thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Roger Stone Apparently Used Racist Slur In Radio Segment With Black Host

The incident occurred as O ’ Kelly , the host of “ Mr .
Mo ’ Kelly ” on KFI AM 460 in Los Angeles , was asking Stone about the treatment he received , after his three-year prison sentence for seven felonies related to obstructing the congressional investigation into President Donald Trump ’ s 2016 campaign was commuted earlier this month by Trump , his long-time friend .
As O ’ Kelly continued to press Stone , the sound on the phone seemed to break up , though the line remained open .
That ’ s when someone — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live on air : “ I don ’ t really feel like arguing with this negro.
” “ I ’ m sorry , what did you say ?
I ’ m sorry , you ’ re arguing with whom ?
I thought we were having just a very spirited conversation , ” O ’ Kelly responded .
“ What happened ?
Would you not like to continue the conversation , sir ?
I hear that the line is not dead.
” Kelly repeated part of the line he had heard , and Stone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not , ” he snapped .
“ You ’ re out of your mind .
You ’ re out of your mind.
” “ OK , well , we ’ ll let the listeners decide , ” Kelly said .
“ Let me go to the next question.
” The pertinent section of the interview can be heard in the audio above at 12:20 , or in the clip below .
Later in the program , when Stone was no longer on the phone , O ’ Kelly said that he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He noted : “ The only thing that I felt was true , honest and sincere that Roger Stone said was in that moment when he felt I was not listening ... as far as he was concerned , he was talking and arguing with a negro.
” “ Negro is N-word light .
It ’ s the low calorie version , the diet version , ” said O ’ Kelly .
“ He could ’ ve reached for any pejorative ...
But what did he reach for ?
And that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was the truest belief he had in his head , and he didn ’ t expect me to hear it.
” After the show , Stone called the claim that he used the slur “ categorically false ” in a statement to The Daily Beast .
“ Seems obvious that Kelly seeks to boost his pathetic ratings with a fabricated claim , ” he added .
Stone has been accused of using similar language in the past , according to Media Matters for America , which noted in 2016 that he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Former GOP political operative and convicted felon Roger Stone appeared to use a racist slur in a live telephone interview with Black radio host Morris O’Kelly on Saturday night.
The incident occurred as O’Kelly, the host of “Mr. Mo’Kelly” on KFI AM 460 in Los Angeles, was asking Stone about the treatment he received, after his three-year prison sentence for seven felonies related to obstructing the congressional investigation into President Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign was commuted earlier this month by Trump, his long-time friend.
Advertisement
As O’Kelly continued to press Stone, the sound on the phone seemed to break up, though the line remained open. That’s when someone — apparently Stone — could be heard saying live on air: “I don’t really feel like arguing with this negro.”
“I’m sorry, what did you say? I’m sorry, you’re arguing with whom? I thought we were having just a very spirited conversation,” O’Kelly responded. “What happened? Would you not like to continue the conversation, sir? I hear that the line is not dead.”
After nearly a minute, Stone finally said: “Uhh, you’re back. I don’t know what ... You there? Hello?”
Kelly repeated part of the line he had heard, and Stone angrily denied saying it. “I did not,” he snapped. “You’re out of your mind. You’re out of your mind.”
Advertisement
“OK, well, we’ll let the listeners decide,” Kelly said. “Let me go to the next question.”
“Whatever,” Stone said.
The pertinent section of the interview can be heard in the audio above at 12:20, or in the clip below.
During an interview tonight on Los Angeles’ KFI-AM 640, Roger Stone’s phone signal briefly broke up.
Then a voice can be heard saying:
"I don't really feel like arguing with this negro.”
Stone later denied saying those words when asked by Mr. Mo'Kelly.https://t.co/72Wt5JoXNB pic.twitter.com/Y2ykKbMhWl — JM Rieger (@RiegerReport) July 19, 2020
Later in the program, when Stone was no longer on the phone, O’Kelly said that he was “still processing what had happened.”
He noted: “The only thing that I felt was true, honest and sincere that Roger Stone said was in that moment when he felt I was not listening ... as far as he was concerned, he was talking and arguing with a negro.”
He said he wasn’t all that surprised.
“Negro is N-word light. It’s the low calorie version, the diet version,” said O’Kelly. “He could’ve reached for any pejorative ... But what did he reach for? And that’s why I think it was sincere. It was the truest belief he had in his head, and he didn’t expect me to hear it.”
Advertisement
O’Kelly later tweeted: “I heard what I heard. The audio is the audio ... I am nobody’s NEGRO.”
Hey everyone. I heard what I heard. The audio is the audio. I will address in Hour 2. We're blowing out the second half of the show.#RogerStone
I am nobody's NEGRO. — Mr. Mo'Kelly 🎙 (@MrMokelly) July 19, 2020
After the show, Stone called the claim that he used the slur “categorically false” in a statement to The Daily Beast. “Seems obvious that Kelly seeks to boost his pathetic ratings with a fabricated claim,” he added.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Steve Mnuchin Already Wants To Forgive Billions In PPP Loans

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin suggested Friday that taxpayer-funded COVID-19 business loans under a certain amount could be automatically forgiven without compliance checks .
That would likely mean an unprecedented $ 130 billion in loans under the Paycheck Protection Program would turn into grants to private businesses .
The PPP loans , which were part of a $ 2 trillion coronavirus relief act passed in March , were designed to be forgiven once borrowers proved the money was used for certain business expenses , like payroll , rent and utilities .
That wouldn ’ t be necessary if loan forgiveness becomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forgiveness for all the small loans ?
… I think that ’ s something we should consider , ” Mnuchin said at a congressional hearing Friday , when asked how the process to forgive loans could be streamlined .
“ We should obviously make sure there is some fraud protection , ” he added .
It wasn ’ t clear what he meant by “ small loans , ” possibly those under $ 150,000 , which amount to 86 % of the number of loans granted , but only 26 % of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Two bank lobbying firms made the pitch last month to automatically forgive all PPP loans under $ 150,000 , Forbes reported .
Despite demands that all PPP loan recipients be identified , Mnuchin earlier this month only agreed to release information on businesses that received loans over $ 150,000 .
Without publicly releasing details on businesses receiving less than that amount , it would be impossible for the public to track compliance with the terms of the PPP .
Some recipients have been sharply criticized .
Records released by the Treasury Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a major restaurant and catering company — Union Square Hospitality Group — owned by Danny Meyer , the founder of Shake Shack , was given between $ 11 million and $ 27 million in PPP funds .
Initially , Shake Shack also received $ 10 million , but returned it after the loan was criticized in the media .
Wealthy lobbying and hedge fund operations , large chains , firms owned by foreign companies , federal lawmakers , and several companies with ties to President Donald Trump were also granted substantial loans .

LOADING ERROR LOADING
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin suggested Friday that taxpayer-funded COVID-19 business loans under a certain amount could be automatically forgiven without compliance checks.
That would likely mean an unprecedented $130 billion in loans under the Paycheck Protection Program would turn into grants to private businesses.
Advertisement
The PPP loans, which were part of a $2 trillion coronavirus relief act passed in March, were designed to be forgiven once borrowers proved the money was used for certain business expenses, like payroll, rent and utilities. That wouldn’t be necessary if loan forgiveness becomes automatic.
“Should we ... have forgiveness for all the small loans? … I think that’s something we should consider,” Mnuchin said at a congressional hearing Friday, when asked how the process to forgive loans could be streamlined.
“We should obviously make sure there is some fraud protection,” he added.
It wasn’t clear what he meant by “small loans,” possibly those under $150,000, which amount to 86% of the number of loans granted, but only 26% of the total amount paid out by the government. Two bank lobbying firms made the pitch last month to automatically forgive all PPP loans under $150,000, Forbes reported.
Despite demands that all PPP loan recipients be identified, Mnuchin earlier this month only agreed to release information on businesses that received loans over $150,000. Without publicly releasing details on businesses receiving less than that amount, it would be impossible for the public to track compliance with the terms of the PPP.
Advertisement
As of last month, the federal government had made 4.9 million loans, totaling $520 billion.
Some recipients have been sharply criticized. Records released by the Treasury Department and the Small Business Association revealed that a major restaurant and catering company — Union Square Hospitality Group — owned by Danny Meyer, the founder of Shake Shack, was given between $11 million and $27 million in PPP funds. Initially, Shake Shack also received $10 million, but returned it after the loan was criticized in the media.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Petition To Rename 'Bloody Sunday' Bridge For John Lewis Nabs Over 460,000 Signatures

More than 460,000 signatures appeared as of Sunday on an online petition that calls for putting the name of late Rep. John Lewis on the Selma , Alabama , bridge where police beat civil rights marchers bloody in 1965 .
Lewis , who died Friday after a months-long battle with pancreatic cancer , led hundreds of activists across the Edmund Pettus Bridge ― named for a Confederate general and Ku Klux Klan leader ― during a civil rights march on March 7 , 1965 .
Police charged at the marchers , beating them with clubs and firing tear gas at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as “ Bloody Sunday.
” The John Lewis Bridge Project , launched last month , seeks to rename the bridge that crosses the Alabama River after the civil rights icon and to remove “ other existing signs of the Confederacy.
” “ It ’ s far past time to rename the Edmund Pettus Bridge after Rep. John Lewis , a civil rights icon that nearly gave his life on that bridge , ” Michael Starr Hopkins , a political strategist who created the project , said in a statement .
“ Edmund Pettus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the honor bestowed upon him , ” Hopkins added .
“ As we wipe away this country ’ s long stain of bigotry , we must also wipe away the names of men like Edmund Pettus.
” As of Sunday afternoon , the online petition calling for the bridge ’ s renaming had garnered more than 460,000 signatures , which was more than 50,000 signatures higher than the previous day .
Several high-profile figures have signed the petition , including Ava DuVernay , who directed the 2014 film “ Selma , ” an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil rights marches in Alabama .
“ I think you ought to take a nice picture of that bridge with Pettus ’ name on it , put it in a museum somewhere dedicated to the Confederacy , and then rename that bridge and repaint it , redecorate it : the John R. Lewis Bridge , ” Clyburn said .
He added : “ Take his name off that bridge and replace it with a good man — John Lewis , the personification of the goodness of America — rather than to honor someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents — including civil rights activists — have voiced reluctance about changing the bridge ’ s name .
A resolution to rename the structure in 2015 was defeated in the Alabama House of Representatives , The New York Times reported .
“ As a daughter of Selma , I understand the complexities surrounding the renaming of the bridge , ” Rep. Terri Sewell ( D-Ala. ) told the Times .
“ And while I personally can think of no better name than that of John Lewis , I ultimately believe the Selma community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

LOADING ERROR LOADING
More than 460,000 signatures appeared as of Sunday on an online petition that calls for putting the name of late Rep. John Lewis on the Selma, Alabama, bridge where police beat civil rights marchers bloody in 1965.
Lewis, who died Friday after a months-long battle with pancreatic cancer, led hundreds of activists across the Edmund Pettus Bridge ― named for a Confederate general and Ku Klux Klan leader ― during a civil rights march on March 7, 1965. Police charged at the marchers, beating them with clubs and firing tear gas at them in an incident that became known as “Bloody Sunday.”
Advertisement
The John Lewis Bridge Project, launched last month, seeks to rename the bridge that crosses the Alabama River after the civil rights icon and to remove “other existing signs of the Confederacy.”
The death of Lewis —a Democrat who represented Georgia’s 5th Congressional District ― further ignited support for it.
Rep. John Lewis stands on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, in between television interviews on Feb. 14, 2015. Bill Clark via Getty Images
“It’s far past time to rename the Edmund Pettus Bridge after Rep. John Lewis, a civil rights icon that nearly gave his life on that bridge,” Michael Starr Hopkins, a political strategist who created the project, said in a statement.
Advertisement
“Edmund Pettus was a bitter racist, undeserving of the honor bestowed upon him,” Hopkins added. “As we wipe away this country’s long stain of bigotry, we must also wipe away the names of men like Edmund Pettus.”
As of Sunday afternoon, the online petition calling for the bridge’s renaming had garnered more than 460,000 signatures, which was more than 50,000 signatures higher than the previous day.
Several high-profile figures have signed the petition, including Ava DuVernay, who directed the 2014 film “Selma,” an Oscar-nominated historical drama that centered on the civil rights marches in Alabama.
Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.) echoed the call to rename the bridge in an interview with NBC’s “Meet the Press.”
“I think you ought to take a nice picture of that bridge with Pettus’ name on it, put it in a museum somewhere dedicated to the Confederacy, and then rename that bridge and repaint it, redecorate it: the John R. Lewis Bridge,” Clyburn said.
Advertisement
He added: “Take his name off that bridge and replace it with a good man — John Lewis, the personification of the goodness of America — rather than to honor someone who disrespected individual freedoms.”
Some Selma residents — including civil rights activists — have voiced reluctance about changing the bridge’s name. A resolution to rename the structure in 2015 was defeated in the Alabama House of Representatives, The New York Times reported.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Trump Continues To Oppose Renaming Military Bases Honoring Confederates

In an interview aired on Sunday , Donald Trump again expressed support for symbols honoring the Confederacy , and upheld a previous threat to cut critical funding authorized for the military if officials decide to rename bases that currently commemorate Confederate generals .
In recent weeks , as Trump has tried to shift America ’ s attention from a worsening pandemic and spiraling economy , he has amplified a bevy of white racial grievance issues .
His Sunday remarks are the latest in a string of full-throated appeals he has made to sympathizers of the Confederacy , which sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery during the Civil War .
During a Fox News interview , Trump didn ’ t back away from his threat to veto the National Defense Authorization Act if officials rename bases .
The NDAA is responsible for funding military expenses like pay raises and military operations .
In June , a Pentagon official said the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Army are both “ open ” to renaming the bases .
There are 10 Army bases named after Confederates : Fort Bragg in North Carolina ; Camp Beauregard and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Fort Gordon in Georgia ; Fort Rucker in Alabama ; Fort Hood in Texas ; and Fort A.P .
Hill , Fort Lee and Fort Pickett in Virginia .
Trump ’ s opposition to renaming these military bases puts him at odds with several members of his own party , including some who have more obvious ties to Confederate sympathizers .
Even Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) , who himself has been photographed with the Confederate flag , has said he is “ OK ” with renaming the bases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surpasses 140,00 coronavirus deaths , and the economy is shuddering under the weight of the pandemic , Trump has tried to conjure support for his 2020 campaign by inciting racist angst among white voters .
In particular , he has expressed outrage over bans on displaying the Confederate flag .
The Confederate flag stood for slavery and racist oppression , not “ the South ” as a general concept ― a fact made obvious by images of the flag being flown at white supremacist rallies in the American northeast and even at some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ When people proudly have their Confederate flags , they ’ re not talking about racism , ” Trump said .
“ They love their flag , it represents the South .
They like the South .
People right now like the South .
I say it ’ s freedom of many things , but it ’ s freedom of speech.
” '' When people proudly have their Confederate flags , they 're not talking about racism .
They love their flag .
It represents the south .
They like the south .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I say it 's freedom of , of , many things '' -- Trump pic.twitter.com/SBAWXJpLfB — Aaron Rupar ( @ atrupar ) July 19 , 2020

LOADING ERROR LOADING
In an interview aired on Sunday, Donald Trump again expressed support for symbols honoring the Confederacy, and upheld a previous threat to cut critical funding authorized for the military if officials decide to rename bases that currently commemorate Confederate generals.
In recent weeks, as Trump has tried to shift America’s attention from a worsening pandemic and spiraling economy, he has amplified a bevy of white racial grievance issues. His Sunday remarks are the latest in a string of full-throated appeals he has made to sympathizers of the Confederacy, which sought to secede from the U.S. and uphold legal slavery during the Civil War.
Advertisement
During a Fox News interview, Trump didn’t back away from his threat to veto the National Defense Authorization Act if officials rename bases. The NDAA is responsible for funding military expenses like pay raises and military operations. In June, a Pentagon official said the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Army are both “open” to renaming the bases.
“I don’t care what the military says,” Trump told host Chris Wallace on Sunday. “I’m supposed to make the decision.”
There are 10 Army bases named after Confederates: Fort Bragg in North Carolina; Camp Beauregard and Fort Polk in Louisiana; Fort Benning and Fort Gordon in Georgia; Fort Rucker in Alabama; Fort Hood in Texas; and Fort A.P. Hill, Fort Lee and Fort Pickett in Virginia.
“Fort Bragg was a big deal. We won two World Wars ― nobody even knows General Bragg ― we won two World Wars,” Trump told Wallace.
Advertisement
Braxton Bragg was a Confederate general who purchased and forced dozens of enslaved people to work on his sugar plantation.
“What are you gonna name it? You’re gonna name it after Al Sharpton?” Trump asked.
"I don't care what the military says" -- Trump dismisses military's support for renaming bases named after Confederate generals pic.twitter.com/ICGy2GTnXn — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) July 19, 2020
Trump’s opposition to renaming these military bases puts him at odds with several members of his own party, including some who have more obvious ties to Confederate sympathizers. Even Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), who himself has been photographed with the Confederate flag, has said he is “OK” with renaming the bases honoring Confederate generals.
As the country surpasses 140,00 coronavirus deaths, and the economy is shuddering under the weight of the pandemic, Trump has tried to conjure support for his 2020 campaign by inciting racist angst among white voters. In particular, he has expressed outrage over bans on displaying the Confederate flag.
The Pentagon on Friday effectively banned Confederate flags from being flown or honorably displayed at military institutions. (The ban doesn’t not specifically mention Confederate flags.)
Advertisement
The Confederate flag stood for slavery and racist oppression, not “the South” as a general concept ― a fact made obvious by images of the flag being flown at white supremacist rallies in the American northeast and even at some white supremacist rallies outside of the U.S.
On Sunday, Trump tried to dispute that fact.
“When people proudly have their Confederate flags, they’re not talking about racism,” Trump said. “They love their flag, it represents the South. They like the South. People right now like the South. I say it’s freedom of many things, but it’s freedom of speech.”


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--House Democrats Urge Probe Into Trump's Use Of Federal Officers To Quell Protests

House Democrats on Sunday sent a letter to the inspectors general of the Justice Department and Homeland Security Department requesting an investigation into the Trump administration ’ s use of federal law officers to suppress anti-racism protests .
In a letter to DOJ Inspector General Michael Horowitz and DHS Inspector General Joseph Cuffari , the leaders of three House committees ― Jerry Nadler of the Judiciary Committee ; Bennie Thompson of Homeland Security ; and Carolyn Maloney of Oversight ― said they were “ increasingly alarmed ” by the situation .
The departments have “ increasingly abused emergency authorities to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exercising their right to peaceful assembly , ” the Democrats wrote .
The letter comes amid weeks of nationwide protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25 .
Massive demonstrations demanding justice in Floyd ’ s case , as well as for the many other instances of police brutality , have erupted in every state .
Some cities have seen more than 50 consecutive days of protests .
President Donald Trump has condemned some of the protesters as “ anarchists ” and “ lowlifes ” and vowed last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engaging in civil unrest .
He also signed an executive order directing the Justice Department to prosecute anyone who damages a federal monument .
As anti-racism protests continued in Portland , Oregon , last week , federal law enforcement agents driving unmarked vans were recorded detaining people during late-night demonstrations .
The officers were seen in videos posted to social media dressed in green military fatigues with “ police ” patches but no agency affiliation on clear display .
“ The Administration ’ s insistence on deploying these forces over the objections of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tactics have little to do with public safety , but more to do with political gamesmanship , ” the House Democrats wrote in their letter Sunday .
By deploying these federal forces , Attorney General William Barr and acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf are suppressing First Amendment protected activities , according to the letter .
Trump on Sunday appeared to defend his administration ’ s decision to deploy federal officers to Portland , claiming the city ’ s leadership had “ lost control of the anarchists and agitators.
” “ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PEOPLE , ” the president tweeted .
“ These were not merely protesters , these are the real deal !
” The House Democrats said they supported the U.S. attorney for Oregon ’ s request to the DHS inspector general for an investigation into the incidents in Portland , but said their concerns stretch beyond the northwestern city .
In their letter , the House Democrats also pointed out that federal authorities used “ chemical agents ” and “ rubber bullets ” to disperse peaceful protesters outside the White House in June so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearby church .
“ This is a matter of utmost urgency , ” the House Democrats said in their letter .
“ Citizens are concerned that the Administration has deployed a secret police force , not to investigate crimes but to intimidate individuals it views as political adversaries , and that the use of these tactics will proliferate throughout the country .
”

LOADING ERROR LOADING
House Democrats on Sunday sent a letter to the inspectors general of the Justice Department and Homeland Security Department requesting an investigation into the Trump administration’s use of federal law officers to suppress anti-racism protests.
In a letter to DOJ Inspector General Michael Horowitz and DHS Inspector General Joseph Cuffari, the leaders of three House committees ― Jerry Nadler of the Judiciary Committee; Bennie Thompson of Homeland Security; and Carolyn Maloney of Oversight ― said they were “increasingly alarmed” by the situation.
Advertisement
The departments have “increasingly abused emergency authorities to justify the use of force against Americans exercising their right to peaceful assembly,” the Democrats wrote.
The letter comes amid weeks of nationwide protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25. Massive demonstrations demanding justice in Floyd’s case, as well as for the many other instances of police brutality, have erupted in every state. Some cities have seen more than 50 consecutive days of protests.
The protests have grown into a nationwide reckoning on racism, including forceful demands that monuments honoring the Confederacy be removed.
President Donald Trump has condemned some of the protesters as “anarchists” and “lowlifes” and vowed last month to use military force against those engaging in civil unrest. He also signed an executive order directing the Justice Department to prosecute anyone who damages a federal monument.
Advertisement
As anti-racism protests continued in Portland, Oregon, last week, federal law enforcement agents driving unmarked vans were recorded detaining people during late-night demonstrations. The officers were seen in videos posted to social media dressed in green military fatigues with “police” patches but no agency affiliation on clear display.
“The Administration’s insistence on deploying these forces over the objections of state and local authorities suggest that these tactics have little to do with public safety, but more to do with political gamesmanship,” the House Democrats wrote in their letter Sunday.
By deploying these federal forces, Attorney General William Barr and acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf are suppressing First Amendment protected activities, according to the letter.
HuffPost reached out to both inspectors general’s offices for comment, but did not immediately hear back.
Trump on Sunday appeared to defend his administration’s decision to deploy federal officers to Portland, claiming the city’s leadership had “lost control of the anarchists and agitators.”
Advertisement
“We must protect Federal property, AND OUR PEOPLE,” the president tweeted. “These were not merely protesters, these are the real deal!”
The House Democrats said they supported the U.S. attorney for Oregon’s request to the DHS inspector general for an investigation into the incidents in Portland, but said their concerns stretch beyond the northwestern city.
In their letter, the House Democrats also pointed out that federal authorities used “chemical agents” and “rubber bullets” to disperse peaceful protesters outside the White House in June so Trump could stage a photo-op at a nearby church.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Don't Blame Protesters For The Rise In Violent Crime

This Has Happened Before Policing Has Become More Aggressive Policing also has less measurable effects .
One of Bell ’ @ @ @ @ @ police on her when she was trying to get into her own apartment in New @ @ @ @ @ police arrived in minutes and asked her a series of condescending questions about what she @ @ @ @ @ knew anyone in the building .
They finally left when she demonstrated that her key @ @ @ @ @ Police Are Making Their Own Jobs Harder Policing Isn ’ t The Only Thing That @ @ @

Since the start of the protests ignited by the police killing of George Floyd in May, cities across the country have seen an alarming spike in violent crime. In New York, 64 people were shot over the Fourth of July weekend. Brooklyn’s Canarsie neighborhood had three drive-by shootings in a single day. In total, the recent shootings in New York City represent a 210% increase over the same time period in 2019.
Other cities are showing similar trends. In Dallas, violent crime has increased more than 14% since April. Philadelphia has already logged 210 homicides in 2020, the highest death toll since 2007.
Advertisement
Police and politicians have blamed protesters for the rise in violence.
“There is a feeling on the street that the police are handcuffed, that they are not out there as aggressively as we were in the past,” New York Police Department Chief Terence Monahan said on a local radio show this week. “All the rhetoric of ‘Defund the police,’ get rid of the police, abolish the police, that’s got to end. That has to stop”
President Donald Trump claimed this week that Chicago, where shootings have also increased, was “worse than any war zone” and that a “vicious assault” on police officers was to blame for the rise in crime.
But while the increase in crime is real, there is no evidence to suggest that the protests are to blame.
America is in the midst of three unprecedented events — a pandemic, a nationwide uprising over racial injustice and a collapsing economy — that affect crime in overlapping ways. Many of the cities with increases in violence in July had seen significant decreases over the previous three months. The current spike may simply mean that whatever grudges Americans held against each other, they managed to wait until now to carry them out.
Advertisement
Nor is the link between police activity and violent crime as straightforward as politicians make it out to be.
“People imagine that there’s a bunch of criminals out there and that without police, all those criminals would immediately start doing violence,” said Monica Bell, a Yale professor who studies segregation and policing. “But that doesn’t line up with what decades of social science teaches us about why people commit crime.”
This Has Happened Before
This is not the first time violent crime has spiked following protests against police brutality. After the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014 and the ensuing unrest, numerous cities recorded an uptick in violence and a decline in arrests.
Police named the phenomenon “The Ferguson Effect” and argued that protests against police violence had made law enforcement officers afraid to do their jobs. In response to the more cautious police forces, criminals had become more brazen in carrying out assaults and murders.
“We have allowed our police department to get fetal and it is having a direct consequence [on crime],” then-Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel said in 2015. “They don’t want to be a news story themselves, they don’t want their career ended early, and it’s having an impact.”
Advertisement
“Policing as it’s currently designed is doomed to failure. Most of the work is just shuffling people and problems around in a way that everyone within the system understands is completely broken.” - Michael Sierra-Arévalo, University of Texas at Austin sociologist
The difference now is that researchers know much more about this “effect” than they did five years ago. Though reports of crimes did indeed spike following the Ferguson protests, arrest rates had been declining for years. There was no evidence that the demonstrations had affected police behavior, nor that the smaller number of arrests had encouraged crime.
Richard Rosenfeld, a criminologist at the University of Missouri-St. Louis who co-wrote the definitive study on the effect, said that what really happened after the 2014 Ferguson protests was the opposite of what law enforcement officials and pundits hypothesized.
“Police weren’t pulling back from communities, communities were pulling back from police,” Rosenfeld said. In other words, no one wanted to call the police if they could help it, even if they were having a problem with another person.
Rosenfeld’s finding aligns with years of research showing that minority communities are becoming less likely to trust police departments. A 2017 study found that 75% of Blacks and Hispanics thought police treated them worse than whites. Another found that just 28% of minorities trusted police to respond to their concerns. Every time police commit a high-profile incident of violence, this distrust spikes even higher.
Advertisement
“The rise in crime in 2015 was about the deteriorating relationship between police and communities of color,” Rosenfeld said. “When trust in police falls, more people decide they don’t want to have anything to do with the police. That means that when disputes arise, they’re more likely to take matters into their own hands.”
SWAT officers in riot gear chase down police brutality protesters in St. Paul, Minnesota, in June 2017. The increasing aggressiveness and militarization of police has far-reaching consequences for their ability to solve crimes. Adam Bettcher/Reuters
Policing Has Become More Aggressive
The reasons why communities of color do not trust the police should be no mystery to anyone who has turned on a TV or read a newspaper in the past two months. Since the 1980s, the war on drugs, mass incarceration and increasing militarization have transformed urban police forces into occupying armies.
In a 2019 poll, Black Americans were three times more likely to report being afraid of police violence than were white Americans. And for good reason: In 2006, at the height of New York’s stop-and-frisk policy, 4 out of 5 Black adolescents said they had been stopped by the NYPD in the previous year — compared to just 1 in 10 whites.
And though reducing crime has been the ostensible goal of these harsh police tactics, it has not resulted in greater responsiveness when communities of color are victims of violence. Bell spent several years interviewing residents of low-income minority neighborhoods who told her that police were all around them in their daily lives but disappeared when they actually needed assistance.
Advertisement
“Black people in marginalized communities want accountability for violence,” Bell said. But when they were assaulted or had a loved one murdered, they struggled to get the police to pay attention.
“It’s not just that police don’t find the person who did it,” she said. “It might also be that everyone knows who did it but the police don’t seem to care. It starts to feel like Black lives are disposable.”
The combination of police surveillance and indifference in minority neighborhoods has a measurable toll. The stress of poverty and discrimination can have a “weathering” effect on the nervous system that contributes to cardiovascular and heart disease. Low-level criminal convictions cut off access to employment, public housing and welfare.
Policing also has less measurable effects. One of Bell’s neighbors once called the police on her when she was trying to get into her own apartment in New Haven, Connecticut. The police arrived in minutes and asked her a series of condescending questions about what she was doing and whether she knew anyone in the building. They finally left when she demonstrated that her key worked in the door.
“That happened 12 years ago, but it still shapes the way I move about the world and where I choose to live,” she said. “I don’t live near many of my colleagues because that’s not somewhere I feel comfortable. We understate the degree to which the avoidance of racism affects people’s life decisions — and the role of the police in enforcing that.”
Advertisement
“We worry about losing social order if we defund police departments because we think that’s what police provide. But they don’t. Social order comes from a much broader range of community resources like health, education and family support.” - Monica Bell, Yale University professor
Police Are Making Their Own Jobs Harder
Over the last three decades, violent crime in America has undergone two seismic shifts.
First, it has concentrated. Since 1991, violent crime has fallen by 51%. But it has not fallen everywhere: Roughly half of America’s murders now take place in cities that host just 25% of its population. And within those cities, homicides are more concentrated still — roughly one-quarter of killings take place in poor, inner-city neighborhoods that house just 1.5% of the country’s population.
Second, violent crime is now more likely to go unsolved. In 1961, police cleared 93% of homicides. By 2013, that figure had fallen to 63%. In some cities, police solve fewer than 1 in 5 homicides.
Both of these trends are intimately linked with the transformation of American law enforcement. Neighborhoods with high crime rates often have the most aggressive policing. From anti-gang units to stop-and-frisk policies to SWAT raids, police often target the populations most likely to be victims of crime as its assumed perpetrators.
This also explains why homicides are getting harder to solve. Despite myths peddled on shows like “CSI” and “Law & Order,” few homicide cases are solved through forensic evidence. Wendy Regoeczi, a criminologist at Cleveland State University, said that the best predictor of whether a killing gets solved is still whether witnesses come forward.
Advertisement
“The lion’s share of murders in America are between young men who get into a dispute over what from the outside looks like a relatively minor issue,” Regoeczi said. Most of these homicides should be relatively easy to solve. But in the neighborhoods where violent crime has concentrated, witnesses don’t want to come forward.
“I’ve read a lot of homicide files that took place in a bar and tons of people were around, but nobody saw anything,” Regoeczi said. “Police can say ’til they’re blue in the face, ‘We can protect you,’ but if people don’t have faith in those statements, they’re not going to say anything — and for good reason.”
This same lack of trust also affects which crimes get reported. In 2004, Milwaukee police viciously beat a Black man named Frank Jude on suspicion that he had stolen an officer’s badge. The following year, after the case gained national attention, researchers found that 911 calls in Milwaukee dropped more than 17%. And though the decline was minor and temporary in white neighborhoods, it lasted more than a year in Black neighborhoods.
The National Mother's March in St. Paul, Minnesota, on Sunday. Researchers have found that high-profile cases of police brutality can reduce the frequency of 911 calls, especially in Black neighborhoods. AMANDA SABGA/AFP via Getty Images
Policing Isn’t The Only Thing That Affects Crime Rates
Since 2014, Michael Sierra-Arévalo, a sociologist at the University of Texas at Austin, has spent more than 1,000 hours tagging along with patrol officers in three cities. In all that time, he said, he witnessed only a handful of calls that had anything to do with serious violence or high-level felonies.
Advertisement
“I went to far more petty disputes between neighbors and lovers than to calls where someone was seriously hurt,” Sierra-Arévalo said.
The vast majority of police work that he saw was what he described as “heart-wrenching bureaucracy” ― problems that resulted from a lack of services to deal with substance abuse, homelessness, poverty and mental illness.
Without the power to address the root causes of these problems, police tackled them with the only tool they had: handcuffs.
“Policing as it’s currently designed is doomed to failure,” Sierra-Arévalo said. “Most of the work is just shuffling people and problems around in a way that everyone within the system understands is completely broken.”
This is why factors like officer morale and arrest rates have relatively little effect on crime rates. The day-to-day activities of policing have little to do with solving or preventing crime.
Advertisement
“We worry about losing social order if we defund police departments because we think that’s what police provide,” Bell said. “But they don’t. Social order comes from a much broader range of community resources, like health, education and family support.”
This doesn’t mean that police have no effect on crime rates whatsoever. “Hotspot” policing — putting officers in the places where crimes are concentrated — reliably produces modest reductions in crime rates. Police in some cities have reduced homicides through “focused deterrence,” an approach that identifies the individuals most likely to be the perpetrators or victims of gun crime and offering services to break the cycle of violence.
But the effectiveness of these approaches doesn’t mean that other methods, with less participation by police, wouldn’t be more effective.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--How The Black Lives Matter Generation Remembers John Lewis

He was arrested alongside millennial activists pushing for comprehensive reform of U.S. immigration laws in 2013 .
He led a sit-in in the House of Representatives over gun control following a mass shooting at an LGBTQ nightclub in Orlando in 2016 .
And when he was not protesting , he was helping young people understand history , as when he cosplayed as his younger self at San Diego ’ s Comic-Con to celebrate the release of his Selma , Alabama-themed graphic novel series in 2015 .
For the Black Lives Matter generation , the connection to Lewis is deeper than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man , through clouds of teargas and a hail of billy clubs , Lewis nearly lost his life marching against segregation and for voting rights .
As a Georgia congressman , Lewis was generous with his time , taking meetings and sharing stages with activists who , from Sanford , Florida , to Ferguson , Missouri , Baltimore to Minneapolis , also withstood teargas — as well as rubber bullets , pepper spray and arrests — in their own protests against racism .
“ I remember sitting on the other side of President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty historic , multigenerational civil rights meeting , and understanding the optical placement of the generations in that moment .
And I just kept thinking to myself , do not let John Lewis down .
… I was finally able to thank him , face to face , eye to eye , for treading the path my generation was now walking .
… With kindness in his eyes and determination in his voice , he reminded me that the road to freedom is never easy — and that ’ s precisely why we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You ’ ll have setbacks , ’ he told me .
‘ Keep going .
Be consistent .
You will get there.
’ ” “ I think the first time I ever met him was at ( Congressional Black Caucus Foundation ) , the legislative forum that they have every year .
This is kind of after Dream Defenders had taken over the Capitol of Florida , and there was a big buzz about our little fledgling group at that time .
I didn ’ t think that he would know who I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was .
… And I remember him coming and speaking to me and saying how proud he was , looking at the things that we had done in Florida.
” “ The first time I was introduced to Congressman Lewis was through ( the 1990 PBS docuseries ) ‘ Eyes on the Prize.
’ And I was like , ‘ Oh , that ’ s me.
’ He was a young , radical Black man who was challenging not just the status quo in government , but also the older leadership in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by him .
… What I witnessed significantly in ‘ Eyes on the Prize ’ was police terror and police brutality , and the way that it was used against the ( Edmund ) Pettus Bridge protesters … who were brutalized fighting for a more equitable America , for Black people in particular .
And so , we fast forward to 2020 , when we have been in the streets , and the same tactics of the police being used against us as a way to deter us from fighting for Black freedom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congressman Lewis .
... That is a deeply moving commitment to Black people.
” “ I had the opportunity to staff ( former Democratic presidential candidate ) Sen. Elizabeth Warren , when we did the Edmund Pettus Bridge crossing , the Sunday before Super Tuesday , when I was working on her campaign .
And ( Lewis ) came .
It was like he was literally passing the torch to everyone who was there .
... That symbol of him coming from his sick bed , all the way to Selma was just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually getting emotional thinking about that .
… He was so intentional and persistent about ensuring that people who are fighting know that they have his support and his admiration .
He talked about how he admires how young people are showing up now.
” “ I ’ ve been thinking about how important John Lewis ’ life has been and will continue to be for weeks .
And this moment still feels so freaking unfair .
...
I remember the stories and encouragement .
The never-wavering mandate .
… I will remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our optimism isn ’ t futile .
That building a global neighborhood and a building beloved community are similar but not the same .
… That ’ s the legacy .
That ’ s the work .
I ’ m so grateful , in this sea of grief , for such a divine human who loved us so deeply.
” “ Looking at his work and his story , if I can even do half of that with my life then I ’ d consider it a worthy contribution .
And it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is about saying , ‘ I ’ m going to be in this for my entire life.
’ I ’ m in this thing .
Not for fame , not for glory .
He could have done something else .
His legacy is one of making a lifetime commitment to Black people.
” “ In 2000 , I was 12 years old and , like most children that age , struggling to comprehend the possibilities of who I could become .
… He asked me if I liked school and what I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grown up .
I told him I didn ’ t know , but that I liked to write and that I liked Black history , but didn ’ t think there was much I could do outside of being a professor .
He took my hand and looked me square in the eye and said that loving my people and being a storyteller were not small things ; but that they were powerful .
… Congressman John Lewis encouraged me to see the power in stories about our people and our fight for @ @ @

LOADING ERROR LOADING
Of all the ways that John Lewis influenced American life and politics, his indelible impact on young people may be among the most enduring. From student activist to elder statesman, Lewis continually encouraged the nation’s youth to start “good trouble” — and modeled just how to do that.
He was arrested alongside millennial activists pushing for comprehensive reform of U.S. immigration laws in 2013. He led a sit-in in the House of Representatives over gun control following a mass shooting at an LGBTQ nightclub in Orlando in 2016. And when he was not protesting, he was helping young people understand history, as when he cosplayed as his younger self at San Diego’s Comic-Con to celebrate the release of his Selma, Alabama-themed graphic novel series in 2015.
Advertisement
Congressman John Lewis speaks during a campaign rally for Democratic Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton at Reverend Samuel Delevoe Memorial Park on November 1, 2016 in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. (Credit: mpi04/MediaPunch /IPX) mpi04/MediaPunch/MediaPunch/IPx
Lewis, the Black civil rights icon who some called the “conscience of Congress,” died Friday.
In one of his last public appearances, he posed for a picture in June, standing on the Black Lives Matter Plaza mural painted just outside of the White House amid nationwide protests over the death of George Floyd.
For the Black Lives Matter generation, the connection to Lewis is deeper than many may realize. As a young man, through clouds of teargas and a hail of billy clubs, Lewis nearly lost his life marching against segregation and for voting rights. As a Georgia congressman, Lewis was generous with his time, taking meetings and sharing stages with activists who, from Sanford, Florida, to Ferguson, Missouri, Baltimore to Minneapolis, also withstood teargas — as well as rubber bullets, pepper spray and arrests — in their own protests against racism.
“He didn’t have to stand with us, he chose to,” Malkia Devich Cyril, the founder and senior fellow of MediaJustice, which advocates for open and democratic media and technology platforms, told The Associated Press. “That’s real leadership.”
Advertisement
In this June 7, 2020 photo provided by the Executive Office of District of Columbia Mayor Muriel Bowser, John Lewis looks over a section of 16th Street that's been renamed Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington. The Washington Monument and the White House are visible in the distance. (Khalid Naji-Allah/Executive Office of the Mayor via AP) ASSOCIATED PRESS
In exclusive interviews with the AP, prominent organizers from the Black Lives Matter movement reflected on Lewis’ example and his kinship with their generation:
BRITTANY PACKNETT CUNNINGHAM, Ferguson activist and educator:
“I remember sitting on the other side of President Obama from (Lewis) at this pretty historic, multigenerational civil rights meeting, and understanding the optical placement of the generations in that moment. And I just kept thinking to myself, do not let John Lewis down. … I was finally able to thank him, face to face, eye to eye, for treading the path my generation was now walking. … With kindness in his eyes and determination in his voice, he reminded me that the road to freedom is never easy — and that’s precisely why we have to keep taking it. ‘You’ll have setbacks,’ he told me. ‘Keep going. Be consistent. You will get there.’”
PHILLIP AGNEW, co-founder of the Dream Defenders, a police and prison abolition group, and organizer in the Movement for Black Lives:
“I think the first time I ever met him was at (Congressional Black Caucus Foundation), the legislative forum that they have every year. This is kind of after Dream Defenders had taken over the Capitol of Florida, and there was a big buzz about our little fledgling group at that time. I didn’t think that he would know who I was — I absolutely knew who he was. … And I remember him coming and speaking to me and saying how proud he was, looking at the things that we had done in Florida.”
Advertisement
PATRISSE CULLORS, co-founder of Black Lives Matter and its global network of chapters:
“The first time I was introduced to Congressman Lewis was through (the 1990 PBS docuseries) ‘Eyes on the Prize.’ And I was like, ‘Oh, that’s me.’ He was a young, radical Black man who was challenging not just the status quo in government, but also the older leadership in the movement. And I felt really moved by him. … What I witnessed significantly in ‘Eyes on the Prize’ was police terror and police brutality, and the way that it was used against the (Edmund) Pettus Bridge protesters … who were brutalized fighting for a more equitable America, for Black people in particular. And so, we fast forward to 2020, when we have been in the streets, and the same tactics of the police being used against us as a way to deter us from fighting for Black freedom. And yet, that never deterred Congressman Lewis. ... That is a deeply moving commitment to Black people.”
ALENCIA JOHNSON, political strategist and movement organizer:
“I had the opportunity to staff (former Democratic presidential candidate) Sen. Elizabeth Warren, when we did the Edmund Pettus Bridge crossing, the Sunday before Super Tuesday, when I was working on her campaign. And (Lewis) came. It was like he was literally passing the torch to everyone who was there. ... That symbol of him coming from his sick bed, all the way to Selma was just so, wow, I’m actually getting emotional thinking about that. … He was so intentional and persistent about ensuring that people who are fighting know that they have his support and his admiration. He talked about how he admires how young people are showing up now.”
ASH-LEE WOODARD HENDERSON, co-executive director of the Highlander Center for Research and Education, a social justice leadership training school:
“I’ve been thinking about how important John Lewis’ life has been and will continue to be for weeks. And this moment still feels so freaking unfair. ... I remember the stories and encouragement. The never-wavering mandate. … I will remember a man who reminded us all that our optimism isn’t futile. That building a global neighborhood and a building beloved community are similar but not the same. … That’s the legacy. That’s the work. I’m so grateful, in this sea of grief, for such a divine human who loved us so deeply.”
Advertisement
CHARLENE CARRUTHERS, founding national director of BYP100, a Black youth organizing group, and Movement for Black Lives organizer:
“Looking at his work and his story, if I can even do half of that with my life then I’d consider it a worthy contribution. And it’s not about being perfect. But it is about saying, ‘I’m going to be in this for my entire life.’ I’m in this thing. Not for fame, not for glory. He could have done something else. His legacy is one of making a lifetime commitment to Black people.”
CHELSEA FULLER, spokesperson for the Movement for Black Lives and deputy communications director for Blackbird, which supports grassroots movements:
“In 2000, I was 12 years old and, like most children that age, struggling to comprehend the possibilities of who I could become. … He asked me if I liked school and what I wanted to do when I was all grown up. I told him I didn’t know, but that I liked to write and that I liked Black history, but didn’t think there was much I could do outside of being a professor. He took my hand and looked me square in the eye and said that loving my people and being a storyteller were not small things; but that they were powerful. … Congressman John Lewis encouraged me to see the power in stories about our people and our fight for freedom.”
___
Morrison is a member of the AP’s Race and Ethnicity team. Follow him on Twitter at https://www.twitter.com/aaronlmorrison.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-18--Pro-Trump Video 'Had To Fall' After Linkin Park Song Copyright Complaints

A pro-Donald Trump video that he retweeted on Saturday was removed after complaints that a cover of the Linkin Park song “ In The End ” was used without the artists ’ permission .
The soundtrack of the video was a version of the song by Fleurie , Jung Youth and Tommee Profitt ; it begins quietly and ominously , with flashes of Democrats cast in grayscale color filters .
Then the energy of the song picks up , and the video shows clips of Trump rallies , factories , fighter jets and the president at the Lincoln Memorial .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and posted on Twitter , The New York Post reported .
The song was first released in 2002 by Linkin Park .
The band ’ s late frontman , Chester Bennington , often attacked the president , declaring in 2017 that “ Trump is a greater threat to the USA than terrorism.
” You can still see the video here : The tweet originally sharing the video now reads , “ This media has been disabled in response to a report by the copyright owner.
” Jung Youth blasted Trump ’ s use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video ” in a tweet Saturday , saying “ Everyone who knows me know I stand firmly against bigotry and racism.
” He thanked everyone on Twitter who “ helped get the video taken down.
” Earlier today I found out that trump illegally used a cover song that I am part of in a propaganda video which he tweeted ... anyone who knows me knows I stand firmly against bigotry and racism .
Much love to everyone in the twitter community who helped get the video taken down fr !
!
— @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19 , 2020 Linkin Park fans also expressed anger that the song was being used to promote Trump .
@ realdonaldtrump hey , nice copyright infringement with the linkin park song .
also i ’ d like to let you know that chester fucking hated you and the band hates you .
pic.twitter.com/c2DL9dzAbd — a BLM ( @ hamsIut ) July 18 , 2020

A pro-Donald Trump video that he retweeted on Saturday was removed after complaints that a cover of the Linkin Park song “In The End” was used without the artists’ permission.
The soundtrack of the video was a version of the song by Fleurie, Jung Youth and Tommee Profitt; it begins quietly and ominously, with flashes of Democrats cast in grayscale color filters. Then the energy of the song picks up, and the video shows clips of Trump rallies, factories, fighter jets and the president at the Lincoln Memorial. It was apparently made by Trump supporters and posted on Twitter, The New York Post reported.
The song was first released in 2002 by Linkin Park. The band’s late frontman, Chester Bennington, often attacked the president, declaring in 2017 that “Trump is a greater threat to the USA than terrorism.”
Advertisement
You can still see the video here:
The tweet originally sharing the video now reads, “This media has been disabled in response to a report by the copyright owner.”
Jung Youth blasted Trump’s use of the song for his “propaganda video” in a tweet Saturday, saying “Everyone who knows me know I stand firmly against bigotry and racism.”
He thanked everyone on Twitter who “helped get the video taken down.”
Earlier today I found out that trump illegally used a cover song that I am part of in a propaganda video which he tweeted...anyone who knows me knows I stand firmly against bigotry and racism. Much love to everyone in the twitter community who helped get the video taken down fr!! — JUNG YOUTH (@JUNGYOUTHmusic) July 19, 2020
Advertisement
Fuck trump!!!! Def do not approve this usage of my music just FYI — JUNG YOUTH (@JUNGYOUTHmusic) July 18, 2020
Linkin Park fans also expressed anger that the song was being used to promote Trump.
@realdonaldtrump hey, nice copyright infringement with the linkin park song. also i’d like to let you know that chester fucking hated you and the band hates you. pic.twitter.com/c2DL9dzAbd — a BLM (@hamsIut) July 18, 2020


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-20--I'm An Angry Disabled Woman. Here's What I Want You To Know About Inaccessibility.

Recently , I was in the grocery store , minding my own business , when I heard , “ Daddy , what ’ s wrong with her legs ?
” I looked to the right and saw a young boy with a now-embarrassed father , who quickly shushed his son .
The dad made eye contact with me , trying to relay his remorse through his furrowed brow .
I stepped in , as I have been trained to do , before he could verbally apologize for his son .
“ It ’ s no problem , I am in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a disability.
” The father ’ s shoulders sagged in relief .
He introduced his son and I am cued to teach the boy about disability etiquette .
I know how to have these conversations because I have been having them for as long as I can remember .
Let ’ s ask the disabled student about disability !
What is it ?
Why do you have it ?
I ’ m so sorry !
Wow , your wheelchair sure does look fun !
I was born with a neuromuscular disability ( similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used adaptive equipment my entire life and began using a motorized wheelchair full time in elementary school .
I have always faced obstacles surrounding accessibility and inclusion , which , from a young age , has led me to deal with overwhelming anxiety .
Now , I am a 19-year-old undergraduate student and I can see that my mental health is intrinsically linked to my disability .
There is no way to separate the two .
I learned very early on that able-bodied people know it is rude to ask extremely personal questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect me to divulge personal information at their request .
People feel emboldened to ask me personal questions as if we know each other .
Throughout my life , this has always confused me .
What is it about me that makes perfect strangers feel comfortable asking me about my body ?
Do they think that just because I am in a public space I am open to public inquiry ?
Sometimes when I am strolling through Safeway , I feel as though I am a guest on a late-night talk show : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For my entire life , anger has been a part of my essential self .
I lose all ability to walk on my own : angry .
I have to be separated by my class to use the elevator : angry .
I can not share a limo with my friends at prom : angry .
I am a complex and multidimensional person who , along with being very positive , is also mad a lot of the time .
Some of this anger streams from the interactions that I have either in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me while I am running errands , to say hello or ask how I am .
These strangers check in on me as though I am not equipped to take care of myself .
Even people I know , give me patronizing comments with suggestions on my writing or approving pats on the back for sharing my story .
As I have aged and the impact that my disability plays in my life has expanded , I have been taught to suppress my urge to scream and throw things ; I know that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because rage is scary .
I have always wondered : If inaccessibility enrages me , why can ’ t I be mad ?
Marginalized communities are historically chastised when they react to oppression with fury .
When trans people fought against police brutality at Stonewall , it was seen as a riot rather than a protest ; when women fight for the right to regulate their own bodies , they are accused of behaving irrationally ; when BIPOC protest against racial injustice , white supremacy and police brutality they are seen as overreacting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities have been demonized for expressing their anger , as though their feelings of rage are unjustified .
People are most comfortable with me when I am not talking about the injustices that I face within a world that is not built around the needs of the disabled community .
Society prefers I talk about how I overcame my obstacles and how they , too , can be resilient like me !
When I am smiling and happy , I am the perfect role model , the disabled woman they allow to participate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as a way to give back to the less fortunate .
While anger is only a small portion of who I am , it is a part of me that I have been careful to suppress out of fear of further rejection .
Motivated by the discomfort expressed around me when I am angry , I have spent years reprogramming my emotions , reverting to sadness instead of rage .
Melancholy is something that I can control , something that I bring upon myself rather than anger brought on by the actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when I was a sophomore in high school , I was invited to a birthday party .
The host of the party showed me images of her front steps , assuring me that I would be able to get in with one of my portable ramps .
I was convinced this plan would work despite the fact that I had been let down so many times in similar situations .
And so I dressed up , put on makeup , asked my sister for advice on my outfit , excited for this high @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on .
When I got to the party , I saw that the staircase to her home was too steep for the two-foot ramp she told me to bring .
I was again met with crushing disappointment .
I turned around and went home as my friends made their way into the house , spending the night neurotically checking social media to see what I was missing .
I was furious , at my friends for going to the party without me , at the host for getting my hopes up , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I wanted to hold onto my fury , to go home and throw my things across the room , to break dishware , to scream and cry and yell at those who had wronged me , to curse the world that constantly worked against me .
Instead , I went home and spent the night crying .
When living with a disability , coping is one of the first things you learn .
In order to survive , you have to learn how to accept things and move on .
My sister moves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not wheelchair-accessible ; OK , I ’ ll get a hotel .
I have to make my high school class schedule around the accessibility of classrooms ; OK , I will find new classes .
I can not see a movie because the theater is not accessible ; OK , I will watch a different movie .
I can not go into this bookstore because it does not have a ramp ; OK , I will shop online .
The aisle at the store is too small for my wheelchair ; OK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not go on the school field trip because the destination is not accessible ; OK , I will stay home .
Rage has a funny way of feeding into itself , growing bigger and stronger as you give into it .
If I have a well-deserved tantrum , I find that I have lost even more control over myself than I had before , and what was perhaps supposed to liberate me has instead done just the opposite .
The internal battle that I am forced to fight ultimately leads to a feeling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a cycle that I am very familiar with , one that I have participated in too many times .
I do not want to live a life fueled by frustration and pain , but I also believe that I should not feel shunned by society for my rage .
I saw my first therapist at the age of 10 to handle the aggression I felt and to have a safe space where I did not feel ashamed of my fury .
I know now that I am allowed to be angry .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me will go away is when the injustice around me does not ignite it .
I am still furious at the world and at my body for betraying me , but I have had to find a way to live with this anger .
The only solution that I have personally found for this anguish is to fight .
I fight to be seen as a person in the classroom , I write about my pain and the mistreatment I receive because of my disability and I educate myself and others on what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can live in an equitable society .
I have implicitly been doing this my whole life , advocating for my needs and explaining my disability to those around me .
However , it was not until I made my first short film in 2016 about disability and sexuality that I felt the power of my rage .
I had taken my anger and frustration and created a piece of art I was proud of , a film that was loud and unapologetic , that illustrated how utterly misunderstood I felt .
I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I felt strong and seen .

The author in an illustration. Illustrated by Reyna Colt-Lacayo
Recently, I was in the grocery store, minding my own business, when I heard, “Daddy, what’s wrong with her legs?” I looked to the right and saw a young boy with a now-embarrassed father, who quickly shushed his son. The dad made eye contact with me, trying to relay his remorse through his furrowed brow. I stepped in, as I have been trained to do, before he could verbally apologize for his son. “It’s no problem, I am in a wheelchair because I was born with a disability.” The father’s shoulders sagged in relief. He introduced his son and I am cued to teach the boy about disability etiquette.
I know how to have these conversations because I have been having them for as long as I can remember. Let’s ask the disabled student about disability! What is it? Why do you have it? I’m so sorry! Wow, your wheelchair sure does look fun! I was born with a neuromuscular disability (similar to Muscular Dystrophy). I have used adaptive equipment my entire life and began using a motorized wheelchair full time in elementary school. I have always faced obstacles surrounding accessibility and inclusion, which, from a young age, has led me to deal with overwhelming anxiety. Now, I am a 19-year-old undergraduate student and I can see that my mental health is intrinsically linked to my disability. There is no way to separate the two.
Advertisement
I learned very early on that able-bodied people know it is rude to ask extremely personal questions to other able-bodied people, yet they expect me to divulge personal information at their request. People feel emboldened to ask me personal questions as if we know each other. Throughout my life, this has always confused me. What is it about me that makes perfect strangers feel comfortable asking me about my body? Do they think that just because I am in a public space I am open to public inquiry? Sometimes when I am strolling through Safeway, I feel as though I am a guest on a late-night talk show: No question is off the table.
I often feel that the easiest and fastest way to exit these conversions is to give people the details and explanations they want. What is the alternative? I tell this young boy that his question is inappropriate and he moves forward in life seeing disabled people as rude or intolerable? Instead, I play the role of resilient neighborhood role model, always up for inspiring those around me and offering insightful metaphors for life’s obstacles before returning to my actual life
“I have always faced obstacles surrounding accessibility and inclusion, which, from a young age, has led me to deal with overwhelming anxiety.”
When people talk about me, they tend to mention how happy and friendly I am, how they are comforted by my approachability and welcomed by my easy-going nature. While I think these things are true, I also understand that under the layers that disguise me is a rage I struggle to come to terms with.
Advertisement
For my entire life, anger has been a part of my essential self. I lose all ability to walk on my own: angry. I have to be separated by my class to use the elevator: angry. I cannot share a limo with my friends at prom: angry. I am a complex and multidimensional person who, along with being very positive, is also mad a lot of the time. Some of this anger streams from the interactions that I have either in person or online.
People commonly stop me while I am running errands, to say hello or ask how I am. These strangers check in on me as though I am not equipped to take care of myself. Even people I know, give me patronizing comments with suggestions on my writing or approving pats on the back for sharing my story. As I have aged and the impact that my disability plays in my life has expanded, I have been taught to suppress my urge to scream and throw things; I know that is not what others want from me because rage is scary. I have always wondered: If inaccessibility enrages me, why can’t I be mad?
Marginalized communities are historically chastised when they react to oppression with fury. When trans people fought against police brutality at Stonewall, it was seen as a riot rather than a protest; when women fight for the right to regulate their own bodies, they are accused of behaving irrationally; when BIPOC protest against racial injustice, white supremacy and police brutality they are seen as overreacting. Time and time again, marginalized communities have been demonized for expressing their anger, as though their feelings of rage are unjustified.
“As I have aged and the impact that my disability plays in my life has expanded, I have been taught to suppress my urge to scream and throw things; I know that is not what others want from me because rage is scary.”
People are most comfortable with me when I am not talking about the injustices that I face within a world that is not built around the needs of the disabled community. Society prefers I talk about how I overcame my obstacles and how they, too, can be resilient like me! When I am smiling and happy, I am the perfect role model, the disabled woman they allow to participate out of the goodness of their hearts, as a way to give back to the less fortunate.
Advertisement
While anger is only a small portion of who I am, it is a part of me that I have been careful to suppress out of fear of further rejection. Motivated by the discomfort expressed around me when I am angry, I have spent years reprogramming my emotions, reverting to sadness instead of rage. Melancholy is something that I can control, something that I bring upon myself rather than anger brought on by the actions or inactions of others.
I remember when I was a sophomore in high school, I was invited to a birthday party. The host of the party showed me images of her front steps, assuring me that I would be able to get in with one of my portable ramps. I was convinced this plan would work despite the fact that I had been let down so many times in similar situations. And so I dressed up, put on makeup, asked my sister for advice on my outfit, excited for this high school experience that I often missed out on.
When I got to the party, I saw that the staircase to her home was too steep for the two-foot ramp she told me to bring. I was again met with crushing disappointment. I turned around and went home as my friends made their way into the house, spending the night neurotically checking social media to see what I was missing. I was furious, at my friends for going to the party without me, at the host for getting my hopes up, and at myself for being so naive. I wanted to hold onto my fury, to go home and throw my things across the room, to break dishware, to scream and cry and yell at those who had wronged me, to curse the world that constantly worked against me. Instead, I went home and spent the night crying.
“When living with a disability, coping is one of the first things you learn. In order to survive, you have to learn how to accept things and move on.”
When living with a disability, coping is one of the first things you learn. In order to survive, you have to learn how to accept things and move on. My sister moves into her first apartment, but it is not wheelchair-accessible; OK, I’ll get a hotel. I have to make my high school class schedule around the accessibility of classrooms; OK, I will find new classes. I cannot see a movie because the theater is not accessible; OK, I will watch a different movie. I cannot go into this bookstore because it does not have a ramp; OK, I will shop online. The aisle at the store is too small for my wheelchair; OK, I will leave. I cannot go on the school field trip because the destination is not accessible; OK, I will stay home.
Advertisement
If I allowed myself to be angry, I would be furious all the time. Every day I am shown a new example of inaccessibility ― physical or systemic ― and no matter how hard I try to ignore it, the ignorance around disability will always infuriate me. I should not have to cope with injustice. I have worked for years to find a role that anger can play in a healthy lifestyle.
Rage has a funny way of feeding into itself, growing bigger and stronger as you give into it. If I have a well-deserved tantrum, I find that I have lost even more control over myself than I had before, and what was perhaps supposed to liberate me has instead done just the opposite. The internal battle that I am forced to fight ultimately leads to a feeling of weakness and depression. This is a cycle that I am very familiar with, one that I have participated in too many times.
I do not want to live a life fueled by frustration and pain, but I also believe that I should not feel shunned by society for my rage. I saw my first therapist at the age of 10 to handle the aggression I felt and to have a safe space where I did not feel ashamed of my fury. I know now that I am allowed to be angry. The only way that the blazing fire within me will go away is when the injustice around me does not ignite it. I am still furious at the world and at my body for betraying me, but I have had to find a way to live with this anger.
“I fight to be seen as a person in the classroom, I write about my pain and the mistreatment I receive because of my disability and I educate myself and others on what needs to be done so that we can live in an equitable society.”
The only solution that I have personally found for this anguish is to fight. I fight to be seen as a person in the classroom, I write about my pain and the mistreatment I receive because of my disability and I educate myself and others on what needs to be done so that we can live in an equitable society. I have implicitly been doing this my whole life, advocating for my needs and explaining my disability to those around me. However, it was not until I made my first short film in 2016 about disability and sexuality that I felt the power of my rage. I had taken my anger and frustration and created a piece of art I was proud of, a film that was loud and unapologetic, that illustrated how utterly misunderstood I felt. I was met with discomfort and shy glances but I felt strong and seen.
Advertisement
Rebelling against the stereotype that I have conformed to for so much of my life has allowed me to live. I no longer have to hold onto these feelings of rage and let them simmer inside me, instead I embrace my fury and do something with it.
It felt as though I was taking off my costume as the role model and embracing a new position, I was getting the opportunity for the first time in my life to be my true self, anger and all. This inner awakening gave me the courage to push back against the expectations others have of me, even if that means making them uncomfortable. I look forward to the day that I am no longer held to this standard.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-20--Atlanta Mayor Slams Governor For Trying To Gag Her On Face Mask Mandate

Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms ( D ) lashed out at Georgia Gov .
Brian Kemp ( R ) for trying to block her order requiring face masks , and for attempting to silence her complaints .
Too many have “ sacrificed ... for me to be silent , ” the mayor wrote on Instagram over the weekend .
Kemp is suing the mayor and Atlanta ’ s city council to block the state ’ s largest city from enforcing its local mandate to wear a face mask in public and other regulations aimed at reducing the spread of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mayor overstepped her authority , and that it should be up to the governor to “ manage the public health emergency ” in the state where cases are soaring .
Kemp last week voided orders in Atlanta and more than a dozen other localities , claiming they had no power to impose restrictions .
Bottoms is defying him .
The mayor posted a page from Kemp ’ s lawsuit on Instagram , highlighting a portion that seeks to “ restrain Mayor Bottoms from issuing press releases , or making statements to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency health orders .
Bottoms , who has tested positive for COVID-19 , defiantly announced at a video news conference the day Kemp filed his lawsuit that Atlanta ’ s face mask requirement remained in effect .
“ A better use of taxpayer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing ” the mayor said .
“ If being sued by the state is what it takes to save lives in Atlanta , then we will see them in court.
” 3104 Georgians have died and I and my family are amongst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 .
Meanwhile , I have been sued by @ GovKemp for a mask mandate .
A better use of tax payer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing .
# ATLStrong pic.twitter.com/z4hpTrCS1B — Keisha Lance Bottoms ( @ KeishaBottoms ) July 16 , 2020

LOADING ERROR LOADING
Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms (D) lashed out at Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) for trying to block her order requiring face masks, and for attempting to silence her complaints.
Too many have “sacrificed ... for me to be silent,” the mayor wrote on Instagram over the weekend.
Kemp is suing the mayor and Atlanta’s city council to block the state’s largest city from enforcing its local mandate to wear a face mask in public and other regulations aimed at reducing the spread of COVID-19.
Advertisement
Kemp’s lawsuit argues that the mayor overstepped her authority, and that it should be up to the governor to “manage the public health emergency” in the state where cases are soaring.
Kemp last week voided orders in Atlanta and more than a dozen other localities, claiming they had no power to impose restrictions.
Bottoms is defying him. The mayor posted a page from Kemp’s lawsuit on Instagram, highlighting a portion that seeks to “restrain Mayor Bottoms from issuing press releases, or making statements to the press” about her authority to impose emergency health orders.
Advertisement
Bottoms, who has tested positive for COVID-19, defiantly announced at a video news conference the day Kemp filed his lawsuit that Atlanta’s face mask requirement remained in effect.
“A better use of taxpayer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing” the mayor said. “If being sued by the state is what it takes to save lives in Atlanta, then we will see them in court.”
3104 Georgians have died and I and my family are amongst the 106k who have tested positive for COVID-19. Meanwhile, I have been sued by @GovKemp for a mask mandate. A better use of tax payer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing. #ATLStrong pic.twitter.com/z4hpTrCS1B — Keisha Lance Bottoms (@KeishaBottoms) July 16, 2020


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Colorado Gov. Calls National COVID-19 Testing A 'Disgrace' As Trump Fights Increased Funding

The governor levied the harsh criticism against the president after reports that President Donald Trump is battling increased funding for testing and tracking coronavirus cases .
Sources have told The Washington Post that the administration is trying to block billions of dollars in an upcoming coronavirus relief bill to help states carry out testing and tracing — and extra aid for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
“ The national testing scene is a complete disgrace , ” Polis told Chuck Todd on NBC ’ s “ Meet the Press.
” He complained of delays by national private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to nine days .
That means they ’ re “ almost useless from an epidemiological or even diagnostic perspective , ” added Polis , who has mandated face masks in his state .
“ Our country needs to get testing right .
We ’ re trying to build that capacity in Colorado to process tests with [ a ] one- to two-day turnaround , ” he said .
Colorado ’ s state lab is currently conducting up to 3,000 tests a day — and more with the help of in-state private lab partners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 40,000 cases of COVID-19 , with some 1,600 deaths attributed to the disease .
The governor ’ s assessment of testing was supported Sunday by the director of the National Institutes of Health .
“ The average test delay is too long , ” Dr. Francis Collins said on “ Meet the Press.
” That “ really undercuts the value of the testing because you do the testing to find out who ’ s carrying the virus — and then quickly get them isolated so they don ’ t spread it around.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who wants a test can get one , but there are long waits to get tested , followed by result delays .
The president also has criticized testing , falsely claiming it “ creates ” more cases of COVID-19 .
In pool testing , blood samples from up to individuals are combined and tested .
If the test comes up negative , none of those tested have COVID-19 .
If the test is positive , each sample must be retested separately .
Currently , more than half of all states are failing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a New York Times report .

Colorado Gov. Jared Polis (D) on Sunday called the national COVID-19 testing system a “complete disgrace” that is “practically useless.”
The governor levied the harsh criticism against the president after reports that President Donald Trump is battling increased funding for testing and tracking coronavirus cases.
Sources have told The Washington Post that the administration is trying to block billions of dollars in an upcoming coronavirus relief bill to help states carry out testing and tracing — and extra aid for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Advertisement
“The national testing scene is a complete disgrace,” Polis told Chuck Todd on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” He complained of delays by national private labs, saying results typically take seven to nine days. That means they’re “almost useless from an epidemiological or even diagnostic perspective,” added Polis, who has mandated face masks in his state.
“Our country needs to get testing right. We’re trying to build that capacity in Colorado to process tests with [a] one- to two-day turnaround,” he said.
Colorado’s state lab is currently conducting up to 3,000 tests a day — and more with the help of in-state private lab partners, Polis said. Colorado has more than 40,000 cases of COVID-19, with some 1,600 deaths attributed to the disease.
The governor’s assessment of testing was supported Sunday by the director of the National Institutes of Health.
Advertisement
“The average test delay is too long,” Dr. Francis Collins said on “Meet the Press.” That “really undercuts the value of the testing because you do the testing to find out who’s carrying the virus — and then quickly get them isolated so they don’t spread it around.”
Trump has repeatedly insisted that everyone who wants a test can get one, but there are long waits to get tested, followed by result delays.
The president also has criticized testing, falsely claiming it “creates” more cases of COVID-19.
The Food and Drug Administration on Saturday approved “pool testing” by private lab Quest Diagnostics to boost testing capability.
In pool testing, blood samples from up to individuals are combined and tested. If the test comes up negative, none of those tested have COVID-19. If the test is positive, each sample must be retested separately.
Currently, more than half of all states are failing to hit their testing targets, according to a New York Times report.
Advertisement


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Federal Judge’s Husband Shot, Son Killed By Gunman Reportedly Dressed As FedEx Driver

Two family members of a federal judge were shot at their home in New Jersey on Sunday by an unknown assailant , officials said .
A gunman arrived at the home of Judge Esther Salas in North Brunswick , New Jersey , around 5 p.m. , NBC New York reported .
The person shot Salas ’ 20-year-old son , Daniel Anderl , when he answered the door and then shot her husband multiple times before fleeing .
Salas was reportedly in the basement at the time of the shooting and was not injured .
Salas ’ son was killed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Judge Freda Wolfson told CNN and the Associated Press .
Her husband , Mark Anderl , is reportedly in stable condition after undergoing surgery .
The suspect has not been apprehended , but investigators told the outlet the person may have been dressed as a FedEx driver .
“ The FBI is investigating a shooting that occurred at the home of Judge Esther Salas in North Brunswick Township , New Jersey , earlier this evening , ” the FBI told HuffPost in a statement , noting investigators were looking for one suspect .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ state and local partners and will provide additional updates when available.
” Salas , 51 , has been a judge on the U.S. District Court for New Jersey in Newark for nine years and is the first Hispanic woman to serve on the federal bench in the state .
She was appointed by former President Barack Obama and confirmed in 2011 .
The judge has presided over several high-profile cases , most recently the trial of Teresa Giudice , a former star on “ The Real Housewives of New Jersey.
” Last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filed against Deutsche Bank .
A group of investors has claimed the banking giant failed to flag questionable transactions made by “ high-risk ” customers , including the disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein .
Epstein , a convicted sex offender , died last August while awaiting trial over sex-trafficking charges .
“ My prayers are with Judge Salas and her family , and that those responsible for this horrendous act are swiftly apprehended and brought to justice , ” New Jersey Sen. Bob Menendez ( D ) told AP on Sunday night .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Service , which is charged with the protection of federal judges but typically does not guard judges around the clock absent a specific threat , said it was investigating the shooting late Sunday .
“ The U.S .
Marshals Service is aware of the tragic incident involving Esther Salas , United States District Judge for the District of New Jersey , and her family and is currently investigating .
The U.S .
Marshals Service is responsible for the protection of federal judicial officials and we take that responsibility very seriously.
” “ As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to time , but everyone is saying that recently there had not been any , ” Womack told ABC News .
“ He loves to talk about his wife , and he loves to brag about his son and how his son would excel in baseball , ” Womack said .
“ I ’ m just very sorry to see him going through this.
” In the 2019 fiscal year , the U.S .
Marshals Service reported 4,449 threats or inappropriate communications to those they protect , up from just 926 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said it opened 373 predicated protective investigations , the most serious kind of inquiry , in 2019 .

LOADING ERROR LOADING
Two family members of a federal judge were shot at their home in New Jersey on Sunday, officials said. The gunman is believed to have died by suicide, according to multiple media reports.
The gunman arrived at the home of Judge Esther Salas in North Brunswick, New Jersey, around 5 p.m., NBC New York reported. The person shot Salas’ 20-year-old son, Daniel Anderl, when he answered the door and then shot her husband multiple times before fleeing. Salas was reportedly in the basement at the time of the shooting and was not injured.
Advertisement
Salas’ son was killed in the shooting, Chief U.S. District Judge Freda Wolfson told CNN and the Associated Press. Her husband, Mark Anderl, is reportedly in stable condition after undergoing surgery.
A municipal employee discovered the suspect’s body in a car in Rockland, New York, which is located about 100 miles northwest of New York City.
Investigators identified the suspect, who died of an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound, as Manhattan lawyer Roy Den Hollander, reported ABC News and The Daily Beast. Hollander, a self-described anti-feminist, argued a case before Salas in 2015.
Investigators said the gunman may have been dressed as a FedEx driver when he opened fire at Salas’ home. The intended target of the attack was not immediately clear. Mark Anderl, 63, is a criminal defense attorney.
Advertisement
The FBI and U.S. Marshals Service, which is charged with the protection of federal judges but typically does not guard judges around the clock absent a specific threat, are investigating the shooting.
Judge Salas and her family are in our thoughts at this time as they cope with this senseless act. https://t.co/3mOYBSd6TA — Governor Phil Murphy (@GovMurphy) July 20, 2020
Salas, 51, has been a judge on the U.S. District Court for New Jersey in Newark for nine years and is the first Hispanic woman to serve on the federal bench in the state. She was appointed by former President Barack Obama and confirmed in 2011.
The judge has presided over several high-profile cases, most recently the trial of Teresa Giudice, a former star on “The Real Housewives of New Jersey.”
Last week, Salas was assigned to a lawsuit filed against Deutsche Bank. A group of investors has claimed the banking giant failed to flag questionable transactions made by “high-risk” customers, including the disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein. Epstein, a convicted sex offender, died last August while awaiting trial over sex-trafficking charges.
Advertisement
“My prayers are with Judge Salas and her family, and that those responsible for this horrendous act are swiftly apprehended and brought to justice,” New Jersey Sen. Bob Menendez (D) told AP on Sunday night.
Daniel Anderl was a student at Catholic University in Washington, D.C. He was planning to attend law school, according to The Bridgewater Courier News.
North Brunswick Mayor Mac Womack said Mark Anderl, whom he described as a “100% pleasant person,” frequently bragged about his son.
“He loves to talk about his wife, and he loves to brag about his son and how his son would excel in baseball,” Womack said. “I’m just very sorry to see him going through this.”
Womack said Salas had received threats in the past.
“As a judge, she had threats from time to time, but everyone is saying that recently there had not been any,” Womack told ABC News.
Advertisement
In the 2019 fiscal year, the U.S. Marshals Service reported 4,449 threats or inappropriate communications to those they protect, up from just 926 in 2015. The U.S. Marshals Service said it opened 373 predicated protective investigations, the most serious kind of inquiry, in 2019.


thehuffingtonpost--2020-07-19--Trump Prepping To Dispatch Federal Squads To More Democratic Cities, Warns Mark Meadows

The Trump administration is preparing to roll out a plan this week to send military-style federal assault squads already in Portland , Oregon , into other cities , warned White House chief of staff Mark Meadows , who only named locations with Democratic mayors .
“ You ’ ll see something rolled out this week , as we start to go in and make sure that the communities — whether it ’ s Chicago or Portland or Milwaukee or someplace across the heartland — we need to make sure their communities are safe , ” he added .
President Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely target cities run by the party that opposes him .
He said on “ Fox News Sunday ” that “ violence ” was on the increase in “ Democrat-run cities.
” Meadows doubled down on what he claimed was the need for a federal crackdown in the face of a wall of criticism .
Federal officers in military-style fatigues with no identification began roving downtown Portland in unmarked vans last week , snatching people off the streets .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-Calif. ) blasted the squads Friday as “ stormtroopers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ellen Rosenblum filed suit in U.S. District Court on Friday , seeking an injunction to stop the uninvited squads ’ “ kidnap and false arrest ” of citizens .
It said the U.S. action violated constitutional protections against illegal search and seizure and loss of liberty .
The American Civil Liberties Union also sued DHS and the U.S .
Marshals Service , and U.S. lawmakers have called for an investigation .
The ACLU characterized the federal action in Portland as a constitutional crisis .
DHS head Wolf has railed about “ violent anarchists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he lists on the DHS website consist mainly of “ graffiti ” and damaged fences .
He tweeted selfies during a recent Portland visit posing with graffiti .
As justification for the assault on Portland , federal authorities have cited a June 26 executive order by Trump directing them to protect federal monuments and buildings .
Oregon Gov .
Kate Brown ( D ) has called the federal crackdown “ political theater ” to provoke violence as part of a desperate reelection bid by Trump to distract from his disastrous coronavirus response .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ clip of Meadows with a message that the president stands against “ radical mobs.
” Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler told NPR Sunday that the protest situation had been quieting — until the federal squads moved in and “ blew the lid off the whole thing.
” He said city and state officials tried to reason with Wolf , but were told to “ stuff it.
” With the federal squads , “ they won ’ t even identify who they are , ” Wheeler said .
“ We don ’ t know why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t know the circumstances under which they ’ re making arrests .
We don ’ t know what their policies are or what accountability mechanisms ” they follow , he added .

LOADING ERROR LOADING
The Trump administration is preparing to roll out a plan this week to send military-style federal assault squads already in Portland, Oregon, into other cities, warned White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, who only named locations with Democratic mayors.
Advertisement
“You’ll see something rolled out this week, as we start to go in and make sure that the communities — whether it’s Chicago or Portland or Milwaukee or someplace across the heartland — we need to make sure their communities are safe,” he added.
All three cities named are run by Democrats.
President Donald Trump also indicated that federal squads would likely target cities run by the party that opposes him. He said on “Fox News Sunday” that “violence” was on the increase in “Democrat-run cities.”
“They are liberally run, they are stupidly run,” the president added.
Meadows doubled down on what he claimed was the need for a federal crackdown in the face of a wall of criticism. Federal officers in military-style fatigues with no identification began roving downtown Portland in unmarked vans last week, snatching people off the streets. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) blasted the squads Friday as “stormtroopers ... kidnapping protesters.”
Unidentified stormtroopers. Unmarked cars. Kidnapping protesters and causing severe injuries in response to graffiti.
These are not the actions of a democratic republic.@DHSgov’s actions in Portland undermine its mission.
Trump & his stormtroopers must be stopped. — Nancy Pelosi (@SpeakerPelosi) July 18, 2020
Advertisement
Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum filed suit in U.S. District Court on Friday, seeking an injunction to stop the uninvited squads’ “kidnap and false arrest” of citizens. It said the U.S. action violated constitutional protections against illegal search and seizure and loss of liberty.
The American Civil Liberties Union also sued DHS and the U.S. Marshals Service, and U.S. lawmakers have called for an investigation. The ACLU characterized the federal action in Portland as a constitutional crisis.
DHS head Wolf has railed about “violent anarchists” in Portland, yet the concerns he lists on the DHS website consist mainly of “graffiti” and damaged fences. He tweeted selfies during a recent Portland visit posing with graffiti.
Chad Wolf on what "violent anarchists" are up to in Portland, Oregon. Screen Shot/DHS website
As justification for the assault on Portland, federal authorities have cited a June 26 executive order by Trump directing them to protect federal monuments and buildings.
Advertisement
Oregon Gov. Kate Brown (D) has called the federal crackdown “political theater” to provoke violence as part of a desperate reelection bid by Trump to distract from his disastrous coronavirus response. The Trump campaign retweeted a Fox News clip of Meadows with a message that the president stands against “radical mobs.”
Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler told NPR Sunday that the protest situation had been quieting — until the federal squads moved in and “blew the lid off the whole thing.” He said city and state officials tried to reason with Wolf, but were told to “stuff it.”
With the federal squads, “they won’t even identify who they are,” Wheeler said. “We don’t know why they’re here. We don’t know the circumstances under which they’re making arrests. We don’t know what their policies are or what accountability mechanisms” they follow, he added.
Federal police strike protester with baton, use pepper spray and tear gas outside courthouse in Portland pic.twitter.com/VX2xTVaaYq — Zane Sparling (@PDXzane) July 19, 2020