thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Trump Plans Battleground Blitz Despite Growing Virus Worries

Biden is staying close to his Wilmington , Delaware , home on Monday .
But he plans to pick up his travel schedule later in the week , aiming to hit the six battleground states the campaign sees as key to his chances , some with socially distanced in-person events and others with virtual events .
On Tuesday , the former vice president is traveling to Georgia , a state that hasn ’ t voted for a Democratic presidential candidate in more than a quarter-century but where polls show a tight race .
The final week of the campaign is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health crisis in the U.S. Trump is eager for voters to focus on almost anything else , worried that he will lose if the election becomes a referendum on his handling of the pandemic .
Biden is working to ensure the race is just that , hitting Trump on the virus and presenting himself as a safer , more stable alternative .
The stakes were clear this weekend as the White House became the locus for a second outbreak of the virus in a month .
Several close aides to Vice President Mike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including his chief of staff , Marc Short .
Pence , though , was insistent on maintaining his aggressive political calendar , even though he was deemed a “ close contact ” of his adviser , claiming the privileges of being an “ essential employee.
” The latest outbreak has served as a potent metaphor for the divergent approaches the Trump and Biden campaigns have taken to the virus .
On Sunday , White House chief of staff Mark Meadows said that “ we ’ re not going to control the pandemic ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and treatment .
Trump aims to pack thousands of people , most without face coverings , across some of the upper Midwestern states bearing the brunt of the surge .
Biden ’ s team argues the coronavirus is likely to blot out any other issues that might come up in the final days of the campaign — including Biden ’ s recent debate-stage comment in which he affirmed he ’ d transition away from oil , later walked back as a transition away from federal subsidies .
That strategy appeared to pay off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff refocused the national conversation once again on the pandemic .
Trump and his team , meanwhile , have struggled to settle on a closing message , with the undisciplined candidate increasingly trusting his gut over his advisers .
He ’ s grasped for dirt on his Democratic rival and used apocalyptic terms to describe a Biden presidency , but Biden has thus far proven more resilient to such attacks than Trump ’ s 2016 rival .
“ You can certainly expect that ( Biden ) will focus on COVID as it continues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country , ” Biden deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield said in an interview .
“ It is disrupting people ’ s lives and people are looking for a leader to put in place plans to get it under control.
” With more than a third of the expected ballots in the election already cast , it may become increasingly challenging for Trump and Biden to reshape the contours of the race .
Biden is leading Trump in most national polls and has an advantage , though narrower , in many key battlegrounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign cash than Trump and is putting it to use , blanketing airwaves with a nearly 2-to-1 advantage over the final two weeks .
The incessant campaign ads from Biden feature a mix of his aspirational message with stinging critiques of Trump ’ s handling of the pandemic .
Indeed , Biden has seen his favorability ratings steadily rise over the course of the campaign , despite a barrage of attacks from Republicans , while Trump remains underwater in such polls .
Democrats have been heartened , too , by their lead in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been cast across a number of battleground states — though they caution that Republicans are more likely to turn out on Election Day and certain to make up ground .
Still , multiple Democrats described the “ 2016 PTSD ” that ’ s keeping them up at night a week out from Election Day .
In 2016 , Hillary Clinton also enjoyed a lead in national and some state polls , and Democrats say their complacency then doomed their candidate .
Now , with the pandemic and record numbers of mail and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uncertainty into the election , Democrats are reluctant to let their guard down .
“ What we see consistently is there aren ’ t a whole lot of undecided voters left , and at this stage of the race it ’ s really about turnout .
It ’ s about educating voters to make sure they know how to vote , and it ’ s about making sure that that they turn out , ” Bedingfield said .
Biden ’ s campaign has emphasized the need for Democrats to stay engaged even as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a recent memo , Biden campaign manager Jen O ’ Malley Dillon said that “ in a number of critical states we are functionally tied , ” and warned supporters that “ every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire.
” “ One thing that we have been very vocal about is that we do believe the race is tighter than a lot of the public polling would suggest , ” she said .
“ We are constantly working to ensure that that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here , and that we can ’ t get complacent .
”

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WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump plans to intensify an already breakneck travel schedule in the final full week of the presidential campaign, overlooking a surge of coronavirus cases in the U.S. and a fresh outbreak in his own White House.
Trump is expected to hit nearly a dozen states in his last-ditch effort to recover ground from Democrat Joe Biden, including Sunday’s trip to Maine and Tuesday’s to Nebraska. Both states award electoral votes by congressional district and could be crucial in a tight election. Trump will hold 11 rallies in the final 48 hours alone.
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Biden is staying close to his Wilmington, Delaware, home on Monday. But he plans to pick up his travel schedule later in the week, aiming to hit the six battleground states the campaign sees as key to his chances, some with socially distanced in-person events and others with virtual events. On Tuesday, the former vice president is traveling to Georgia, a state that hasn’t voted for a Democratic presidential candidate in more than a quarter-century but where polls show a tight race.
The final week of the campaign is colliding with deepening concerns about a public health crisis in the U.S. Trump is eager for voters to focus on almost anything else, worried that he will lose if the election becomes a referendum on his handling of the pandemic. Biden is working to ensure the race is just that, hitting Trump on the virus and presenting himself as a safer, more stable alternative.
The stakes were clear this weekend as the White House became the locus for a second outbreak of the virus in a month. Several close aides to Vice President Mike Pence tested positive for the virus, including his chief of staff, Marc Short. Pence, though, was insistent on maintaining his aggressive political calendar, even though he was deemed a “close contact” of his adviser, claiming the privileges of being an “essential employee.”
The latest outbreak has served as a potent metaphor for the divergent approaches the Trump and Biden campaigns have taken to the virus. On Sunday, White House chief of staff Mark Meadows said that “we’re not going to control the pandemic” and the focus should be on containment and treatment. Trump aims to pack thousands of people, most without face coverings, across some of the upper Midwestern states bearing the brunt of the surge.
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“We want normal life to resume,” Trump said Sunday. “We just want normal life.”
Meadows, pressed to explain why the pandemic cannot be reined in, said, “Because it is a contagious virus just like the flu.” He told CNN’s ”State of the Union” that the government was focused on getting effective therapeutics and vaccines to market.
Biden, in a statement, said Meadows’ comments continued with the Trump administration waving “the white flag of defeat” in the face of the virus.
Meadows, for his part, attempted to do some cleanup on Monday, telling reporters that while the administration is “not going to control” the virus it “will try to contain it as best we can.”
“The only person waving a white flag along with his white mask is Joe Biden,” Meadows said.
Biden’s team argues the coronavirus is likely to blot out any other issues that might come up in the final days of the campaign — including Biden’s recent debate-stage comment in which he affirmed he’d transition away from oil, later walked back as a transition away from federal subsidies. That strategy appeared to pay off as the outbreak in Pence’s staff refocused the national conversation once again on the pandemic.
Trump and his team, meanwhile, have struggled to settle on a closing message, with the undisciplined candidate increasingly trusting his gut over his advisers. He’s grasped for dirt on his Democratic rival and used apocalyptic terms to describe a Biden presidency, but Biden has thus far proven more resilient to such attacks than Trump’s 2016 rival.
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“You can certainly expect that (Biden) will focus on COVID as it continues to, unfortunately, rise all across the country,” Biden deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield said in an interview. “It is disrupting people’s lives and people are looking for a leader to put in place plans to get it under control.”
With more than a third of the expected ballots in the election already cast, it may become increasingly challenging for Trump and Biden to reshape the contours of the race. Biden is leading Trump in most national polls and has an advantage, though narrower, in many key battlegrounds.
Biden is also sitting on more campaign cash than Trump and is putting it to use, blanketing airwaves with a nearly 2-to-1 advantage over the final two weeks. The incessant campaign ads from Biden feature a mix of his aspirational message with stinging critiques of Trump’s handling of the pandemic.
It’s part of what Josh Schwerin, the senior strategist for Democratic super PAC Priorities USA, says has helped Biden gain an advantage.
“Those dual messages — continuing to draw a contrast with Trump, but also offering that positive aspirational message, giving people a reason to vote for Biden and not just against Trump — continues to be the best way forward. And we’re seeing it work,” he said.
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Indeed, Biden has seen his favorability ratings steadily rise over the course of the campaign, despite a barrage of attacks from Republicans, while Trump remains underwater in such polls. Democrats have been heartened, too, by their lead in the record numbers of early votes that have been cast across a number of battleground states — though they caution that Republicans are more likely to turn out on Election Day and certain to make up ground.
Still, multiple Democrats described the “2016 PTSD” that’s keeping them up at night a week out from Election Day. In 2016, Hillary Clinton also enjoyed a lead in national and some state polls, and Democrats say their complacency then doomed their candidate. Now, with the pandemic and record numbers of mail and absentee ballots injecting a greater level of uncertainty into the election, Democrats are reluctant to let their guard down.
Biden’s campaign will focus in the final week on turning out what they’ve dubbed the “Biden coalition” — Black and Latino voters, as well as suburban, college-educated whites, women and older voters disaffected by Trump.
“What we see consistently is there aren’t a whole lot of undecided voters left, and at this stage of the race it’s really about turnout. It’s about educating voters to make sure they know how to vote, and it’s about making sure that that they turn out,” Bedingfield said.
Biden’s campaign has emphasized the need for Democrats to stay engaged even as the polls seem to favor their candidate. In a recent memo, Biden campaign manager Jen O’Malley Dillon said that “in a number of critical states we are functionally tied,” and warned supporters that “every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire.”
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Bedingfield says that’s a message the campaign will continue to push through Nov. 3.
“One thing that we have been very vocal about is that we do believe the race is tighter than a lot of the public polling would suggest,” she said. “We are constantly working to ensure that that people understand that there is an urgency here, and that we can’t get complacent.”
___


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Virginia Military Institute Superintendent Resigns Amid Probe Into Racism Claims

( AP Photo/Steve Helber ) The barracks , right , and chapel , left , at Virginia Military Institute Wednesday July 15 , 2020 , in Lexington , Virginia .
The school founded in 1839 , is the oldest state-supported military college in the United States .
Virginia Military Institute ’ s superintendent resigned on Monday , just days after state officials ordered an investigation into allegations outlined in a Washington Post report that described Black cadets facing “ relentless racism.
” VMI ’ s board of visitors , the supervisory group for the public military college in Lexington , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ III ’ s departure in a statement on Monday .
“ Today , our Superintendent tendered his resignation to the Board of Visitors , ” board President John Boland wrote in the statement .
“ We accepted it with deep regret .
General Peay has served VMI as superintendent exceptionally well for more than 17 years .
General Peay is a great American , patriot , and hero .
He has profoundly changed our school for the better in all respects.
” Boland said the board would begin searching for a new superintendent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the allegations of racism .
Gen. J. H. Binford Peay III served as the 24th vice chief of staff of the U.S. Army before becoming VMI 's superintendent in 2003 .
Virginia Gov .
Ralph Northam ( D ) wrote a letter last week to VMI ’ s board expressing “ deep concerns ” about the “ appalling culture of ongoing structural racism ” at the college .
“ As the nation ’ s oldest state-run military college , the Institute exalts the virtues of honor , sacrifice , dignity , and service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not extend to all students , ” Northam wrote .
Northam said the state would begin an independent , third-party review of VMI ’ s “ culture , policies , practices and equity in disciplinary procedures.
” In a statement earlier this month to the Post , Peay , who is white , said there is “ no place for racism or discrimination at VMI ” and promised that “ any allegation of racism or discrimination will be investigated and appropriately punished , if substantiated.
” The Post ’ s article , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who alleged they faced constant racism and hostility from their white peers and faculty , including attacks on social media and at least one threat of lynching .
One cadet alleged a white professor “ reminisced in class about her father ’ s Ku Klux Klan membership.
” Freshman students were required to salute a statue of Confederate Gen. Stonewall Jackson , who taught at VMI and owned six enslaved people , until a few years ago , according to the Post .
VMI has faced calls from some students and alumni to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in July that the school did not plan to do so and praised Jackson as a “ military genius ” and a “ staunch Christian .
”

The barracks, right, and chapel, left, at Virginia Military Institute Wednesday July 15, 2020, in Lexington, Virginia. The school founded in 1839, is the oldest state-supported military college in the United States. (AP Photo/Steve Helber)
Virginia Military Institute’s superintendent resigned on Monday, just days after state officials ordered an investigation into allegations outlined in a Washington Post report that described Black cadets facing “relentless racism.”
VMI’s board of visitors, the supervisory group for the public military college in Lexington, announced retired Gen. J. H. Binford Peay III’s departure in a statement on Monday.
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“Today, our Superintendent tendered his resignation to the Board of Visitors,” board President John Boland wrote in the statement. “We accepted it with deep regret. General Peay has served VMI as superintendent exceptionally well for more than 17 years. General Peay is a great American, patriot, and hero. He has profoundly changed our school for the better in all respects.”
Boland said the board would begin searching for a new superintendent immediately. The statement did not acknowledge the allegations of racism.
Gen. J. H. Binford Peay III served as the 24th vice chief of staff of the U.S. Army before becoming VMI's superintendent in 2003. U.S. Army
Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam (D) wrote a letter last week to VMI’s board expressing “deep concerns” about the “appalling culture of ongoing structural racism” at the college.
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“As the nation’s oldest state-run military college, the Institute exalts the virtues of honor, sacrifice, dignity, and service ― but it is clear these values do not extend to all students,” Northam wrote.
Northam said the state would begin an independent, third-party review of VMI’s “culture, policies, practices and equity in disciplinary procedures.”
In a statement earlier this month to the Post, Peay, who is white, said there is “no place for racism or discrimination at VMI” and promised that “any allegation of racism or discrimination will be investigated and appropriately punished, if substantiated.”
The Post’s article, published Oct. 17, cited Black cadets who alleged they faced constant racism and hostility from their white peers and faculty, including attacks on social media and at least one threat of lynching. One cadet alleged a white professor “reminisced in class about her father’s Ku Klux Klan membership.”
Freshman students were required to salute a statue of Confederate Gen. Stonewall Jackson, who taught at VMI and owned six enslaved people, until a few years ago, according to the Post.
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VMI has faced calls from some students and alumni to remove the statue, but Peay said in July that the school did not plan to do so and praised Jackson as a “military genius” and a “staunch Christian.”
Roughly 8% of VMI’s 1,700 students are Black, according to the Post.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--New Hampshire Union Leader Breaks More Than 100 Years Of Tradition By Backing Biden

The New Hampshire Union Leader formally rebuked President Donald Trump once again by backing Joe Biden , its first Democratic presidential candidate in more than a century .
“ Joe Biden may not be the president we want , but in 2020 he is the president we desperately need , ” the Union Leader ’ s editorial board wrote .
“ He will be a president to bring people together and right the ship of state.
” The newspaper said it expects “ to spend a significant portion of the next four years ” disagreeing with Biden on matters of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control and climate change .
Noting that the former vice president was “ among the most moderate ” of those vying for the Democratic nomination in the 2020 primaries , however , they added , “ We are hopeful that this is a sign of the thoughtful and pragmatic public servant President Joe Biden will be.
” “ President Trump is not always 100 percent wrong , but he is 100 percent wrong for America , ” the editorial board wrote Sunday .
“ Mr .
Trump rightly points out that the COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but a true leader must own any situation that happens on their watch .
We may be turning a corner with this virus , but the corner we turned is down a dark alley of record infections and deaths.
” In 2015 , Trump blasted the Union Leader ’ s publisher , Joseph McQuaid , as a “ bad guy ” and “ real lowlife ” after the paper endorsed former New Jersey Gov .
Chris Christie for president .
In an interview with CNNMoney that same year , McQuaid dismissed Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” adding , “ He says I ’ m a dishonest man .
It ’ s he who is being dishonest and terribly confused.
” News of the Union Leader ’ s Biden endorsement came as Trump sought to shore up support for his reelection with a rally in Londonderry , New Hampshire .
Recent polls , however , have found the president trailing Biden by as much as 12 percentage points in the Granite State .

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The New Hampshire Union Leader formally rebuked President Donald Trump once again by backing Joe Biden, its first Democratic presidential candidate in more than a century.
The conservative-leaning publication issued its endorsement Sunday, praising Biden as a “caring, compassionate and professional public servant” in a lengthy editorial.
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“Joe Biden may not be the president we want, but in 2020 he is the president we desperately need,” the Union Leader’s editorial board wrote. “He will be a president to bring people together and right the ship of state.”
The newspaper said it expects “to spend a significant portion of the next four years” disagreeing with Biden on matters of policy, including his stances on gun control and climate change. Noting that the former vice president was “among the most moderate” of those vying for the Democratic nomination in the 2020 primaries, however, they added, “We are hopeful that this is a sign of the thoughtful and pragmatic public servant President Joe Biden will be.”
Our endorsement for President of these United States goes to Joe Biden and here's why. https://t.co/flw8RcaBmt — UnionLeader.com (@UnionLeader) October 25, 2020
In 2016, the Union Leader surprised readers and media professionals by endorsing Libertarian Gary Johnson over Trump, breaking a 100-year tradition of backing Republican presidential candidates.
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Four years later, the paper’s distaste for Trump hasn’t budged.
“President Trump is not always 100 percent wrong, but he is 100 percent wrong for America,” the editorial board wrote Sunday. “Mr. Trump rightly points out that the COVID-19 crisis isn’t his fault, but a true leader must own any situation that happens on their watch. We may be turning a corner with this virus, but the corner we turned is down a dark alley of record infections and deaths.”
In 2015, Trump blasted the Union Leader’s publisher, Joseph McQuaid, as a “bad guy” and “real lowlife” after the paper endorsed former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie for president.
In an interview with CNNMoney that same year, McQuaid dismissed Trump’s criticisms as “a monologue tirade,” adding, “He says I’m a dishonest man. It’s he who is being dishonest and terribly confused.”


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Kamala Harris: It's Up To DOJ, Not Biden, Whether Trump Gets Indicted

Although President Donald Trump could face legal trouble once he ’ s out of office , Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris insists any indictments won ’ t be at the order of Joe Biden , should he become president .
The California senator told the hosts of “ The View ” on Monday that , if elected , she and Biden plan to give the attorneys at the Department of Justice the independence to pursue legal cases that has been missing during the Trump administration .
Harris has said that if she were president , she would have no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump for obstruction of justice .
But she also told the panel that she would defer to Biden on this matter .
Harris also promised that a Biden administration would not use the DOJ to go after opponents willy-nilly .
“ We will not have a Department of Justice that conducts itself as the personal lawyer of the president , such as the way that Donald Trump has done , ” she said .
“ And whoever leads the Department of Justice if we win is someone who will be independent.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice that conducts itself as the personal lawyer of the president such as the way that Donald Trump has done , ” Sen. @ KamalaHarris tells @ TheView .
“ Whoever leads the Department of Justice if we win , is someone who will be independent.
” pic.twitter.com/nuEm9MpJ18 — The View ( @ TheView ) October 26 , 2020 Harris also told the hosts on the show that while the polls suggest a win for Biden on Nov. 3 , she and the presidential nominee are “ not measuring for drapes ” just @ @

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Although President Donald Trump could face legal trouble once he’s out of office, Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris insists any indictments won’t be at the order of Joe Biden, should he become president.
The California senator told the hosts of “The View” on Monday that, if elected, she and Biden plan to give the attorneys at the Department of Justice the independence to pursue legal cases that has been missing during the Trump administration.
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Harris has said that if she were president, she would have no choice but to pursue criminal charges against Trump for obstruction of justice. But she also told the panel that she would defer to Biden on this matter.
Harris also promised that a Biden administration would not use the DOJ to go after opponents willy-nilly.
“We will not have a Department of Justice that conducts itself as the personal lawyer of the president, such as the way that Donald Trump has done,” she said. “And whoever leads the Department of Justice if we win is someone who will be independent.”
You can watch her exchange below.
“We will not have a Department of Justice that conducts itself as the personal lawyer of the president such as the way that Donald Trump has done,” Sen. @KamalaHarris tells @TheView. “Whoever leads the Department of Justice if we win, is someone who will be independent.” pic.twitter.com/nuEm9MpJ18 — The View (@TheView) October 26, 2020
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thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--George Conway Shows Trump's Allies What They Still 'Believe' In

“ I believe Sleepy Joe Biden and that ‘ monster ’ Kamala D. Harris would turn America into a ‘ socialist hellhole , ’ and we ’ d all have ‘ to speak Chinese , ’ ” Conway wrote in his latest op-ed , which links extensively to videos and articles citing Trump ’ s absurd and baseless claims .
“ I believe they ‘ want to take out the cows ’ and ‘ any form of animals.
’ There will be ‘ no airplanes , ’ they ’ ll ‘ rip down the Empire State Building , ’ and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , tiny windows , ’ ” Conway continued .
The article also refers to Trump ’ s conspiracy theories that his Democratic opponent Joe Biden leads an “ organized crime family ” and that former President Barack Obama participated in the “ greatest political crime in the history of our country.
” It links to the smear story about Hunter Biden ’ s laptop ( which may actually be tied to Russian disinformation operatives ) ; to the QAnon conspiracy theory movement that Trump has flirted with , but insists he knows nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claim at the last presidential debate that he was the “ least racist person ” in the room .
Also featured is the president ’ s downplaying of the COVID-19 pandemic ; his efforts to cast doubt on voting by mail , the electoral system , polls , science and the media ; his refusal to commit to a peaceful transfer of power should he lose the election ; and his dictator-like whims about how he ’ ll negotiate the chance to serve a third term .
All this , Conway wrote , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full article at The Washington Post .
We want to know what you ’ re hearing on the ground from the candidates .
If you get any interesting ― or suspicious !
― campaign mailers , robocalls or hear anything else you think we should know about , email us at scoops @ huffpost.com .

“I believe Sleepy Joe Biden and that ‘monster’ Kamala D. Harris would turn America into a ‘socialist hellhole,’ and we’d all have ‘to speak Chinese,’” Conway wrote in his latest op-ed, which links extensively to videos and articles citing Trump’s absurd and baseless claims.
“I believe they ‘want to take out the cows’ and ‘any form of animals.’ There will be ‘no airplanes,’ they’ll ‘rip down the Empire State Building,’ and we’ll only have ‘little, tiny windows,’” Conway continued.
The article also refers to Trump’s conspiracy theories that his Democratic opponent Joe Biden leads an “organized crime family” and that former President Barack Obama participated in the “greatest political crime in the history of our country.”
It links to the smear story about Hunter Biden’s laptop (which may actually be tied to Russian disinformation operatives); to the QAnon conspiracy theory movement that Trump has flirted with, but insists he knows nothing about; and to Trump’s claim at the last presidential debate that he was the “least racist person” in the room.
Also featured is the president’s downplaying of the COVID-19 pandemic; his efforts to cast doubt on voting by mail, the electoral system, polls, science and the media; his refusal to commit to a peaceful transfer of power should he lose the election; and his dictator-like whims about how he’ll negotiate the chance to serve a third term.
All this, Conway wrote, he “believes in.”
Read the full article at The Washington Post.
We want to know what you’re hearing on the ground from the candidates. If you get any interesting ― or suspicious! ― campaign mailers, robocalls or hear anything else you think we should know about, email us at scoops@huffpost.com.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Republicans Weaponized White Motherhood To Get Amy Coney Barrett Confirmed

Her voting record also raises red flags for these groups .
She has a conservative record on abortion rights and immigration , and she once ruled against a Black man who claimed he had been subjected to a racially hostile work environment , which included his boss calling him the N-word directly .
She also has said she considers herself an “ originalist , ” which means she believes the Constitution must be interpreted in the way it was meant when it was written ― i.e.
, during a time when only white men were considered Americans worthy of representation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first tasks as associate justice will be to help decide whether the court should hear a case on a 15-week abortion ban from Mississippi that could overturn Roe v. Wade .
“ [ Barrett ] sits at the top of an often unspoken but very real hierarchy of white womanhood , ” said Seyward Darby , author of “ Sisters in Hate : American Women on the Front Lines of White Nationalism.
” “ She never let career get in the way of having a robust family and spiritual life , but she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has this wholesome embodiment .
[ The right tends to ] put that type of woman on a pedestal .
And by extension , that means there ’ s no room for other women on the pedestal — single mothers , mothers of color , women who decide not to have children.
” Throughout the confirmation hearings , Republicans used Barrett ’ s designation as a working mother as proof of her fitness for the job .
“ As a mother of seven , Judge Barrett clearly understands the importance of health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) said during the confirmation hearings when Barrett was questioned by Democrats about how she might rule on the Affordable Care Act .
( Grassley has been a vocal advocate of dismantling the ACA . )
At the confirmation hearings , Barrett made sure to look the part , dressed in various shades of sweet pink and purple and burgundy .
Her demeanor matched the aesthetic .
She largely sat stone-faced and unblinking , nodding politely as the senators on the Judiciary Committee spoke .
When speaking , she rarely wavered from a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her kids ’ at-home assignments , while avoiding answering whether she believes states should be able to make it illegal for women to take birth control .
The projection of harmlessness worked .
Before Justice Brett Kavanaugh was confirmed to the Supreme Court in 2018 , just 41 % of Americans said they thought he should be confirmed .
For Barrett , that support is 51 % , including 32 % of Democrats .
There ’ s a reason that Kavanaugh ’ s frothing rage seemed to turn off more people than Barrett @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Historically , women have always played key roles in right-wing movements , just perhaps ones that historians — largely male historians — didn ’ t quite know how to document .
In the wake of the Civil War , the United Daughters of the Confederacy erected Confederate monuments around the nation and helped cement the “ Lost Cause ” narrative , which held that the cause of the Confederacy was a just one and helped justify Jim Crow laws .
White women organized in droves against civil rights efforts and school integration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s ( see : Phyllis Schlafly ) .
In the 1920s , the women ’ s wing of the Ku Klux Klan attracted nearly half a million members .
The KKK is a terror organization .
And yet , the way that these “ nice white ladies ” in the WKKK pitched it , it didn ’ t sound quite so terrifying — which is exactly what made them so dangerous .
According to historian Kathleen Blee , author of “ Women of the Klan : Racism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recruitment pamphlets framed their white nationalist agenda quite benignly .
They included questions like : “ As an enfranchised woman , are you interested in Better Government ?
Shall we uphold the sanctity of the American Home ?
Should we not interest ourselves in the Better Education for our children ?
” “ If you can , not just whitewash somebody , but feminize them in a certain way , people are going to think that they ’ re better , that they ’ re wholesome , that they ’ re above the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an idea that sociologists have termed the “ women are wonderful effect , ” which means that people are more likely to ascribe “ ideas of goodness ” to women , such as the idea that women ( and especially white women ) are inherently softer , kinder and more nurturing than men .

“Amy is more than a stellar scholar and judge,” he said during the announcement in the White House Rose Garden. “She is also a profoundly devoted mother. Her family is a core part of who Amy is.”
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Barrett also emphasized those aspects of herself, telling those gathered at the COVID-19 superspreader event, “While I am a judge, I’m better known back home as a room parent, carpool driver and birthday party planner. ... Our children are my greatest joy, even though they deprive me of any reasonable amount of sleep.”
On Monday night, against the vocal protestations of Democrats, the GOP-controlled Senate voted 52-48 to confirm Barrett to a lifetime appointment on the nation’s highest court. And Republicans weaponized her whiteness, womanhood and motherhood to do so.
Her voting record also raises red flags for these groups. She has a conservative record on abortion rights and immigration, and she once ruled against a Black man who claimed he had been subjected to a racially hostile work environment, which included his boss calling him the N-word directly. She also has said she considers herself an “originalist,” which means she believes the Constitution must be interpreted in the way it was meant when it was written ― i.e., during a time when only white men were considered Americans worthy of representation and power. And one of her first tasks as associate justice will be to help decide whether the court should hear a case on a 15-week abortion ban from Mississippi that could overturn Roe v. Wade.
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But, the prevailing right-wing logic seems to go like this: She’s a woman. She’s a wife. She’s a mother. How dangerous could she really be?
“Women have long served as symbols ― wives, mothers, vulnerable individuals in need of protection from other forces. ... But they also leverage that to their advantage and make the movement seem benign.” - Seyward Darby, author of "Sisters in Hate"
This narrative betrays both a fundamental misunderstanding and co-opting of feminism, and a cynical weaponization of long-held tropes about what the “right” (white) kind of woman and mother looks and acts like.
White women have traditionally been viewed as pure, delicate objects. They are nurturers, caretakers, sacred wombs ― less than ideal wielders of direct, hard power, but always worthy of protection by white men.
“[Barrett] sits at the top of an often unspoken but very real hierarchy of white womanhood,” said Seyward Darby, author of “Sisters in Hate: American Women on the Front Lines of White Nationalism.” “She never let career get in the way of having a robust family and spiritual life, but she’s also smart and demure and has this wholesome embodiment. [The right tends to] put that type of woman on a pedestal. And by extension, that means there’s no room for other women on the pedestal — single mothers, mothers of color, women who decide not to have children.”
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Throughout the confirmation hearings, Republicans used Barrett’s designation as a working mother as proof of her fitness for the job. “As a mother of seven, Judge Barrett clearly understands the importance of health care,” Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said during the confirmation hearings when Barrett was questioned by Democrats about how she might rule on the Affordable Care Act. (Grassley has been a vocal advocate of dismantling the ACA.)
They have used her role as a mother as proof of her innate goodness. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) heaped praise on Barrett as “a remarkable mother” with “seven beautiful children.”
They have used her womanhood as a way to claim that the real marginalized group in this nation is conservative white women. “This hearing is an opportunity to not punch through a glass ceiling, but a reinforced concrete barrier around conservative women,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.). “You’re gonna shatter that barrier.”
And they have taken special glee in calling people hypocrites because of their concerns about the impact Barrett’s future rulings might have on their lives. “If liberals actually cared about empowering women, they’d be applauding Judge Amy Coney Barrett — a working mom with impeccable legal credentials,” former Trump White House spokesperson Sarah Huckabee Sanders tweeted last month.
It has been repeatedly implied by Barrett’s supporters that criticism of this particular woman is an attack on all women and all mothers, regardless of how Barrett’s actions stand to impact other women and other mothers.
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At the confirmation hearings, Barrett made sure to look the part, dressed in various shades of sweet pink and purple and burgundy. Her demeanor matched the aesthetic. She largely sat stone-faced and unblinking, nodding politely as the senators on the Judiciary Committee spoke. When speaking, she rarely wavered from a soft tone, making jokes about grading her kids’ at-home assignments, while avoiding answering whether she believes states should be able to make it illegal for women to take birth control.
“She wasn’t saying much at all in the hearing,” Darby said. “Saying nothing but seeming nice and seeming competent makes her seem unthreatening, if not likable.”
The projection of harmlessness worked. Before Justice Brett Kavanaugh was confirmed to the Supreme Court in 2018, just 41% of Americans said they thought he should be confirmed. For Barrett, that support is 51%, including 32% of Democrats. There’s a reason that Kavanaugh’s frothing rage seemed to turn off more people than Barrett’s calm projection of mild niceness.
“Women have long served as symbols: wives, mothers, vulnerable individuals in need of protection from other forces,” Darby said. “They’ve been on a pedestal, a thing that people can rally around. But they also leverage that to their advantage and make the movement seem benign.”
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Historically, women have always played key roles in right-wing movements, just perhaps ones that historians — largely male historians — didn’t quite know how to document. In the wake of the Civil War, the United Daughters of the Confederacy erected Confederate monuments around the nation and helped cement the “Lost Cause” narrative, which held that the cause of the Confederacy was a just one and helped justify Jim Crow laws. White women organized in droves against civil rights efforts and school integration. They led the charge against the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s (see: Phyllis Schlafly). In the 1920s, the women’s wing of the Ku Klux Klan attracted nearly half a million members.
The women's auxiliary of the Ku Klux Klan of Sayville (New York) at the Peace Monument in Washington, D.C., where they participated in a KKK parade in August 1925. FPG via Getty Images
The KKK is a terror organization. And yet, the way that these “nice white ladies” in the WKKK pitched it, it didn’t sound quite so terrifying — which is exactly what made them so dangerous. According to historian Kathleen Blee, author of “Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s,” their recruitment pamphlets framed their white nationalist agenda quite benignly. They included questions like: “As an enfranchised woman, are you interested in Better Government? Shall we uphold the sanctity of the American Home? Should we not interest ourselves in the Better Education for our children?”
It’s much harder to argue against the vague idea of “better education” than burning crosses.
While the worldview Barrett espouses is by no means the same as the KKK’s, her symbolic power as a white mother and wife — one that can be used to advance a right-wing, pro-natal, anti-abortion, anti-LGBTQ, anti-Black agenda — is derived from the same source.
“If you can, not just whitewash somebody, but feminize them in a certain way, people are going to think that they’re better, that they’re wholesome, that they’re above the fray,” said Darby, referencing an idea that sociologists have termed the “women are wonderful effect,” which means that people are more likely to ascribe “ideas of goodness” to women, such as the idea that women (and especially white women) are inherently softer, kinder and more nurturing than men.
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“As long as a woman is inhabiting those ideals, people tend to think of them in more positive terms,” Darby said. “Strategically, that has to be something Republicans were thinking about.”
The irony is, of course, that without feminism — a fundamentally political movement focused on the liberation of women and people of all genders and advanced by women like the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg whose seat Barrett will be filling — Amy Coney Barrett would never be on the Supreme Court.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Prince Harry: 'Ignorance Is No Longer An Excuse' For Unconscious Bias

LONDON ( AP ) — Britain ’ s Prince Harry says it took him many years and the experience of living with his wife , the former Meghan Markle , to understand how his privileged upbringing shielded him from the reality of unconscious bias .
Harry talked about racial inequality and social justice in a video discussion with the Black Lives Matter activist Patrick Hutchinson as part of the GQ Heroes Conference , which is being broadcast this week .
“ Unconscious bias , from my understanding , having had the upbringing and the education that I have , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Harry said .
“ I had no idea it existed and then , sad as it is to say , it took me many , many years to realize it , especially then living a day or a week in my wife ’ s shoes.
” Harry , the grandson of Queen Elizabeth II , was raised in the royal family and educated at the exclusive prep school Eton before serving in the British Army .
He married Meghan , a biracial American TV star , in 2018 in a church filled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stepped away from royal duties earlier this year , saying they wanted to become self-sufficient .
In August , they moved to a multi-million dollar estate in California ’ s Santa Barbara County .
The prince described the social justice movement as train that “ has left the station ” and said now is the time for everyone to do their part to make the world a better place .
“ You can ’ t really point fingers , especially when it comes to unconscious bias , ” Harry said .
“ But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little bit uncomfortable , then the onus is on you to go out and educate yourself because ignorance is no longer an excuse.
” Hutchinson , a personal trainer , was thrust into the spotlight in June when he was photographed at a Black Lives Matter protest in London carrying an injured counter-protester to safety .
“ You just came in , you did what was necessary and you saved a life , ” Harry said .
“ And in doing so , you have changed the narrative for those protests.
” Hutchinson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure the protesters didn ’ t do anything they would regret .
“ So it wasn ’ t just us down there protecting the young Black protesters , it was us protecting everybody .
And as it turned out , somebody on the other side , ″ he said .

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LONDON (AP) — Britain’s Prince Harry says it took him many years and the experience of living with his wife, the former Meghan Markle, to understand how his privileged upbringing shielded him from the reality of unconscious bias.
Harry talked about racial inequality and social justice in a video discussion with the Black Lives Matter activist Patrick Hutchinson as part of the GQ Heroes Conference, which is being broadcast this week.
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“Unconscious bias, from my understanding, having had the upbringing and the education that I have, I had no idea what it was,” Harry said. “I had no idea it existed and then, sad as it is to say, it took me many, many years to realize it, especially then living a day or a week in my wife’s shoes.”
Harry, the grandson of Queen Elizabeth II, was raised in the royal family and educated at the exclusive prep school Eton before serving in the British Army. He married Meghan, a biracial American TV star, in 2018 in a church filled with royalty and celebrities.
The couple stepped away from royal duties earlier this year, saying they wanted to become self-sufficient. In August, they moved to a multi-million dollar estate in California’s Santa Barbara County.
The prince described the social justice movement as train that “has left the station” and said now is the time for everyone to do their part to make the world a better place.
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“You can’t really point fingers, especially when it comes to unconscious bias,” Harry said. “But once you realize or you feel a little bit uncomfortable, then the onus is on you to go out and educate yourself because ignorance is no longer an excuse.”
Hutchinson, a personal trainer, was thrust into the spotlight in June when he was photographed at a Black Lives Matter protest in London carrying an injured counter-protester to safety.
Harry, speaking from his home in California, praised Hutchinson for his selflessness.
“You just came in, you did what was necessary and you saved a life,” Harry said. “And in doing so, you have changed the narrative for those protests.”
Hutchinson said he attended the protest to make sure the protesters didn’t do anything they would regret.
“So it wasn’t just us down there protecting the young Black protesters, it was us protecting everybody. And as it turned out, somebody on the other side,″ he said.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Barack Obama Releases First Excerpt Of New Memoir, Details Fight For Health Care Reform

In a new excerpt from Barack Obama ’ s forthcoming memoir , “ A Promised Land , ” the former president details his administration ’ s hard-fought battle for health care reform .
“ I was convinced that the logic of health-care reform was so obvious that even in the face of well-organized opposition I could rally the American people ’ s support , ” Obama wrote of the Affordable Care Act in the passage , published Monday in The New Yorker .
“ Other big initiatives — like immigration reform and climate-change legislation — would probably be even harder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that scoring a victory on the item that most affected people ’ s day-to-day lives was our best shot at building momentum for the rest of my legislative agenda , ” he continued .
But Obama soon realized he was being overconfident .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) and other Republican lawmakers would do everything in their power to try to torpedo his vision for making health care more affordable .
Obama ’ s writings about the historical passage of the ACA were published just hours before the Republican-controlled Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amy Coney Barrett , President Donald Trump ’ s pick to replace Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
With Barrett ’ s confirmation , the Supreme Court will have a 6-3 conservative majority , clearing the way for a legal showdown on health care .
The Trump administration filed a brief earlier this year asking the Supreme Court to overturn the ACA , which could strip roughly 23 million Americans of their health care coverage .
The ACA requires insurers to accept all applicants without charging higher premiums based on preexisting medical conditions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more than 133 million Americans with preexisting conditions could be disqualified from buying a certain health care plan , according to The New York Times .
“ A Promised Land ” is slated for release on Nov. 17 .
The 768-page memoir will be the first of two volumes , with this one focused on Obama ’ s early political life through mid-2011 .
Head over to The New Yorker to read the full excerpt .

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In a new excerpt from Barack Obama’s forthcoming memoir, “A Promised Land,” the former president details his administration’s hard-fought battle for health care reform.
“I was convinced that the logic of health-care reform was so obvious that even in the face of well-organized opposition I could rally the American people’s support,” Obama wrote of the Affordable Care Act in the passage, published Monday in The New Yorker.
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“Other big initiatives — like immigration reform and climate-change legislation — would probably be even harder to get through Congress; I figured that scoring a victory on the item that most affected people’s day-to-day lives was our best shot at building momentum for the rest of my legislative agenda,” he continued.
But Obama soon realized he was being overconfident. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and other Republican lawmakers would do everything in their power to try to torpedo his vision for making health care more affordable.
Obama’s writings about the historical passage of the ACA were published just hours before the Republican-controlled Senate was expected to confirm Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trump’s pick to replace Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
With Barrett’s confirmation, the Supreme Court will have a 6-3 conservative majority, clearing the way for a legal showdown on health care. The Trump administration filed a brief earlier this year asking the Supreme Court to overturn the ACA, which could strip roughly 23 million Americans of their health care coverage.
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The ACA requires insurers to accept all applicants without charging higher premiums based on preexisting medical conditions. If the Supreme Court overturned the ACA, more than 133 million Americans with preexisting conditions could be disqualified from buying a certain health care plan, according to The New York Times.
“A Promised Land” is slated for release on Nov. 17. The 768-page memoir will be the first of two volumes, with this one focused on Obama’s early political life through mid-2011.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Latino Turnout Could Decide Who Wins Pennsylvania

Concern That Outreach Came Too Late I feel like it doesn ’ t make a difference .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ way .
They decide what they want to decide in the White House anyways .
@ @ @ @ @ shop worker who says she does n't vote

Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden speaks at a voter activation center in Chester, Pennsylvania, on Monday. Pennsylvania's fast-growing Latino population could be pivotal. Jim Watson/Getty Images
BETHLEHEM, Pa. ― When Hurricane Maria hit Puerto Rico in 2017, John Alvarado tried to tough it out for a few years.
But with the island’s economy spiraling, it became increasingly hard for Alvarado and his family to survive. His college costs went up, but neither he nor his mother could find a job to help pay for it. Then, in January, the earthquakes began, disrupting his mother’s sleep.
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Running out of options, Alvarado, his mother and his stepfather moved to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in February. Alvarado, who was politically active on the island, registered to vote shortly after moving to the mainland and is eager to cast his ballot for Democrats Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.
“I don’t agree with anything Donald Trump has done for this country or for Puerto Rico,” said Alvarado, who spoke to HuffPost during a break from his job at a warehouse. “When Hurricane Maria hit us, we needed light, we needed electrical power, we needed housing, we needed food. And he just appeared and threw us paper towels.”
Alvarado’s opinion is consistent with the views of the majority of Puerto Ricans living in Pennsylvania. Sixty-nine percent of Puerto Ricans in Pennsylvania say the federal government has not responded to Hurricane Maria “well,” compared with 31% who think the federal government has performed well, according to a Center for American Progress poll conducted by Latino Decisions in September.
Much has been made of the critical role that Latino voters could play in the battleground states of Florida, Nevada and Arizona. But Latino communities are pivotal in Pennsylvania as well, where their share of the population has more than doubled in the past 20 years.
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A Puerto Rican flag flies in North Philadelphia in 2018. Pennsylvania was a top destination for Puerto Ricans leaving the island after Hurricane Maria in 2017. Mark Makela/The Washington Post via Getty Images
Pennsylvania Latino Communities Step Up Political Engagement
In recent years, the growth in the Keystone State’s Latino population has stemmed largely from an influx of Puerto Ricans fleeing the fallout from Hurricane Maria, and before that, from the island’s decades-long economic morass. These families have settled not only in Philadelphia but also in the Lehigh Valley, Reading, Hazleton and other medium-sized metropolitan areas.
Since Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United States from birth, they’re able to vote in U.S. elections. Meanwhile, a number of Pennsylvania-based immigrants ― and descendants of immigrants ― from the Dominican Republic, Mexico and other Latin American nations have come of age or obtained their citizenship in the years since Trump’s election in 2016.
Latinos now make up 5% of Pennsylvania’s eligible voters ― putting it just behind Arizona and Florida among battleground states with sizable Latino populations. In a state that Trump won by less than 45,000 votes in 2016, even a modest uptick in Latino turnout could be decisive.
Thanks to new arrivals, new organizing and the galvanizing effect of Trump’s presidency, the importance of the Latino vote in Pennsylvania has never been greater, according to North Philadelphia state Rep. Danilo Burgos, the first Dominican American in Pennsylvania’s state House.
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“Across the state, Latino turnout will be higher than any year before,” Burgos predicted.
Nationally, Biden has struggled to consolidate the Latino vote. Polls in September showed that he held a smaller lead over Trump with Latinos than Clinton’s lead four years ago.
In Pennsylvania, where the population of conservative-leaning Cuban Americans is negligible, Democrats are somewhat more confident in Biden’s level of support. Nearly three-quarters of Latino Pennsylvanians who turned out in 2016 voted for Clinton, according to a CNN exit poll.
As of August, though, there were signs of Latino attrition to Trump in Pennsylvania as well. This cycle, 64% of Pennsylvania’s Latinos plan to vote for Biden, compared with 22% for Trump, according to an August poll conducted by Latino Decisions. The survey also found that 12% of Latino Pennsylvanians remained undecided.
Incidentally, that poll came out just as the Biden campaign began targeting Latino voters on the airwaves in the Keystone State. The campaign made an early investment in Spanish-language TV ads across the state, spending $528,000 on broadcast TV spots beginning on Aug. 11, according to an analysis Kantar Media conducted for HuffPost. The investment represents 1.6% of the Biden campaign’s total TV spending in the state.
The Trump campaign, by contrast, began airing Spanish-language TV ads in the state on Oct. 5, purchasing just $3,000 of broadcast TV time to air the spots. The investment represents 0.02% of the Trump campaign’s total TV spending in the state.
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The campaign has also made a point of tailoring its messaging to the Puerto Rican community. One digital video advertisement features the music of Puerto Rican rapper Bad Bunny and the infamous footage of Trump tossing paper towels to a crowd during a visit to Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria. Another digital spot in English shows Biden lamenting, “Donald Trump doesn’t seem to grasp that the people of Puerto Rico are American citizens already.”
“In order for a Hispanic to get out and vote, the politicians need to come to them.” - Julio Guridy, Allentown City Council
Biden’s team has even enlisted the help of Puerto Ricans still living on the island to encourage their family members on the mainland to vote for the Democratic ticket.
They are pitching Puerto Ricans on the idea that there are significant policy stakes for Puerto Rico in the election that go beyond Trump’s politicization of aid to the U.S. commonwealth.
To that end, the campaign has released a plan to address the unique economic challenges facing Puerto Rico. He is proposing expediting aid to the island, increasing investment in the island’s infrastructure, and taking steps to raise the island’s Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement rates, which are lower than on the mainland.
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And perhaps most important, Biden is calling for a different approach to the Puerto Rican debt crisis that preceded the recent natural disasters. Then-President Barack Obama’s PROMESA law in 2016 established a fiscal oversight board with veto power over Puerto Rico’s budget that would theoretically give Puerto Rico a chance to restructure its unsustainably high public debt. Critics have since argued that the board, which islanders simply call “la junta,” has been far more willing to force cuts to Puerto Rico’s public sector than compel the island’s creditors to accept sacrifices.
In his plan, Biden is insisting he will demand a “meaningful shift” in the fiscal oversight board’s conduct and an audit of the country’s debt, which reformers believe will reveal that much of the debt was issued illegally.
Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.), the Democratic vice presidential nominee, speaks to reporters before participating in a Latino roundtable event in Philadelphia in September. Mark Makela/Getty Images
Concern That Outreach Came Too Late
Some Latino elected officials and organizers in Pennsylvania are nonetheless concerned that the campaign’s investment in Latino outreach in the state should have started sooner.
Julio Guridy, a Dominican American who has served on the Allentown City Council for nearly two decades, told HuffPost he has been complaining to the Biden campaign for months that he had no Spanish-language campaign literature to distribute to curious constituents. The campaign’s new office in Allentown did not have Latino staff members, according to Guridy.
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“It was in the middle of the Hispanic community, but there were no Hispanics,” Guridy said.
The Biden campaign told HuffPost that its Allentown office had bilingual staff and Spanish-language literature from the get-go. Months before the opening of the Allentown space, the campaign also had an office with Spanish-language literature in the nearby city of Easton.
Guridy has still decided to take matters into his own hands. With some funding from the Biden campaign, he insisted on opening up his own Latino-focused campaign office in Allentown, but he worries it is too late. During the 2016 election cycle, when critics lamented that Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton’s operations in the state were too concentrated in Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, but Guridy believes the campaign invested resources in Latino outreach in the Lehigh Valley earlier than Biden has.
“I think he was more worried about other areas like Florida, Arizona, Texas and Wisconsin,” Guridy said.
Many Puerto Ricans and Dominicans who arrive in Pennsylvania remain politically active on their home islands, but it takes a “little education” to familiarize themselves with the mainland’s political system and how it affects their lives, according to Guridy.
“They don’t vote because we don’t cater to them,” Guridy said. “In order for a Hispanic to get out and vote, the politicians need to come to them.”
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Rigo Peralta, a politically active Dominican American artist in Allentown, had a similarly negative assessment of Biden’s work in the area. “He hasn’t had a lot of presence in the area,” Peralta said. “I think Donald Trump has more presence in the area.”
José Diaz, who owns Panorama Latin Times, a Spanish-language newspaper that serves a readership of 15,000 to 20,000 people in eastern Pennsylvania, has been surprised that the Biden campaign has not advertised in his paper. He tried to reach out to people in the campaign but did not get a response.
“It’s too late now anyway,” Diaz said. “They should be promoting for months ahead of time Joe Biden’s programs.”
Biden’s campaign insists that its advertising investments ― and a massive phone and text message operation ― show a commitment to reach Pennsylvania Latinos early on. To the extent that in-person outreach to Latinos has been lacking, it is because of the same coronavirus concerns that have caused the campaign to abandon door-knocking across the board, according to the campaign. The campaign just resumed canvassing in Pennsylvania two weeks ago.
“We’re running the most robust Latino outreach program any presidential campaign has ever had in Pennsylvania,” Sinceré Harris, the Biden campaign’s senior Pennsylvania adviser, said in a statement. “In addition to our robust organizing and outreach efforts, we’ve made historic investments in paid communications across all platforms that have been running for months, including Spanish-language TV, radio, print and digital content.”
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Eddie Moran is the first Latino mayor of Reading, Pennsylvania, which is majority Latino. His election in January marks a political milestone for the state's growing Latino population. Ben Hasty/Getty Images
‘It’s Completely Different From 2016’
Since it began reviving its in-person campaign events, Biden’s team insists that it has been making up for lost time. Though Biden himself has not yet visited the Lehigh Valley for more than a perfunctory radio interview, the campaign has made a point of giving Latino Pennsylvanians face time with top campaign officials. Sen. Harris, for example, spent part of her only visit to the state since becoming Biden’s running mate speaking to Latino leaders in North Philadelphia.
And earlier this month, the campaign organized a Latino-focused car parade through Allentown, Bethlehem, Easton and Hazleton. The parade ― or “caravan” ― featured Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.), who is from the Dominican Republic, and Rep. Nydia Velázquez (D-N.Y.), who was born in Puerto Rico.
“It’s completely different from 2016,” said Burgos, who joined the multi-city caravan. “It’s getting to the enthusiasm level where it feels like you’re in the Caribbean.”
Regardless, a number of local party bodies and outside groups have stepped in to supplement Biden’s work in Pennsylvania’s Latino community.
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Make the Road Action, the political arm of a progressive immigrant rights group, plans to make 2.5 million phone calls and send 2 million text messages to voters of color in Pennsylvania by Election Day. In Reading, which is two-thirds Latino, the political transformation of one of the organization’s more committed activists, Maria Laviena, exemplifies the group’s organizing success.
Laviena, who arrived on the mainland 17 years ago, was a registered Republican because she associated the party with the cause of Puerto Rican statehood (the GOP’s conservative counterpart on the island backs statehood). And she voted for Trump in 2016 because she thought his business skills would make him a good president.
But shortly after the 2016 election, Make the Road Action helped Laviena realize that the Democratic Party is more in line with her values. More recently, the disproportionate pain experienced by Reading’s Latino community as a result of the novel coronavirus pandemic reinforced Laviena’s new conviction that Trump does not value her and her neighbors.
“The president doesn’t care about them,” she said, referring to the Latino workers whose jobs often put them at greater risk of exposure to the coronavirus. “He cares only about the rich.”
In addition to Make the Road Action’s work, the Democratic Party in Berks County, which is home to Reading, has invested its own resources in Latino organizing. The county party has, for the first time, hired two part-time organizers who speak Spanish to register voters and solidify support for Biden.
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An increase in Latino representation in Reading politics could become a galvanizing force. In January, the city elected its first Latino mayor, Eddie Moran, who was born in Puerto Rico.
“I feel like it doesn’t make a difference. It’s a big charade in a way. They decide what they want to decide in the White House anyways.” - Ycersa Martinez, Reading pizza shop worker who says she doesn't vote
“For him to get into office was a big, big achievement,” said Kevin Boughter, a factory worker who chairs the Berks County Democratic Committee.
Manny Guzman, a Reading school board member advising the Biden campaign, is also running for state representative in a race that local Democrats hope can juice Latino turnout.
Some 35 miles northeast of Reading in the Lehigh Valley, Biden’s Latino outreach stands to benefit from a hub of activism that sprung up to support down-ballot Democrats in the 2018 midterm elections. Rep. Susan Wild, a first-term Democrat who is running for reelection in the Lehigh Valley, has a robust Latino outreach operation. The campaign put HuffPost in touch with a group of volunteers, which included a Spanish-language interpreter, that was campaigning for the Democratic ticket outside a C Town supermarket in Bethlehem.
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These efforts appear to be bearing some fruit. Kathy Harrington, volunteer coordinating chair of the new progressive group Lehigh Valley for All, had helped Alvarado register to vote in the spring.
HuffPost spoke with two dozen Latinos in and around Reading, Allentown and Bethlehem. Twelve planned to vote for Biden, six planned to vote for Trump, three were undecided and three did not plan to vote.
Israel Irizarry, a dispatcher for a trucking company, has never voted before and did not plan to cast a ballot this November until he passed by the Democratic volunteers outside of the Bethlehem C Town. Cathy Brienza, an attorney and progressive activist who traveled from Ridgewood, New Jersey, to volunteer for Democratic candidates, told him that Biden had a plan to make college free. (Biden has promised to make public colleges tuition-free for families earning less than $125,000 a year.)
“She told me Biden’s going to push free college,” he said. “I’ve got two daughters in college now and a son going to college.”
Jonathan Esquilin, a hotel housekeeper in Allentown, was out of work for months during the pandemic. He went without income for two months while waiting for the state to process his unemployment claim. Financial troubles forced him to leave his apartment. Now that he has resumed working, much of his paycheck goes toward nightly rent at the hotel where he works.
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But Esquilin, who is an evangelical Christian, appreciates Trump’s respect for faith and is nervous about bringing in a new person during such a difficult time. “I’d rather have somebody who’s already been in-house, that has already dealt with the people for a little while,” he said.
Ycersa Martinez, who works at a pizza shop in Reading, does not vote. “I feel like it doesn’t make a difference. It’s a big charade in a way. They decide what they want to decide in the White House anyways.”
Martinez’s skepticism is not uncommon ― even among the family members of politically active Latino Pennsylvanians.
Alvarado, the recent arrival, has not yet prevailed on his mother and stepfather to join him at the ballot box. They told him they don’t like to get involved in politics, but Alvarado is not giving up so easily.
“Every Puerto Rican that comes to this country needs to be aware that, yes, we have a voice,” he said. “We are part of this country, and we need to take action.”
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thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Donald Trump Gave The Conservative Legal Movement Everything They Ever Wanted

In 2016 , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) made a cynical gambit : Instead of allowing President Barack Obama to fill a seat left open on the Supreme Court by Justice Antonin Scalia ’ s death , he refused to even hold a hearing on Obama ’ s nominee Merrick Garland .
The power of a president to appoint a new justice ― one who could secure or shift the court ’ s political tilt ― became a central issue for conservatives .
And eventual Republican nominee Donald Trump dutifully vowed to do GOP legal groups ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a conservative justice should they back him .
It worked as a motivating factor for voters .
One in five Trump voters said the Supreme Court was the “ most important ” issue in their decision , according to exit polling .
Those religious conservatives then turned out to support Trump , a thrice-married playboy who boasts about sexually assaulting women and pays hush money to his extramarital lovers , because he promised them judicial nirvana .
Once Trump became president , he delivered by appointing two conservative stalwarts in Neil Gorsuch and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in office .
On Monday , he gave conservatives a third : Amy Coney Barrett , newly confirmed by the Republican-controlled Senate just eight days before the election , to the seat vacated by the death of liberal icon Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
The conservative legal movement has achieved its wildest dreams .
Trump has now made three appointments to the Supreme Court , the most of any president since Ronald Reagan .
The court now has a rock-solid 6-3 conservative majority .
All six conservatives have been closely vetted by conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prevent future ideological deviations .
Most important , there are now enough conservatives on the court that even if one broke from orthodoxy , it wouldn ’ t matter .
This is the kind of control conservatives sought of the Supreme Court , the least democratically responsive branch of government , since Reagan swept into office in the 1980 election .
Conservatives knew after the Reagan revolution that they would have to seize control of the courts in order to achieve their goals of overturning the New Deal economic and social welfare consensus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racial minorities and women .
The Reagan White House started by establishing an ideological screening process for judicial nominees far stricter than that of Franklin Roosevelt , the last president to truly care about his nominees ’ ideological commitments .
The goal was to , “ institutionalize the Reagan revolution so that it can ’ t be set aside no matter what happens in future presidential elections , ” according to Reagan ’ s Attorney General Ed Meese , an architect of the conservative legal movement .
Meese and other conservative legal luminaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative debating club that served as a networking hub and a training ground for law school conservatives and beyond .
The Federalist Society also served as a counterweight to the liberal American Bar Association by providing a group that could pass judgment on conservative criteria .
Leonard Leo , the co-chairman of the Federalist Society , provided Trump with the Supreme Court nominee list that would help him win in 2016 .
Thirty years after Souter ’ s nomination , conservatives have reached the mountaintop .
In spite of , or perhaps because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no deep ideological commitments , he handed control of his judicial nominations over to the conservative legal movement in order to help his election prospects .
Since Trump took office , he has secured the kind of rock solid conservative majority the movement failed to win thanks to deviants like O ’ Connor and Kennedy and traitors like Souter .
Kavanaugh , Gorsuch and Barrett all came with strong endorsements from legal conservatives and a history of working within the Republican Party .
Kavanaugh and Gorsuch have largely ruled with the conservative bloc @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was Gorsuch ’ s strict textualist ruling in Bostock v. Clayton County that found the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to protect transgender individuals from discrimination .
But the confirmation of Barrett , who is viewed more favorably by religious conservatives , makes it impossible for one deviation to change the outcome of a case .
One key to the conservative judicial activists ’ strategy is to deflect over nominees ’ views .
At Barrett ’ s hearings , Republicans scoffed at the idea she would overturn Roe v. Wade , even though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition to abortion clear .
They did the same over whether or not she would vote to kill the Affordable Care Act .
At her confirmation hearing , she refused to say whether or not Trump could unilaterally postpone the election or whether voter intimidation is a crime .
That partially stems back to Reagan nominee Robert Bork , whose 1987 confirmation hearings are still today bandied about by conservatives who insist Democrats accurately describing his views was tantamount to slander .
Conservatives still resent Sen. Ted Kennedy ’ s ( D-Mass .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ previously stated opposition to Supreme Court precedents on civil rights and women ’ s rights and the role he played in executing Richard Nixon ’ s Saturday Night Massacre .
Conservatives still rankle at the use of television advertising for the first time ( in which I played the face of the American future ) to counter a judicial nomination .
Unlike when Reagan appointed three justices to the Supreme Court , the president in power is highly unpopular .
Reagan was president at a time when the conservative movement was ascendant after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1984 .
When Bush won in 1988 , it was the first time a political party had won three straight presidential elections since Roosevelt and Harry Truman won five in a row .
Since then , Democrats have won the popular vote in six of the next seven elections .
Due to the electoral college , however , Republicans won two of these elections unpopularly in 2000 and again in 2016 .
The winners of those two elections will have appointed five of the six conservative justices on the court .
( George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were made after he won a popular vote reelection in 2004 , but he had the incumbency advantage due to his first unpopular election . )
The Republican Party is fully aware that its agenda is unpopular , particularly with the rising electorate .
That ’ s why it pursues laws and executive actions , like voter identification , reducing polling sites and skewing the Census , and judicial rulings , like allowing large scale voter purges and gutting the Voting Rights Act , to make it harder to vote and to reduce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Democratic Party and are growing in numbers .
Secured by unpopular elections , the 6-3 conservative majority will now be able to provide an undemocratic check on the will of the majority .
For decades to come , it will serve as a big , beautiful wall blocking progressive change from popularly elected Democratic administrations .
A conservative court won ’ t just use theories of judicial restraint to block action to expand health care or deal with climate change , but also engage precedents to invalidate executive branch regulatory authority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party constituencies .

In 2016, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) made a cynical gambit: Instead of allowing President Barack Obama to fill a seat left open on the Supreme Court by Justice Antonin Scalia’s death, he refused to even hold a hearing on Obama’s nominee Merrick Garland. The power of a president to appoint a new justice ― one who could secure or shift the court’s political tilt ― became a central issue for conservatives. And eventual Republican nominee Donald Trump dutifully vowed to do GOP legal groups’ and religious voters’ bidding by appointing a conservative justice should they back him.
It worked as a motivating factor for voters. One in five Trump voters said the Supreme Court was the “most important” issue in their decision, according to exit polling. Those religious conservatives then turned out to support Trump, a thrice-married playboy who boasts about sexually assaulting women and pays hush money to his extramarital lovers, because he promised them judicial nirvana. Once Trump became president, he delivered by appointing two conservative stalwarts in Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh in his first two years in office.
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On Monday, he gave conservatives a third: Amy Coney Barrett, newly confirmed by the Republican-controlled Senate just eight days before the election, to the seat vacated by the death of liberal icon Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. The conservative legal movement has achieved its wildest dreams. Trump has now made three appointments to the Supreme Court, the most of any president since Ronald Reagan. The court now has a rock-solid 6-3 conservative majority. All six conservatives have been closely vetted by conservative legal movement leaders in an effort to prevent future ideological deviations. Most important, there are now enough conservatives on the court that even if one broke from orthodoxy, it wouldn’t matter.
Conservative activists are now free to press forward with the agenda they’ve pushed since the Reagan era: criminalize abortion, ban racial preference in school admissions and elsewhere, cripple the federal regulatory state, roll back voting rights, civil rights and campaign finance laws and grant greater and greater powers to corporations. Whether voters support it or not.
“A lot of what we’ve done over the last four years will be undone sooner or later by the next election,” McConnell taunted about Barrett’s confirmation on Sunday. “They won’t be able to do much about this for a long time to come.”
‘No More Souters’
Then-Sen. Joe Biden (D-Del) oversaw the Senate confirmation of George H.W. Bush's nominee David Souter. Souter would go on to defect from conservative bloc to the liberals once on the court. Credit: Arnie Sachs / CNP / MediaPunch /IPX CNP / MediaPunch/MediaPunch/IPx
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This is the kind of control conservatives sought of the Supreme Court, the least democratically responsive branch of government, since Reagan swept into office in the 1980 election. Conservatives knew after the Reagan revolution that they would have to seize control of the courts in order to achieve their goals of overturning the New Deal economic and social welfare consensus and the mid-20th century rights revolution for racial minorities and women.
The Reagan White House started by establishing an ideological screening process for judicial nominees far stricter than that of Franklin Roosevelt, the last president to truly care about his nominees’ ideological commitments. The goal was to, “institutionalize the Reagan revolution so that it can’t be set aside no matter what happens in future presidential elections,” according to Reagan’s Attorney General Ed Meese, an architect of the conservative legal movement.
Meese and other conservative legal luminaries also founded the Federalist Society, a conservative debating club that served as a networking hub and a training ground for law school conservatives and beyond. The Federalist Society also served as a counterweight to the liberal American Bar Association by providing a group that could pass judgment on conservative criteria. Leonard Leo, the co-chairman of the Federalist Society, provided Trump with the Supreme Court nominee list that would help him win in 2016.
By the end of his two terms, Reagan had appointed half of the entire federal judiciary. Yet conservatives still rankled at the occasional heresies of Reagan-appointed conservative justices like Sandra Day O’Connor and Anthony Kennedy, who later angered religious conservatives by failing to overturn Roe v. Wade in the 1993 Planned Parenthood v. Casey case.
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Thirty years after Souter’s nomination, conservatives have reached the mountaintop. In spite of, or perhaps because of, the fact that Trump has no deep ideological commitments, he handed control of his judicial nominations over to the conservative legal movement in order to help his election prospects. Since Trump took office, he has secured the kind of rock solid conservative majority the movement failed to win thanks to deviants like O’Connor and Kennedy and traitors like Souter.
Kavanaugh, Gorsuch and Barrett all came with strong endorsements from legal conservatives and a history of working within the Republican Party. Kavanaugh and Gorsuch have largely ruled with the conservative bloc with the only major deviation so far was Gorsuch’s strict textualist ruling in Bostock v. Clayton County that found the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to protect transgender individuals from discrimination. But the confirmation of Barrett, who is viewed more favorably by religious conservatives, makes it impossible for one deviation to change the outcome of a case.
An Anti-Democratic Future
President Donald Trump walks with Judge Amy Coney Barrett to a news conference to announce Barrett as his nominee to the Supreme Court, in the Rose Garden at the White House on Sept. 26 in Washington. AP Photo/Alex Brandon
One key to the conservative judicial activists’ strategy is to deflect over nominees’ views. At Barrett’s hearings, Republicans scoffed at the idea she would overturn Roe v. Wade, even though her past writings and work make her opposition to abortion clear. They did the same over whether or not she would vote to kill the Affordable Care Act. At her confirmation hearing, she refused to say whether or not Trump could unilaterally postpone the election or whether voter intimidation is a crime.
That partially stems back to Reagan nominee Robert Bork, whose 1987 confirmation hearings are still today bandied about by conservatives who insist Democrats accurately describing his views was tantamount to slander. Conservatives still resent Sen. Ted Kennedy’s (D-Mass.) speech accurately describing Bork’s previously stated opposition to Supreme Court precedents on civil rights and women’s rights and the role he played in executing Richard Nixon’s Saturday Night Massacre. Conservatives still rankle at the use of television advertising for the first time (in which I played the face of the American future) to counter a judicial nomination.
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Despite the mythology that Bork was unfairly tanked by Democrats, his nomination failed in a 42-58 floor vote, with six Republicans voting against him because he was uniquely out of the American mainstream.
Unlike when Reagan appointed three justices to the Supreme Court, the president in power is highly unpopular. Reagan was president at a time when the conservative movement was ascendant after riding massive popular elections in 1980 and 1984. When Bush won in 1988, it was the first time a political party had won three straight presidential elections since Roosevelt and Harry Truman won five in a row.
Since then, Democrats have won the popular vote in six of the next seven elections. Due to the electoral college, however, Republicans won two of these elections unpopularly in 2000 and again in 2016. The winners of those two elections will have appointed five of the six conservative justices on the court. (George W. Bush’s Supreme Court appointments were made after he won a popular vote reelection in 2004, but he had the incumbency advantage due to his first unpopular election.)
Trump, who lost the popular vote by nearly 3 million votes, has been the most consistently unpopular president in the history of polling. There is scant chance that he wins the popular vote in 2020.
The Republican Party is fully aware that its agenda is unpopular, particularly with the rising electorate. That’s why it pursues laws and executive actions, like voter identification, reducing polling sites and skewing the Census, and judicial rulings, like allowing large scale voter purges and gutting the Voting Rights Act, to make it harder to vote and to reduce representation for demographic groups that disproportionately vote for the Democratic Party and are growing in numbers.
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Secured by unpopular elections, the 6-3 conservative majority will now be able to provide an undemocratic check on the will of the majority. For decades to come, it will serve as a big, beautiful wall blocking progressive change from popularly elected Democratic administrations. A conservative court won’t just use theories of judicial restraint to block action to expand health care or deal with climate change, but also engage precedents to invalidate executive branch regulatory authority and set electoral rules to disfavor Democratic Party constituencies.
Where Meese sought to “institutionalize the Reagan revolution so that it can’t be set aside no matter what happens in future presidential elections,” Republicans today seek a retreat to the high ground of the courts to wield power.
It is a retreat from popular accountability for a political party increasingly out of step with voters who will inexorably take over American politics in the coming years as they age and older, more conservative voters pass away. Their six justices can now control the terms of American life and American elections seemingly immune from a democratic response.
That is at least what McConnell’s taunt suggests. But past efforts to enshrine a court majority to halt change have resulted in the nation’s democracy running into and over an undemocratic court standing in the way. Time will tell how long the conservative legal movement’s final victory lasts.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-10-26--Biden Says He Opposes Term Limits On The Federal Judiciary

Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden said Monday that he opposes term limits for federal judges ― his latest comment on what he would or wouldn ’ t do to the court system if elected president .
As part of his plan to create a commission to study the federal courts , Biden said he would look at how long justices serve on the Supreme Court .
One reporter asked the former vice president if that meant he was open to term limits , to which Biden immediately shook his head and repeated : “ No , no , no.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , such as term limits and expanding the Supreme Court , particularly after President Donald Trump nominated 48-year-old Amy Coney Barrett to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court .
Biden ’ s comment on term limits comes the same day the Senate voted to confirm Barrett , which gives Republicans a 6-3 conservative majority on the highest court in the nation .
The Democratic candidate refuses to take a position on adding justices to the Supreme Court if elected president but has repeatedly said he will appoint a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden has also been vocally against Trump and Republicans pushing Barrett through the GOP-controlled Senate just weeks before Election Day after refusing to consider President Barack Obama ’ s Supreme Court nominee in February 2016 because it was an election year .
“ There ’ s some literature among constitutional scholars about the possibility of going from one court to another court and not just always staying the whole time on the Supreme Court .
But I have made no judgment , ” Biden clarified .
The candidate ’ s potential commission is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scholars with a number of ideas about how we should proceed from this point on , ” he said .
“ And that ’ s what we ’ re going to be doing .
I ’ m going to give them 180 days , God willing , if I ’ m elected , and the time I ’ m sworn in to be able to make such a recommendation.
” House Democrats introduced a bill in September that would establish 18-year term limits for Supreme Court justices .
If passed , the act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court every two years , with new justices serving for nonrenewable terms .
After the 18 years , appointees would become “ senior justices ” who would be able to temporarily rejoin the court in the event of an unexpected vacancy .
That bill is the first attempt to create term limits via statute instead of a constitutional amendment .
Article III of the Constitution allows Congress the authority to regulate the federal judiciary while also providing that federal judges will serve during “ good behavior.
” The phrase is widely regarded as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are divided over whether Congress can limit that tenure solely via legislation .
Senate Republicans have confirmed hundreds of Trump ’ s mostly young white male lifetime judges in his first term , filling a staggering number of vacancies left after those same Republicans blocked Obama ’ s attempts to get nominees confirmed .

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Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden said Monday that he opposes term limits for federal judges ― his latest comment on what he would or wouldn’t do to the court system if elected president.
As part of his plan to create a commission to study the federal courts, Biden said he would look at how long justices serve on the Supreme Court. One reporter asked the former vice president if that meant he was open to term limits, to which Biden immediately shook his head and repeated: “No, no, no.”
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“No,” he said. “It’s a lifetime appointment. I’m not going to attempt to change that at all.”
The candidate’s potential commission is “just a group of serious constitutional scholars with a number of ideas about how we should proceed from this point on,” he said. “And that’s what we’re going to be doing. I’m going to give them 180 days, God willing, if I’m elected, from the time I’m sworn in to be able to make such a recommendation.”
WATCH: "It's a lifetime appointment. I'm not going to attempt to change that at all."
— Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden when asked by @DanielBush if he's open to term limits for Supreme Court justices pic.twitter.com/m4qKltQHkf — PBS NewsHour (@NewsHour) October 26, 2020
Many Democrats have called for judicial reforms, such as term limits and expanding the Supreme Court, particularly after President Donald Trump nominated 48-year-old Amy Coney Barrett to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court. Biden’s comment on term limits came the same day the Senate voted to confirm Barrett, which gives Republicans a 6-3 conservative majority on the highest court in the nation.
The Democratic candidate refuses to take a position on adding justices to the Supreme Court if elected president but has repeatedly said he will appoint a bipartisan commission to study judicial reforms. Biden has also been vocally against Trump and Republicans pushing Barrett through the GOP-controlled Senate just weeks before Election Day after refusing to consider President Barack Obama’s Supreme Court nominee in February 2016 because it was an election year.
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″[I’d] put that commission together and have them do an analysis on what if any changes should take place in how the court functions, how it’s picked, how long you stay on the court,” Biden told reporters on Monday. “For example, there’s an idea put forward by one of the scholars out of Columbia [University] saying what you should do is you go on the Supreme Court for X number of years, and then you go to a Circuit Court, and someone from the Circuit Court goes to the Supreme Court.”
“There’s some literature among constitutional scholars about the possibility of going from one court to another court and not just always staying the whole time on the Supreme Court. But I have made no judgment,” Biden clarified.
But this clarification by Biden is essentially a description of a House bill Democrats introduced in September that would limit a justice’s time on the Supreme Court without interfering with their lifetime tenure within the larger federal judiciary. Biden’s transition co-chair, former Sen. Ted Kaufman (D-Del.), was a signatory to an Oct. 23 letter endorsing the bill.
A very notable signatory to a letter endorsing @RoKhanna and @RepDonBeyer’s bill to install 18-year term limits for Supreme Court Justices: Biden transition co-chair Ted Kaufman.https://t.co/6XOdObIkOb — Kevin Robillard (@Robillard) October 23, 2020
The Supreme Court Term Limits and Regular Appointment Act, sponsored by Reps. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) and Don Beyer (D-Va.), would institute regular appointments to the Supreme Court every two years, with new justices serving for nonrenewable 18-year terms. After that time is up, appointees would become “senior justices” who could temporarily rejoin the court if there were an unexpected vacancy.
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That bill is the first attempt to create term limits via statute instead of a constitutional amendment. Article III of the Constitution allows Congress the authority to regulate the federal judiciary while also providing that federal judges will serve during “good behavior.” The phrase is widely regarded as requiring life tenure, and constitutional scholars are divided over whether Congress can limit that tenure solely via legislation.