thedenverpost--2020-12-05--Michael Porter Jr. expects a “jump” in his Nuggets role: “I want to guard the best players. And I wa

Michael Porter Jr. expects a “jump” in his Nuggets role: “I want to guard the best players. And I want the best players on the other team to guard me.”

“ It ’ s something that I ’ m taking head-on , and it ’ s something I want to do , ” Nuggets forward Michael Porter Jr. said Saturday during a Zoom call with reporters .
“ I want to be one of the best players ( on the floor ) and I want to guard the best players .
And I want the best players on the other team to guard me.
” So , yeah .
The confidence ?
Already in midseason form .
As for the rest of it , we ’ ll see .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 power forward ?
Sixth man ?
The role for Porter during his third season in Denver — and second on the floor — figures to be one of the more juicy narratives coming into the ’ 20-21 campaign for the NBA ’ s reigning Western Conference runners-up .
Nuggets coach Michael Malone said recently that he hopes the 6-foot-10 former University of Missouri standout can crack the starting lineup .
But he also noted that Porter ’ s going to have to earn that spot and keep showing the progress and development @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past summer .
“ I would love to start , ” said Porter , who averaged 9.3 points , 4.7 boards and 1.1 treys in 55 regular-season games but netted 22.0 points , 8.6 rebounds and 2.7 treys per game in Orlando .
“ Obviously , nothing is given to you , you ’ ve got to earn it .
But yes , I ’ d love to be the starter.
” He ’ d also love to get more minutes alongside Denver stars Jamal Murray and Nikola Jokic , especially in crunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two-man game is renown in NBA circles .
But is there room in this offense for a third wheel ?
“ We knew that this time was coming where we , all three , were going to learn how to play on the floor ( together ) , ” Porter said .
“ We think if we can develop that chemistry , it ’ ll be a special thing.
” The loss of veteran wing guard Will Barton during the postseason meant more minutes for MPJ at Disney World , during which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ points , 6.7 rebounds , 1.8 treys and 23.7 minutes over 19 playoff appearances .
And with Jerami Grant signing a free-agent deal in Detroit , there ought to be more minutes for Porter early in this regular season , too .
“ Obviously , ” MPJ said , “ I ’ m going to have to take a jump in my role.
” Porter , who appeared Saturday as part of the Nuggets ’ media events at the beginning of preseason training camp , noted that most of his off-season work took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That autumn regimen also included a week in Los Angeles training with Bradley Beal and Jayson Tatum .
“ I was really consistent in my work off the court , ” MPJ said .
“ I feel that I ’ ll be better this year in almost every area than I was last year.
” Again , confidence won ’ t be an issue .
When a reporter Saturday asked Porter if this was his time to become the Nuggets ’ third star , the kid didn ’ t hesitate to fire @ @

LeBron? Bring it on.
Kawhi? Let’s fly.
“It’s something that I’m taking head-on, and it’s something I want to do,” Nuggets forward Michael Porter Jr. said Saturday during a Zoom call with reporters. “I want to be one of the best players (on the floor) and I want to guard the best players. And I want the best players on the other team to guard me.”
So, yeah. The confidence? Already in midseason form.
As for the rest of it, we’ll see. No. 1 small forward? No. 1 power forward? Sixth man? The role for Porter during his third season in Denver — and second on the floor — figures to be one of the more juicy narratives coming into the ’20-21 campaign for the NBA’s reigning Western Conference runners-up.
Nuggets coach Michael Malone said recently that he hopes the 6-foot-10 former University of Missouri standout can crack the starting lineup. But he also noted that Porter’s going to have to earn that spot and keep showing the progress and development flashed during the NBA restart late this past summer.
“I would love to start,” said Porter, who averaged 9.3 points, 4.7 boards and 1.1 treys in 55 regular-season games but netted 22.0 points, 8.6 rebounds and 2.7 treys per game in Orlando. “Obviously, nothing is given to you, you’ve got to earn it. But yes, I’d love to be the starter.”
He’d also love to get more minutes alongside Denver stars Jamal Murray and Nikola Jokic, especially in crunch time. Murray and Jokic’s two-man game is renown in NBA circles. But is there room in this offense for a third wheel?
“We knew that this time was coming where we, all three, were going to learn how to play on the floor (together),” Porter said. “We think if we can develop that chemistry, it’ll be a special thing.”
The loss of veteran wing guard Will Barton during the postseason meant more minutes for MPJ at Disney World, during which the young forward notched an average of 11.4 points, 6.7 rebounds, 1.8 treys and 23.7 minutes over 19 playoff appearances. And with Jerami Grant signing a free-agent deal in Detroit, there ought to be more minutes for Porter early in this regular season, too.
“Obviously,” MPJ said, “I’m going to have to take a jump in my role.”
Porter, who appeared Saturday as part of the Nuggets’ media events at the beginning of preseason training camp, noted that most of his off-season work took place back home in Columbia, Mo. That autumn regimen also included a week in Los Angeles training with Bradley Beal and Jayson Tatum.
“I was really consistent in my work off the court,” MPJ said. “I feel that I’ll be better this year in almost every area than I was last year.”
Again, confidence won’t be an issue. When a reporter Saturday asked Porter if this was his time to become the Nuggets’ third star, the kid didn’t hesitate to fire back.
“Yeah,” Porter replied with a grin. “I do.”


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--On Edge: A Denver COVID survivor finds her footing amid her fears

Until this year , Elizabeth Torres would not have called herself a particularly anxious person .
Stressed , sure .
Who wasn ’ t ?
Torres was working a couple part-time jobs , taking care of her elderly grandparents , raising three kids on her own .
Her son , the middle child , has been diagnosed with autism and he likes to get right up into her face , something she really can ’ t deal with now .
When he comes to her lately , “ Mom , ” on his lips , she can imagine a fine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cheeks , nose , eyes .
She and her three kids were living in the basement of her grandparents ’ place in southwest Denver when COVID-19 hit Colorado in early March .
She made sure her grandma , who has dementia , and her grandpa , whose heart was failing , took their medications , and that her grandpa had his lunch when he headed to dialysis every other day .
Torres started feeling feverish toward the end of March .
With frail grandparents , she decided to play it safe and move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarantine .
And then it was like dominoes falling .
Her grandpa was hospitalized after a fall and then diagnosed with COVID-19 .
Torres ’ fever spiked and she began laboring for breath .
She went to the ER twice before being admitted with her own case of COVID , her grandpa in a room somewhere nearby .
She is in her 30s , but overweight with high blood pressure and asthma , and the virus hit her hard .
Her lungs felt like they were burning .
“ I felt like , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ am going to die by myself , ’ ” she says .
When her fever finally broke and she was able to breathe on her own a week later , Torres was discharged , oxygen tank in tow .
Her 85-year-old grandfather wasn ’ t so lucky .
He died at Denver Health on April 1 , a few days after she left the hospital .
She mourns not being able to say goodbye to the man who raised her as a father would .
It has taken months for Torres to begin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she does feel better , though she would not call it back to normal .
Fear accompanies her now .
“ I don ’ t want to go out anymore , ” she says .
“ I don ’ t want to have it again .
I think if I get it again , I might die.
” There are times when she does not recognize herself .
“ I just feel mostly sad , ” she says .
“ I am not like this .
I am a person who loves to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very social .
And there is just all of this .
I can ’ t go outside .
I can ’ t be with my friends .
Coping with that has been very hard.
” She has taken to meditating frequently and changed her diet , drinking juices , taking vitamins , eating healthier , trying to walk in nearby Garfield Park .
When she feels really bad , a friend will take her for a car ride ; she will tell her kids that she just needs to chill for a while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you for my health .
Thank you for my strong heart .
Thank you for my strong lungs.
’ I say , ‘ Thank you for my pillow.
’ Simple things .
‘ Thank you for my comfortable bed .
Thank you I am awake and alive and breathing.
’ I say , ‘ I have food .
I have a job .
My kids are healthy.
’ ” You can reach Tina Griego at tina @ colabnews.co Subscribe to bi-weekly newsletter to get health news sent straight to your inbox .

Until this year, Elizabeth Torres would not have called herself a particularly anxious person. Stressed, sure. Who wasn’t?
Torres was working a couple part-time jobs, taking care of her elderly grandparents, raising three kids on her own. Her son, the middle child, has been diagnosed with autism and he likes to get right up into her face, something she really can’t deal with now. When he comes to her lately, “Mom,” on his lips, she can imagine a fine spray of coronavirus cells landing upon her cheeks, nose, eyes.
She and her three kids were living in the basement of her grandparents’ place in southwest Denver when COVID-19 hit Colorado in early March. She made sure her grandma, who has dementia, and her grandpa, whose heart was failing, took their medications, and that her grandpa had his lunch when he headed to dialysis every other day.
Torres started feeling feverish toward the end of March. With frail grandparents, she decided to play it safe and move into a friend’s bedroom to quarantine.
And then it was like dominoes falling.
Her grandpa was hospitalized after a fall and then diagnosed with COVID-19. Torres’ fever spiked and she began laboring for breath. She went to the ER twice before being admitted with her own case of COVID, her grandpa in a room somewhere nearby. She is in her 30s, but overweight with high blood pressure and asthma, and the virus hit her hard. Her lungs felt like they were burning.
“I felt like, ‘I’m dying and I am going to die by myself,’” she says.
When her fever finally broke and she was able to breathe on her own a week later, Torres was discharged, oxygen tank in tow. Her 85-year-old grandfather wasn’t so lucky. He died at Denver Health on April 1, a few days after she left the hospital. She mourns not being able to say goodbye to the man who raised her as a father would.
It has taken months for Torres to begin to feel herself again and she says she does feel better, though she would not call it back to normal. Fear accompanies her now.
“I don’t want to go out anymore,” she says. “I don’t want to have it again. I think if I get it again, I might die.”
There are times when she does not recognize herself.
“I just feel mostly sad,” she says. “I am not like this. I am a person who loves to be out and about. I am very social. And there is just all of this. I can’t go outside. I can’t be with my friends. Coping with that has been very hard.”
She has taken to meditating frequently and changed her diet, drinking juices, taking vitamins, eating healthier, trying to walk in nearby Garfield Park. When she feels really bad, a friend will take her for a car ride; she will tell her kids that she just needs to chill for a while.
“I say, ‘Thank you for my health. Thank you for my strong heart. Thank you for my strong lungs.’ I say, ‘Thank you for my pillow.’ Simple things. ‘Thank you for my comfortable bed. Thank you I am awake and alive and breathing.’ I say, ‘I have food. I have a job. My kids are healthy.’”
You can reach Tina Griego at tina@colabnews.co
Subscribe to bi-weekly newsletter to get health news sent straight to your inbox.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--Post Premium: Top stories for the week of Nov. 30-Dec. 6, 2020

They ’ re called Brady lists , after the U.S. Supreme Court ’ s 1963 decision in Brady v. Maryland , and every district attorney in Colorado should have one : a list of law enforcement officers who have credibility issues that prosecutors are obligated to disclose to the defense if they ’ re going to put those cops on the stand .
There are hundreds of current and former law enforcement officers on these lists , but with little uniformity in how they ’ re compiled or shared , it ’ s difficult for the public to learn who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s office has issues that could impact their credibility on the stand in court .
The Denver Post requested Brady lists from Colorado ’ s 22 district attorney ’ s offices , and only nine provided lists or the accompanying letters for each officer .
Nine others said they believed this information was not a matter of public record , and four didn ’ t respond at all .
All told , the Post compiled a list of 466 current and former law enforcement officers who have criminal convictions , histories of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backgrounds that their superiors believed were required to be disclosed .
But that ’ s an incomplete tally , not just because many DAs withheld their lists , but some who did turn over information blacked out officers ’ names or provided no context as to why they people were on the list — something even defense attorneys in court can have difficulty ascertaining .
In today ’ s Post , public safety reporter Elise Schmelzer takes a deep and important look at how this key measure of police accountability is handled in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insufficient transparency when it comes to identifying police officers with questionable credibility .
Uneven approach to Colorado police officers with questionable credibility leaves public in the dark Five don ’ t-miss stories from last week Last call for alcohol at Denver restaurants , liquor stores just changed again In time for the holidays and the last push of 2020 , the city of Denver on Wednesday released revised last-call guidelines for restaurants , bars and liquor stores .
Remember that during the Level Red shutdown in Denver , restaurants and bars that serve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outdoors only .
Diners can continue to order food and alcohol to-go from these businesses , and restaurants that take the necessary steps can offer in-house delivery , which allows for alcohol along with dinner delivered to a customer ’ s doorstep .
Read More… Metro Denver ’ s housing market showed signs of running out of gas and stalling last month , with sales dropping sharply and higher-priced homes dominating a dwindling supply of available listings , according to a report Thursday from the Denver Metro Association of Realtors .
The number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ metro Denver dropped to 3,415 at the end of last month , the lowest ever recorded for a November .
The inventory is down by more than half over the year and just a fraction of the 14,488 listings averaged in November since 1985 .
Read More… A 15-year-old Lone Tree girl has been named Time magazine ’ s first-ever Kid of the Year for 2020 .
Gitanjali Rao , a young scientist and inventor , was selected from a field of more than 5,000 nominees to be named Time ’ s Kid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond surprised , ” Gitanjali said Thursday afternoon in a phone interview .
“ Just the idea…it ’ s something you dream about , but something you don ’ t expect at all.
” Read More… Here are the 10 COVID-19 relief bills Colorado lawmakers just passed Colorado lawmakers gave final passage to 10 bills and more than $ 300 million in spending on Wednesday , the third and final day of the special legislative session for COVID-19 relief .
Democratic Gov .
Jared Polis and the Democrats who control both chambers of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ session focused on seven priority areas , all with bipartisan sponsorship .
They passed legislation providing direct aid to small businesses , child care providers , nonprofit organizations , and struggling landlords and families .
Read More… Beth Bowlen Wallace calls for smooth transition to new Broncos ’ ownership Beth Bowlen Wallace , the second-oldest of late Broncos owner Pat Bowlen ’ s seven children , called for a “ smooth and timely transition ” to new ownership on Wednesday .
In a lengthy statement sent to The Denver Post , Bowlen Wallace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accepted the team ’ s current state.
” The Broncos are 4-7 entering Sunday night ’ s game at 10-1 Kansas City and headed for a fifth consecutive year out of the playoffs and a fourth consecutive losing season .
Read More… See more great photos like this on The Denver Post ’ s Instagram account .

They’re called Brady lists, after the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1963 decision in Brady v. Maryland, and every district attorney in Colorado should have one: a list of law enforcement officers who have credibility issues that prosecutors are obligated to disclose to the defense if they’re going to put those cops on the stand.
There are hundreds of current and former law enforcement officers on these lists, but with little uniformity in how they’re compiled or shared, it’s difficult for the public to learn who in their local police department or sheriff’s office has issues that could impact their credibility on the stand in court.
The Denver Post requested Brady lists from Colorado’s 22 district attorney’s offices, and only nine provided lists or the accompanying letters for each officer. Nine others said they believed this information was not a matter of public record, and four didn’t respond at all.
All told, the Post compiled a list of 466 current and former law enforcement officers who have criminal convictions, histories of lying, excessive force incidents or other backgrounds that their superiors believed were required to be disclosed.
But that’s an incomplete tally, not just because many DAs withheld their lists, but some who did turn over information blacked out officers’ names or provided no context as to why they people were on the list — something even defense attorneys in court can have difficulty ascertaining.
In today’s Post, public safety reporter Elise Schmelzer takes a deep and important look at how this key measure of police accountability is handled in Colorado, and shows there’s insufficient transparency when it comes to identifying police officers with questionable credibility.
— Matt Sebastian, The Denver Post
Five don’t-miss stories from last week
In time for the holidays and the last push of 2020, the city of Denver on Wednesday released revised last-call guidelines for restaurants, bars and liquor stores.
Remember that during the Level Red shutdown in Denver, restaurants and bars that serve food have been allowed to do so outdoors only. Diners can continue to order food and alcohol to-go from these businesses, and restaurants that take the necessary steps can offer in-house delivery, which allows for alcohol along with dinner delivered to a customer’s doorstep. Read More…
Metro Denver’s housing market showed signs of running out of gas and stalling last month, with sales dropping sharply and higher-priced homes dominating a dwindling supply of available listings, according to a report Thursday from the Denver Metro Association of Realtors.
The number of residential properties available for sale in metro Denver dropped to 3,415 at the end of last month, the lowest ever recorded for a November. The inventory is down by more than half over the year and just a fraction of the 14,488 listings averaged in November since 1985. Read More…
A 15-year-old Lone Tree girl has been named Time magazine’s first-ever Kid of the Year for 2020.
Gitanjali Rao, a young scientist and inventor, was selected from a field of more than 5,000 nominees to be named Time’s Kid of the Year.
“I was beyond surprised,” Gitanjali said Thursday afternoon in a phone interview. “Just the idea…it’s something you dream about, but something you don’t expect at all.” Read More…
Colorado lawmakers gave final passage to 10 bills and more than $300 million in spending on Wednesday, the third and final day of the special legislative session for COVID-19 relief.
Democratic Gov. Jared Polis and the Democrats who control both chambers of the legislature had planned for a limited session focused on seven priority areas, all with bipartisan sponsorship. They passed legislation providing direct aid to small businesses, child care providers, nonprofit organizations, and struggling landlords and families. Read More…
Beth Bowlen Wallace, the second-oldest of late Broncos owner Pat Bowlen’s seven children, called for a “smooth and timely transition” to new ownership on Wednesday.
In a lengthy statement sent to The Denver Post, Bowlen Wallace said her father “would never have accepted the team’s current state.”
The Broncos are 4-7 entering Sunday night’s game at 10-1 Kansas City and headed for a fifth consecutive year out of the playoffs and a fourth consecutive losing season. Read More…
Photo of the week
See more great photos like this on The Denver Post’s Instagram account.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--Road to Retirement: To understand this market, think crazy thoughts

Since late March of this year , the financial markets have defied some of the most fundamental principles of investing : they go up even when things look bad .
If you are having a hard time understanding all of this , it ’ s probably because you aren ’ t entertaining enough crazy thoughts .
Crazy thoughts about what might be done to keep the economy and markets afloat .
The disconnect for many investors is that they continue to think in terms of the historical paradigm where investors , businesses and families must bear the risks of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mortgage , rent , student loans , auto debt , credit cards , or had employees you couldn ’ t pay , too bad .
Pay up or go belly-up was the basic approach .
But since March of this year , attitudes around who bears these risks have changed dramatically .
With the combined programs from the Federal Reserve , the Treasury and Congress , many individuals have been able to skip paying mortgages , rent , student loans , credit cards and auto loans .
Moreover , businesses that couldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billions from the government .
This makes it easier for everyone to get through a recession and facilitates a faster recovery .
The big question for investors is will this government largesse continue ?
On Dec. 31 of this year , darkness looms for many of these programs and the economy in general .
That ’ s the date when much of this forbearance will end .
Then everyone is going to have to start paying their bills .
Or will they ?
Let ’ s say the government decides that many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repaid .
To save the economy , the government could absorb $ 1 trillion of these liabilities and let people off the hook for things like missed mortgage payments or student loans .
Is this workable ?
Consider that the total Federal debt is around $ 27 trillion .
This means the national debt goes to $ 28 trillion .
Does that even matter when interest costs on that debt are less than 1 % ?
Probably not .
Is that “ crazy ” ?
Certainly under the old paradigm it is .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be what ends up happening .
If the economy seriously contracts again , I think this is a deal many of our political leaders would take .
In terms of other crazy talk , there are many things the government could do to keep markets afloat .
For one , the government could decide to buy stocks .
The Bank of Japan and China ’ s Central Bank do this already , and it ’ s been discussed as a potential tool in the U.S.
Here ’ s another crazy idea .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s have the Fed transfer money directly to people ’ s bank accounts to help them make it through .
They could also directly transfer money to companies in hard hit industries .
Is it possible ?
Certainly , particularly if the Fed pursues the issuance of a digital currency , which is being explored .
In the meantime , we could simply send out more stimulus checks .
To many investors , these are crazy ideas .
But they are strategies that are actively being discussed .
If only a few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nature of risk in the economy .
Whether the government does any of this comes down to the values the country has around money and what one might call rugged individualism .
If we believe in rugged individualism , then if you have a problem , the government says you need to deal with it .
But if we think that it ’ s not fair to require people to solve every problem they encounter ( maybe some of them are outside of their control , like from COVID-19 ) , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And that ’ s what is changing .
There is a growing belief that many of these problems are systemic , and COVID has brought this to the forefront .
Thus , if the system caused them ( like encouraging too much student debt ) , then the system must solve them .
What does this mean for markets ?
If the government safety net grows for investors , families and companies , then economic failure becomes less likely .
This helps keep things like the stock market and real estate values elevated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a free lunch .
With less risk , comes the prospect of lower future returns .
As government support grows , it becomes essential to the workings of the economy and markets .
People begin to expect it .
At that point , it can ’ t be ignored , nor can it effectively be withdrawn .
We are inching toward this reality ; when what were once crazy thoughts become the way we do things .
If the long-term environment we are creating is one of less risk and lower returns , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to save more .
Charlie Farrell is a CEO of Northstar Investment Advisors LLC .
This article is for information and education purposes only .
Past performance is no guarantee of future returns , and all investing involves the permanent risk of loss .
Consult your individual financial adviser for guidance specific to your circumstances .

Since late March of this year, the financial markets have defied some of the most fundamental principles of investing: they go up even when things look bad. If you are having a hard time understanding all of this, it’s probably because you aren’t entertaining enough crazy thoughts. Crazy thoughts about what might be done to keep the economy and markets afloat.
The disconnect for many investors is that they continue to think in terms of the historical paradigm where investors, businesses and families must bear the risks of their own financial situation. If you have a mortgage, rent, student loans, auto debt, credit cards, or had employees you couldn’t pay, too bad. Pay up or go belly-up was the basic approach. But since March of this year, attitudes around who bears these risks have changed dramatically.
With the combined programs from the Federal Reserve, the Treasury and Congress, many individuals have been able to skip paying mortgages, rent, student loans, credit cards and auto loans. Moreover, businesses that couldn’t pay their employees also got billions from the government. This makes it easier for everyone to get through a recession and facilitates a faster recovery.
The big question for investors is will this government largesse continue? On Dec. 31 of this year, darkness looms for many of these programs and the economy in general. That’s the date when much of this forbearance will end. Then everyone is going to have to start paying their bills. Or will they?
Let’s say the government decides that many of these liabilities are never going to be repaid. To save the economy, the government could absorb $1 trillion of these liabilities and let people off the hook for things like missed mortgage payments or student loans. Is this workable? Consider that the total Federal debt is around $27 trillion. This means the national debt goes to $28 trillion. Does that even matter when interest costs on that debt are less than 1%? Probably not.
Is that “crazy”? Certainly under the old paradigm it is. But today, that crazy thought may be what ends up happening. If the economy seriously contracts again, I think this is a deal many of our political leaders would take.
In terms of other crazy talk, there are many things the government could do to keep markets afloat. For one, the government could decide to buy stocks. The Bank of Japan and China’s Central Bank do this already, and it’s been discussed as a potential tool in the U.S.
Here’s another crazy idea. When the economy experiences a recession, let’s have the Fed transfer money directly to people’s bank accounts to help them make it through. They could also directly transfer money to companies in hard hit industries. Is it possible? Certainly, particularly if the Fed pursues the issuance of a digital currency, which is being explored. In the meantime, we could simply send out more stimulus checks.
To many investors, these are crazy ideas. But they are strategies that are actively being discussed. If only a few are implemented, they could fundamentally change the nature of risk in the economy.
Whether the government does any of this comes down to the values the country has around money and what one might call rugged individualism. If we believe in rugged individualism, then if you have a problem, the government says you need to deal with it. But if we think that it’s not fair to require people to solve every problem they encounter (maybe some of them are outside of their control, like from COVID-19), then it’s a different story. And that’s what is changing. There is a growing belief that many of these problems are systemic, and COVID has brought this to the forefront. Thus, if the system caused them (like encouraging too much student debt), then the system must solve them.
What does this mean for markets? If the government safety net grows for investors, families and companies, then economic failure becomes less likely. This helps keep things like the stock market and real estate values elevated. But this is unlikely to be a free lunch. With less risk, comes the prospect of lower future returns.
As government support grows, it becomes essential to the workings of the economy and markets. People begin to expect it. At that point, it can’t be ignored, nor can it effectively be withdrawn. We are inching toward this reality; when what were once crazy thoughts become the way we do things. If the long-term environment we are creating is one of less risk and lower returns, then the solution for many investors is to save more.
Charlie Farrell is a CEO of Northstar Investment Advisors LLC. This article is for information and education purposes only. Past performance is no guarantee of future returns, and all investing involves the permanent risk of loss. Consult your individual financial adviser for guidance specific to your circumstances.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--57 Denver sheriff’s deputies — and the sheriff — have potential credibility issues, review finds

Dozens of Denver sheriff ’ s deputies have histories of lying or criminal activity that may impact their credibility in court — including the sheriff himself .
A review by city public safety officials launched last year found that 57 current and former uniformed Denver Sheriff Department personnel had problems with their credibility , according to documents obtained by The Denver Post through a public records request .
Twenty-nine of those people are still employed by the department , including five sergeants and one captain .
Denver public safety officials announced last year that they would conduct a review of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ create a list of deputies whose backgrounds might affect their credibility if called to testify in court .
The sheriff ’ s department had never reported such officers to the Denver District Attorney ’ s Office , though it is common practice to do so .
Prosecutors then compile that information — often called a “ Brady list ” after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling — and are required to disclose it to defense attorneys if those officers are called to testify .
The reasons each deputy was included on the list vary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jenkins , was added to the list because of discrimination against jail inmates .
Jenkins was fired , then reinstated , after calling an inmate “ nappy head ” and saying “ Black is whack ” after the same inmate commented on her tan , according to the deputy ’ s 2014 disciplinary letter .
Jenkins is no longer with the department , records show .
Of the 29 current employees on the list , five were included because of untruthfulness and 24 were added to the list because of criminal convictions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ been convicted of driving while ability impaired — the most common conviction .
Other convictions included theft , prohibited use of a gun , obstructing a police officer , false reporting , cruelty to animals and harassment .
The criminal convictions for current deputies are as old as 1989 and as recent as last year .
Denver Sheriff Elias Diggins was included on the list because of a 1996 conviction for misdemeanor false reporting .
Diggins was charged with attempting to influence a public official , a felony , for lying to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a car crash .
Diggins , who was 23 at the time , pleaded guilty to the lesser charge .
The crime happened two years after Diggins joined the sheriff ’ s department , and the record came to public attention after Diggins was named interim sheriff in 2014 .
“ I ’ ve always been forthcoming with taking responsibility for what happened 24 years ago , ” Diggins told The Post in a recent interview .
“ And every subject that is subject to the Brady list requirements must follow them , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complete , it ’ s unclear whether any of those deputies testified in any criminal cases because the district attorney ’ s office did not check .
“ We did not look backwards to see if any of those deputy sheriffs testified in any cases , ” Carolyn Tyler , spokeswoman for the Denver District Attorney ’ s Office , said in an email in response to questions from The Post .
“ The vast majority of our law enforcement witnesses are Denver Police Department officers.
” Unlike other Colorado sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not work on patrol or as investigators .
The department ’ s primary responsibilities include running the city ’ s two jails , transporting jail inmates and providing security in courthouses .
Denver police also investigate any allegations of crimes occurring in the jails .
That means Denver ’ s deputies are unlikely to be called as witnesses in court .
The Public Integrity Division , a subset of the Denver Department of Safety that oversees Denver sheriff internal affairs investigations , discovered last year that there was no Brady list .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would conduct a review , they promised to publicly release a list on the findings in the first quarter of 2020 .
That never happened , though the Denver District Attorney ’ s Office provided the list to The Denver Post in response to a records request .
Since the announcement of the review , both the public safety director , Troy Riggs , and the leader of the Public Integrity Division ’ s Administrative Investigations Unit , Dave Walcher , left their positions with the city .
Riggs took a job in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walcher in July joined the Douglas County Sheriff ’ s Office , where he is now the undersheriff .
No new disciplinary cases were opened as part of the review , public safety spokeswoman Kelli Christensen said .
Going forward , the department will use the same protocols as the Denver Police Department regarding potential Brady material and will notify the district attorney ’ s office of potential Brady issues , said Greg Huff , who replaced Walcher as manager of the Administrative Investigations Unit .

Dozens of Denver sheriff’s deputies have histories of lying or criminal activity that may impact their credibility in court — including the sheriff himself.
A review by city public safety officials launched last year found that 57 current and former uniformed Denver Sheriff Department personnel had problems with their credibility, according to documents obtained by The Denver Post through a public records request. Twenty-nine of those people are still employed by the department, including five sergeants and one captain.
Denver public safety officials announced last year that they would conduct a review of sheriff’s department discipline records to create a list of deputies whose backgrounds might affect their credibility if called to testify in court.
The sheriff’s department had never reported such officers to the Denver District Attorney’s Office, though it is common practice to do so. Prosecutors then compile that information — often called a “Brady list” after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling — and are required to disclose it to defense attorneys if those officers are called to testify.
The reasons each deputy was included on the list vary widely. One former deputy, Rosanna Jenkins, was added to the list because of discrimination against jail inmates. Jenkins was fired, then reinstated, after calling an inmate “nappy head” and saying “Black is whack” after the same inmate commented on her tan, according to the deputy’s 2014 disciplinary letter. Jenkins is no longer with the department, records show.
Of the 29 current employees on the list, five were included because of untruthfulness and 24 were added to the list because of criminal convictions. At least seven of the deputies had been convicted of driving while ability impaired — the most common conviction. Other convictions included theft, prohibited use of a gun, obstructing a police officer, false reporting, cruelty to animals and harassment. The criminal convictions for current deputies are as old as 1989 and as recent as last year.
Denver Sheriff Elias Diggins was included on the list because of a 1996 conviction for misdemeanor false reporting. Diggins was charged with attempting to influence a public official, a felony, for lying to a judge about whether he had insurance after a car crash. Diggins, who was 23 at the time, pleaded guilty to the lesser charge.
The crime happened two years after Diggins joined the sheriff’s department, and the record came to public attention after Diggins was named interim sheriff in 2014.
“I’ve always been forthcoming with taking responsibility for what happened 24 years ago,” Diggins told The Post in a recent interview. “And every subject that is subject to the Brady list requirements must follow them, including myself.”
Although the review is complete, it’s unclear whether any of those deputies testified in any criminal cases because the district attorney’s office did not check.
“We did not look backwards to see if any of those deputy sheriffs testified in any cases,” Carolyn Tyler, spokeswoman for the Denver District Attorney’s Office, said in an email in response to questions from The Post. “The vast majority of our law enforcement witnesses are Denver Police Department officers.”
Unlike other Colorado sheriff’s offices, Denver Sheriff Department deputies do not work on patrol or as investigators. The department’s primary responsibilities include running the city’s two jails, transporting jail inmates and providing security in courthouses. Denver police also investigate any allegations of crimes occurring in the jails. That means Denver’s deputies are unlikely to be called as witnesses in court.
The Public Integrity Division, a subset of the Denver Department of Safety that oversees Denver sheriff internal affairs investigations, discovered last year that there was no Brady list. When officials announced in December 2019 that they would conduct a review, they promised to publicly release a list on the findings in the first quarter of 2020.
That never happened, though the Denver District Attorney’s Office provided the list to The Denver Post in response to a records request. Since the announcement of the review, both the public safety director, Troy Riggs, and the leader of the Public Integrity Division’s Administrative Investigations Unit, Dave Walcher, left their positions with the city. Riggs took a job in the private sector in January, and Walcher in July joined the Douglas County Sheriff’s Office, where he is now the undersheriff.
No new disciplinary cases were opened as part of the review, public safety spokeswoman Kelli Christensen said.
Going forward, the department will use the same protocols as the Denver Police Department regarding potential Brady material and will notify the district attorney’s office of potential Brady issues, said Greg Huff, who replaced Walcher as manager of the Administrative Investigations Unit.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--Uneven approach to Colorado police officers with questionable credibility leaves public in the dark

When two Aurora police officers testified in a burglary case last year , they described a relatively routine arrest : They found a man who seemed to match the reported description of the suspect less than a block from the burglarized house and took him into custody .
But that ’ s not what their body camera footage showed .
The judge paused the motions hearing to watch body camera footage and saw vast discrepancies between the officers ’ account and the video .
One of the officers aggressively approached the man , with a Taser drawn , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost immediately .
The video showed the officers pulling jewelry from the man ’ s pockets , though they testified they had just happened to see the jewelry hanging out of his pocket .
Arapahoe County District Court Judge Ryan Stuart not only found that the arrest was “ a blatant violation of ( the defendant ’ s ) constitutional rights ” because the officers , Paul Timmons and Matthew Neely , didn ’ t have enough evidence to detain the man , but also found the officers untrustworthy .
“ They testified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ observed , so the court finds that their other testimony regarding what happened when the video is not credible and the court is not willing to believe any of it , ” Stuart said , according to a transcript of the May 2 , 2019 , hearing .
After the judge ’ s findings , the two officers joined the hundreds of current and former Colorado law enforcement officers with histories that may impact their credibility in court .
Every district attorney in Colorado tracks officers whose pasts may need to be disclosed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficult to know which officers are included on prosecutors ’ lists — often called “ Brady lists ” after a U.S. Supreme Court decision — because there is no statewide system to track such officers , and district attorneys disagree whether the lists should be made public .
The Denver Post requested Brady lists from each of the 22 district attorneys ’ offices in Colorado .
From the nine offices that provided a list , The Post compiled a list of 466 current and former law enforcement officers with criminal convictions , histories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other backgrounds that could impact their credibility in court .
The records offer insight into the often-opaque realm of police discipline in Colorado , but because some offices withheld their lists it ’ s impossible to know how many other officers have a Brady designation , whether they ’ re still working in law enforcement or whether an officer on a list in one jurisdiction has moved to another .
That means it can be difficult for people to know whether an officer testifying against them in court or issuing a ticket has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entrusted with arresting powers to keep communities safe are trustworthy themselves .
“ It all comes back to the accountability of police agencies , ” said Jeff Roberts , executive director of the Colorado Freedom of Information Coalition .
“ And that ’ s important because having more transparency and accountability builds trust with community.
” In Colorado , district attorneys often rely on law enforcement agencies to self-report disciplinary matters that could impact an officer ’ s credibility .
There ’ s no uniform policy across the 22 judicial districts about what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , though certain disclosures are required by law , and sometimes district attorneys themselves don ’ t know why an officer is included on their list .
“ I rely on the law enforcement agencies to notify me if there is a concern , ” Sixth Judicial District Attorney Christian Champagne said .
“ The burden , as I see it , is really more on the law enforcement agencies to let me know.
” That places defense attorneys — and the public — in a difficult place , said Tristan Gorman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Defense Bar .
Despite a 2019 law change , it is still difficult to obtain many police disciplinary files , she said , and defense attorneys are often left in the dark about officers ’ credibility .
“ It ’ s a situation that I see repeated in many contexts in the criminal legal system , where the DA or the police say , ‘ Just trust us , ’ ” Gorman said .
“ And I ’ m just inherently distrustful.
” Prosecutors compile Brady lists to comply with their duty under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a 1963 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brady v. Maryland to provide criminal defendants with information that might help their case , including information that may impact the credibility of a witness , including police .
That ’ s a broad category that different prosecutors and law enforcement agencies might define differently .
Each district attorney ’ s office keeps its list in its own way and sets its own policies about what is included .
Some , like the 18th Judicial District Attorney ’ s Office , have lengthy written policies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreements with law enforcement .
Colorado law requires that law enforcement agencies notify district attorneys of officers ’ lying in some instances , but that law doesn ’ t cover every interpretation of what could be considered “ Brady material.
” “ It ’ s a moving target , man , it ’ s not well defined , ” 14th Judicial District Attorney Matt Karzen said .
Criminal convictions or charges are a common reason officers are added to a Brady list — at least 174 officers were added to lists in connection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ records reviewed by The Post .
Offenses included convictions for sexual assault , manslaughter and domestic violence as well as many drunk driving charges .
In one instance , a Denver police officer working at the airport allowed his wife , an airport employee , to use his department badge so she didn ’ t have to pay for parking .
Others were added to the list for lying during a criminal or internal affairs investigation , and a handful were included because of excessive use-of-force cases or allegations that the officer made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were vague about the reason for the Brady letter , just noting that there is something in the officer ’ s personnel file that may be of interest to the defense .
For example , one Brady letter from the 18th Judicial District Attorney ’ s Office simply states that an officer with the Lone Tree Police Department , whose name was redacted , was fired after an investigation into “ matters ” at the department .
Even after a defense attorney is alerted that there might be something in an officer ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not always easy to get the records in question .
Defense attorneys have to subpoena the records and , often , a judge will review the records before deciding whether they ’ re relevant enough to release them to the defense .
That ’ s tricky , defense attorneys said , because they have to convince the judge that the file contains something important without knowing what ’ s inside the file .
“ The standard is that you have to show whatever ’ s in there is material to your defense , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s in there or if anything material exists , ” said Ann England , a professor at the University of Colorado Law School and a former public defender .
“ Any other witness , if the DA should know that information , they would have to disclose that information to you .
But we ’ ve carved out these pieces because of how we ’ ve negotiated in our society how to monitor police.
” Trying to use the public records process is equally difficult , Gorman said .
A law passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be public but mandates their release only if the requester can identify “ a specific , identifiable incident of alleged misconduct involving a member of the public.
” Defense attorneys don ’ t always know enough about the incident to request a record under those parameters .
“ There are a lot of hoops to jump through and if it ’ s not handled properly pretrial , it can turn into a years-long protracted legal process that may or may not end up with the right result , ” Gorman said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ many of the officers included on prosecutors ’ Brady lists remain employed in Colorado law enforcement .
The state ’ s Peace Officer Standards and Training Board maintains a database of officers who are certified law enforcement but would not provide that list , citing security concerns , though it will verify whether an individual officer is certified upon request .
Law enforcement agencies are not required to report Brady listings to POST , either , though officers are required to report criminal convictions .
Since August 2019 , law enforcement agencies also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation that found an officer knowingly lied .
Lawmakers ’ police accountability bill , passed this summer , will require POST to maintain a database of those officers starting in January 2022 .
But even that database won ’ t track all officers on a Brady list .
There is no formal system for district attorneys to know whether an officer has a Brady letter in another jurisdiction , said Tom Raynes , executive director of the Colorado District Attorneys ’ Council .
Instead , prosecutors have to rely on law enforcement agencies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hiring process .
Some , but not all , officers on the lists lost their jobs for the conduct that got them on the list , records show .
Brady lists obtained by The Post show at least five instances where an officer was able to get a law enforcement job at another agency after being included on a previous employer ’ s list .
In 2004 , then-Douglas County deputy Nathan Ahlbrecht pleaded guilty to official misconduct , earning a Brady letter .
He was later hired by the Elbert County Sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he pleaded guilty to a count of official misconduct there .
He no longer works for the county , according to his Brady letter .
Another officer was able to move to Castle Rock Police Department after being fired for lying by the Littleton Police Department .
At least two officers were able to join the Morrison Police Department after internal affairs investigations about their credibility at other Denver area departments .
The district attorneys ’ council in 2014 convened a group to create a “ best practices ” document about Brady disclosures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never got past the draft form , Raynes said .
States including Arizona , Oregon and Pennsylvania are working on creating a more standardized process about Brady cops , he said , and Colorado is beginning to do the same .
“ I think the time is right to get the project to the top of the pile again , ” Raynes said .
“ I have 12 new district attorneys coming in , I think it ’ s a prime time.
” Want to know which law enforcement officers in your area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ability to do so depends on where you live .
Of Colorado ’ s 22 district attorneys , nine denied a records request for their Brady list : the Fourth , Seventh , Eighth , Ninth , 10th , 16th , 17th , 19th and 21st judicial district attorneys .
Seven district attorneys provided a complete list of names : the First , Second , Fifth , Sixth , 13th , 20th and 22nd judicial district attorneys .
The district attorneys in the 14th and 18th judicial districts released partial lists with dozens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four prosecutors ’ offices — the Third , 11th , 12th and 15th judicial district attorneys — did not respond to The Post ’ s requests .
The prosecutors were able to deny the records request under the Colorado Criminal Justice Records Act , which gives public officials wide leeway to deny requests they think would be contrary to the public interest .
The district attorneys who denied the requests often said they didn ’ t want to violate officers ’ privacy or hurt their ability to get a job .
“ Releasing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speculation that the officers on the list engaged in some wrongdoing that threatens to significantly impact career opportunities or promotions and could unfairly damage the reputation of those officers , ” wrote Jess Redman , assistant district attorney in Adams and Broomfield counties .
Other offices stated fears that releasing the names would discourage law enforcement agencies from reporting potential credibility issues to prosecutors .
“ To release the names of officers on our Brady list , without first having a judicial review to determine if in fact the internal affairs file contains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect on police agencies notifying my office of possible Brady issues , ” wrote Rich Tuttle , assistant district attorney in Mesa County .
In the case of the two Aurora police officers ruled not credible , prosecutors asked the judge to dismiss the charges against the burglary suspect .
But the two officers continue to wear a badge .
They are investigating crimes as motorcycle officers , a department spokesman said .

When two Aurora police officers testified in a burglary case last year, they described a relatively routine arrest: They found a man who seemed to match the reported description of the suspect less than a block from the burglarized house and took him into custody.
But that’s not what their body camera footage showed.
The judge paused the motions hearing to watch body camera footage and saw vast discrepancies between the officers’ account and the video. One of the officers aggressively approached the man, with a Taser drawn, and the duo used physical force against the man almost immediately. The video showed the officers pulling jewelry from the man’s pockets, though they testified they had just happened to see the jewelry hanging out of his pocket.
Arapahoe County District Court Judge Ryan Stuart not only found that the arrest was “a blatant violation of (the defendant’s) constitutional rights” because the officers, Paul Timmons and Matthew Neely, didn’t have enough evidence to detain the man, but also found the officers untrustworthy.
“They testified inconsistent with the video that the court observed, so the court finds that their other testimony regarding what happened when the video is not credible and the court is not willing to believe any of it,” Stuart said, according to a transcript of the May 2, 2019, hearing.
After the judge’s findings, the two officers joined the hundreds of current and former Colorado law enforcement officers with histories that may impact their credibility in court. Every district attorney in Colorado tracks officers whose pasts may need to be disclosed in court. But it’s difficult to know which officers are included on prosecutors’ lists — often called “Brady lists” after a U.S. Supreme Court decision — because there is no statewide system to track such officers, and district attorneys disagree whether the lists should be made public.
The Denver Post requested Brady lists from each of the 22 district attorneys’ offices in Colorado. From the nine offices that provided a list, The Post compiled a list of 466 current and former law enforcement officers with criminal convictions, histories of lying, excessive force incidents or other backgrounds that could impact their credibility in court. The records offer insight into the often-opaque realm of police discipline in Colorado, but because some offices withheld their lists it’s impossible to know how many other officers have a Brady designation, whether they’re still working in law enforcement or whether an officer on a list in one jurisdiction has moved to another.
That means it can be difficult for people to know whether an officer testifying against them in court or issuing a ticket has lied before, or whether the officers entrusted with arresting powers to keep communities safe are trustworthy themselves.
“It all comes back to the accountability of police agencies,” said Jeff Roberts, executive director of the Colorado Freedom of Information Coalition. “And that’s important because having more transparency and accountability builds trust with community.”
In Colorado, district attorneys often rely on law enforcement agencies to self-report disciplinary matters that could impact an officer’s credibility. There’s no uniform policy across the 22 judicial districts about what incidents qualify an officer for such lists, though certain disclosures are required by law, and sometimes district attorneys themselves don’t know why an officer is included on their list.
“I rely on the law enforcement agencies to notify me if there is a concern,” Sixth Judicial District Attorney Christian Champagne said. “The burden, as I see it, is really more on the law enforcement agencies to let me know.”
That places defense attorneys — and the public — in a difficult place, said Tristan Gorman, legislative policy coordinator for the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar. Despite a 2019 law change, it is still difficult to obtain many police disciplinary files, she said, and defense attorneys are often left in the dark about officers’ credibility.
“It’s a situation that I see repeated in many contexts in the criminal legal system, where the DA or the police say, ‘Just trust us,’” Gorman said. “And I’m just inherently distrustful.”
“A moving target”
Prosecutors compile Brady lists to comply with their duty under Colorado’s Code of Criminal Procedure and a 1963 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brady v. Maryland to provide criminal defendants with information that might help their case, including information that may impact the credibility of a witness, including police.
That’s a broad category that different prosecutors and law enforcement agencies might define differently. Each district attorney’s office keeps its list in its own way and sets its own policies about what is included. Some, like the 18th Judicial District Attorney’s Office, have lengthy written policies, and others operate using less formal agreements with law enforcement. Colorado law requires that law enforcement agencies notify district attorneys of officers’ lying in some instances, but that law doesn’t cover every interpretation of what could be considered “Brady material.”
“It’s a moving target, man, it’s not well defined,” 14th Judicial District Attorney Matt Karzen said.
Criminal convictions or charges are a common reason officers are added to a Brady list — at least 174 officers were added to lists in connection to criminal conduct, according to the records reviewed by The Post. Offenses included convictions for sexual assault, manslaughter and domestic violence as well as many drunk driving charges. In one instance, a Denver police officer working at the airport allowed his wife, an airport employee, to use his department badge so she didn’t have to pay for parking.
Others were added to the list for lying during a criminal or internal affairs investigation, and a handful were included because of excessive use-of-force cases or allegations that the officer made racist comments.
Many of the documents were vague about the reason for the Brady letter, just noting that there is something in the officer’s personnel file that may be of interest to the defense. For example, one Brady letter from the 18th Judicial District Attorney’s Office simply states that an officer with the Lone Tree Police Department, whose name was redacted, was fired after an investigation into “matters” at the department.
Even after a defense attorney is alerted that there might be something in an officer’s personnel file, it’s not always easy to get the records in question. Defense attorneys have to subpoena the records and, often, a judge will review the records before deciding whether they’re relevant enough to release them to the defense.
That’s tricky, defense attorneys said, because they have to convince the judge that the file contains something important without knowing what’s inside the file.
“The standard is that you have to show whatever’s in there is material to your defense, but you have no idea if anything’s in there or if anything material exists,” said Ann England, a professor at the University of Colorado Law School and a former public defender. “Any other witness, if the DA should know that information, they would have to disclose that information to you. But we’ve carved out these pieces because of how we’ve negotiated in our society how to monitor police.”
Trying to use the public records process is equally difficult, Gorman said. A law passed in 2019 deemed police internal affairs records to be public but mandates their release only if the requester can identify “a specific, identifiable incident of alleged misconduct involving a member of the public.” Defense attorneys don’t always know enough about the incident to request a record under those parameters.
“There are a lot of hoops to jump through and if it’s not handled properly pretrial, it can turn into a years-long protracted legal process that may or may not end up with the right result,” Gorman said.
No statewide tracking
It’s difficult to know how many of the officers included on prosecutors’ Brady lists remain employed in Colorado law enforcement. The state’s Peace Officer Standards and Training Board maintains a database of officers who are certified law enforcement but would not provide that list, citing security concerns, though it will verify whether an individual officer is certified upon request.
Law enforcement agencies are not required to report Brady listings to POST, either, though officers are required to report criminal convictions. Since August 2019, law enforcement agencies also have to notify POST of any internal investigation that found an officer knowingly lied. Lawmakers’ police accountability bill, passed this summer, will require POST to maintain a database of those officers starting in January 2022.
But even that database won’t track all officers on a Brady list. There is no formal system for district attorneys to know whether an officer has a Brady letter in another jurisdiction, said Tom Raynes, executive director of the Colorado District Attorneys’ Council. Instead, prosecutors have to rely on law enforcement agencies to thoroughly investigate a candidate during the hiring process.
Some, but not all, officers on the lists lost their jobs for the conduct that got them on the list, records show. Brady lists obtained by The Post show at least five instances where an officer was able to get a law enforcement job at another agency after being included on a previous employer’s list.
In 2004, then-Douglas County deputy Nathan Ahlbrecht pleaded guilty to official misconduct, earning a Brady letter. He was later hired by the Elbert County Sheriff’s Office, and in 2011 he pleaded guilty to a count of official misconduct there. He no longer works for the county, according to his Brady letter.
Another officer was able to move to Castle Rock Police Department after being fired for lying by the Littleton Police Department. At least two officers were able to join the Morrison Police Department after internal affairs investigations about their credibility at other Denver area departments.
The district attorneys’ council in 2014 convened a group to create a “best practices” document about Brady disclosures for prosecutors to use, but it never got past the draft form, Raynes said. States including Arizona, Oregon and Pennsylvania are working on creating a more standardized process about Brady cops, he said, and Colorado is beginning to do the same.
“I think the time is right to get the project to the top of the pile again,” Raynes said. “I have 12 new district attorneys coming in, I think it’s a prime time.”
Uneven public access
Want to know which law enforcement officers in your area have a potential credibility issue? Your ability to do so depends on where you live.
Of Colorado’s 22 district attorneys, nine denied a records request for their Brady list: the Fourth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, 10th, 16th, 17th, 19th and 21st judicial district attorneys. Seven district attorneys provided a complete list of names: the First, Second, Fifth, Sixth, 13th, 20th and 22nd judicial district attorneys. The district attorneys in the 14th and 18th judicial districts released partial lists with dozens of officers’ names redacted.
And four prosecutors’ offices — the Third, 11th, 12th and 15th judicial district attorneys — did not respond to The Post’s requests.
The prosecutors were able to deny the records request under the Colorado Criminal Justice Records Act, which gives public officials wide leeway to deny requests they think would be contrary to the public interest. The district attorneys who denied the requests often said they didn’t want to violate officers’ privacy or hurt their ability to get a job.
“Releasing a list of names may result in speculation that the officers on the list engaged in some wrongdoing that threatens to significantly impact career opportunities or promotions and could unfairly damage the reputation of those officers,” wrote Jess Redman, assistant district attorney in Adams and Broomfield counties.
Other offices stated fears that releasing the names would discourage law enforcement agencies from reporting potential credibility issues to prosecutors.
“To release the names of officers on our Brady list, without first having a judicial review to determine if in fact the internal affairs file contains Brady material, would have a chilling effect on police agencies notifying my office of possible Brady issues,” wrote Rich Tuttle, assistant district attorney in Mesa County.
In the case of the two Aurora police officers ruled not credible, prosecutors asked the judge to dismiss the charges against the burglary suspect.
But the two officers continue to wear a badge. They are investigating crimes as motorcycle officers, a department spokesman said.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--On Edge: First COVID took his friends, then it took his health

Eddie Kemm found the pool table early in the pandemic , not long after the governor ’ s order shut down the bars — including Kemm ’ s favorite pool hall .
When the halls went dark , so , too , did a significant part of the social life of an 81-year-old man who lives alone .
It was like an amputation .
He was , he says , miserable .
In ordinary circumstances , Kemm would not have made a purchase impractical for a man living on $ 1,200 a month .
But then the stimulus check arrived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t , the difference between luxury and necessity lies in the eye of the beholder during the long , isolated days of the pandemic .
What he knew after just a couple weeks away from his social circle , unable to play the game he practiced in his mind while lying in bed , was that he was “ going crazy.
” Kemm had been living alone in the same house in Denver ’ s Westwood neighborhood for almost 40 years .
Overall , he ’ s never minded it .
He and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died — one years ago and one not so long ago .
When loneliness strikes it comes in the shape of their absence , a knee-buckling aloneness .
“ It comes and goes and it will until I die , ” he says .
He keeps himself busy because the skills of a former maintenance man and groundskeeper are never out of demand and Kemm is generous with his time and his tools .
It wasn ’ t the “ being alone ” part that got to him as the pandemic arrived .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be alone .
It was the disruption to his routine , the inability to head into BC ’ s bar in Lakewood for Monday night tournaments .
It was missing that first swallow of an O ’ Doul ’ s and Clamato , listening to the banter and the bull while observing his opponents work their angles .
“ What makes me special is my ability to study people and see how they shoot , ” he says .
“ That ’ s a gift that God gave me.
” Kemm is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counseling , having been raised firmly in the “ you have a problem , you figure it out , ” tradition .
When isolation descended , his solution was getting a pool table of his own .
It was never going to fit in his 876-square-foot house .
“ It would have looked stupid , ” he says .
So , in preparation , he added more pavers to his backyard patio , making sure everything was level , and added some crossbeams to an existing frame so it would support a roof @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from a pool hall has a couple of beer stains , but he plans to replace the gold felt with the best he can afford .
The quarter slot is still attached .
It was $ 400 , plus the $ 40 each he paid the guys who drove to Montbello to load and then unload it again at his place .
When the bars were still closed in the spring , four or five guys from BC ’ s would come over and practice and that was a tiny beachhead of normalcy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He knows himself .
He does not worry about the pandemic .
He knows that he needs to prioritize his concerns to what is right in front of him , like whether the Department of Human Services will mess around with his food stamps again .
In early November , Kemm contracted the virus and ended up at St. Anthony ’ s Hospital .
Even from his bed , talking on the phone , he insisted that he was not going to worry , that he has had a good life and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now.
” But he took a turn for the worse and had to be placed on a ventilator .
As of early December , he had been transferred to the VA hospital , teetering between stable and critical condition .
The pool table remains covered .
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Eddie Kemm found the pool table early in the pandemic, not long after the governor’s order shut down the bars — including Kemm’s favorite pool hall. When the halls went dark, so, too, did a significant part of the social life of an 81-year-old man who lives alone. It was like an amputation. He was, he says, miserable.
In ordinary circumstances, Kemm would not have made a purchase impractical for a man living on $1,200 a month. But then the stimulus check arrived and, even if it hadn’t, the difference between luxury and necessity lies in the eye of the beholder during the long, isolated days of the pandemic.
What he knew after just a couple weeks away from his social circle, unable to play the game he practiced in his mind while lying in bed, was that he was “going crazy.”
Kemm had been living alone in the same house in Denver’s Westwood neighborhood for almost 40 years. Overall, he’s never minded it. He and his ex-wife had two sons and both died — one years ago and one not so long ago. When loneliness strikes it comes in the shape of their absence, a knee-buckling aloneness. “It comes and goes and it will until I die,” he says.
He keeps himself busy because the skills of a former maintenance man and groundskeeper are never out of demand and Kemm is generous with his time and his tools.
It wasn’t the “being alone” part that got to him as the pandemic arrived. It was the denial of the choice to be alone. It was the disruption to his routine, the inability to head into BC’s bar in Lakewood for Monday night tournaments. It was missing that first swallow of an O’Doul’s and Clamato, listening to the banter and the bull while observing his opponents work their angles.
“What makes me special is my ability to study people and see how they shoot,” he says. “That’s a gift that God gave me.”
Kemm is not a man to consider mental health counseling, having been raised firmly in the “you have a problem, you figure it out,” tradition. When isolation descended, his solution was getting a pool table of his own. It was never going to fit in his 876-square-foot house. “It would have looked stupid,” he says. So, in preparation, he added more pavers to his backyard patio, making sure everything was level, and added some crossbeams to an existing frame so it would support a roof of plywood.
The table he bought from a pool hall has a couple of beer stains, but he plans to replace the gold felt with the best he can afford. The quarter slot is still attached. It was $400, plus the $40 each he paid the guys who drove to Montbello to load and then unload it again at his place.
When the bars were still closed in the spring, four or five guys from BC’s would come over and practice and that was a tiny beachhead of normalcy.
His world is small by design. He knows himself. He does not worry about the pandemic. He knows that he needs to prioritize his concerns to what is right in front of him, like whether the Department of Human Services will mess around with his food stamps again.
In early November, Kemm contracted the virus and ended up at St. Anthony’s Hospital. Even from his bed, talking on the phone, he insisted that he was not going to worry, that he has had a good life and “this is part of my life now.”
But he took a turn for the worse and had to be placed on a ventilator. As of early December, he had been transferred to the VA hospital, teetering between stable and critical condition.
The pool table remains covered.
Tina Griego: tina@colabnews.co
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thedenverpost--2020-12-06--On Edge: In a rural Eastern Plains community plagued by drought, mental health stigma won’t be easy

On Edge: In a rural Eastern Plains community plagued by drought, mental health stigma won’t be easy to overcome

EADS – Here in Kiowa County , farmers have always relied on whatever moisture happens to fall from the sky rather than on irrigation .
In August , this 1,300-person community bordering on Kansas was the first part of Colorado where drought conditions surpassed “ extreme ” to a level meteorologists call “ exceptional.
” “ It ’ s horrible , just horrible , the ways drought can affect the human mind , ” says Jimmy Brown , a third-generation farmer in Eads whose wheat and grain sorghum crops withered this year , just like those of his neighbors .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ person here whose mental health hasn ’ t been affected by it.
” The Eastern Plains have had dry spells .
Some old-timers remember Dust Bowl conditions in the 1930s .
Their children weathered extreme drought in the mid-1950s , and their children ’ s children endured acute dryness in 2002 and 2012 .
Yet nobody here can remember a year so parched that even the bindweed stopped growing .
Even before smoke from the late-summer mountain wildfires wafted in , Brown says “ You couldn ’ t see the sun here because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You can smell the dirt .
You can feel it in your nose and sinuses .
You can see how everything ’ s so brown , so dead all around you .
You can feel how it ’ s all so depressing , ” he says .
Brown , in addition to farming , serves as Kiowa County ’ s elected coroner and lone funeral director .
With drought , he says , comes uncertainty , even among the majority of growers who carry insurance compensating them for the losses .
With uncertainty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ People tend to be shorter with one another , to withdraw , ” he says , noting that he is no exception .
He had a hard time this year mustering the energy to feed and water his cattle , check his fences and tend to the endless other tasks required to run a farm .
He followed headlines about Kansas farming communities 200 miles east producing their best crop yields ever , pondering the fickleness of drought .
“ You come to doubt if it ’ s ever going to rain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but you don ’ t know when .
So you ask yourself what am I doing here ?
Why are we doing this ?
And what exactly is the point in it all ?
” Brown says .
Growers speak of a rootedness – financial , family , and spiritual – needed to withstand a year as dry as this , let alone several of them .
They do not speak of mental health factors .
Especially in a county where data show residents ’ discomfort talking about personal problems is 11 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not know what challenges were faced by the local father whose 16-year-old son discovered his body after his recent suicide .
Or by the four men with ties to Kiowa County who ended their lives two years ago – three of them within two weeks of each other , and two of them farmers .
That string of suicides prompted the local mental health services provider to offer classes on recognizing signs of mental health crisis .
It held special training for loan officers , machinery dealers , auctioneers and bankruptcy clerks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their clients and urge them to seek professional help .
Dawn Beck is a physician ’ s assistant at the Eads Rural Health Clinic and Kiowa County Hospital .
Her patients bristle at words like anxiety and depression .
If the land is sick , so will be the people who work it , and there ’ s nothing to be done but wait it out , she says they tell her .
“ They say ‘ Well , we ’ ve been through this before , ’ even though this is by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s a pride thing .
A cowboy thing .
And it ’ s just eating people up.
” “ We talk about the things we understand – interest rates , commodity prices , land values , weed control , farming techniques , ” says Brown , 52 .
That ’ s how we operate around here .
It ’ s our culture .
And whether it ’ s right , wrong or indifferent , it ’ s not going to change.
” Susan Greene can be reached at susan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get health news sent straight to your inbox .

EADS – Here in Kiowa County, farmers have always relied on whatever moisture happens to fall from the sky rather than on irrigation. In August, this 1,300-person community bordering on Kansas was the first part of Colorado where drought conditions surpassed “extreme” to a level meteorologists call “exceptional.”
“It’s horrible, just horrible, the ways drought can affect the human mind,” says Jimmy Brown, a third-generation farmer in Eads whose wheat and grain sorghum crops withered this year, just like those of his neighbors. “I doubt there’s a person here whose mental health hasn’t been affected by it.”
The Eastern Plains have had dry spells. Some old-timers remember Dust Bowl conditions in the 1930s. Their children weathered extreme drought in the mid-1950s, and their children’s children endured acute dryness in 2002 and 2012.
Yet nobody here can remember a year so parched that even the bindweed stopped growing.
Even before smoke from the late-summer mountain wildfires wafted in, Brown says “You couldn’t see the sun here because of all the dirt blowing.”
“You can smell the dirt. You can feel it in your nose and sinuses. You can see how everything’s so brown, so dead all around you. You can feel how it’s all so depressing,” he says.
Brown, in addition to farming, serves as Kiowa County’s elected coroner and lone funeral director. With drought, he says, comes uncertainty, even among the majority of growers who carry insurance compensating them for the losses. With uncertainty come powerlessness, irritability and dread.
“People tend to be shorter with one another, to withdraw,” he says, noting that he is no exception.
He had a hard time this year mustering the energy to feed and water his cattle, check his fences and tend to the endless other tasks required to run a farm. He followed headlines about Kansas farming communities 200 miles east producing their best crop yields ever, pondering the fickleness of drought.
“You come to doubt if it’s ever going to rain again. You know it will, but you don’t know when. So you ask yourself what am I doing here? Why are we doing this? And what exactly is the point in it all?” Brown says.
Growers speak of a rootedness – financial, family, and spiritual – needed to withstand a year as dry as this, let alone several of them. They do not speak of mental health factors. Especially in a county where data show residents’ discomfort talking about personal problems is 11% higher than the statewide average, they cannot know what challenges were faced by the local father whose 16-year-old son discovered his body after his recent suicide. Or by the four men with ties to Kiowa County who ended their lives two years ago – three of them within two weeks of each other, and two of them farmers.
That string of suicides prompted the local mental health services provider to offer classes on recognizing signs of mental health crisis. It held special training for loan officers, machinery dealers, auctioneers and bankruptcy clerks to spot signs of potential suicidality in their clients and urge them to seek professional help.
Dawn Beck is a physician’s assistant at the Eads Rural Health Clinic and Kiowa County Hospital. Her patients bristle at words like anxiety and depression. If the land is sick, so will be the people who work it, and there’s nothing to be done but wait it out, she says they tell her.
“They say ‘Well, we’ve been through this before,’ even though this is by far the worst year anybody can remember. It’s a pride thing. A cowboy thing. And it’s just eating people up.”
“We talk about the things we understand – interest rates, commodity prices, land values, weed control, farming techniques,” says Brown, 52. That’s how we operate around here. It’s our culture. And whether it’s right, wrong or indifferent, it’s not going to change.”
Susan Greene can be reached at susan@colabnews.co.
Subscribe to bi-weekly newsletter to get health news sent straight to your inbox.


thedenverpost--2020-12-06--“Band-Aid on a volcano”: Colorado’s stimulus efforts don’t buy a struggling state much time

It ’ s hard to pinpoint just how inadequate Colorado ’ s newly-approved $ 342 million pandemic relief package is to plug the numerous and profound forms of economic leakage among people , businesses and institutions here , said Dominick Moreno , the top budget official in the state legislature .
But if he had to estimate how great the actual need is , “ I ’ d put that number in the billions.
” The amount needed to get Colorado through this far-from-over pandemic , added Moreno , a Democratic state senator from Commerce City , and chair of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not in the single-digits billions .
It ’ s in the tens of billions.
” Since March , about $ 25 billion in various forms of federal relief money has flowed into Colorado , Moreno said .
With that money mostly depleted , and no new round of federal economic stimulus , state lawmakers held a special session last week , in an effort to spread some relief to the ever-growing number of people facing hunger , housing insecurity , business losses and unemployment .
But lawmakers are under no delusion that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which included assistance for sources including small businesses , food pantries , childcare providers , renters and landlords , will cure what ails Colorado .
The state can ’ t deficit-spend and must pass balanced budgets , which is why the package isn ’ t bigger .
“ It might buy us a couple weeks , ” Moreno said .
“ That ’ s what we could do.
” Lawmakers and Gov .
Jared Polis consistently referred to the special session as a “ bridge ” to what they hope will be another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington on this front reportedly have accelerated in recent days , but there ’ s no promise of a specific date or total money amount for a potential national aid bill .
And many Coloradans who are counting on aid have been clear that they can ’ t hang on much longer .
David Diaz , who owns the Edgewater personal training company Fitness Together , said he ’ s expecting the special session will net up to about $ 7,000 in relief .
Earlier this year he received $ 27,000 in relief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city of Edgewater — but even that , plus a likely upcoming boost out of the special session , isn ’ t nearly enough to float his business and its employees , who work in an industry that ’ s been about as hard-hit as any during the pandemic .
Gyms were closed entirely early in the pandemic , then allowed to reopen , with capacity limits shrinking as the virus has spread and government has added restrictions .
An extra $ 7,000 , Diaz said , “ could cover almost a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little bit of breathing room , ” he added .
“ I appreciate the state doing this , I ’ m very grateful for it , but I think so many businesses need help from the feds.
” The state agrees , of course .
And there ’ s a general consensus among unions and professional associations this week that the state stimulus is helpful , but , as Diaz and Moreno say , it doesn ’ t at all minimize the desperate need many see for new federal dollars .
Diaz put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He quit his old job , leveraged his home and depleted his savings down to $ 2,000 .
And while he ’ s optimistic that Fitness Together will survive the pandemic , he ’ s taking a massive step backward this year and may , in effect , have to rebuild aspects of his business from close to scratch .
He said his staff of four , which he ’ s been lucky to hang onto since March , is looking for other work now .
Samiksha Bindra , owner of Mad Science @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does work statewide and relies heavily on contracts with schools for in-person programming , feels similar anxiety .
She started the company about 20 years ago , and , since the spring , she ’ s had to let go of all 28 part-time staff she employed .
She lost most of them in one fell swoop in March , when schools closed , and the others in July .
What was once a five-member full-time staff is down to two , including her .
The special session , she said , gave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have to close after this month .
“ But if the schools aren ’ t back in January , I don ’ t think beyond January , February we can survive , ” she said .
“ I ’ m still hoping against hope.
” A statement to The Denver Post from Eat Denver , a group that comprises and advocates for dozens of local restaurants , read in part : “ We are concerned that thousands of restaurants will be applying for a small pot of money .
Overall , our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to give significant relief to restaurants and other industries.
” Added Eat Denver ’ s Dana Query , who co-owns 12 restaurants in Colorado through her company , Big Red F , “ I don ’ t think there ’ s any way for ( the state stimulus ) to be anything but a Band-Aid.
” That metaphor may even overstate the usefulness of this money , several recipients of state relief said .
“ It ’ s a Band-Aid on a volcano , ” said Dianne Myles , owner of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Myles counts herself as fortunate , because business for her has actually been good lately .
She knows many small business owners aren ’ t as lucky .
Similar to struggling business owners , many individuals and households are simply hanging on right now , grateful for a short-term boost from the state but highly anxious about what 2021 might bring .
In addition to the spending that came out of the special session , the state also sent out $ 322 direct payments — $ 375 , minus taxes — to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unemployment and who earn less than $ 52,000 annually .
And that stimulus money does make a difference , recipients said .
“ Any time you can get 30 % of your rent covered , it is always helpful , ” Reid Bervik , of Denver , wrote in a note to The Post .
“ It doesn ’ t solve anything , unfortunately , as you know rent will continue and the pandemic will continue .
I ’ ve had to bounce around to different retail jobs ( Walmart , Home Depot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ends meet .
And I drive Shipt grocery delivery .
So not a solve , really wish federally the government actually cared.
” Thousands of workers in the state have relied upon federal aid to get by .
But among the many federal funding sources that have expired or are expiring before year ’ s end are two pandemic unemployment benefit programs authorized by the CARES Act , which means some of the roughly 150,000 Coloradans relying on those programs are looking extra warily toward the new year .
The amounts of money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by income level , and the programs combined have paid out about $ 1.1 billion in Colorado to date , the state reports .
Katie Johnson , who works in community arts in Lakewood and who has lost more than half of her normal paid hours , has for months been bleeding about $ 500 every four weeks .
She said she ’ s got about $ 4,000 in savings , but at this rate , in the absence of federal intervention — or , ideally , a swift end to the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry — she ’ s not feeling confident beyond next summer .
“ I see people in the street and they ask me for money and I ’ m like , ‘ I can ’ t , man .
If I do , I ’ m you , ' ” she said .
Johnson said she put her $ 322 check from the state toward a new laptop , which is her primary means of connecting with her loved ones and friends , as she lives alone and now is largely in isolation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the state legislature is expected to take a few weeks off before starting its regular annual session on Jan. 13 .
The spending lawmakers just authorized involved one-time available funds , however , and they have been blunt about the fact they can ’ t simply run it back come next month , barring an unlikely turnaround in revenue projections for the state ’ s heavily damaged budget .
Said Fitness Together ’ s Diaz , “ The crystal ball is definitely the most foggy I ’ ve seen it in in @ @ @ @ @ @ @

It’s hard to pinpoint just how inadequate Colorado’s newly-approved $342 million pandemic relief package is to plug the numerous and profound forms of economic leakage among people, businesses and institutions here, said Dominick Moreno, the top budget official in the state legislature.
But if he had to estimate how great the actual need is, “I’d put that number in the billions.”
The amount needed to get Colorado through this far-from-over pandemic, added Moreno, a Democratic state senator from Commerce City, and chair of the Joint Budget Committee, is “not in the single-digits billions. It’s in the tens of billions.”
Since March, about $25 billion in various forms of federal relief money has flowed into Colorado, Moreno said. With that money mostly depleted, and no new round of federal economic stimulus, state lawmakers held a special session last week, in an effort to spread some relief to the ever-growing number of people facing hunger, housing insecurity, business losses and unemployment.
But lawmakers are under no delusion that the $342 million package they passed, which included assistance for sources including small businesses, food pantries, childcare providers, renters and landlords, will cure what ails Colorado. The state can’t deficit-spend and must pass balanced budgets, which is why the package isn’t bigger.
“It might buy us a couple weeks,” Moreno said. “That’s what we could do.”
Lawmakers and Gov. Jared Polis consistently referred to the special session as a “bridge” to what they hope will be another round of federal stimulus. Talks in Washington on this front reportedly have accelerated in recent days, but there’s no promise of a specific date or total money amount for a potential national aid bill.
And many Coloradans who are counting on aid have been clear that they can’t hang on much longer.
“Little bit of breathing room”
David Diaz, who owns the Edgewater personal training company Fitness Together, said he’s expecting the special session will net up to about $7,000 in relief.
Earlier this year he received $27,000 in relief — $5,000 of that came from the city of Edgewater — but even that, plus a likely upcoming boost out of the special session, isn’t nearly enough to float his business and its employees, who work in an industry that’s been about as hard-hit as any during the pandemic. Gyms were closed entirely early in the pandemic, then allowed to reopen, with capacity limits shrinking as the virus has spread and government has added restrictions.
An extra $7,000, Diaz said, “could cover almost a payroll.”
“That gives you a little bit of breathing room,” he added. “I appreciate the state doing this, I’m very grateful for it, but I think so many businesses need help from the feds.”
The state agrees, of course. And there’s a general consensus among unions and professional associations this week that the state stimulus is helpful, but, as Diaz and Moreno say, it doesn’t at all minimize the desperate need many see for new federal dollars.
Diaz put everything into this business in 2005. He quit his old job, leveraged his home and depleted his savings down to $2,000. And while he’s optimistic that Fitness Together will survive the pandemic, he’s taking a massive step backward this year and may, in effect, have to rebuild aspects of his business from close to scratch. He said his staff of four, which he’s been lucky to hang onto since March, is looking for other work now.
Samiksha Bindra, owner of Mad Science, a Denver-based mobile learning company that does work statewide and relies heavily on contracts with schools for in-person programming, feels similar anxiety.
She started the company about 20 years ago, and, since the spring, she’s had to let go of all 28 part-time staff she employed. She lost most of them in one fell swoop in March, when schools closed, and the others in July. What was once a five-member full-time staff is down to two, including her. The special session, she said, gave her hope that her business won’t have to close after this month.
“But if the schools aren’t back in January, I don’t think beyond January, February we can survive,” she said. “I’m still hoping against hope.”
A statement to The Denver Post from Eat Denver, a group that comprises and advocates for dozens of local restaurants, read in part: “We are concerned that thousands of restaurants will be applying for a small pot of money. Overall, our limited state budgets just aren’t able to give significant relief to restaurants and other industries.”
Added Eat Denver’s Dana Query, who co-owns 12 restaurants in Colorado through her company, Big Red F, “I don’t think there’s any way for (the state stimulus) to be anything but a Band-Aid.”
That metaphor may even overstate the usefulness of this money, several recipients of state relief said.
“It’s a Band-Aid on a volcano,” said Dianne Myles, owner of the Denver creative content agency Dope Mom Life. Myles counts herself as fortunate, because business for her has actually been good lately. She knows many small business owners aren’t as lucky.
“It doesn’t solve anything”
Similar to struggling business owners, many individuals and households are simply hanging on right now, grateful for a short-term boost from the state but highly anxious about what 2021 might bring. In addition to the spending that came out of the special session, the state also sent out $322 direct payments — $375, minus taxes — to some 408,000 Coloradans who’ve faced unemployment and who earn less than $52,000 annually.
And that stimulus money does make a difference, recipients said.
“Any time you can get 30% of your rent covered, it is always helpful,” Reid Bervik, of Denver, wrote in a note to The Post. “It doesn’t solve anything, unfortunately, as you know rent will continue and the pandemic will continue. I’ve had to bounce around to different retail jobs (Walmart, Home Depot, Lululemon) to try to make ends meet. And I drive Shipt grocery delivery. So not a solve, really wish federally the government actually cared.”
Thousands of workers in the state have relied upon federal aid to get by. But among the many federal funding sources that have expired or are expiring before year’s end are two pandemic unemployment benefit programs authorized by the CARES Act, which means some of the roughly 150,000 Coloradans relying on those programs are looking extra warily toward the new year. The amounts of money people get from those two programs varies by income level, and the programs combined have paid out about $1.1 billion in Colorado to date, the state reports.
Katie Johnson, who works in community arts in Lakewood and who has lost more than half of her normal paid hours, has for months been bleeding about $500 every four weeks. She said she’s got about $4,000 in savings, but at this rate, in the absence of federal intervention — or, ideally, a swift end to the pandemic and a rebirth for the performing arts industry — she’s not feeling confident beyond next summer.
“I see people in the street and they ask me for money and I’m like, ‘I can’t, man. If I do, I’m you,'” she said.
Johnson said she put her $322 check from the state toward a new laptop, which is her primary means of connecting with her loved ones and friends, as she lives alone and now is largely in isolation.
Having just passed the aid package, the state legislature is expected to take a few weeks off before starting its regular annual session on Jan. 13. The spending lawmakers just authorized involved one-time available funds, however, and they have been blunt about the fact they can’t simply run it back come next month, barring an unlikely turnaround in revenue projections for the state’s heavily damaged budget.
Said Fitness Together’s Diaz, “The crystal ball is definitely the most foggy I’ve seen it in in my 15 years in business.”