dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-30--Connecticut should raise profile of Big East women's basketball

Having covered women 's basketball in the Big East for years , I know how competitive and talented the league is .
DePaul , under legendary coach Doug Bruno , has consistently been one of the country 's top teams .
The profiles of Marquette , Creighton and Butler have been on a steady rise .
St. John 's , Seton Hall and Villanova are always tough .
But coaches in the league have long believed the Big East often gets overlooked in the national polls , and by the NCAA Tournament selection committee for top seeds .
That 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Big East from 1982 to 2013 before a realignment forced its move to the American Athletic Conference for the last seven years .
The Huskies have won a record 11 NCAA national championships and 50 conference titles , including 19 in the Big East .
Connecticut is widely considered the best women 's program of all time .
`` It 's absolutely going to lift us , '' Bruno said of Connecticut 's return .
`` But this Big East , since the realignment , has been as tough as the old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ league . ''
Better for fans .
Better for reputation .
Better for raising the bar from top to bottom .
`` We were a strong conference without ( Connecticut ) .
We were top six ( in RPI ) in the country .
Now you add UConn .
Why ca n't we be the best conference in the nation ? ''
Xavier coach Melanie Moore said .
`` They just make all of us better , and they make us a deeper conference in the end . ''
Big East commissioner Val @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's coach Geno Auriemma when she was named the first president of the WNBA in the late 1990s .
She has marveled at the program 's dominance and cultlike following ever since .
She 's excited to see how Connecticut 's presence will elevate the league 's standing .
`` I do n't know if UConn is the icing on the cake or maybe part of the cake , '' Ackerman said .
`` I think they will lift the profile of the league , create a higher standard of excellence for our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leader-like position as we look to have the women 's game grow . ''
With no football , and men 's and women 's basketball as its marquee sports , the Big East , Auriemma says , is tailor-made for big gains in the women 's game .
`` A lot of other places , do n't get me wrong , they just do n't care about women 's basketball .
I do n't care what the ADs say , I do n't care what the presidents say , I 've seen it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I truly believe in this conference basketball is a passion of the ADs , of the presidents .
It 's the DNA of the schools in this league .
It 's why it 's so great to be in this league . ''
Looking ahead : Connecticut was picked by Big East coaches as the favorite to win the league , while DePaul was picked to finish second .
The Blue Demons dominated the Big East and won five league titles while Connecticut was in the American Athletic Conference the last seven years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portion of its 2020-'21 schedule .
DePaul is at Villanova Dec. 4 .
Connecticut plays its first Big East game Dec. 6 at Seton Hall .
Looking ahead , II : Northern Illinois , Loyola , Bradley and Illinois State have released part or all of their schedules .
NIU hosts Ohio Dec. 30 , Bradley hosts Drake and Illinois State hosts Northern Iowa Dec. 31 and Loyola is at Valparaiso Jan. 2 .
No schedules yet for Northwestern , Illinois and UIC .

Connecticut should raise profile of Big East women's basketball
Team USA Assistant head coach Doug Bruno, left, speaks with head coach Geno Auriemma during the second half of the USA's 99-72 victory over the WNBA All-Stars in their basketball game in Uncasville, Conn., on Saturday, July 10, 2010.
Having covered women's basketball in the Big East for years, I know how competitive and talented the league is.
DePaul, under legendary coach Doug Bruno, has consistently been one of the country's top teams. The profiles of Marquette, Creighton and Butler have been on a steady rise. St. John's, Seton Hall and Villanova are always tough.
But coaches in the league have long believed the Big East often gets overlooked in the national polls, and by the NCAA Tournament selection committee for top seeds.
That's about to change.
Connecticut is back.
It was in the Big East from 1982 to 2013 before a realignment forced its move to the American Athletic Conference for the last seven years.
The Huskies have won a record 11 NCAA national championships and 50 conference titles, including 19 in the Big East. Connecticut is widely considered the best women's program of all time.
"It's absolutely going to lift us," Bruno said of Connecticut's return. "But this Big East, since the realignment, has been as tough as the old Big East. It's a great league."
Better for fans. Better for reputation. Better for raising the bar from top to bottom.
"We were a strong conference without (Connecticut). We were top six (in RPI) in the country. Now you add UConn. Why can't we be the best conference in the nation?" Xavier coach Melanie Moore said. "They just make all of us better, and they make us a deeper conference in the end."
Big East commissioner Val Ackerman says she first met Connecticut women's coach Geno Auriemma when she was named the first president of the WNBA in the late 1990s. She has marveled at the program's dominance and cultlike following ever since. She's excited to see how Connecticut's presence will elevate the league's standing.
"I don't know if UConn is the icing on the cake or maybe part of the cake," Ackerman said. "I think they will lift the profile of the league, create a higher standard of excellence for our schools and generally help us maintain a leader-like position as we look to have the women's game grow."
With no football, and men's and women's basketball as its marquee sports, the Big East, Auriemma says, is tailor-made for big gains in the women's game.
"A lot of other places, don't get me wrong, they just don't care about women's basketball. I don't care what the ADs say, I don't care what the presidents say, I've seen it firsthand," Auriemma said. "I truly believe in this conference basketball is a passion of the ADs, of the presidents. It's the DNA of the schools in this league. It's why it's so great to be in this league."
Looking ahead: Connecticut was picked by Big East coaches as the favorite to win the league, while DePaul was picked to finish second.
The Blue Demons dominated the Big East and won five league titles while Connecticut was in the American Athletic Conference the last seven years.
The Big East released the first portion of its 2020-'21 schedule. DePaul is at Villanova Dec. 4. Connecticut plays its first Big East game Dec. 6 at Seton Hall.
Looking ahead, II: Northern Illinois, Loyola, Bradley and Illinois State have released part or all of their schedules.
NIU hosts Ohio Dec. 30, Bradley hosts Drake and Illinois State hosts Northern Iowa Dec. 31 and Loyola is at Valparaiso Jan. 2.
No schedules yet for Northwestern, Illinois and UIC.
• Twitter: @babcockmcgraw


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--Kyle Rittenhouse extradited to Wisconsin after judge's ruling; records show friend bought rifle for

Antioch teen Kyle Rittenhouse , who has been charged with fatally shooting two men and wounding a third during civil unrest in Kenosha , was moved to Wisconsin Friday after a Lake County judge 's ruling cleared the way for his extradition .
Also , records released Friday show an 18-year-old friend , at Rittenhouse 's request in April , bought the assault rifle Rittenhouse used in the shooting because Rittenhouse was n't old enough to legally buy the rifle himself .
Minutes after the judge 's ruling was published Friday , the 17-year-old was driven by Lake County sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where he was officially transferred to Kenosha County authorities at 3:45 p.m. , according to Sgt .
Christopher Covelli , Lake County sheriff 's spokesman .
Lake County Judge Paul Novak shared his ruling in a six-page document Friday afternoon after an in-person morning hearing attended by Rittenhouse at the Waukegan courthouse .
Novak disagreed with the argument from Rittenhouse 's lawyers , who said their client should be freed because of an issue with the extradition paperwork .
Rittenhouse attorney John Pierce said Friday morning there was not sufficient evidence that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the crimes , was sworn to before a magistrate as required by law .
`` For today , this Illinois child must go free , '' Pierce argued .
Novak disagreed , writing in his opinion that even if the court were to find the complaint was not made before a magistrate , the argument made by Rittenhouse 's lawyers would fail because of another document provided by prosecutors , an affidavit of probable cause that `` clearly satisfies all the requirements . ''
Pierce vowed on Twitter to keep fighting for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kyle will be set free and cleared of all charges , '' Pierce tweeted .
`` He is grateful to you all and asks for your continued prayers .
God Bless Kyle Rittenhouse and the USA . ''
Pierce said he would be filing an appeal of the judge 's ruling .
Rittenhouse appeared at the hearing in dress clothes and a gray face mask .
He faces first-degree intentional homicide , first-degree reckless homicide , attempted first-degree intentional homicide and other charges in the deaths of Joseph Rosenbaum and Anthony Huber @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The shootings took place Aug. 25 , two days after Kenosha police shot Jacob Blake , 29 , in the back .
Authorities say Rittenhouse shot and killed Rosenbaum , 36 , of Kenosha , after Rosenbaum threw a plastic bag at Rittenhouse , missing him , and then tried to wrestle his rifle away .
Cellphone video captured Rittenhouse saying , `` I just killed somebody . ''
Prosecutors ' complaint indicated someone in the crowd said `` beat him up '' and another yelled , `` Get him !
Get that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , while on the ground , Huber , 26 , of Silver Lake , hit him with a skateboard and tried to take his rifle .
Rittenhouse opened fire , killing Huber and wounding Grosskreutz , of West Allis , who was holding a handgun .
During an earlier hearing , Pierce argued his client acted in self-defense while exercising his right to bear arms .
Police records made public Friday and obtained by The Washington Post , among other media , show Rittenhouse used an assault rifle that an 18-year-old friend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released police records contain details of Rittenhouse 's surrender as well as of statements he gave to police .
He grew emotional in the lobby of the police station , saying he had `` ended a man 's life , '' according to the records .
`` I shot two White kids , '' the records quote him as saying in the lobby .
Rittenhouse and the friend who bought him the gun each told police they had been hired by a local business owner to provide security that night , the Post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel filed a lawsuit seeking them .
The Washington Post obtained them through a public records request .
The friend sometimes stays with his stepfather in Kenosha , the records say .
During a camping trip to Ladysmith in northern Wisconsin in April , Rittenhouse gave the friend money for the gun at a local hardware store , they say .
The records say the friend , who drove Rittenhouse home after the shootings with the gun in the trunk of his car , told Antioch police that Rittenhouse kept the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ house in Kenosha .
The friend told police he regretted that he did not stop Rittenhouse from taking it out on Aug. 25 .
`` ( The friend ) stated after the shooting he spoke with Kyle and told Kyle that he believed he was going to be in more trouble than Kyle , '' the records say .
`` He told Kyle that he ( Kyle ) was defending himself and said he told Kyle , 'In all reality , you are not supposed to have that gun .
That gun was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend has not been charged , Lake County State 's Attorney Mike Nerheim said on Oct. 13 only that the rifle was `` purchased , stored and used '' in Wisconsin .
An Antioch police investigation found no evidence that Rittenhouse possessed the AR-15 in Illinois before the Aug. 25 shootings , Nerheim 's office said .
But Antioch Chief Geoffrey Guttschow did said his officers took possession of the rifle and another gun the morning of Aug. 26 from a vehicle belonging to an adult acquaintance of Rittenhouse that was parked near @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hearing Friday , Pierce drew an objection from prosecutors when he said he believed the case against his client was a political prosecution from high-ranking politicians in Illinois and Wisconsin .
Nerheim expressed support for Novak 's ruling and said his office believed as the judge did that the extradition paperwork was in order .
`` We were confident all along that it fit the requirements of the statute , '' Nerheim said .
Clyde McLemore , the founder of the Lake County chapter of Black Lives Matter , led a crowd of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Waukegan courthouse Friday morning to support Rittenhouse 's extradition .
Rittenhouse had been held without bail at the Minard E. Hulse Juvenile Detention Center near Vernon Hills .
If convicted of the most serious charges , he could spend the rest of his life in prison .
`` Now Rittenhouse can go to Kenosha and face these charges , '' Nerheim said .
`` And we can go on with our business in Lake County . ''

Kyle Rittenhouse extradited to Wisconsin after judge's ruling; records show friend bought rifle for him
Kyle Rittenhouse's mother Wendy Rittenhouse stands up after an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. Associated Press
Kyle Rittenhouse, left, listens to defense attorney John Pierce during an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. Associated Press
Kyle Rittenhouse appears for an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday, in Waukegan. Associated Press
Defense Attorney John Pierce speaks during an extradition hearing for Kyle Rittenhouse in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. Associated Press
Kyle Rittenhouse appears for an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. Associated Press
Kyle Rittenhouse sits while listening during an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. Rittenhouse is accused of killing two protesters days after Jacob Blake was shot by police in Kenosha, Wis. Associated Press
Antioch teen Kyle Rittenhouse, who has been charged with fatally shooting two men and wounding a third during civil unrest in Kenosha, was moved to Wisconsin Friday after a Lake County judge's ruling cleared the way for his extradition.
Also, records released Friday show an 18-year-old friend, at Rittenhouse's request in April, bought the assault rifle Rittenhouse used in the shooting because Rittenhouse wasn't old enough to legally buy the rifle himself.
Minutes after the judge's ruling was published Friday, the 17-year-old was driven by Lake County sheriff's deputies to the Wisconsin border, where he was officially transferred to Kenosha County authorities at 3:45 p.m., according to Sgt. Christopher Covelli, Lake County sheriff's spokesman.
Lake County Judge Paul Novak shared his ruling in a six-page document Friday afternoon after an in-person morning hearing attended by Rittenhouse at the Waukegan courthouse.
Novak disagreed with the argument from Rittenhouse's lawyers, who said their client should be freed because of an issue with the extradition paperwork.
Rittenhouse attorney John Pierce said Friday morning there was not sufficient evidence that the criminal complaint document, which charges Rittenhouse with the crimes, was sworn to before a magistrate as required by law.
"For today, this Illinois child must go free," Pierce argued.
Defense Attorney John Pierce, right, speaks as Kyle Rittenhouse, left, listens during an extradition hearing in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. - Associated Press
Novak disagreed, writing in his opinion that even if the court were to find the complaint was not made before a magistrate, the argument made by Rittenhouse's lawyers would fail because of another document provided by prosecutors, an affidavit of probable cause that "clearly satisfies all the requirements."
Pierce vowed on Twitter to keep fighting for Rittenhouse.
"We will never surrender. Kyle will be set free and cleared of all charges," Pierce tweeted. "He is grateful to you all and asks for your continued prayers. God Bless Kyle Rittenhouse and the USA."
Lake County Judge Paul Novak listens to defense attorney John Pierce during an extradition hearing for Kyle Rittenhouse in Lake County court Friday in Waukegan. - Associated Press
Pierce said he would be filing an appeal of the judge's ruling.
Rittenhouse appeared at the hearing in dress clothes and a gray face mask. He faces first-degree intentional homicide, first-degree reckless homicide, attempted first-degree intentional homicide and other charges in the deaths of Joseph Rosenbaum and Anthony Huber and the wounding of Gaige Grosskreutz. The shootings took place Aug. 25, two days after Kenosha police shot Jacob Blake, 29, in the back.
Authorities say Rittenhouse shot and killed Rosenbaum, 36, of Kenosha, after Rosenbaum threw a plastic bag at Rittenhouse, missing him, and then tried to wrestle his rifle away.
Cellphone video captured Rittenhouse saying, "I just killed somebody." Prosecutors' complaint indicated someone in the crowd said "beat him up" and another yelled, "Get him! Get that dude!"
Kyle Rittenhouse, left, will be extradited to Wisconsin, a judge ruled Friday. The Antioch 17-year-old is charged with fatally shooting two men and wounding a third on Aug. 25 during civil unrest after the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha. - Adam Rogan/The Journal Times via AP
Video shows Rittenhouse tripped and, while on the ground, Huber, 26, of Silver Lake, hit him with a skateboard and tried to take his rifle. Rittenhouse opened fire, killing Huber and wounding Grosskreutz, of West Allis, who was holding a handgun.
During an earlier hearing, Pierce argued his client acted in self-defense while exercising his right to bear arms.
Friend bought rifle
Police records made public Friday and obtained by The Washington Post, among other media, show Rittenhouse used an assault rifle that an 18-year-old friend had bought for him.
The newly released police records contain details of Rittenhouse's surrender as well as of statements he gave to police. He grew emotional in the lobby of the police station, saying he had "ended a man's life," according to the records.
"I shot two White kids," the records quote him as saying in the lobby.
Rittenhouse and the friend who bought him the gun each told police they had been hired by a local business owner to provide security that night, the Post reported. The records were released after the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel filed a lawsuit seeking them. The Washington Post obtained them through a public records request.
The friend sometimes stays with his stepfather in Kenosha, the records say. During a camping trip to Ladysmith in northern Wisconsin in April, Rittenhouse gave the friend money for the gun at a local hardware store, they say.
The records say the friend, who drove Rittenhouse home after the shootings with the gun in the trunk of his car, told Antioch police that Rittenhouse kept the gun at the friend's stepfather's house in Kenosha.
The friend told police he regretted that he did not stop Rittenhouse from taking it out on Aug. 25.
"(The friend) stated after the shooting he spoke with Kyle and told Kyle that he believed he was going to be in more trouble than Kyle," the records say. "He told Kyle that he (Kyle) was defending himself and said he told Kyle, 'In all reality, you are not supposed to have that gun. That gun was in my name.'" The friend has not been charged,
Lake County State's Attorney Mike Nerheim said on Oct. 13 only that the rifle was "purchased, stored and used" in Wisconsin. An Antioch police investigation found no evidence that Rittenhouse possessed the AR-15 in Illinois before the Aug. 25 shootings, Nerheim's office said. But Antioch Chief Geoffrey Guttschow did said his officers took possession of the rifle and another gun the morning of Aug. 26 from a vehicle belonging to an adult acquaintance of Rittenhouse that was parked near the 17-year-old's home.
Politics and a protest
At the hearing Friday, Pierce drew an objection from prosecutors when he said he believed the case against his client was a political prosecution from high-ranking politicians in Illinois and Wisconsin.
Nerheim expressed support for Novak's ruling and said his office believed as the judge did that the extradition paperwork was in order.
"We were confident all along that it fit the requirements of the statute," Nerheim said.
Clyde McLemore, the founder of the Lake County chapter of Black Lives Matter, led a crowd of about 30 people at a protest outside the Waukegan courthouse Friday morning to support Rittenhouse's extradition.
Rittenhouse had been held without bail at the Minard E. Hulse Juvenile Detention Center near Vernon Hills. If convicted of the most serious charges, he could spend the rest of his life in prison.
"Now Rittenhouse can go to Kenosha and face these charges," Nerheim said. "And we can go on with our business in Lake County."
• Daily Herald news services contributed to this report.


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--Chinese manufacturing expands in October but at slower pace

BEIJING -- China 's manufacturing activity expanded in October for the eighth straight month , though at a slightly slower @ @ @ @ @ the National Bureau of Statistics said Saturday .
The Purchasing Managers Index stood at 51.4 @ @ @ @ @ previous month , the agency announced .
A reading above 50 in the monthly survey @ @ @ @ @ The economy has gradually recovered since the index plunged to 35.7 in February during the @ @ @ @ @ in China .
The world 's second largest economy grew 4.9 % in the three @ @ @ @ @ the second straight quarter of growth .
Manufacturing employment remained in negative territory with a @ @ @ @ @ decline from 49.6 in September .
China has struggled to get people back to work @ @ @ @ @ largely receded at home .

Chinese manufacturing expands in October but at slower pace
A woman wearing a mask labors in a garment factory in Donghai county in east China's Jiangsu province Tuesday, Oct. 27, 2020. China's manufacturing activity expanded in October for the eighth straight month, though at a slightly slower rate than in September, the National Bureau of Statistics said Saturday, Oct. 31, 2020. (Chinatopix Via AP) Associated Press
New cars wait to be transported from a port Yantai in east China's Shandong province Wednesday, Oct. 21, 2020. China's manufacturing activity expanded in October for the eighth straight month, though at a slightly slower rate than in September, the National Bureau of Statistics said Saturday, Oct. 31, 2020. (Chinatopix Via AP) CHINA OUT Associated Press
BEIJING -- China's manufacturing activity expanded in October for the eighth straight month, though at a slightly slower rate than in September, the National Bureau of Statistics said Saturday.
The Purchasing Managers' Index stood at 51.4, down from 51.5 the previous month, the agency announced. A reading above 50 in the monthly survey of companies indicates expansion.
The economy has gradually recovered since the index plunged to 35.7 in February during the peak of the coronavirus outbreak in China. The world's second largest economy grew 4.9% in the three months ending Sept. 30, the second straight quarter of growth after a contraction of 6.8% from January to March.
Manufacturing employment, after a brief bounce-back in March and April, fell for the sixth straight month with a reading of 49.3, a decline from 49.6 from September. China has struggled to get people back to work even as the pandemic has largely receded at home.
The recovery has helped large manufacturers more than smaller ones, which fell into negative territory in October, dropping 0.7 to 49.4.
Zhao Qinghe, a senior statistician at the National Bureau of Statistics, said that some companies reported that the resurgence of the epidemic overseas had delayed imports of raw materials and increased the transport costs.
The bureau also reported that the Purchasing Managers' Index for non-manufacturing activity rose to 56.2, up from 55.9 in September. The index includes service industries and construction.


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--How more than 500K outstanding mail-in ballots could affect election results in the suburbs

Nearly 1.5 million suburban voters have already cast their ballots ahead of Tuesday 's presidential election , accounting for almost half the state 's record-shattering advance vote counts , election officials said .
As of Friday , just under 700,000 of those ballots were submitted via a secure drop box or delivered by the U.S .
Postal Service , according to data from the Illinois State Board of Elections .
That leaves 525,162 mail-in ballots that were sent out to voters but have not yet been returned in suburban Cook and the collar counties .
There 's no way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually be cast , or whether they will arrive before or after Election Day .
There 's no way to tell , at this point , how great an impact outstanding mail-in ballots could have on a particular race , or how frequently results could flip before tallies are considered final on Nov. 17 .
That level of uncertainty indicates this year 's election night will be unlike any other , said Matt Dietrich , spokesman for the Illinois State Board of Elections .
`` We have no precedent for voting during a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by mail is not a new concept in Illinois .
For the last decade , any registered voter could apply for and cast a mail-in ballot as long as it 's postmarked by Election Day and received by election authorities within 14 days .
But the COVID-19 crisis has prompted a shift in voting patterns and a statewide expansion of the vote-by-mail program , resulting in a higher number of possible ballots that could roll in after the polls close Tuesday .
The next couple of days are critical in determining how complete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Dietrich said .
Early vote counts typically spike the week before the election , he said , and vote-by-mail ballots are likely to be returned in greater waves , potentially narrowing the gap between those requested and returned .
Still , some races could be impossible to call on election night if the number of outstanding mail-in ballots outweighs the margin of victory , Dietrich said .
That could be particularly common in smaller state legislative or county races , where candidates are often separated by thousands -- or even hundreds -- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House District 61 race , Democrat Joyce Mason of Gurnee ousted Republican incumbent Sheri Jesiel by 1,226 votes .
Jesiel had been in the lead until the early and mail-in ballots were counted after Election Day votes .
This election cycle , Mason is facing a challenge from Antioch Republican Dan Yost .
Data provided last week by the Lake County clerk 's office showed 16,305 of the 35,948 mail-in ballots requested by 61st District constituents had yet to be returned .
According to the State Board of Elections , 101,163 total mail-in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Lake County voters as of Friday .
The preelection counts show 294,013 outstanding vote-by-mail ballots in suburban Cook County , as well as 71,688 in DuPage , 18,534 in Kane , 22,850 in McHenry and 36,914 in Will .
`` Regardless of where they 're getting their election news , ( constituents will have to ) be aware that there are a certain number of vote-by-mail ballots that are still in the hands of voters that could still arrive and be voted after Election Day , '' Dietrich said .
`` The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
In the 2016 presidential election , roughly 370,000 total mail-in ballots were cast in Illinois , accounting for about 6.5 % of the vote , Dietrich said .
Days ahead of this year 's election , statewide counts show more than 1.5 million residents have voted by mail , with an additional 831,000 ballots that could potentially be returned .
`` We are just leaps and bounds ahead , '' Dietrich said .
The influx of mail-in ballots is n't a surprise to election authorities , who started developing plans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equipment and beef up their resources once the pandemic hit .
Gov .
J.B. Pritzker signed legislation in June ramping up the state 's vote-by-mail program , and emergency funding was distributed to ensure election authorities could handle the surge .
Though mail-in ballots can be processed and verified ahead of time in Illinois , they ca n't be tabulated until the polls close on Election Day .
A breakdown of vote-by-mail data provided by DuPage , Lake and suburban Cook counties suggests that the method of voting may be more popular among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the primary than those who cast GOP ballots .
In DuPage , for example , 60,083 Democrats returned mail-in ballots as of last week compared to 24,672 Republicans , based on how they voted in their most recent primary .
The data also shows 42,819 mail-in ballots cast by voters who are nonpartisan or have not voted in a primary .
Illinois voters do not register as a member of a political party .
And historically , results have shown that voters do n't `` stay in their lane '' based on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DuPage County Clerk Jean Kaczmarek said .
But DuPage County Republican Party Chairman Jim Zay acknowledged that Democratic voters seem to be more comfortable casting their ballots by mail , while members of the GOP prefer voting in person .
Though President Donald Trump 's criticism of the vote-by-mail program could contribute to that trend , he said , he believes many Republican voters simply `` feel it 's part of their civic duty to get up on Election Day and go to the polling place . ''
The vote-by-mail patterns do n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who said he thinks Republicans could outpace Democrats in other voting methods .
`` It 's a three-pronged effect , '' he said .
`` We see it coming back around with early voting and on Election Day . ''
The state recently recorded its highest number of registered voters in history : 8.3 million and counting , Dietrich said .
Presidential elections over the last 40 years have yielded an average voter turnout of 70 % to 75 % in Illinois .
If the 2020 election cycle follows that pattern , early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make up about half the total number of votes anticipated , he said .
More than 3 million Illinoisans have voted as of Friday , split almost evenly between early and mail-in votes .
Even without counting the ballots cast this weekend -- usually a popular time for advance voting -- that number already soars past the nearly 1.9 million early and mail-in votes recorded in 2016 , Dietrich said .
But with the COVID-19 crisis bucking previous trends , election officials are unsure what kind of turnout they 'll see at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with this huge increase in pre-Election Day voting ... is the amount of in-person voting on Election Day going to make up the difference to get us up to 75 % ? ''
Dietrich said .
`` Or have a significant number of voters who traditionally vote on Election Day decided to vote by mail or vote early ? ''
Suburban voters are encouraged to return their mail-in ballots as soon as possible by dropping them in the mailbox or at one of their county 's secure drop box locations .
Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vote in person can bring the ballot to an early or Election Day polling place and surrender it to election judges .

How more than 500K outstanding mail-in ballots could affect election results in the suburbs
Nearly 1.5 million suburban voters have already cast their ballots ahead of Tuesday's presidential election, accounting for almost half the state's record-shattering advance vote counts, election officials said.
As of Friday, just under 700,000 of those ballots were submitted via a secure drop box or delivered by the U.S. Postal Service, according to data from the Illinois State Board of Elections. That leaves 525,162 mail-in ballots that were sent out to voters but have not yet been returned in suburban Cook and the collar counties.
There's no way of knowing how many of those ballots will actually be cast, or whether they will arrive before or after Election Day. There's no way to tell, at this point, how great an impact outstanding mail-in ballots could have on a particular race, or how frequently results could flip before tallies are considered final on Nov. 17.
That level of uncertainty indicates this year's election night will be unlike any other, said Matt Dietrich, spokesman for the Illinois State Board of Elections.
"We have no precedent for voting during a pandemic," he said.
Bridging the gap
Voting by mail is not a new concept in Illinois. For the last decade, any registered voter could apply for and cast a mail-in ballot as long as it's postmarked by Election Day and received by election authorities within 14 days.
But the COVID-19 crisis has prompted a shift in voting patterns and a statewide expansion of the vote-by-mail program, resulting in a higher number of possible ballots that could roll in after the polls close Tuesday.
The next couple of days are critical in determining how complete the results might be on election night, Dietrich said.
Early vote counts typically spike the week before the election, he said, and vote-by-mail ballots are likely to be returned in greater waves, potentially narrowing the gap between those requested and returned.
Still, some races could be impossible to call on election night if the number of outstanding mail-in ballots outweighs the margin of victory, Dietrich said. That could be particularly common in smaller state legislative or county races, where candidates are often separated by thousands -- or even hundreds -- of votes.
In the 2018 state House District 61 race, Democrat Joyce Mason of Gurnee ousted Republican incumbent Sheri Jesiel by 1,226 votes. Jesiel had been in the lead until the early and mail-in ballots were counted after Election Day votes.
This election cycle, Mason is facing a challenge from Antioch Republican Dan Yost. Data provided last week by the Lake County clerk's office showed 16,305 of the 35,948 mail-in ballots requested by 61st District constituents had yet to be returned.
According to the State Board of Elections, 101,163 total mail-in ballots could still be in the hands of Lake County voters as of Friday. The preelection counts show 294,013 outstanding vote-by-mail ballots in suburban Cook County, as well as 71,688 in DuPage, 18,534 in Kane, 22,850 in McHenry and 36,914 in Will.
"Regardless of where they're getting their election news, (constituents will have to) be aware that there are a certain number of vote-by-mail ballots that are still in the hands of voters that could still arrive and be voted after Election Day," Dietrich said. "The vote totals they see could change statewide."
New patterns emerge
In the 2016 presidential election, roughly 370,000 total mail-in ballots were cast in Illinois, accounting for about 6.5% of the vote, Dietrich said.
Days ahead of this year's election, statewide counts show more than 1.5 million residents have voted by mail, with an additional 831,000 ballots that could potentially be returned.
"We are just leaps and bounds ahead," Dietrich said.
The influx of mail-in ballots isn't a surprise to election authorities, who started developing plans to hire additional staff members, install new equipment and beef up their resources once the pandemic hit. Gov. J.B. Pritzker signed legislation in June ramping up the state's vote-by-mail program, and emergency funding was distributed to ensure election authorities could handle the surge.
Though mail-in ballots can be processed and verified ahead of time in Illinois, they can't be tabulated until the polls close on Election Day.
A breakdown of vote-by-mail data provided by DuPage, Lake and suburban Cook counties suggests that the method of voting may be more popular among voters who pulled a Democratic ballot in the primary than those who cast GOP ballots.
In DuPage, for example, 60,083 Democrats returned mail-in ballots as of last week compared to 24,672 Republicans, based on how they voted in their most recent primary. The data also shows 42,819 mail-in ballots cast by voters who are nonpartisan or have not voted in a primary.
Illinois voters do not register as a member of a political party. And historically, results have shown that voters don't "stay in their lane" based on the ballot they pull in the primary, DuPage County Clerk Jean Kaczmarek said.
But DuPage County Republican Party Chairman Jim Zay acknowledged that Democratic voters seem to be more comfortable casting their ballots by mail, while members of the GOP prefer voting in person. Though President Donald Trump's criticism of the vote-by-mail program could contribute to that trend, he said, he believes many Republican voters simply "feel it's part of their civic duty to get up on Election Day and go to the polling place."
The vote-by-mail patterns don't come as a surprise to Zay, who said he thinks Republicans could outpace Democrats in other voting methods.
"It's a three-pronged effect," he said. "We see it coming back around with early voting and on Election Day."
Turnout
The state recently recorded its highest number of registered voters in history: 8.3 million and counting, Dietrich said.
Presidential elections over the last 40 years have yielded an average voter turnout of 70% to 75% in Illinois. If the 2020 election cycle follows that pattern, early and mail-in ballots cast so far would make up about half the total number of votes anticipated, he said.
More than 3 million Illinoisans have voted as of Friday, split almost evenly between early and mail-in votes. Even without counting the ballots cast this weekend -- usually a popular time for advance voting -- that number already soars past the nearly 1.9 million early and mail-in votes recorded in 2016, Dietrich said.
But with the COVID-19 crisis bucking previous trends, election officials are unsure what kind of turnout they'll see at the polls Tuesday.
"The question is, with this huge increase in pre-Election Day voting ... is the amount of in-person voting on Election Day going to make up the difference to get us up to 75%?" Dietrich said. "Or have a significant number of voters who traditionally vote on Election Day decided to vote by mail or vote early?"
Suburban voters are encouraged to return their mail-in ballots as soon as possible by dropping them in the mailbox or at one of their county's secure drop box locations. Those who requested a mailed ballot and decide to vote in person can bring the ballot to an early or Election Day polling place and surrender it to election judges.
Polls close at 7 p.m. Tuesday.


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--New COVID-19 cases in Illinois hit record for third day in a row

New confirmed cases of COVID-19 have hit a record for the third day in a row , with the Illinois @ @ @ @ @ reporting 7,899 more cases and 46 additional deaths .
The state reported 6,363 cases on @ @ @ @ @ .
Saturday 's number was 24 percent higher than Thursday 's .
Among the deaths @ @ @ @ @ , DuPage 1 , Kane 5 , Lake 2 and Will 3 .
The state @ @ @ @ @ total of 410,300 cases , including 9,757 deaths .
Within the past 24 hours , @ @ @ @ @ for a total 7,729,845 .
As of Friday night , 3,228 people in Illinois were @ @ @ @ @ hospital with COVID-19 , up 130 people from Thursday .
Of those , 680 patients @ @ @ @ @ up 7 people , and 290 patients with COVID-19 were on ventilators , up 2 @ @ @ @ @ statewide positivity for cases as a percent of total tests from Oc .
24-30 is @ @ @ @ @ from 7.3 percent in Friday 's report .

New COVID-19 cases in Illinois hit record for third day in a row
New confirmed cases of COVID-19 have hit a record for the third day in a row, with the Illinois Department of Public Health Saturday reporting 7,899 more cases and 46 additional deaths.
The state reported 6,363 cases on Thurday and 6,943 on Friday. Saturday's number was 24 percent higher than Thursday's.
Among the deaths, Cook County reported 16, DuPage 1, Kane 5, Lake 2 and Will 3.
The state health department is reporting a total of 410,300 cases, including 9,757 deaths. Within the past 24 hours, laboratories have reported 92,636 specimens for a total 7,729,845.
As of Friday night, 3,228 people in Illinois were reported to be in the hospital with COVID-19, up 130 people from Thursday. Of those, 680 patients were in the ICU, up 7 people, and 290 patients with COVID-19 were on ventilators, up 2 people.
The preliminary seven-day statewide positivity for cases as a percent of total tests from Oc. 24-30 is 7.5%, an increase from 7.3 percent in Friday's report.


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--Even within the same district, some wealthy schools get millions more than poor ones

First of two parts .
At Ronald D. O'Neal Elementary School in Elgin , none of the third graders could read and write at grade level , according to state tests in 2019 .
Nearly 90 % of the students are considered low-income and nearly three-quarters are labeled English learners , meaning that the state language arts test assesses their reading and writing ability in a language they 're still trying to learn .
Nine miles away sits Centennial Elementary School in Bartlett , where 73 % of third graders met grade-level standards on that same test .
A fifth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low-income , and 17 % get extra support as they learn English .
The state has celebrated Centennial for `` exemplary academic performance . ''
It designates O'Neal as a school in need of targeted assistance .
But despite its low performance and its students ' needs , O'Neal received $ 9,094 per student in 2019 in state and local funding compared to Centennial 's $ 10,559 .
If O'Neal had received Centennial 's per-pupil funding , it would have meant an extra $ 789,905 in its budget : Money that could have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teachers , social workers or home-school liaisons , or paid for new programs to address students ' academic and nonacademic needs .
While wealthier school districts routinely spend significantly more money to run their public schools , the disparity between Centennial and O'Neal ca n't be attributed to the relative wealth in their communities .
Both schools are part of a single district , Elgin Area School District U-46 , Illinois ' second largest .
Kids who need more support to overcome barriers to academic achievement are routinely shortchanged .
U-46 was one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that spent a statistically significant amount less state and local money on high-poverty schools than on lower-poverty schools , according to a new Hechinger Report analysis of how districts disburse funding .
In another 263 districts , the level of spending on each school had little or no connection to the number of students in poverty , despite the higher needs often present in low-income schools .
It 's the first time this kind of data has been compiled and analyzed nationally , and some of the spending gaps are extreme .
Until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the same district were hard to identify .
Most districts did n't budget in a way that allowed comparisons of school-level spending .
They reported only districtwide averages , making disparities across districts the primary fodder for conversations about educational inequities .
Now , a federal financial reporting requirement has taken effect , demanding that states report per-student spending by school -- just as they report student performance by school -- and forcing transparency about disparate spending inside district lines .
Hechinger 's analysis of state and local spending by school included @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or more schools ) from 40 states that made the data available .
The data was from the 2018-19 academic year , with the exception of Nevada , which has released only the data from 2017-18 .
Additionally , five states -- Maine , New Mexico , Nevada , Ohio and Oregon -- reported combined federal , state and local spending .
The analysis focused on state and local spending because federal dollars are explicitly intended to supplement district budgets , rather than provide an alternative revenue stream .
Districts that use the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal policy .
Hechinger 's analysis found multimillion-dollar funding disparities between schools in the same communities .
A lot of factors affect school-level spending , but a handful of district practices routinely drive these disparities .
Schools with the wealthiest students tend to draw the most experienced teachers , who cost more .
And because small schools cost more to operate without economies of scale , districts that happen to have more of these schools in higher-income areas might end up spending more on wealthier kids .
Magnet programs that often serve wealthier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they are generally small schools and because they frequently get extra funding to support specialized programming .
Marguerite Roza , an economist at Georgetown University and the director of its Edunomics Lab , has studied how spending choices play out in district budgets .
`` Those are very much district choices , but districts would say , 'What ?
We never made an intentional decision to give more money to the wealthier schools , ' '' Roza said .
The enrollment and staffing patterns that district leaders allow can have a major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools tend to skim districts ' highest-performing kids and most engaged families , pulling them from elsewhere in a district where they might contribute to building stronger schools .
Teachers with more than five years of experience tend to be more effective and more likely to stay in the field for the long term , boosting student performance in schools where they dominate the teaching force .
And small schools tend to offer more attention to individual students , giving their populations a better school experience , overall .
In Elgin , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ median household value is nearly $ 100,000 less than in Bartlett , where Centennial is .
The poverty rate is three times higher .
Elgin City Councilman Corey Dixon was born in Elgin and graduated from U-46 .
He had no idea an elementary school his constituents attend was getting so much less in per-pupil funding than a school in a wealthier portion of the same district .
But he 's not surprised .
He has long taken issue with the `` broken '' way our country finances its schools : primarily with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from wealthy communities , which are often also majority white because of the U.S. 's long history of segregation and racist policies .
Sixty-five percent of Centennial 's students are white .
Five percent of O'Neal 's are -- the vast majority , 85 % , are Latino .
Dixon has three daughters in the district .
He is Black and has always known that students who look like his own children are on the losing end of glaring achievement gaps nationwide .
Now he sees they 're the victims of school funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` That 's broken , '' Dixon said .
`` That 's a problem .
Who could argue that it 's not ? ''
Besides basic ideas about fairness , spending inequities are a problem because having more money matters when it 's used well .
Although researchers -- and elected officials -- have debated the value of increased educational funding , new evidence suggests that when schools serving low-income students do spend additional money in key ways , they greatly boost student success .
Rucker Johnson , an economist at the University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team have drawn a line from per-student spending to better standardized test scores and graduation rates , findings they think bolster the argument that more money makes a difference .
`` At every stage , higher spending led to significant increases in student outcomes and narrowing of achievement gaps by race and poverty status , '' Johnson said his forthcoming paper will show .
In Algonquin-based Community Unit District 300 , Superintendent Frederick Heid has prioritized school-level spending as a route to educational equity since he took over the position six years ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low-income homes , Heid said the district allocates extra money to schools serving large populations of students with disabilities and students who are still learning English .
The district also provides more funding to schools with preschool programs and to a pilot program for students with four or more `` adverse childhood experiences , '' including exposure to abuse , neglect and household dysfunction .
`` It does result in different funding amounts going to different schools , but we believe that is the best way to get to equity for our students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even in a district with such explicit spending priorities , inequities between individual schools remain .
Golfview Elementary School in Carpentersville , for example , serves about 550 students , 86 % of whom are considered low-income , 69 % of whom are English learners and about 13 % of whom get special education services .
Algonquin Lakes Elementary School in Algonquin serves about 425 students , with less than half its students in poverty , less than one-fifth English learners and about the same proportion in special education .
Yet , Algonquin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ per-pupil than Golfview .
Susan Harkin , District 300 's chief operating officer , said this can largely be attributed to Golfview Elementary School 's early career teaching force and Algonquin Lakes ' shrinking special education population .
District leaders around the country have had a reckoning over the last year as they prepared and reported their per-school spending data to the state for the first time because of the new federal requirement .
The transparency mandate was tucked into the 2015 update of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act but did n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June 30 of this year .
Some districts have defended spending less on higher-poverty schools .
Certain special education programs can drive up costs , for example .
In U-46 , Superintendent Tony Sanders also pointed to costs associated with special education services as a reason that some schools in higher-income communities end up becoming the most expensive .
But he does n't let his district off the hook entirely .
`` We are inequitable , '' Sanders said .
`` And we are working on that . ''
This past year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a revised funding formula , U-46 placed more assistant principals in its high-poverty schools .
It also reduced class sizes in the early elementary grades in some of those buildings and bought more mobile devices for schools that did n't yet have enough for every student .
And Sanders said administrators are brainstorming ways to spread out access to the district 's best teachers , perhaps virtually , so that students get more opportunities than the ones available to them in their assigned neighborhood schools .
In U-46 , the financial data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report cards -- in a tab labeled District Environment -- since last October , but conversations about it have mainly been among school officials .
Traci Ellis is a former U-46 school board member , Elgin native , and chief human resources and equity officer and chief legal officer at the Illinois Math and Science Academy in Aurora .
The Ronald D. O'Neal Elementary School is named for her father , a longtime educator in U-46 .
While she no longer lives in Elgin , she has made educational equity her life 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn of U-46 's spending trend .
The district 's slogan is `` academic success for all , '' and a frequent tagline is `` all means all . ''
`` Budgets speak to where priorities lie , and if the district is going to have equity as a priority , and it says that it does , then we should be able to see that borne out in how it spends money , '' Ellis said .
Disheartening as U-46 's first-year data is , along with the knowledge that similar spending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ellis sees a silver lining : `` So many of the problems in school districts with respect to resolving equity issues require some outside third-party intervention , '' she said .
`` This is not one of them .
...
It does not require laws changing and getting legislators to understand that schools need more money . ''
Districts already have the power to reshape their own budgets .
They just have to muster the will to do so .
After a flurry of equity-minded initiatives last school year , Sanders had hoped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different in the 2020 update to the state report cards .
The changes were n't enough , and according to the latest state data , released Friday , U-46 still spends fewer state and local dollars on its higher-poverty schools , overall .
Sanders said in a written statement that the district is disappointed its investments last year did n't change its spending trend .
`` With this second year of data in mind , we will work to be more deliberate about addressing school funding decisions as we develop our Fiscal Year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ellis and Dixon , the city councilman , will be among those watching .
• This story about school funding disparities was produced by The Hechinger Report , a nonprofit , independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education .
Sign up for Hechinger 's newsletter at hechingerreport.org .

Even within the same district, some wealthy schools get millions more than poor ones
"That's a problem. Who could argue that it's not?" Elgin Councilman Corey Dixon said of new data showing funding disparities among schools in Elgin Area School District U-46. Courtesy of Corey Dixon/2017
First of two parts.
By Tara García Mathewson
The Hechinger Report
At Ronald D. O'Neal Elementary School in Elgin, none of the third graders could read and write at grade level, according to state tests in 2019. Nearly 90% of the students are considered low-income and nearly three-quarters are labeled English learners, meaning that the state language arts test assesses their reading and writing ability in a language they're still trying to learn.
Nine miles away sits Centennial Elementary School in Bartlett, where 73% of third graders met grade-level standards on that same test. A fifth of Centennial's student body is considered low-income, and 17% get extra support as they learn English.
The state has celebrated Centennial for "exemplary academic performance." It designates O'Neal as a school in need of targeted assistance.
But despite its low performance and its students' needs, O'Neal received $9,094 per student in 2019 in state and local funding compared to Centennial's $10,559. If O'Neal had received Centennial's per-pupil funding, it would have meant an extra $789,905 in its budget: Money that could have covered more -- or more experienced -- teachers, social workers or home-school liaisons, or paid for new programs to address students' academic and nonacademic needs.
While wealthier school districts routinely spend significantly more money to run their public schools, the disparity between Centennial and O'Neal can't be attributed to the relative wealth in their communities. Both schools are part of a single district, Elgin Area School District U-46, Illinois' second largest.
Kids who need more support to overcome barriers to academic achievement are routinely shortchanged. U-46 was one of 53 districts across the United States that spent a statistically significant amount less state and local money on high-poverty schools than on lower-poverty schools, according to a new Hechinger Report analysis of how districts disburse funding. In another 263 districts, the level of spending on each school had little or no connection to the number of students in poverty, despite the higher needs often present in low-income schools. It's the first time this kind of data has been compiled and analyzed nationally, and some of the spending gaps are extreme.
Until this year, funding disparities between schools in the same district were hard to identify. Most districts didn't budget in a way that allowed comparisons of school-level spending. They reported only districtwide averages, making disparities across districts the primary fodder for conversations about educational inequities. Now, a federal financial reporting requirement has taken effect, demanding that states report per-student spending by school -- just as they report student performance by school -- and forcing transparency about disparate spending inside district lines.
Hechinger's analysis of state and local spending by school included nearly 700 districts (those with 15 or more schools) from 40 states that made the data available. The data was from the 2018-19 academic year, with the exception of Nevada, which has released only the data from 2017-18. Additionally, five states -- Maine, New Mexico, Nevada, Ohio and Oregon -- reported combined federal, state and local spending. The analysis focused on state and local spending because federal dollars are explicitly intended to supplement district budgets, rather than provide an alternative revenue stream. Districts that use the federal dollars to equalize their spending violate federal policy.
Hechinger's analysis found multimillion-dollar funding disparities between schools in the same communities. A lot of factors affect school-level spending, but a handful of district practices routinely drive these disparities. Schools with the wealthiest students tend to draw the most experienced teachers, who cost more. And because small schools cost more to operate without economies of scale, districts that happen to have more of these schools in higher-income areas might end up spending more on wealthier kids. Magnet programs that often serve wealthier student populations drive up spending, both because they are generally small schools and because they frequently get extra funding to support specialized programming.
Marguerite Roza, an economist at Georgetown University and the director of its Edunomics Lab, has studied how spending choices play out in district budgets.
"Those are very much district choices, but districts would say, 'What? We never made an intentional decision to give more money to the wealthier schools,'" Roza said.
The enrollment and staffing patterns that district leaders allow can have a major impact on children's outcomes. Magnet schools tend to skim districts' highest-performing kids and most engaged families, pulling them from elsewhere in a district where they might contribute to building stronger schools. Teachers with more than five years of experience tend to be more effective and more likely to stay in the field for the long term, boosting student performance in schools where they dominate the teaching force. And small schools tend to offer more attention to individual students, giving their populations a better school experience, overall.
- Brian Hill | Staff Photographer Centennial Elementary School in Bartlett was allocated $10,559 per student in state and local funding last year, compared to $9,094 per student at Ronald D. O'Neal Elementary School in Elgin, even though both are in Elgin Area School District U-46.
In Elgin, where Ronald D. O'Neal is located, the median household value is nearly $100,000 less than in Bartlett, where Centennial is. The poverty rate is three times higher. Elgin City Councilman Corey Dixon was born in Elgin and graduated from U-46. He had no idea an elementary school his constituents attend was getting so much less in per-pupil funding than a school in a wealthier portion of the same district. But he's not surprised.
He has long taken issue with the "broken" way our country finances its schools: primarily with local property taxes that unfairly benefit students from wealthy communities, which are often also majority white because of the U.S.'s long history of segregation and racist policies. Sixty-five percent of Centennial's students are white. Five percent of O'Neal's are -- the vast majority, 85%, are Latino. Dixon has three daughters in the district. He is Black and has always known that students who look like his own children are on the losing end of glaring achievement gaps nationwide. Now he sees they're the victims of school funding disparities within individual districts, too.
"That's a problem. Who could argue that it's not?" Elgin Councilman Corey Dixon said of new data showing funding disparities among schools in Elgin Area School District U-46. - Courtesy of Corey Dixon
"That's broken," Dixon said. "That's a problem. Who could argue that it's not?"
Besides basic ideas about fairness, spending inequities are a problem because having more money matters when it's used well. Although researchers -- and elected officials -- have debated the value of increased educational funding, new evidence suggests that when schools serving low-income students do spend additional money in key ways, they greatly boost student success.
Rucker Johnson, an economist at the University of California, Berkeley, and his team have drawn a line from per-student spending to better standardized test scores and graduation rates, findings they think bolster the argument that more money makes a difference. "At every stage, higher spending led to significant increases in student outcomes and narrowing of achievement gaps by race and poverty status," Johnson said his forthcoming paper will show.
In Algonquin-based Community Unit District 300, Superintendent Frederick Heid has prioritized school-level spending as a route to educational equity since he took over the position six years ago. Beyond the needs of kids from low-income homes, Heid said the district allocates extra money to schools serving large populations of students with disabilities and students who are still learning English. The district also provides more funding to schools with preschool programs and to a pilot program for students with four or more "adverse childhood experiences," including exposure to abuse, neglect and household dysfunction.
"It does result in different funding amounts going to different schools, but we believe that is the best way to get to equity for our students," Heid said.
Still, even in a district with such explicit spending priorities, inequities between individual schools remain. Golfview Elementary School in Carpentersville, for example, serves about 550 students, 86% of whom are considered low-income, 69% of whom are English learners and about 13% of whom get special education services. Algonquin Lakes Elementary School in Algonquin serves about 425 students, with less than half its students in poverty, less than one-fifth English learners and about the same proportion in special education. Yet, Algonquin Lakes gets more than $2,000 more per-pupil than Golfview.
Susan Harkin, District 300's chief operating officer, said this can largely be attributed to Golfview Elementary School's early career teaching force and Algonquin Lakes' shrinking special education population.
District leaders around the country have had a reckoning over the last year as they prepared and reported their per-school spending data to the state for the first time because of the new federal requirement. The transparency mandate was tucked into the 2015 update of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act but didn't require states to report that data until June 30 of this year.
- Brian Hill | Staff Photographer/2019 "We are inequitable. And we are working on that," said Tony Sanders, superintendent of Elgin Area School District U-46.
Some districts have defended spending less on higher-poverty schools. Certain special education programs can drive up costs, for example. In U-46, Superintendent Tony Sanders also pointed to costs associated with special education services as a reason that some schools in higher-income communities end up becoming the most expensive.
But he doesn't let his district off the hook entirely.
"We are inequitable," Sanders said. "And we are working on that."
This past year, with extra money from the state thanks to a revised funding formula, U-46 placed more assistant principals in its high-poverty schools. It also reduced class sizes in the early elementary grades in some of those buildings and bought more mobile devices for schools that didn't yet have enough for every student. And Sanders said administrators are brainstorming ways to spread out access to the district's best teachers, perhaps virtually, so that students get more opportunities than the ones available to them in their assigned neighborhood schools.
In U-46, the financial data has been tucked into the online state report cards -- in a tab labeled District Environment -- since last October, but conversations about it have mainly been among school officials.
Traci Ellis is a former U-46 school board member, Elgin native, and chief human resources and equity officer and chief legal officer at the Illinois Math and Science Academy in Aurora. The Ronald D. O'Neal Elementary School is named for her father, a longtime educator in U-46. While she no longer lives in Elgin, she has made educational equity her life's work, and she was disappointed to learn of U-46's spending trend. The district's slogan is "academic success for all," and a frequent tagline is "all means all."
"Budgets speak to where priorities lie, and if the district is going to have equity as a priority, and it says that it does, then we should be able to see that borne out in how it spends money," Ellis said.
Disheartening as U-46's first-year data is, along with the knowledge that similar spending trends exist all over the country, Ellis sees a silver lining: "So many of the problems in school districts with respect to resolving equity issues require some outside third-party intervention," she said. "This is not one of them. ... It does not require laws changing and getting legislators to understand that schools need more money."
Districts already have the power to reshape their own budgets. They just have to muster the will to do so.
After a flurry of equity-minded initiatives last school year, Sanders had hoped the district's spending trend would be different in the 2020 update to the state report cards. The changes weren't enough, and according to the latest state data, released Friday, U-46 still spends fewer state and local dollars on its higher-poverty schools, overall. Sanders said in a written statement that the district is disappointed its investments last year didn't change its spending trend.
"With this second year of data in mind, we will work to be more deliberate about addressing school funding decisions as we develop our Fiscal Year 2022 budget," he said. Ellis and Dixon, the city councilman, will be among those watching.
• This story about school funding disparities was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Hechinger's newsletter at hechingerreport.org.


dailyheraldchicago--2020-10-31--Constable: Fall back? Adding another hour to 2020 seems like punishment

The last thing any of us needs during this nightmarish debacle called 2020 is more time to writhe in the cruel pit of despair and lunacy we currently endure .
If we could , most of us would fast-forward to the day after Election Day , or New Year 's Day .
Maybe Jan. 20 , 2021 , or even Jan. 20 , 2025 .
But the powers that be require us to turn back our clocks one hour on early Sunday morning , inflicting another hour of misery on our weary souls .
Technically , we are just getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 8 , but that 's not a fair exchange considering that was a pre-pandemic hour from a simpler time .
Originally hatched by the Germans during World War I as an idea to save energy , daylight saving time became a custom across the United States in 1918 .
We used it again during World War II .
Congress officially took control of our clocks in 1966 , when it passed the Uniform Time Act , which gave us six months of daylight saving time .
That still forced us to `` spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this year , and `` fall back '' one hour today .
`` It 's something that is really an antiquated idea , '' says state Sen. Dan McConchie , a Hawthorn Woods Republican and co-sponsor of a bipartisan bill to keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year long .
Introduced by Sen. Andy Manar , a Democrat from downstate Bunker Hill , the bill grew out of a contest for high school students to suggest laws they wanted to see enacted .
`` The kids actually came and testified , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was impressed by their arguments and immediately signed on as a co-sponsor , as did Sen. Cristina Castro , an Elgin Democrat .
The Senate passed that bill by a 44-2 vote , but the effort stalled in the House in spite of similar arguments .
`` When the system was set up , we were in a much different world than we are today , '' says state Rep. Jonathan Carroll , a Democrat from Northbrook .
He is a co-sponsor of the House bill championed by East Dundee Republican Allen Skillicorn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time all year .
`` We have a good , diverse group , '' says Carroll .
Other co-sponsors of the House bill include Emanuel Chris Welch , a Westchester Democrat , two more Democrats and two Republicans .
Getting Democrats and Republicans to agree on anything these days seems about as likely as you having attended a crowded Halloween party last night where the fun was bobbing for apples .
Staying on daylight saving time all year makes sense .
Changing the clocks twice a year does n't save energy in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , celebrities and cats 24/7 , and a report by Johns Hopkins and Stanford universities showed fatal accidents increase on the March Monday after our `` spring forward '' robs us of an hour of sleep .
But it 's not that simple .
`` Federal law limits our ability to be able to do it on our own , '' McConchie says .
In 2019 , U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio , a Florida Republican , championed the pleasant-sounding Sunshine Protection Act , which would have eliminated the twice-yearly time changes .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make it a one-year-only attempt to `` ease the burden '' of the `` disruptions the COVID-19 pandemic has placed into our daily lives . ''
But apparently , most legislators would rather change the time on their microwave ovens and coffee-makers twice a year than change the time rules once .
You can spend your entire extra hour just changing the old-fashioned clocks in your home and searching online to see if turning the hands backward will ruin your hand-me-down grandfather clock .
`` Everything must evolve , and this is one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Carroll says .
Saturday night 's sunset at 5:45 p.m. ended a day with temperatures in the middle 50s .
This afternoon , when temperatures struggle to break into the low 40s , offers a different picture , thanks to the end of daylight saving time .
`` It gets dark around 4:30 because of this , '' McConchie says of earlier sunsets .
Sponsoring flu-shot clinics last weekend , McConchie says he talked to a pharmacist who told him that antibiotics generally are the hot prescriptions this time of year .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Of course , we have lots of reasons to be depressed these days .
Legislators have bigger issues than clock settings .
`` But it 's a conversation we should be having , '' Carroll says .
`` I 'd like to see us move on this , as soon as we deal with COVID . ''

Constable: Fall back? Adding another hour to 2020 seems like punishment
A bill to get rid of biannual time changes and keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year long got hung up in the Illinois House. But Rep. Jonathan Carroll, a Democrat from Northbrook, says he hopes the bipartisan measure can get back on the agenda in 2021. Courtesy of Rep. Jonathan Carroll
In one of the rare issues that draws a diverse mix of Republicans and Democrats, state Sen. Dan McConchie, a Republican from Hawthorn Woods, supports a bill from Democratic state Sen. Andy Manar of downstate Bunker Hill that would keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year round. Courtesy of Sen. Dan McConchie
Our suburban sunsets can be beautiful, but it's always jarring in November when our time change makes the sun set an hour early. Some legislators have been working on a change that would keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year long. Daily Herald file photo
The last thing any of us needs during this nightmarish debacle called 2020 is more time to writhe in the cruel pit of despair and lunacy we currently endure. If we could, most of us would fast-forward to the day after Election Day, or New Year's Day. Maybe Jan. 20, 2021, or even Jan. 20, 2025.
But the powers that be require us to turn back our clocks one hour on early Sunday morning, inflicting another hour of misery on our weary souls. Technically, we are just getting back the hour we lost on March 8, but that's not a fair exchange considering that was a pre-pandemic hour from a simpler time.
Originally hatched by the Germans during World War I as an idea to save energy, daylight saving time became a custom across the United States in 1918. We used it again during World War II. Congress officially took control of our clocks in 1966, when it passed the Uniform Time Act, which gave us six months of daylight saving time. That still forced us to "spring forward" one hour on March 8 of this year, and "fall back" one hour today.
"It's something that is really an antiquated idea," says state Sen. Dan McConchie, a Hawthorn Woods Republican and co-sponsor of a bipartisan bill to keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year long. Introduced by Sen. Andy Manar, a Democrat from downstate Bunker Hill, the bill grew out of a contest for high school students to suggest laws they wanted to see enacted.
"The kids actually came and testified," says McConchie, who says he was impressed by their arguments and immediately signed on as a co-sponsor, as did Sen. Cristina Castro, an Elgin Democrat.
The Senate passed that bill by a 44-2 vote, but the effort stalled in the House in spite of similar arguments.
"When the system was set up, we were in a much different world than we are today," says state Rep. Jonathan Carroll, a Democrat from Northbrook. He is a co-sponsor of the House bill championed by East Dundee Republican Allen Skillicorn that would keep Illinois on daylight saving time all year.
"We have a good, diverse group," says Carroll. Other co-sponsors of the House bill include Emanuel Chris Welch, a Westchester Democrat, two more Democrats and two Republicans.
Getting Democrats and Republicans to agree on anything these days seems about as likely as you having attended a crowded Halloween party last night where the fun was bobbing for apples. Staying on daylight saving time all year makes sense. Changing the clocks twice a year doesn't save energy in an era where people stream videos of conspiracies, celebrities and cats 24/7, and a report by Johns Hopkins and Stanford universities showed fatal accidents increase on the March Monday after our "spring forward" robs us of an hour of sleep.
But it's not that simple.
"Federal law limits our ability to be able to do it on our own," McConchie says.
In 2019, U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio, a Florida Republican, championed the pleasant-sounding Sunshine Protection Act, which would have eliminated the twice-yearly time changes. This September, he tweaked the legislation to make it a one-year-only attempt to "ease the burden" of the "disruptions the COVID-19 pandemic has placed into our daily lives."
But apparently, most legislators would rather change the time on their microwave ovens and coffee-makers twice a year than change the time rules once. You can spend your entire extra hour just changing the old-fashioned clocks in your home and searching online to see if turning the hands backward will ruin your hand-me-down grandfather clock.
"Everything must evolve, and this is one of those things that should evolve," Carroll says.
Saturday night's sunset at 5:45 p.m. ended a day with temperatures in the middle 50s. This afternoon, when temperatures struggle to break into the low 40s, offers a different picture, thanks to the end of daylight saving time.
"It gets dark around 4:30 because of this," McConchie says of earlier sunsets.
Sponsoring flu-shot clinics last weekend, McConchie says he talked to a pharmacist who told him that antibiotics generally are the hot prescriptions this time of year. This year, it's anti-depressants.
Of course, we have lots of reasons to be depressed these days. Legislators have bigger issues than clock settings.
"But it's a conversation we should be having," Carroll says. "I'd like to see us move on this, as soon as we deal with COVID."