Founding Fathers .
“ The reality is , you can ’ t tell the story of the SBC without John Broadus , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the denomination ’ s next president , told the Post .
“ That does not mean a president should choose his gavel in 2020 or in 2021 to tell that story.
” Broadus is revered in SBC circles as one of the founders of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville , Kentucky .
He ’ s also known for being an expert in homiletics , the art of preaching .
Historical records show that in 1860 , Broadus owned at least two slaves .
During an 1863 Baptist meeting , Broadus drafted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Confederacy during the Civil War .
He served as a chaplain for Confederate soldiers and had a standing invitation to preach for Gen. Robert E. Lee .
After the war , Broadus and other faculty at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary defended white rule and the continued disenfranchisement of Black Americans , according to a report issued by the seminary in 2018 .
By 1882 , Broadus had repudiated the American system of chattel slavery , according to the report .
But his white supremacist ideas persisted .
He continued to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ morally and biologically inferior to white people .
In a paper Broadus wrote in 1883 , he suggested that the “ typical ” Black person is a “ barbarian ” and “ vastly inferior in point of intelligence.
” In that same paper , he suggested slavery had actually been beneficial to some Black people .
The seminary refused to admit Black students until 1940 and officially affirmed integration in 1951 .
It wasn ’ t until 1995 that the SBC issued a formal apology for defending slavery at its founding , failing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and allowing some of its congregations to exclude African Americans from membership .
In 2017 , the SBC came very close to blocking the passage of a resolution , championed by McKissic , to officially condemn white supremacy and the extreme right .
A revised version of the resolution ultimately passed , but only after considerable internal debate and social media backlash .

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For decades, America’s largest Protestant denomination has opened its annual meetings with a gavel named for a slaveholder.
Now, as symbols of the Confederacy are taken down across the country in the wake of George Floyd’s death, the historic gavel and its place in the Southern Baptist Convention’s traditions are being questioned.
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SBC President J.D. Greear is calling for the nearly 150-year-old gavel, named after Southern Baptist leader and white supremacist John A. Broadus, to be retired.
“While we do not want to, nor could we, erase our history, it is time for this gavel to go back into the display case at the Executive Committee offices,” Greear wrote in a statement on the Baptist Press, the SBC’s official news site.
Greear’s proposal is the denomination’s latest attempt to confront its racist roots. The SBC was formed in 1845 by a breakaway group of Baptists in the South who believed it was moral for Christian missionaries to own slaves. The SBC is now a network of 47,000 autonomous, predominantly white, conservative evangelical churches.
The Broadus gavel has long held a cherished place in the SBC’s traditions and history. It was reportedly constructed with wood from Jerusalem, to symbolize Jesus’s ministry, according to the SBC’s historical records. Broadus presented it to the convention in 1872, and it has been used at most of the SBC’s annual gatherings since then.
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The Broadus gavel, which every president since 1872 has taken up to call the SBC to order. #SBC16 pic.twitter.com/6TQaLtNoOC — Barry McCarty (@barrymccarty) June 14, 2016
Greear, a North Carolina megachurch pastor who was elected SBC president in 2018, said he felt uneasy about using the Broadus gavel during last year’s annual meeting. Greear said he didn’t know that he had a choice to use other historic SBC gavels.
The Broadus gavel wouldn’t have been used this year regardless, since the SBC’s annual meeting was canceled due to the coronavirus pandemic. But next year, Greear said he’s going to consider using other options, such as the Annie Armstrong gavel, which is named after a Baptist missionary.
Retiring the Broadus gavel would send “a symbolic yet tangible message that we are a convention of all people, made in the image of God, and who matter deeply to God,” Greear wrote.
Some Black Southern Baptist pastors have criticized the denomination’s use of the Broadus gavel in the past. Days before Greear’s post, Dwight McKissic, a Black SBC pastor in Texas, wrote on Twitter that the “John Broadus gavel must go.”
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A slave handing the pen to the signers of the Declaration of Independence, documented its hypocrisy, the John Broadus gavel does likewise in the SBC. The John Broadus gavel must go. It’s the spirit that gave name & heroic status to the gavel, that’s created the current divide. — Dwight McKissic (@pastordmack) June 7, 2020
McKissic told The Washington Post on Wednesday that Greear’s announcement seemed to be a “substantive” step.
“I’m grateful to see this shifting and not excuse-making for keeping these Confederate relics and celebration of Confederate heroes,” McKissic said. R. Albert Mohler Jr., president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, compared Broadus’s place in SBC history to that of America’s Founding Fathers. “The reality is, you can’t tell the story of the SBC without John Broadus,” Mohler, who is expected to become the denomination’s next president, told the Post. “That does not mean a president should choose his gavel in 2020 or in 2021 to tell that story.”
Broadus is revered in SBC circles as one of the founders of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky. He’s also known for being an expert in homiletics, the art of preaching.
But the denomination recently began grappling with his racism.
Historical records show that in 1860, Broadus owned at least two slaves. During an 1863 Baptist meeting, Broadus drafted and presented resolutions pledging Southern Baptist support for the Confederacy during the Civil War. He served as a chaplain for Confederate soldiers and had a standing invitation to preach for Gen. Robert E. Lee.
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Southern Baptist leader John Albert Broadus, who died in 1895, owned slaves and served as a pastor for Gen. Robert E. Lee. Public Domain
After the war, Broadus and other faculty at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary defended white rule and the continued disenfranchisement of Black Americans, according to a report issued by the seminary in 2018.
By 1882, Broadus had repudiated the American system of chattel slavery, according to the report. But his white supremacist ideas persisted. He continued to advance the idea that Black people were morally and biologically inferior to white people.
In a paper Broadus wrote in 1883, he suggested that the “typical” Black person is a “barbarian” and “vastly inferior in point of intelligence.” In that same paper, he suggested slavery had actually been beneficial to some Black people.
“It is a vast and difficult task to lift up the lower races of mankind into Christian enlightenment,” Broadus wrote in 1883. He became the seminary’s president in 1889.
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The seminary refused to admit Black students until 1940 and officially affirmed integration in 1951. It wasn’t until 1995 that the SBC issued a formal apology for defending slavery at its founding, failing to adequately support the civil rights movement and allowing some of its congregations to exclude African Americans from membership.
Southern Baptist Convention President J.D. Greear speaks to the denomination's executive committee last year in Nashville. (AP Photo/Mark Humphrey)
In 2017, the SBC came very close to blocking the passage of a resolution, championed by McKissic, to officially condemn white supremacy and the extreme right. A revised version of the resolution ultimately passed, but only after considerable internal debate and social media backlash.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-11--Louisville City Council Bans No-Knock Warrants After Breonna Taylor’s Death

Lawmakers banned the Louisville Metro Police Department from using no-knock warrants on Thursday amid growing outcry over the death of Breonna Taylor , a Black woman who was fatally shot in her own home by officers earlier this year .
The Louisville Metro Council unanimously passed the measure , known as Breonna ’ s Law Thursday .
It bans the use of so-called no-knock warrants that had allowed police officers to enter a residence without warning or without identifying themselves .
Breonna ’ s Law also mandates that LMPD officers wear operating body cameras when executing any warrant and retain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The passage comes amid protests across the U.S. calling for an end to systemic racism and violent policing tactics that disproportionately affect people of color .
“ I suspended use of these warrants indefinitely last month , and wholeheartedly agree with Council that the risk to residents and officers with this kind of search outweigh any benefit , ” the mayor wrote on Twitter .
“ This is one of many critical steps on police reform that we ’ ve taken to create a more peaceful , just , compassionate and equitable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency room technician , was fatally shot by police on March 13 as they executed a no-knock search warrant .
Accounts about the shooting differ : Police say Taylor ’ s boyfriend , Kenneth Walker , fired upon them after they knocked , identified themselves and entered the apartment shortly after midnight .
Law enforcement returned fire , hitting Taylor eight times .
Her family disputes that account , however , saying officers did not identify themselves and noting that Walker , who was licensed to carry a firearm , believed someone was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was acting in self-defense .
A police report from the LMPD published this week incorrectly noted Taylor suffered no injuries and said there was no forced entry even though officers used a battering ram .
The Louisville Courier-Journal later reported the warrant also related to an investigation of two men who didn ’ t live at Taylor ’ s home , but authorities believed the suspects had used the apartment ’ s address to receive packages .
A judge signed the no-knock order .
The ACLU of Kentucky noted Thursday the law only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but said it appears the provision would not rein in the use of such warrants by other departments in the county .
The group praised the passage of the law but called for it to be extended countywide .
“ Metro Council ’ s passage of Breonna ’ s Law is a small bit of justice for Breonna ’ s mourning family and our angry , heartbroken city , ” Michael Aldridge , executive director of the ACLU of Kentucky , said in a statement .
“ It ’ s an important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to eradicate racist police violence that has taken too many lives.
” “ After talking with Breonna Taylor ’ s family , I ’ ve come to the conclusion that it ’ s long past time to get rid of no-knock warrants , ” Paul said in a statement .
“ This bill will effectively end no-knock raids in the United States .
”

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Lawmakers banned the Louisville Metro Police Department from using no-knock warrants on Thursday amid growing outcry over the death of Breonna Taylor, a Black woman who was fatally shot in her own home by officers earlier this year.
The Louisville Metro Council unanimously passed the measure, known as Breonna’s Law Thursday. It bans the use of so-called no-knock warrants that had allowed police officers to enter a residence without warning or without identifying themselves.
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Breonna’s Law also mandates that LMPD officers wear operating body cameras when executing any warrant and retain the recordings for at least five years. The passage comes amid protests across the U.S. calling for an end to systemic racism and violent policing tactics that disproportionately affect people of color.
Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer said he planned to sign the law “as soon as it hits my desk.”
“I suspended use of these warrants indefinitely last month, and wholeheartedly agree with Council that the risk to residents and officers with this kind of search outweigh any benefit,” the mayor wrote on Twitter. “This is one of many critical steps on police reform that we’ve taken to create a more peaceful, just, compassionate and equitable community.”
Breonna Taylor, an emergency room technician, at a graduation ceremony in Louisville, Kentucky. Family Handout/AFP/Getty Images
Taylor, 26, an emergency room technician, was fatally shot by police on March 13 as they executed a no-knock search warrant. Accounts about the shooting differ: Police say Taylor’s boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, fired upon them after they knocked, identified themselves and entered the apartment shortly after midnight. Law enforcement returned fire, hitting Taylor eight times.
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Her family disputes that account, however, saying officers did not identify themselves and noting that Walker, who was licensed to carry a firearm, believed someone was trying to break into the apartment and was acting in self-defense. A police report from the LMPD published this week incorrectly noted Taylor suffered no injuries and said there was no forced entry even though officers used a battering ram.
The Louisville Courier-Journal later reported the warrant also related to an investigation of two men who didn’t live at Taylor’s home, but authorities believed the suspects had used the apartment’s address to receive packages. A judge signed the no-knock order.
The ACLU of Kentucky noted Thursday the law only applies to the Louisville Metro Police Department, but said it appears the provision would not rein in the use of such warrants by other departments in the county. The group praised the passage of the law but called for it to be extended countywide.
“Metro Council’s passage of Breonna’s Law is a small bit of justice for Breonna’s mourning family and our angry, heartbroken city,” Michael Aldridge, executive director of the ACLU of Kentucky, said in a statement. “It’s an important, but small step in the fight to eradicate racist police violence that has taken too many lives.”
No-knock warrants have drawn growing criticism in recent months. On Thursday, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) introduced legislation that would ban them nationwide after speaking with Taylor’s family.
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thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-12--Most Americans Want Police Reform But Don't Back 'Defund The Police'

A near-universal majority of Americans support at least some changes to policing in the United States following the death of George Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police , a new HuffPost/YouGov poll finds .
There is majority support for proposals circulating in Congress to ban chokeholds and make it easier to track and charge officers accused of misconduct .
But the idea of “ defunding the police ” has little support from the public .
It is by far the least popular of the policies surveyed , and is the only proposal opposed by more Americans than support it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argue the criminal justice system is too corrupt and racist to reform , but it has largely been rejected by most Democratic Party politicians .
The HuffPost/YouGov survey shows that the bill ’ s provisions ― including ending qualified immunity , which protects police officers from civil lawsuits , and developing a national standard for when police officers can use force ― are broadly popular .
Democrats expect a majority of the House to line up behind the legislation by the end of the week .
Just 7 % of Americans describe the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sound and requiring essentially no changes , the HuffPost/YouGov survey finds , with another 37 % saying it ’ s basically sound but needs some improvement .
Another 48 % say it ’ s “ not too sound ” or “ not sound at all.
” Views are divided along both partisan and racial lines , with a plurality of both Democrats and Black Americans saying that the system is not sound at all and requires significant changes .
But even among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents , only 11 % say no changes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defunding the police ” has attracted significant attention ― roughly half of Americans said they ’ d heard of it recently .
Of the 10 proposals mentioned in the survey , only the call to ban police from using chokeholds has received more attention .
But the idea of defunding is also by far the least popular , with just 27 % of Americans in favor .
By contrast , solid majorities of the public favor banning police chokeholds ( 73 % support this ) , creating a federal registry for complaints against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a national standard for police use of force ( 69 % ) , making it easier for the federal government to charge officers for using excessive force ( 68 % ) , assigning independent prosecutors to handle cases where officers use fatal force ( 67 % ) and eliminating officers ’ “ qualified immunity ” against misconduct lawsuits ( 59 % ) .
There ’ s more modest support for barring the use of “ no-knock ” warrants in drug cases ( 49 % ) and for limiting the transfer of military equipment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The public is almost evenly divided on a proposal to cut the budget of their local police department , and instead increase spending on services like social workers and mental health professionals .
Few Americans view the proposal as a call for getting rid of police departments .
Asked to pick between a set of statements to describe the policy , only 19 % defined it as “ completely abolishing police forces , ” while a 56 % majority saw it as a proposal to significantly decrease the size of police forces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Another quarter were unsure .
Trump has had some success convincing his base that Biden holds a position he does not actually hold .
GOP voters are significantly likelier than Democratic voters to think that Biden and Democratic legislators support the idea of defunding the police .
Just 28 % of registered voters say they think Biden supports defunding the police , with 41 % saying he does not , and nearly one-third unsure .
Four in 10 voters think that most or all congressional Democrats support defunding the police , with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do , and the rest not certain .
Use the widget below to further explore the results of the HuffPost/YouGov survey , using the menu at the top to select survey questions and the buttons at the bottom to filter the data by subgroups .

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A near-universal majority of Americans support at least some changes to policing in the United States following the death of George Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police, a new HuffPost/YouGov poll finds. There is majority support for proposals circulating in Congress to ban chokeholds and make it easier to track and charge officers accused of misconduct.
But the idea of “defunding the police” has little support from the public. It is by far the least popular of the policies surveyed, and is the only proposal opposed by more Americans than support it. Activists who are pushing the idea argue the criminal justice system is too corrupt and racist to reform, but it has largely been rejected by most Democratic Party politicians.
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House and Senate Democrats unveiled their police reform legislation, crafted primarily by members of the Congressional Black Caucus, earlier this week. Former Vice President Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee for president, has voiced support for many of the legislation’s provisions.
The HuffPost/YouGov survey shows that the bill’s provisions ― including ending qualified immunity, which protects police officers from civil lawsuits, and developing a national standard for when police officers can use force ― are broadly popular. Democrats expect a majority of the House to line up behind the legislation by the end of the week.
President Donald Trump and Republicans, who control the Senate, have tasked their only Black member, Sen. Tim Scott (S.C.), with developing their own police reform proposal.
Just 7% of Americans describe the country’s police system as basically sound and requiring essentially no changes, the HuffPost/YouGov survey finds, with another 37% saying it’s basically sound but needs some improvement. Another 48% say it’s “not too sound” or “not sound at all.”
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Views are divided along both partisan and racial lines, with a plurality of both Democrats and Black Americans saying that the system is not sound at all and requires significant changes. But even among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, only 11% say no changes are necessary.
Republicans do have less appetite for significant reforms. About three-fifths of Republicans say the system needs just “some” improvement, while only 24% see a need for “many improvements” or “significant changes.”
Results of a new HuffPost/YouGov survey on police reform. Ariel Edwards-Levy/HuffPost
The idea of “defunding the police” has attracted significant attention ― roughly half of Americans said they’d heard of it recently. Of the 10 proposals mentioned in the survey, only the call to ban police from using chokeholds has received more attention.
But the idea of defunding is also by far the least popular, with just 27% of Americans in favor. By contrast, solid majorities of the public favor banning police chokeholds (73% support this), creating a federal registry for complaints against officers (72%), developing a national standard for police use of force (69%), making it easier for the federal government to charge officers for using excessive force (68%), assigning independent prosecutors to handle cases where officers use fatal force (67%) and eliminating officers’ “qualified immunity” against misconduct lawsuits (59%).
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There’s more modest support for barring the use of “no-knock” warrants in drug cases (49%) and for limiting the transfer of military equipment to police departments (46%). The public is almost evenly divided on a proposal to cut the budget of their local police department, and instead increase spending on services like social workers and mental health professionals.
Results of a new HuffPost/YouGov survey on police reform. Ariel Edwards-Levy/HuffPost
Self-described liberals support defunding the police by a 13-point margin. But nearly every other ideological and demographic group opposes it. Democrats and Democratic leaners oppose it by a 4-percentage point margin, and Black Americans oppose it by a 20-point margin.
Whites and Republicans are more firmly opposed still, and additional divides emerge along educational and generational lines, with older Americans and those without postgraduate degrees more likely to be opposed.
Results of a new HuffPost/YouGov survey on police reform. Ariel Edwards-Levy/HuffPost
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Few Americans view the proposal as a call for getting rid of police departments. Asked to pick between a set of statements to describe the policy, only 19% defined it as “completely abolishing police forces,” while a 56% majority saw it as a proposal to significantly decrease the size of police forces and the scope of their work. Another quarter were unsure.
Biden has said he doesn’t support defunding the police, but Republicans are hoping to tie him and other Democrats to the concept.
On Thursday, Trump’s campaign released an ad claiming that Biden “fails to stand up to the radical leftists fighting to defund or even abolish the police.”
A whole new ad on "@JoeBiden KNEELING TO THE LEFT" from @realDonaldTrump that superimposes Biden kneeling over scenes of looting and fire in the streets. h/t @EwallWice pic.twitter.com/wGrJZFxK5g — Bo Erickson CBS (@BoKnowsNews) June 11, 2020
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Trump has had some success convincing his base that Biden holds a position he does not actually hold. GOP voters are significantly likelier than Democratic voters to think that Biden and Democratic legislators support the idea of defunding the police.
Just 28% of registered voters say they think Biden supports defunding the police, with 41% saying he does not, and nearly one-third unsure. Four in 10 voters think that most or all congressional Democrats support defunding the police, with a third of voters saying some or none do, and the rest not certain.
Use the widget below to further explore the results of the HuffPost/YouGov survey, using the menu at the top to select survey questions and the buttons at the bottom to filter the data by subgroups.
The HuffPost/YouGov poll consisted of 1,000 completed interviews conducted June 8-10 among U.S. adults, using a sample selected from YouGov’s opt-in online panel to match the demographics and other characteristics of the adult U.S. population.
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HuffPost has teamed up with YouGov to conduct daily opinion polls. You can learn more about this project and take part in YouGov’s nationally representative opinion polling. More details on the polls’ methodology are available here.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-12--Joe Biden Calls On Facebook To Change Political Speech Rules

( Reuters ) — Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ’ s campaign published an open letter to Facebook Chief Executive Mark Zuckerberg on Thursday , calling for the company to fact-check politicians ’ ads in the two weeks ahead of the U.S. presidential election in November .
The letter also demanded that Facebook promptly remove false , viral information and that there be clear rules “ applied to everyone , including Donald Trump — that prohibit threatening behavior and lies about how to participate in the election.
” “ We live in a democracy , where the elected officials decide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company said .
The Biden campaign ’ s move adds to pressure on Facebook , which exempts politicians ’ content from its third-party fact-checking program , to alter its rules on political ads and speech .
Zuckerberg last week promised a review of Facebook ’ s content policies after the company faced backlash over taking no action on a post by Republican President Trump that was labeled by Twitter Inc for violating that company ’ s rules on glorifying violence .
Twitter also for the first time last month used a fact-checking label @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots , causing him to accuse the company of censorship .
“ The American people can think for themselves .
They don ’ t want big tech companies telling them how to think , ” said Tim Murtaugh , a spokesman for Trump campaign , in response to the Biden letter .
In its blog post , Facebook said : “ Two weeks ago the President of the United States issued an executive order directing Federal agencies to prevent social media sites from engaging in activities like fact-checking political statements .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ started a petition calling on us to do the exact opposite , ” it said , referring to an executive order that aimed to scrap or weaken a law that shields internet companies from liability for users ’ content .
Biden , who previously clashed with Facebook when it refused to take down a Trump ad he said contained false claims about his son Hunter ’ s dealings with Ukraine , has also called for the law , known as Section 230 , to be revoked .
On Thursday , the Biden campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ petition for Facebook to crack down on misinformation in ads .
It also used the hashtag # MOVEFASTFIXIT , a play on Facebook ’ s early “ move fast and break things ” motto .
Social media companies have long been under pressure to police election-related content , particularly after U.S. intelligence officials said the sites were used in a Russian campaign to influence the 2016 presidential election , a claim denied by Moscow .

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(Reuters) — Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden’s campaign published an open letter to Facebook Chief Executive Mark Zuckerberg on Thursday, calling for the company to fact-check politicians’ ads in the two weeks ahead of the U.S. presidential election in November.
The letter also demanded that Facebook promptly remove false, viral information and that there be clear rules “applied to everyone, including Donald Trump — that prohibit threatening behavior and lies about how to participate in the election.”
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In a blog post, Facebook said it would continue to protect political speech.
“We live in a democracy, where the elected officials decide the rules around campaigns,” the company said.
The Biden campaign’s move adds to pressure on Facebook, which exempts politicians’ content from its third-party fact-checking program, to alter its rules on political ads and speech.
Zuckerberg last week promised a review of Facebook’s content policies after the company faced backlash over taking no action on a post by Republican President Trump that was labeled by Twitter Inc for violating that company’s rules on glorifying violence.
Twitter also for the first time last month used a fact-checking label on a tweet by Trump about mail-in ballots, causing him to accuse the company of censorship.
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“The American people can think for themselves. They don’t want big tech companies telling them how to think,” said Tim Murtaugh, a spokesman for Trump campaign, in response to the Biden letter.
In its blog post, Facebook said: “Two weeks ago the President of the United States issued an executive order directing Federal agencies to prevent social media sites from engaging in activities like fact-checking political statements.
“This week, the Democratic candidate for President started a petition calling on us to do the exact opposite,” it said, referring to an executive order that aimed to scrap or weaken a law that shields internet companies from liability for users’ content.
Biden, who previously clashed with Facebook when it refused to take down a Trump ad he said contained false claims about his son Hunter’s dealings with Ukraine, has also called for the law, known as Section 230, to be revoked.
On Thursday, the Biden campaign emailed supporters asking them to sign a petition for Facebook to crack down on misinformation in ads. It also used the hashtag #MOVEFASTFIXIT, a play on Facebook’s early “move fast and break things” motto.
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Social media companies have long been under pressure to police election-related content, particularly after U.S. intelligence officials said the sites were used in a Russian campaign to influence the 2016 presidential election, a claim denied by Moscow.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-06-12--'Implicit Bias' Trainings Don't Actually Change Police Behavior

In footage of the incident local news outlet ABC7 captured , Sanderlin stands roughly 20 feet away from police .
He makes no sudden movements and doesn ’ t reach for anything in his pockets .
Without warning , the police start shooting , hitting Sanderlin in the groin .
He had emergency surgery , but is not sure if he will be able to have children .
On its face , Sanderlin ’ s story is not unremarkable .
He is one of dozens of protesters police have harmed as demonstrations against police violence and systemic racism spread across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The twist is Sanderlin ’ s profession : He is an “ implicit bias ” trainer who has been working with the San Jose Police Department for three years .
ver the last decade , implicit bias training has become one of the primary methods for law enforcement agencies and policymakers to demonstrate that they take concerns over racist policing seriously .
According to a CBS survey of 155 police departments last year , 69 % said they were using implicit bias training .
Half said they had initiated the programs after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a Black teenager , by a white police officer in Fergusaon Missouri .
In the wake of the May 25 police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis , calls have intensified to expand these programs .
The mayors of Los Angeles , Milwaukee and Tampa , Florida , have signaled their intention to install or expand them .
Texas and Michigan have passed bills requiring police officers to receive such training .
In a Medium post , former President Barack Obama pointed readers to a toolkit urging “ ongoing and scenario-based ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Over time , implicit bias tests have revealed that much of the population associates Black faces with criminality , violence and aggression .
Test subjects are more likely to interpret an ambiguous shove as hostile when a Black person does it , for example .
And while many people strongly disagree with overt statements such as , “ Over the past years , Blacks have gotten more economically than they deserve , ” they may show strong associations between Black faces and danger .
This form of bias has profound implications for every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether to pull over an errant driver to shooting a suspect who reaches into his pocket .
These split-second decisions or subconscious choices add up to the racial disparities seen in policing .
Black drivers are more likely to be stopped , searched and arrested — despite being less likely than whites to be carrying contraband .
Black victims of fatal police shootings are more likely to be unarmed .
The arrest rates for all kinds of misdemeanors are twice as high for Black Americans than they are for whites .
And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trainers like Sanderlin come in .
The first problem is the tests themselves .
Artificial laboratory tests bear little resemblance to the forms of bias that play out in the real world .
A police officer sitting in a room on a college campus and pressing a button labeled “ shoot ” has none of the adrenaline and sensory overload associated with real-life brutality incidents .
Social psychology studies that measure the amount of time police officers look at black faces versus white faces on computer screens may not have any real-world significance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results of implicit association tests for race or other classifications ― such as those linking men with science and women with liberal arts ― may not effectively identify bias at all .
Positive results may simply show that participants are aware of a stereotype ― they know other people believe it ― rather than indicating whether they believe it themselves .
The deeper problem with bias training programs are their content .
A standard session for law enforcement lasts from one to two days and hosts up to 40 officers .
In those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scenarios and deliver advice , such as asking officers to consider whether they would pull over a suspect if he were white .
Despite the massive expansion in such bias training since Ferguson , none of these programs has been evaluated for their effect on how officers actually behave .
And there ’ s plenty of anecdotal evidence that they have not had a positive impact ― just consider the case in San Jose or other incidents captured on video in New York City and elsewhere in the past two weeks .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bias training makes racist attitudes worse .
Highlighting bias among police officers could reinforce the message that racism is widespread .
In response , participants may resent feeling they ’ re being lectured about their racist views and entrench them more deeply .
Among officers who really do want to identify and reduce their biases , the trainings could end up reminding them of the associations they ’ re trying to overcome .
“ It ’ s the same principle as me telling you not to think about a white bear — which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a white bear , ” Correll said .
“ If I present you with Black people and I don ’ t want you to think about race at all , then making you aware of race can actually reinforce the associations you have and make you think of race as an important variable .
”

Last week, Derrick Sanderlin was one of hundreds of protesters outside the city hall in San Jose, California. The 27-year-old community organizer and charity worker, who is Black, held a sign that read, “We R Worthy of Life.”
As he stood in the crowd, Sanderlin saw police shooting protesters with rubber bullets. He walked over to the line of officers and pleaded with them to stop.
In footage of the incident local news outlet ABC7 captured, Sanderlin stands roughly 20 feet away from police. He makes no sudden movements and doesn’t reach for anything in his pockets. Without warning, the police start shooting, hitting Sanderlin in the groin. He had emergency surgery, but is not sure if he will be able to have children.
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On its face, Sanderlin’s story is not unremarkable. He is one of dozens of protesters police have harmed as demonstrations against police violence and systemic racism spread across the country in the last two weeks. The twist is Sanderlin’s profession: He is an “implicit bias” trainer who has been working with the San Jose Police Department for three years.
“The way they treated people out there over the weekend has been really heartbreaking,” Sanderlin later told ABC7. San Jose Police Chief Eddie Garcia, who Sanderlin knows personally, issued a statement saying, “Derrick has been a real leader in our communities’ efforts to reduce bias and discrimination through dialogue.”
The officer who shot Sanderlin was transferred to desk duty. But still, the incident underscores an important question: If a police department can spend three years undergoing bias training and still shoot a peaceful, unarmed Black protester, what has the training really achieved?
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Over the last decade, implicit bias training has become one of the primary methods for law enforcement agencies and policymakers to demonstrate that they take concerns over racist policing seriously. According to a CBS survey of 155 police departments last year, 69% said they were using implicit bias training. Half said they had initiated the programs after the controversial 2014 killing of Michael Brown, a Black teenager, by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri.
In the wake of the May 25 police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, calls have intensified to expand these programs. The mayors of Los Angeles, Milwaukee and Tampa, Florida, have signaled their intention to install or expand them. Texas and Michigan have passed bills requiring police officers to receive such training. In a Medium post, former President Barack Obama pointed readers to a toolkit urging “ongoing and scenario-based” anti-bias training for all police officers.
Despite its near-universal support among policymakers, however, research has failed to show that implicit bias training has any lasting effect on racial discrimination or the behavior of police officers.
“We don’t have any evidence that anti-bias trainings work (in general,) and we know even less about whether they work for police officers,” said Joshua Correll, a University of Colorado professor who has been studying implicit bias for more than 20 years.
A 2016 study of nine different methods for reducing bias found that none had any lasting effect after a few days. Few researchers have followed up specifically with law enforcement agencies to see if the training had any effect on the practices of officers.
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“People have jumped on the idea that we should be providing this training without clear documentation that it makes any difference whatsoever,” Correll said.
Johnny Louis via Getty Images
We Are Implicitly Biased
Implicit bias tests measure associations — both conscious and unconscious — between societal groups and negative traits. Originally developed in the late 1990s, these tests often use split-second reaction times to measure how easily subjects classify photographs and behaviors into positive and negative categories.
Over time, implicit bias tests have revealed that much of the population associates Black faces with criminality, violence and aggression. Test subjects are more likely to interpret an ambiguous shove as hostile when a Black person does it, for example. And while many people strongly disagree with overt statements such as, “Over the past years, Blacks have gotten more economically than they deserve,” they may show strong associations between Black faces and danger.
Researchers have also documented implicit bias in police officers. In a 2016 study, 96% of police officers associated Black Americans with weapons. Other research has found that law enforcement officers classify Black faces as more threatening and perceive ordinary objects as dangerous after viewing photos of Black people. In a laboratory experiment, researchers found that police officers were more quick to press a button labeled “shoot” when presented with a Black suspect.
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This form of bias has profound implications for every aspect of police work, from deciding whether to pull over an errant driver to shooting a suspect who reaches into his pocket. These split-second decisions or subconscious choices add up to the racial disparities seen in policing. Black drivers are more likely to be stopped, searched and arrested — despite being less likely than whites to be carrying contraband. Black victims of fatal police shootings are more likely to be unarmed. The arrest rates for all kinds of misdemeanors are twice as high for Black Americans than they are for whites. And that, the theory goes, is where trainers like Sanderlin come in.
Implicit Bias Training Does Not Reduce Racial Bias
While evidence of implicit bias in U.S. policing is well-established, the ability of training sessions to reduce it is less clear.
The first problem is the tests themselves. Artificial laboratory tests bear little resemblance to the forms of bias that play out in the real world. A police officer sitting in a room on a college campus and pressing a button labeled “shoot” has none of the adrenaline and sensory overload associated with real-life brutality incidents. Social psychology studies that measure the amount of time police officers look at black faces versus white faces on computer screens may not have any real-world significance.
Even the term “implicit bias training” collapses two distinct phenomena. Calvin Lai, a professor at Washington University who has studied implicit bias for more than a decade, points out that implicit bias is a distinct set of associations that researchers can measure using computer-based tests. The anti-bias trainings that police departments receive, on the other hand, are simply diversity workshops. While politicians and police departments often link the two in their public statements, they’re not the same thing.
Some researchers have suggested that the results of implicit association tests for race or other classifications ― such as those linking men with science and women with liberal arts ― may not effectively identify bias at all. Positive results may simply show that participants are aware of a stereotype ― they know other people believe it ― rather than indicating whether they believe it themselves.
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“Part of what makes implicit bias so hard to measure is that it picks up a mixture of our personal attitudes and our understanding of the culture around us,” said Lai. “We can’t separate the two concepts in a way that makes it easy to know what we’re measuring.”
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The deeper problem with bias training programs are their content. A standard session for law enforcement lasts from one to two days and hosts up to 40 officers. In those sessions, instructors walk participants through role-playing scenarios and deliver advice, such as asking officers to consider whether they would pull over a suspect if he were white.
But numerous studies have found that these short, simplistic sessions have little effect on racial bias in the long term.
“At the end of the day, these are educational workshops,” Lai said. While numerous studies have tested lab-based methods for reducing implicit bias, far fewer have tested the effects of daylong diversity workshops on employees. Last year, Lai co-authored a review of 492 studies on implicit bias interventions. While some studies did affect participants’ behavior, it wasn’t clear that these changes would last.
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“There’s longstanding problems with implicit bias measures, and there’s problems with measuring behavior change,” he said. “We’re testing people for bias, then measuring what they do five to 30 minutes later. We’re not looking at what’s happening six months later.”
Despite the massive expansion in such bias training since Ferguson, none of these programs has been evaluated for their effect on how officers actually behave. And there’s plenty of anecdotal evidence that they have not had a positive impact ― just consider the case in San Jose or other incidents captured on video in New York City and elsewhere in the past two weeks.
There’s even some evidence that implicit bias training makes racist attitudes worse. Highlighting bias among police officers could reinforce the message that racism is widespread. In response, participants may resent feeling they’re being lectured about their racist views and entrench them more deeply. Among officers who really do want to identify and reduce their biases, the trainings could end up reminding them of the associations they’re trying to overcome.
“It’s the same principle as me telling you not to think about a white bear — which will immediately cause you to think about a white bear,” Correll said. “If I present you with Black people and I don’t want you to think about race at all, then making you aware of race can actually reinforce the associations you have and make you think of race as an important variable.”
“If you’re embedded in a culture that associates Black men with violence and danger, that may well swamp anything you learn in an hours-long or even weeks-long training.” - Joshua Correll, University of Colorado Boulder
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Even if the training did have the power to reduce implicit bias in individual officers, there is little indication that alone would improve policing outcomes. The internal culture and social norms of police departments may have more impact on officers’ behavior than anything they’re told in a training session.
“As individuals, we’re a conduit for the cultures in which we live,” Correll said. “So if you’re embedded in a culture that associates Black men with violence and danger, that may well swamp anything you learn in an hours-long, or even weeks-long, training.”
New recruits face intense pressure to conform to existing habits and hierarchies of policing, many of which include over-policing minority communities. A “code of silence” discourages officers from reporting ethical lapses of any kind, including racial profiling and abuse. Legal and employment rules for police make it difficult for departments to rid themselves of problem staffers — in some cities, less than 1% of officers found guilty of wrongdoing are fired.
Without working on these larger structural issues, proposals for reform that have surfaced following Floyd’s killing will have as little effect on racism as changes pushed after previous episodes of police brutality.
Correll said he decided to get into the field of biased policing after the 1999 shooting of Amadou Diallo in New York City ― in recent times, one of the first cases of an unarmed Black man being killed by police that became high profile. “I’m not sure anything has changed except that cell phones allow us to document the fact that nothing has changed,” Correll said. “But let’s hope this one works. People are madder now. And they should be.”