thedenverpost--2020-11-10--U.S. tried a more aggressive cyberstrategy, and the feared attacks never came

From its sprawling new war room inside Fort Meade , not far from Baltimore-Washington International Airport in Maryland , U.S. Cyber Command dived deep into Russian and Iranian networks in the months before the election , temporarily paralyzing some and knocking ransomware tools offline .
Then it stole Iran ’ s game plan and , without disclosing the intelligence coup behind the theft , made public a part of Tehran ’ s playbook when the Iranians began to carry it out .
Now , nearly a week after the polls closed , it is clear that all the warnings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or an overwhelming influence operation aimed at American voters , did not come to pass .
There were no breaches of voting machines and only modest efforts , it appears , to get inside registration systems .
Interviews with government officials and other experts suggest a number of reasons for the apparent success .
One may be that the United States ’ chief adversaries were deterred , convinced that the voting infrastructure was so hardened , Facebook and Twitter were so on alert , and Cyber Command and a small group of American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was not worth the risk .
But there is another explanation as well : In the 2020 election the distinction between foreign and domestic interference blurred .
From early in the campaign , President Donald Trump did more to undermine confidence in the system ’ s integrity than America ’ s rivals could have done themselves .
And in the aftermath , Trump ’ s baseless accusations , amplified by conservative news media outlets , have only intensified , leaving the Russians and the Iranians with the relatively easy task of bouncing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of social media .
“ A lot of the disinformation that voters consume originates from within our own country , ” said Jeh C. Johnson , a secretary of homeland security under President Barack Obama .
“ All foreign adversaries need to do is aid and abet and amplify.
” Trump and his allies , it turns out , were the chief purveyors of the kind of election misinformation that the FBI , the Department of Homeland Security and U.S. intelligence officials were warning about .
He was also the one actor they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to neutralize .
That was left to the online platforms , mostly Twitter , which placed warnings on many of his posts .
In an Election Day conversation with journalists , Gen. Paul M. Nakasone , commander of Cyber Command and director of the National Security Agency , said he was “ very confident in the actions that have been taken against adversaries over the last several weeks and several months to ensure they are not going to interfere in our elections.
” He said the National Security Agency was also watching for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups to violence — a concern that remains .
Yet over the subsequent few days , before the election was called in favor of Joe Biden , Nakasone and other officials avoided questions about whether their commander in chief was feeding the very forces they were working to defeat .
In interviews , Democrats and Republicans who have been deeply involved in the effort to harden American defenses and put the United States on offense say it is possible that the country is beginning to figure out what works to deter cyberattacks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Krebs , director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency at the Department of Homeland Security .
Krebs spent the past two years persuading states and social media companies to bolster their defenses against attacks .
Once the election is officially certified , the military will complete its “ after action ” reports .
The most interesting will most likely be classified .
But in interviews with a variety of key players , a few lessons are already emerging .
The first is that Nakasone ’ s aggressive new posture — which Cyber @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engagement ” and “ defend forward ” — may be working .
The phrases refer to going deep inside the computer networks of adversaries , whether that means the Internet Research Agency , the Russia-based group that mounted the 2016 influence campaigns ; the GRU , Russia ’ s military intelligence agency ; or Iran ’ s increasingly active cybercorps .
Once inside , Cyber Command can use its access to hunt for operations that are being planned — or to conduct what amount to preemptive strikes .
The United States has launched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Iran ’ s nuclear program , North Korea ’ s missiles and , during the 2018 elections , the Internet Research Agency , which ran the influence campaign that aided Trump in 2016 .
But there was no significant cyberretaliation , at least that became public , ordered by the Obama administration surrounding the 2016 election , even though the administration knew that Russian actors were stealing data and scanning voter registration systems .
This time Nakasone did not wait for much evidence to roll in before acting .
He went after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tools written by Russian-speaking criminal groups that he believed could be used to lock up registration systems or computer sites of secretaries of state , which count ballots .
So did Microsoft , which obtained court orders against Trickbot .
Together , the military and private sector actions , which appear to have been largely uncoordinated , disrupted the network of the criminal groups in October , leaving them hampered in any potential attacks against election infrastructure .
Officials familiar with the operations say there were also attacks directed at a Russian state-run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that has long been inside American electric utilities and has redirected its hacking skills toward state and local governments .
Sen. Angus King , I-Maine , who helped lead a bipartisan effort to draw lessons from the rising tempo of cyberattacks , said Cyber Command ’ s more active approach had an effect .
“ I have felt for years what was lacking in our cyberdefense was a deterrent , ” King said .
“ And we are getting closer to having that deterrent .
I want our adversaries to have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do because they know there is going to be some results that will be a cost to be paid.
” Nakasone would not confirm specific operations .
But he said he would take his victories in small doses , by knocking adversaries offline , even temporarily , to make it hard for them to launch an attack .
“ I look at it more as are we imposing a degree of costs that is making it more difficult for them to do their operations ?
” he said .
So did Krebs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at home .
Mostly that meant placing federal government sensors on many computer networks and getting cities and states , which were easy targets four years ago , to toughen up .
By the week before the election , Krebs came to believe that the Russians might want to sit out this election , since everyone was looking for their actions .
“ I wouldn ’ t tell you we are going to stop them , ” he said a few weeks ago .
“ But we can make it a lot harder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some strategists call “ deterrence by denial ” because the attackers can not gain enough access to alter events — or in this case votes .
Krebs , said Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia , the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee , “ made the case to registrars and secretaries of state around the country , including some pretty right-wing ones , that the threat was real.
” Another big change in strategy this year was a willingness to expose adversaries publicly .
It is something the Obama administration was also reluctant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoided naming China as the country that stole 22 million files on government employees , or Russia as the source of attacks on the Pentagon , the White House and the State Department .
This year , William R. Evanina , the official put in charge of election security by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence , called out Russia , China and Iran for their efforts to interfere in the elections .
Though criticized by Democrats for not being specific enough , and appearing to equate Iran with much more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put both the public and America ’ s rivals on notice about what was afoot , including warning that Russia was again trying to assist Trump .
Evanina ’ s announcements in July and August were followed by an announcement in October by John Ratcliffe , director of national intelligence , that Russian groups had probed state and local networks and that Iran had tried to influence the election by sending spoofed emails as part of a campaign he said was intended to hurt Trump .
“ Naming and shaming the bad actors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a key part of a coherent deterrence strategy , ” said Rep. Mike Gallagher , R-Wis. , who along with King led the Cybersecurity Solarium Commission .
Ratcliffe ’ s announcement was followed by Cyber Command ’ s secret operations to interfere with the operations of the Russian group and take down , at least temporarily , the Iranian hacking group tied to Tehran ’ s Revolutionary Guard .
U.S. officials said that while Iran opposed Trump ’ s reelection , its hackers were hardly playing at Russia ’ s level .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to send to Americans contained so many spelling , syntax and grammatical errors that they seemed unlikely to fool their targets .
Even had they not been taken offline , they posed no threat to turn the result of the elections .
It is evidence of why Iran , as multiple U.S. officials noted , remains far less of a threat than Russia .
Iran ’ s actions were an attempt to “ rattle our cage ” and not a real attempt to change outcomes , said Glenn S. Gerstell , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

The New York Times News Service Syndicate

From its sprawling new war room inside Fort Meade, not far from Baltimore-Washington International Airport in Maryland, U.S. Cyber Command dived deep into Russian and Iranian networks in the months before the election, temporarily paralyzing some and knocking ransomware tools offline.
Then it stole Iran’s game plan and, without disclosing the intelligence coup behind the theft, made public a part of Tehran’s playbook when the Iranians began to carry it out.
Now, nearly a week after the polls closed, it is clear that all the warnings of a crippling cyberattack on election infrastructure, or an overwhelming influence operation aimed at American voters, did not come to pass. There were no breaches of voting machines and only modest efforts, it appears, to get inside registration systems.
Interviews with government officials and other experts suggest a number of reasons for the apparent success.
One may be that the United States’ chief adversaries were deterred, convinced that the voting infrastructure was so hardened, Facebook and Twitter were so on alert, and Cyber Command and a small group of American companies were so on the offensive that it was not worth the risk.
But there is another explanation as well: In the 2020 election the distinction between foreign and domestic interference blurred. From early in the campaign, President Donald Trump did more to undermine confidence in the system’s integrity than America’s rivals could have done themselves.
And in the aftermath, Trump’s baseless accusations, amplified by conservative news media outlets, have only intensified, leaving the Russians and the Iranians with the relatively easy task of bouncing his messages back into the echo chamber of social media.
“A lot of the disinformation that voters consume originates from within our own country,” said Jeh C. Johnson, a secretary of homeland security under President Barack Obama. “All foreign adversaries need to do is aid and abet and amplify.”
Trump and his allies, it turns out, were the chief purveyors of the kind of election misinformation that the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security and U.S. intelligence officials were warning about. He was also the one actor they could not mention, much less try to neutralize. That was left to the online platforms, mostly Twitter, which placed warnings on many of his posts.
In an Election Day conversation with journalists, Gen. Paul M. Nakasone, commander of Cyber Command and director of the National Security Agency, said he was “very confident in the actions that have been taken against adversaries over the last several weeks and several months to ensure they are not going to interfere in our elections.”
He said the National Security Agency was also watching for efforts by foreign adversaries to prod extremist groups to violence — a concern that remains.
Yet over the subsequent few days, before the election was called in favor of Joe Biden, Nakasone and other officials avoided questions about whether their commander in chief was feeding the very forces they were working to defeat.
In interviews, Democrats and Republicans who have been deeply involved in the effort to harden American defenses and put the United States on offense say it is possible that the country is beginning to figure out what works to deter cyberattacks.
They give credit to Nakasone and Christopher Krebs, director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency at the Department of Homeland Security. Krebs spent the past two years persuading states and social media companies to bolster their defenses against attacks.
Once the election is officially certified, the military will complete its “after action” reports. The most interesting will most likely be classified. But in interviews with a variety of key players, a few lessons are already emerging.
The first is that Nakasone’s aggressive new posture — which Cyber Command describes with terms like “persistent engagement” and “defend forward” — may be working. The phrases refer to going deep inside the computer networks of adversaries, whether that means the Internet Research Agency, the Russia-based group that mounted the 2016 influence campaigns; the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency; or Iran’s increasingly active cybercorps.
Once inside, Cyber Command can use its access to hunt for operations that are being planned — or to conduct what amount to preemptive strikes.
The United States has launched such strikes before, of course, against Iran’s nuclear program, North Korea’s missiles and, during the 2018 elections, the Internet Research Agency, which ran the influence campaign that aided Trump in 2016. But there was no significant cyberretaliation, at least that became public, ordered by the Obama administration surrounding the 2016 election, even though the administration knew that Russian actors were stealing data and scanning voter registration systems.
This time Nakasone did not wait for much evidence to roll in before acting. He went after Trickbot, a widely used set of tools written by Russian-speaking criminal groups that he believed could be used to lock up registration systems or computer sites of secretaries of state, which count ballots.
So did Microsoft, which obtained court orders against Trickbot. Together, the military and private sector actions, which appear to have been largely uncoordinated, disrupted the network of the criminal groups in October, leaving them hampered in any potential attacks against election infrastructure.
Officials familiar with the operations say there were also attacks directed at a Russian state-run group called Energetic Bear, or Dragonfly, that has long been inside American electric utilities and has redirected its hacking skills toward state and local governments.
Sen. Angus King, I-Maine, who helped lead a bipartisan effort to draw lessons from the rising tempo of cyberattacks, said Cyber Command’s more active approach had an effect.
“I have felt for years what was lacking in our cyberdefense was a deterrent,” King said. “And we are getting closer to having that deterrent. I want our adversaries to have to think hard about what they are going to do because they know there is going to be some results that will be a cost to be paid.”
Nakasone would not confirm specific operations. But he said he would take his victories in small doses, by knocking adversaries offline, even temporarily, to make it hard for them to launch an attack. “I look at it more as are we imposing a degree of costs that is making it more difficult for them to do their operations?” he said.
So did Krebs, who worked on shoring up defenses at home.
Mostly that meant placing federal government sensors on many computer networks and getting cities and states, which were easy targets four years ago, to toughen up.
By the week before the election, Krebs came to believe that the Russians might want to sit out this election, since everyone was looking for their actions.
“I wouldn’t tell you we are going to stop them,” he said a few weeks ago. “But we can make it a lot harder to attack,” a process that some strategists call “deterrence by denial” because the attackers cannot gain enough access to alter events — or in this case votes.
Krebs, said Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, “made the case to registrars and secretaries of state around the country, including some pretty right-wing ones, that the threat was real.”
Another big change in strategy this year was a willingness to expose adversaries publicly. It is something the Obama administration was also reluctant to do in 2016, when it avoided naming China as the country that stole 22 million files on government employees, or Russia as the source of attacks on the Pentagon, the White House and the State Department.
This year, William R. Evanina, the official put in charge of election security by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, called out Russia, China and Iran for their efforts to interfere in the elections.
Though criticized by Democrats for not being specific enough, and appearing to equate Iran with much more talented cyberadversaries, Evanina’s releases put both the public and America’s rivals on notice about what was afoot, including warning that Russia was again trying to assist Trump.
Evanina’s announcements in July and August were followed by an announcement in October by John Ratcliffe, director of national intelligence, that Russian groups had probed state and local networks and that Iran had tried to influence the election by sending spoofed emails as part of a campaign he said was intended to hurt Trump.
“Naming and shaming the bad actors that are trying to mess with us is a key part of a coherent deterrence strategy,” said Rep. Mike Gallagher, R-Wis., who along with King led the Cybersecurity Solarium Commission.
Ratcliffe’s announcement was followed by Cyber Command’s secret operations to interfere with the operations of the Russian group and take down, at least temporarily, the Iranian hacking group tied to Tehran’s Revolutionary Guard.
U.S. officials said that while Iran opposed Trump’s reelection, its hackers were hardly playing at Russia’s level. The emails and text messages they tried to send to Americans contained so many spelling, syntax and grammatical errors that they seemed unlikely to fool their targets. Even had they not been taken offline, they posed no threat to turn the result of the elections.
It is evidence of why Iran, as multiple U.S. officials noted, remains far less of a threat than Russia.
Iran’s actions were an attempt to “rattle our cage” and not a real attempt to change outcomes, said Glenn S. Gerstell, a former general counsel of the National Security Agency.


thedenverpost--2020-11-10--Colorado voters befuddle leaders with decisions on money issues

Within Colorado ’ s rapidly shiftuting , previously bellwether Jefferson County , voters spoke loud and clear in favor of reelecting Democratic District 19 state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger , who won by more than 18 points just four years after winning by about two points .
But in a 25-point swing in the other direction , voters in that same county supported a fiscal policy — Proposition 116 , the flat income tax cut — opposed by Zenzinger and most Democrats .
Jefferson County voters also approved new , conservative-backed restrictions on the legislature ’ s ability to set certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nicotine and vaping tax increase backed by liberals ( Prop EE ) , a repeal of the Gallagher Amendment ( Amendment B ) , and a massive new spending program that will provide paid family and medical leave to workers ( Prop .
118 ) .
Each measure passed statewide — none was even close , other than Prop 117 , which had a five-point margin — leaving all sides with wins to cheer about and losses to mourn .
A diverse array of counties supported all five measures , including Pueblo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mixed bag has many still scratching their heads in futile search for any common thread .
“ I honestly don ’ t know what to make of the disconnect , other than saying it ’ s quintessential Colorado , ” Zenzinger said .
“ I ’ m very pleased that we saw progress on many fronts .
As a state budget writer , I ’ m also shaking my head a little bit.
” What the election did make clear , yet again , is that there is no liberal lockstep in Colorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to dominate elected positions .
It leaves Democratic officials like Zenzinger with a confusing mandate : Lead the way , but don ’ t expect the financial resources to execute your agenda .
“ Going forward , we have to be very , very mindful that people want us to govern , to be problem solvers , to address their concerns , ” she said , when asked what mandate her party received last week .
“ But at the same time , we need to keep a watchful eye on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really has an outsized impact on how they vote and how they see our role in the legislature.
” This is comforting to Republicans who haven ’ t had faced such an electoral deficit in Colorado since before World War II .
“ They ’ re leaning blue when it comes to elected officials , but they still want a say in revenue increases , ” said Michael Fields , executive director of the conservative Colorado Rising Action , and a de facto spokesman for fiscally conservative ballot measures here .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ ve been on the offensive , with two things on the ballot that we got passed .
We look at it and say , ‘ What ’ s the next thing we can do ?
’ We ’ re going to keep chipping away.
” Denver Democrat Alec Garnett , who last week was named the next speaker of the Colorado House , admits that the Republicans are on to something with a “ chipping away ” approach .
Prop 116 , the income tax cut , reduced the flat statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 150 million annually .
Some Democrats had aspired to place on the ballot this year a measure that would ’ ve installed a new , progressive income taxation schedule in Colorado and raised about $ 2 billion annually .
The coalition for this measure was never strong , though , and its signature-gathering operation fizzled amid the pandemic .
“ I think it ’ s a missed opportunity for us not to have gotten something on the ballot , ” said Garnett .
“ What I ’ ve always struggled with is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ try to hit a home run on the first pitch over the past years .
“ I ’ ve always advocated behind the scenes that I want to make progress and take advantage of these moments we ’ re seeing in the state , but a little nervous about the size of some of these packages , ” he said .
“ … I think the bigger you go , the smaller the coalition is that rallies.
” Dismayed as liberal leaders are at what they see as a blown opportunity on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encouraged by how potent direct democracy still is in Colorado .
Passage of paid family leave is a wide-reaching policy shift , and it passed because it ’ s a popular proposal that had strong financial backing and a progressive coalition .
The Gallagher Amendment repeal , which will allow for a rebalance in property taxes , had even more broad support , including from some Republicans .
The Democratic polling firm Keating Research in May found that 69 % of respondents to a 600-person survey supported the idea of a more progressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people making more than $ 250,000 pay a higher rate .
And so there is faith that a progressive tax reform measure — or perhaps , as Garnett suggests , a less ambitious version — can be viable in a coming election .
The flip side of that coin , however , is that conservatives , off a couple wins this cycle , won ’ t slow down , either .
“ We definitely have to look to ( ballot measures ) to provide that accountability , ” Fields said .
“ That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and we have to use it.
” The 2020 election results have reminded both sides what an exciting wild card direct democracy can be , both for better and worse .

Within Colorado’s rapidly shifting, previously bellwether Jefferson County, voters spoke loud and clear in favor of reelecting Democratic District 19 state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, who won by more than 18 points just four years after winning by about two points.
But in a 25-point swing in the other direction, voters in that same county supported a fiscal policy — Proposition 116, the flat income tax cut — opposed by Zenzinger and most Democrats.
Jefferson County voters also approved new, conservative-backed restrictions on the legislature’s ability to set certain fees (Prop 117), a nicotine and vaping tax increase backed by liberals (Prop EE), a repeal of the Gallagher Amendment (Amendment B), and a massive new spending program that will provide paid family and medical leave to workers (Prop. 118).
Each measure passed statewide — none was even close, other than Prop 117, which had a five-point margin — leaving all sides with wins to cheer about and losses to mourn. A diverse array of counties supported all five measures, including Pueblo, Larimer, Arapahoe and Garfield.
The mixed bag has many still scratching their heads in futile search for any common thread.
“I honestly don’t know what to make of the disconnect, other than saying it’s quintessential Colorado,” Zenzinger said. “I’m very pleased that we saw progress on many fronts. As a state budget writer, I’m also shaking my head a little bit.”
What the election did make clear, yet again, is that there is no liberal lockstep in Colorado on fiscal matters, even as Democrats continue to dominate elected positions. It leaves Democratic officials like Zenzinger with a confusing mandate: Lead the way, but don’t expect the financial resources to execute your agenda.
“Going forward, we have to be very, very mindful that people want us to govern, to be problem solvers, to address their concerns,” she said, when asked what mandate her party received last week. “But at the same time, we need to keep a watchful eye on the fact that people’s economic security really has an outsized impact on how they vote and how they see our role in the legislature.”
This is comforting to Republicans who haven’t had faced such an electoral deficit in Colorado since before World War II.
“They’re leaning blue when it comes to elected officials, but they still want a say in revenue increases,” said Michael Fields, executive director of the conservative Colorado Rising Action, and a de facto spokesman for fiscally conservative ballot measures here. “This is one of the first times when we’ve been on the offensive, with two things on the ballot that we got passed. We look at it and say, ‘What’s the next thing we can do?’ We’re going to keep chipping away.”
“A missed opportunity”
Denver Democrat Alec Garnett, who last week was named the next speaker of the Colorado House, admits that the Republicans are on to something with a “chipping away” approach. Prop 116, the income tax cut, reduced the flat statewide rate by 0.08%, or roughly $150 million annually.
Some Democrats had aspired to place on the ballot this year a measure that would’ve installed a new, progressive income taxation schedule in Colorado and raised about $2 billion annually. The coalition for this measure was never strong, though, and its signature-gathering operation fizzled amid the pandemic.
“I think it’s a missed opportunity for us not to have gotten something on the ballot,” said Garnett. “What I’ve always struggled with is how big the swing has been to try to hit a home run on the first pitch over the past years.
“I’ve always advocated behind the scenes that I want to make progress and take advantage of these moments we’re seeing in the state, but a little nervous about the size of some of these packages,” he said. “… I think the bigger you go, the smaller the coalition is that rallies.”
Dismayed as liberal leaders are at what they see as a blown opportunity on this year’s ballot, they are encouraged by how potent direct democracy still is in Colorado. Passage of paid family leave is a wide-reaching policy shift, and it passed because it’s a popular proposal that had strong financial backing and a progressive coalition. The Gallagher Amendment repeal, which will allow for a rebalance in property taxes, had even more broad support, including from some Republicans.
The Democratic polling firm Keating Research in May found that 69% of respondents to a 600-person survey supported the idea of a more progressive approach to income taxes, in which people making more than $250,000 pay a higher rate. And so there is faith that a progressive tax reform measure — or perhaps, as Garnett suggests, a less ambitious version — can be viable in a coming election.
The flip side of that coin, however, is that conservatives, off a couple wins this cycle, won’t slow down, either.
“We definitely have to look to (ballot measures) to provide that accountability,” Fields said. “That’s our avenue right now, and we have to use it.”
The 2020 election results have reminded both sides what an exciting wild card direct democracy can be, both for better and worse.


thedenverpost--2020-11-10--How Biden navigated pandemic politics to win the White House

WILMINGTON , Del .
— Joe Biden was fresh off winning the Michigan primary and effectively capturing the Democratic presidential nomination , a prize he ’ d sought for the better part of three decades .
Instead of plotting a strategy to build momentum , he was contemplating an abrupt halt .
He gathered his senior team in a conference room on the 19th floor of his campaign ’ s Philadelphia headquarters , the type of in-person meeting that would soon be deemed a public health risk .
A former surgeon general and Food and Drug Administration commissioner joined on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explode across the United States that March , Biden asked a question that would ultimately guide the campaign ’ s thinking for months : “ What should I be modeling ?
” The health experts recommended the 77-year-old Biden step away from campaigning as soon as possible , both for his safety and that of staff and supporters .
Biden agreed .
He decided that he and every staff member would work from home starting that weekend .
All field offices would be closed .
He wouldn ’ t return to in-person campaigning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision without precedent in modern American politics .
Barack Obama and John McCain returned to Washington in the final weeks of the 2008 campaign to respond to that year ’ s financial collapse , but only briefly .
In an era when voters are accustomed to seeing their presidential candidates constantly , the idea of a complete withdrawal was unthinkable .
That was especially true for Biden , whose tactile approach to politics is legendary .
“ It was a hard call , ” said Jake Sullivan , a senior Biden adviser .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he gets a chance to get out and do what he does , which is retail campaigning , meeting people where they are , having the opportunity to sit with folks and speak to crowds and walk down the street .
That ’ s what he would have preferred , obviously.
” For Biden , who has been elected the 46th president of the United States , perhaps no decision was more consequential to his victory , making it possible to flip states such as Arizona and Wisconsin , where coronavirus infections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
Still , the cautious approach prompted ridicule from President Donald Trump , who constantly teased Biden for “ hiding in his basement ” and returned to large in-person events much sooner than his rival , and with far fewer precautions .
Some Democrats also worried .
Several state party chairs and down-ballot candidates privately urged the campaign to resume in-person events and canvassing .
Texas Democratic Chairman Gilberto Hinojosa warned that Latino turnout could suffer .
The lack of personal outreach has been blamed for contributing to Biden ’ s poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ battleground that Trump carried .
But Biden refused to change course , defining himself early on as a responsible foil to Trump , someone who could make difficult choices and serve as something of a role model to a country facing a historic set of crises .
It was a theme Biden would return to repeatedly in the months ahead as millions of people lost their jobs , the largest protest movement since the civil rights era bloomed in response to police killings of Black people , and Trump threatened central elements of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a peaceful transfer of power if he lost .
This account of Biden ’ s rise to the presidency is based on interviews with more than a dozen people who hold senior positions in the Biden and Trump campaigns along with strategists and donors in each party .
Many spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the turbulent campaign with candor .
They all agree on one thing : The coronavirus fundamentally reshaped the race .
In the early hours of Friday , Oct. 2 , a senior official at the Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dire message about the fate of Trump ’ s campaign : It was hopeless .
The president had just announced that he and his wife , Melania , had tested positive for the coronavirus , joining the 7 million Americans already infected .
By the end of the day , Trump would be taken to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center on Marine One , the short helicopter ride over the Washington skyline captured on live television .
Trump ’ s illness presented serious medical concerns and raised alarm about the stability of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump was at a higher risk of serious complications from the virus .
He refused to temporarily cede power to Vice President Mike Pence as he recovered .
“ I talked to him that night .
I talked to him the whole hospitalization , ” said GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina , one of Trump ’ s closest allies in Washington .
“ Friday night , he wasn ’ t feeling good.
” Trump ’ s infection was both a stunning twist and entirely predictable .
He ’ d been cavalier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats as reactionaries using the pandemic to take away individual rights .
He mocked mask-wearing recommendations from scientists and returned to his trademark rallies , packing thousands of mostly unmasked supporters together , sometimes over the objection of local health officials .
He held large-scale events on the South Lawn of the White House , including the introduction of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett less than a week before his diagnosis .
Perhaps the biggest surprise was that Trump hadn ’ t contracted the virus sooner .
After three nights in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infectious , staged a dramatic return to the White House .
Just in time for the evening newscasts on the major networks , the former reality television star climbed the South Portico steps , turned to the cameras and removed his mask to declare “ I feel good.
” He entered the White House , where aides were visible milling about the Blue Room , without wearing a face covering .
The move , less than a month before Election Day , was designed to show a president in control .
It also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his party .
On Capitol Hill , Republicans maintained their public support of Trump , eager to avoid enraged tweets that could threaten their political futures .
But at the RNC , frustration was building that Trump was missing obvious opportunities .
Party officials believed Trump could have been on track to win as much as 60 % of the vote had he taken a more empathetic approach to the pandemic .
Instead , he adopted a combative and dismissive attitude toward the science that guided most of his decisions in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party questioned Trump ’ s spending and messaging .
The campaign spent untold millions on aggressive ads resembling WWE commercials blanketing TV , but none of them moved the needle .
The ads were in many instances approved by Trump personally and aired on stations in Washington , targeted to an audience of one — the president — in a heavily Democratic city .
By early October , the RNC had had enough of the Trump campaign ’ s scattered message and decided to produce its own advertisements offering a more sober message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better than anything the Trump campaign had done previously .
Despite their public confidence , Trump ’ s own staff seemed increasingly aware of the impending loss .
In the final weeks of the campaign , White House staff offices began rotating in aides who had not yet been on Air Force One or not as frequently as others , to give them that experience while they still had the chance .
Trump himself was grappling with his fate in public .
“ How the hell can we be tied ?
” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Nevada .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders knew his White House ambitions were over .
Biden assumed a commanding lead in the Democratic primary by late March and the pandemic dashed any hopes of a comeback — or even a spirited exchange of ideas that could last until the summer convention .
But before he exited the race , the progressive icon wanted significant policy concessions on health care and education .
Sanders knew that Biden wouldn ’ t agree to support “ Medicare for All.
” The former vice president had aggressively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Sanders believed he could get Biden to agree to lower the age for Medicare eligibility .
Sanders wanted Biden to drop the age to 55 from the current 65 .
Senior staff from both sides hammered out a compromise , which was later sealed during a private conversation between Sanders and Biden .
A few days after Sanders formally stepped aside , Biden announced that he supported lowering the Medicare age to 60 .
“ Based on the calls that the senator had with the vice president , I think there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have common ground — that progressives would not only be involved in the electoral process but also governing , ” said Jeff Weaver , Sanders ’ chief adviser .
For many Democrats , the scars of Sanders ’ 2016 primary battle against Hillary Clinton had never really healed .
Some argued Sanders didn ’ t do enough to support Clinton , damaging her in the general election against Trump .
Progressives countered that the party didn ’ t take Sanders seriously and worked to thwart him .
Biden ’ s Medicare concession @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between the wings of the party .
The relationship was further solidified after Biden agreed to form several policy committees that featured high-profile figures from opposing factions .
Among the participants on Biden ’ s climate committee : former Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , one of Sanders ’ most vocal supporters .
Biden didn ’ t issue the invitation to Ocasio-Cortez personally , but was fully on board with bringing her onto the panel .
She ’ d go on to become a consistent advocate for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a stark contrast to the 2016 dynamics Clinton faced from the left flank .
Trump suddenly had an opportunity to divert attention from the pandemic .
A round of sometimes violent unrest exploded in Kenosha , Wisconsin , following the police shooting of Jacob Blake , an unarmed Black man , in August .
Some large cities contended with isolated instances of unrest during the summer as part of a broader movement against racial injustice and police violence toward Black Americans .
But the events in Kenosha seemed different : The unrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a premier swing state , no less .
Trump had been roundly criticized after mostly peaceful protesters were forcibly removed from a street near the White House in June .
But Kenosha fueled his call for “ law and order , ” the mantra championed by presidential candidates Richard Nixon and George Wallace in 1968 .
Biden ’ s team worried that his consistent lead in critical Upper Midwest states could deteriorate if Trump ’ s appeal to the fears of white voters resonated .
The focus on Kenosha peaked just as Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fairly positive reviews for delivering a program aimed at expanding his political coalition .
“ It was a moment that could have gone sideways , ” said Biden deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield .
“ We made a strategic decision to take it head-on.
” On the very day he returned to campaigning after nearly six months at home , Biden delivered a fiery speech in Pennsylvania asking voters if they really believed they were safer under Trump ’ s leadership .
Biden highlighted the pandemic ’ s mounting death toll — more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and blamed Trump for causing the divisions that ignited the unrest in the first place .
“ He can ’ t stop the violence because for years he ’ s fomented it , ” Biden charged .
The direct attack on Trump ’ s “ law and order ” messaging was amplified by Democrats across the country who followed Biden ’ s lead .
Within a matter of weeks , any momentum that Trump seemed to have coming out of his convention was forgotten .
“ That was embarrassing for the country.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , Biden shared his disgust about his opponent ’ s performance with family and senior staff in a hold room backstage where they dissected the most chaotic 90 minutes in modern presidential politics .
Biden long believed that the opening debate on Sept. 29 could be an opportunity for Trump to reshape the race , and Biden prepared accordingly .
Biden and his team spent weeks getting ready .
No one was more meticulous than senior adviser Bob Bauer , a White House counsel under Obama who had played Sanders during Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreed to embrace the role of Trump .
Like a football coach preparing for a Super Bowl opponent , Bauer watched hundreds of hours of tape on Trump , studying every primary and debate performance from his 2016 campaign , and virtually every rally and news conference in the four years since .
By the time Bauer and Biden stood behind makeshift podiums for their first full 90-minute mock debate inside Biden ’ s home in Wilmington , Delaware , Bauer had mastered the president ’ s style , his intonations , gestures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specific attacks Trump was most likely to use and how he would deliver them .
Bauer was ruthless in the private sessions , leaning into deeply personal attacks about Biden ’ s family , his decision to step away from campaigning and the perception that he may not have the physical or mental strength to serve as president .
Yet no amount of preparation could truly prepare Biden for what he faced when the real moment came .
With more than 73 million people watching , a belligerent Trump badgered Biden and moderator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interruptions that rendered the high-profile debate almost unwatchable .
Biden didn ’ t have any notable stumbles , but he lost his patience at times and slapped at Trump with unplanned insults .
“ Will you shut up , man ?
” the Democrat said at one point .
The line would later inspire one of the campaign ’ s bestselling T-shirts .
In the hold room afterward , Biden gathered with his wife , his sister Valerie Biden Owens and a couple of senior aides .
They believed Biden had clearly bested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump had debased the debate process itself , something he considered a sacred institution in U.S. politics .
“ It ’ s disappointing that the president of the United States would act like that on the debate stage , ” Biden told them .
In the end , nothing Trump could say or do distracted voters from his fundamental inability to control the pandemic — or even take it seriously as the death toll surged past 232,000 Americans on the eve of the election .
As Biden stayed laser-focused on the health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fought to convince Americans that the pandemic was almost over .
Five days before Election Day , Donald Trump Jr. said on Fox News that coronavirus deaths had dropped to “ almost nothing.
” That same day , the United States reported more than 90,000 new confirmed COVID-19 infections , another single-day record .
The day after Election Day , more than 100,000 Americans tested positive for the first time .
Still , the president kept on mocking Biden ’ s cautiousness .
“ When you ’ re president of the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a basement , ” Trump told thousands of Pennsylvania supporters crammed into an outdoor venue , most without masks , the weekend before the election .
Despite the large crowds , people close to Trump were aware that his presidency was hanging by a thread .
The president boarded Air Force One in Miami to start his final day of travel seemingly in a bad mood .
Holding a red MAGA hat , he offered a soft wave to reporters but didn ’ t do a customary wave for cameras at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first of five events that day , he wasn ’ t showing much confidence when asked about Wisconsin , where coronavirus spiked to a new record high on Election Day : “ I could lose it , I could win it , ” Trump said .
Biden , too , was on edge as he watched election returns at home in Wilmington that initially showed a much closer race than pre-election polls had suggested .
But he became increasingly confident as the vote counting stretched into the weekend .
He was sitting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unseasonably warm Saturday afternoon when the excited screams of his grandchildren from inside the house confirmed his victory .
In the end , the president-elect earned more than 74 million votes , setting a record and besting Trump by more than 4 million votes nationally .
He won by flipping states Trump previously carried in the Midwest and the Southwest and he was even narrowly ahead in Georgia , a Deep South state no Democrat had claimed in nearly three decades .
Trump pledged to fight the results , making wild and unsubstantiated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inner circle was in disarray as news emerged that his chief of staff had been infected with the coronavirus .
Biden was committed as ever to his health experts ’ recommendations even in victory .
He addressed the nation Saturday night from an outdoor stage in a Wilmington parking lot facing supporters gathered in their cars for a drive-in celebration .
Biden walked on stage for the first time as president-elect wearing a mask .
“ Our work begins with getting COVID under control , ” he said .
He later added : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the example of our power , but by the power of our example.
” Peoples reported from New York , Miller reported from Washington and Kinnard from Columbia , South Carolina .
Associated Press writers Jill Colvin , Brian Slodysko , Jonathan Lemire and Alexandra Jaffe in Washington contributed to this report .

Steve Peoples, Bill Barrow, Zeke Miller, Meg Kinnard

WILMINGTON, Del. — Joe Biden was fresh off winning the Michigan primary and effectively capturing the Democratic presidential nomination, a prize he’d sought for the better part of three decades. Instead of plotting a strategy to build momentum, he was contemplating an abrupt halt.
He gathered his senior team in a conference room on the 19th floor of his campaign’s Philadelphia headquarters, the type of in-person meeting that would soon be deemed a public health risk. A former surgeon general and Food and Drug Administration commissioner joined on speakerphone.
As the coronavirus began to explode across the United States that March, Biden asked a question that would ultimately guide the campaign’s thinking for months: “What should I be modeling?”
The health experts recommended the 77-year-old Biden step away from campaigning as soon as possible, both for his safety and that of staff and supporters. Biden agreed. He decided that he and every staff member would work from home starting that weekend. All field offices would be closed.
He wouldn’t return to in-person campaigning for 174 days.
It was a decision without precedent in modern American politics. Barack Obama and John McCain returned to Washington in the final weeks of the 2008 campaign to respond to that year’s financial collapse, but only briefly. In an era when voters are accustomed to seeing their presidential candidates constantly, the idea of a complete withdrawal was unthinkable.
That was especially true for Biden, whose tactile approach to politics is legendary.
“It was a hard call,” said Jake Sullivan, a senior Biden adviser. “If there’s no pandemic, he gets a chance to get out and do what he does, which is retail campaigning, meeting people where they are, having the opportunity to sit with folks and speak to crowds and walk down the street. That’s what he would have preferred, obviously.”
For Biden, who has been elected the 46th president of the United States, perhaps no decision was more consequential to his victory, making it possible to flip states such as Arizona and Wisconsin, where coronavirus infections and hospitalizations spiked the week of the election. Still, the cautious approach prompted ridicule from President Donald Trump, who constantly teased Biden for “hiding in his basement” and returned to large in-person events much sooner than his rival, and with far fewer precautions.
Some Democrats also worried. Several state party chairs and down-ballot candidates privately urged the campaign to resume in-person events and canvassing. Texas Democratic Chairman Gilberto Hinojosa warned that Latino turnout could suffer. The lack of personal outreach has been blamed for contributing to Biden’s poor showing with Latinos in Florida, a battleground that Trump carried.
But Biden refused to change course, defining himself early on as a responsible foil to Trump, someone who could make difficult choices and serve as something of a role model to a country facing a historic set of crises.
It was a theme Biden would return to repeatedly in the months ahead as millions of people lost their jobs, the largest protest movement since the civil rights era bloomed in response to police killings of Black people, and Trump threatened central elements of American democracy by refusing to commit to a peaceful transfer of power if he lost.
This account of Biden’s rise to the presidency is based on interviews with more than a dozen people who hold senior positions in the Biden and Trump campaigns along with strategists and donors in each party. Many spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the turbulent campaign with candor.
They all agree on one thing: The coronavirus fundamentally reshaped the race.
• • •
In the early hours of Friday, Oct. 2, a senior official at the Republican National Committee texted a colleague with a dire message about the fate of Trump’s campaign: It was hopeless.
The president had just announced that he and his wife, Melania, had tested positive for the coronavirus, joining the 7 million Americans already infected. By the end of the day, Trump would be taken to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center on Marine One, the short helicopter ride over the Washington skyline captured on live television.
Trump’s illness presented serious medical concerns and raised alarm about the stability of the U.S. government. At 74, Trump was at a higher risk of serious complications from the virus. He refused to temporarily cede power to Vice President Mike Pence as he recovered.
“I talked to him that night. I talked to him the whole hospitalization,” said GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, one of Trump’s closest allies in Washington. “Friday night, he wasn’t feeling good.”
Trump’s infection was both a stunning twist and entirely predictable. He’d been cavalier about the virus for months, painting Democrats as reactionaries using the pandemic to take away individual rights. He mocked mask-wearing recommendations from scientists and returned to his trademark rallies, packing thousands of mostly unmasked supporters together, sometimes over the objection of local health officials.
He held large-scale events on the South Lawn of the White House, including the introduction of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett less than a week before his diagnosis.
Perhaps the biggest surprise was that Trump hadn’t contracted the virus sooner.
After three nights in the hospital, Trump, who was still infectious, staged a dramatic return to the White House. Just in time for the evening newscasts on the major networks, the former reality television star climbed the South Portico steps, turned to the cameras and removed his mask to declare “I feel good.” He entered the White House, where aides were visible milling about the Blue Room, without wearing a face covering.
The move, less than a month before Election Day, was designed to show a president in control. It also threatened his relationship with the official wing of his party. On Capitol Hill, Republicans maintained their public support of Trump, eager to avoid enraged tweets that could threaten their political futures.
But at the RNC, frustration was building that Trump was missing obvious opportunities.
Party officials believed Trump could have been on track to win as much as 60% of the vote had he taken a more empathetic approach to the pandemic. Instead, he adopted a combative and dismissive attitude toward the science that guided most of his decisions in the election’s final weeks.
The party questioned Trump’s spending and messaging. The campaign spent untold millions on aggressive ads resembling WWE commercials blanketing TV, but none of them moved the needle. The ads were in many instances approved by Trump personally and aired on stations in Washington, targeted to an audience of one — the president — in a heavily Democratic city.
By early October, the RNC had had enough of the Trump campaign’s scattered message and decided to produce its own advertisements offering a more sober message on health care. The message tested better than anything the Trump campaign had done previously.
Despite their public confidence, Trump’s own staff seemed increasingly aware of the impending loss. In the final weeks of the campaign, White House staff offices began rotating in aides who had not yet been on Air Force One or not as frequently as others, to give them that experience while they still had the chance.
Trump himself was grappling with his fate in public.
“How the hell can we be tied?” he said at a rally in Carson City, Nevada.
• • •
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders knew his White House ambitions were over. Biden assumed a commanding lead in the Democratic primary by late March and the pandemic dashed any hopes of a comeback — or even a spirited exchange of ideas that could last until the summer convention.
But before he exited the race, the progressive icon wanted significant policy concessions on health care and education.
Sanders knew that Biden wouldn’t agree to support “Medicare for All.” The former vice president had aggressively run against it during in the primary. But Sanders believed he could get Biden to agree to lower the age for Medicare eligibility.
Sanders wanted Biden to drop the age to 55 from the current 65. Senior staff from both sides hammered out a compromise, which was later sealed during a private conversation between Sanders and Biden. A few days after Sanders formally stepped aside, Biden announced that he supported lowering the Medicare age to 60.
“Based on the calls that the senator had with the vice president, I think there was confidence they were serious about trying to have common ground — that progressives would not only be involved in the electoral process but also governing,” said Jeff Weaver, Sanders’ chief adviser.
For many Democrats, the scars of Sanders’ 2016 primary battle against Hillary Clinton had never really healed. Some argued Sanders didn’t do enough to support Clinton, damaging her in the general election against Trump. Progressives countered that the party didn’t take Sanders seriously and worked to thwart him.
Biden’s Medicare concession was an important step in building trust between the wings of the party. The relationship was further solidified after Biden agreed to form several policy committees that featured high-profile figures from opposing factions.
Among the participants on Biden’s climate committee: former Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, one of Sanders’ most vocal supporters. Biden didn’t issue the invitation to Ocasio-Cortez personally, but was fully on board with bringing her onto the panel.
She’d go on to become a consistent advocate for the 77-year-old establishment figure’s election, a stark contrast to the 2016 dynamics Clinton faced from the left flank.
• • •
Trump suddenly had an opportunity to divert attention from the pandemic.
A round of sometimes violent unrest exploded in Kenosha, Wisconsin, following the police shooting of Jacob Blake, an unarmed Black man, in August.
Some large cities contended with isolated instances of unrest during the summer as part of a broader movement against racial injustice and police violence toward Black Americans. But the events in Kenosha seemed different: The unrest was spreading to smaller cities and in a premier swing state, no less.
Trump had been roundly criticized after mostly peaceful protesters were forcibly removed from a street near the White House in June. But Kenosha fueled his call for “law and order,” the mantra championed by presidential candidates Richard Nixon and George Wallace in 1968.
Biden’s team worried that his consistent lead in critical Upper Midwest states could deteriorate if Trump’s appeal to the fears of white voters resonated. The focus on Kenosha peaked just as Trump hosted the Republican National Convention, drawing fairly positive reviews for delivering a program aimed at expanding his political coalition.
“It was a moment that could have gone sideways,” said Biden deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield. “We made a strategic decision to take it head-on.”
On the very day he returned to campaigning after nearly six months at home, Biden delivered a fiery speech in Pennsylvania asking voters if they really believed they were safer under Trump’s leadership.
Biden highlighted the pandemic’s mounting death toll — more than 180,000 Americans at that time — and blamed Trump for causing the divisions that ignited the unrest in the first place.
“He can’t stop the violence because for years he’s fomented it,” Biden charged.
The direct attack on Trump’s “law and order” messaging was amplified by Democrats across the country who followed Biden’s lead. Within a matter of weeks, any momentum that Trump seemed to have coming out of his convention was forgotten.
• • •
“That was embarrassing for the country.”
Immediately after his first presidential debate against Trump, Biden shared his disgust about his opponent’s performance with family and senior staff in a hold room backstage where they dissected the most chaotic 90 minutes in modern presidential politics.
Biden long believed that the opening debate on Sept. 29 could be an opportunity for Trump to reshape the race, and Biden prepared accordingly. Biden and his team spent weeks getting ready.
No one was more meticulous than senior adviser Bob Bauer, a White House counsel under Obama who had played Sanders during Biden’s primary debate practice sessions and agreed to embrace the role of Trump.
Like a football coach preparing for a Super Bowl opponent, Bauer watched hundreds of hours of tape on Trump, studying every primary and debate performance from his 2016 campaign, and virtually every rally and news conference in the four years since.
By the time Bauer and Biden stood behind makeshift podiums for their first full 90-minute mock debate inside Biden’s home in Wilmington, Delaware, Bauer had mastered the president’s style, his intonations, gestures and, perhaps most important, the specific attacks Trump was most likely to use and how he would deliver them.
Bauer was ruthless in the private sessions, leaning into deeply personal attacks about Biden’s family, his decision to step away from campaigning and the perception that he may not have the physical or mental strength to serve as president.
Yet no amount of preparation could truly prepare Biden for what he faced when the real moment came.
With more than 73 million people watching, a belligerent Trump badgered Biden and moderator Chris Wallace with a ceaseless flood of interruptions that rendered the high-profile debate almost unwatchable. Biden didn’t have any notable stumbles, but he lost his patience at times and slapped at Trump with unplanned insults.
“Will you shut up, man?” the Democrat said at one point.
The line would later inspire one of the campaign’s bestselling T-shirts.
In the hold room afterward, Biden gathered with his wife, his sister Valerie Biden Owens and a couple of senior aides. They believed Biden had clearly bested his opponent, but he was concerned that Trump had debased the debate process itself, something he considered a sacred institution in U.S. politics.
“It’s disappointing that the president of the United States would act like that on the debate stage,” Biden told them.
• • •
In the end, nothing Trump could say or do distracted voters from his fundamental inability to control the pandemic — or even take it seriously as the death toll surged past 232,000 Americans on the eve of the election.
As Biden stayed laser-focused on the health threat, Trump and his top lieutenants fought to convince Americans that the pandemic was almost over. Five days before Election Day, Donald Trump Jr. said on Fox News that coronavirus deaths had dropped to “almost nothing.”
That same day, the United States reported more than 90,000 new confirmed COVID-19 infections, another single-day record. The day after Election Day, more than 100,000 Americans tested positive for the first time.
Still, the president kept on mocking Biden’s cautiousness.
“When you’re president of the United States, you can’t lock yourself into a basement,” Trump told thousands of Pennsylvania supporters crammed into an outdoor venue, most without masks, the weekend before the election.
Despite the large crowds, people close to Trump were aware that his presidency was hanging by a thread.
The president boarded Air Force One in Miami to start his final day of travel seemingly in a bad mood. Holding a red MAGA hat, he offered a soft wave to reporters but didn’t do a customary wave for cameras at the top of the steps.
At the first of five events that day, he wasn’t showing much confidence when asked about Wisconsin, where coronavirus spiked to a new record high on Election Day: “I could lose it, I could win it,” Trump said.
Biden, too, was on edge as he watched election returns at home in Wilmington that initially showed a much closer race than pre-election polls had suggested. But he became increasingly confident as the vote counting stretched into the weekend.
He was sitting in his backyard with his wife enjoying an unseasonably warm Saturday afternoon when the excited screams of his grandchildren from inside the house confirmed his victory.
In the end, the president-elect earned more than 74 million votes, setting a record and besting Trump by more than 4 million votes nationally. He won by flipping states Trump previously carried in the Midwest and the Southwest and he was even narrowly ahead in Georgia, a Deep South state no Democrat had claimed in nearly three decades.
Trump pledged to fight the results, making wild and unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud. But his inner circle was in disarray as news emerged that his chief of staff had been infected with the coronavirus.
Biden was committed as ever to his health experts’ recommendations even in victory. He addressed the nation Saturday night from an outdoor stage in a Wilmington parking lot facing supporters gathered in their cars for a drive-in celebration.
Biden walked on stage for the first time as president-elect wearing a mask.
“Our work begins with getting COVID under control,” he said. He later added: “We will lead not only by the example of our power, but by the power of our example.”
Peoples reported from New York, Miller reported from Washington and Kinnard from Columbia, South Carolina. Associated Press writers Jill Colvin, Brian Slodysko, Jonathan Lemire and Alexandra Jaffe in Washington contributed to this report.


thedenverpost--2020-11-10--Denver weather: Sunny skies and cool temperatures in the metro area

The snow ’ s gone , but the cold is staying .
Denver skies will be sunny but the high @ @ @ @ @ just 45 , according to the National Weather Service .
There will be winds of @ @ @ @ @ up to 16 mph .
Temperatures will drop below freezing at night , falling to @ @ @ @ @ be similar with sunny skies and a high of 47 before falling to a low @ @ @ @ @ The temperature will crack a high of 50 on Thursday and fall to a low @ @ @ @ @ .

The snow’s gone, but the cold is staying.
Denver skies will be sunny but the high temperature will top off at just 45, according to the National Weather Service. There will be winds of 7-10 mph that may gust up to 16 mph.
Windy in the mountains & foothills today, gusts to 55 mph! Windy spots like Boulder/Broomfield and the WY border will gust to 35 mph. #cowx pic.twitter.com/QZ7Ro4lNmq — NWS Boulder (@NWSBoulder) November 10, 2020
Temperatures will drop below freezing at night, falling to 21 degrees.
Wednesday will be similar with sunny skies and a high of 47 before falling to a low of 22 at night. The temperature will crack a high of 50 on Thursday and fall to a low of 26 in the evening.


thedenverpost--2020-11-10--Nuggets NBA mock draft tracker 2.0: What the national experts predict Denver will do

It ’ s just eight days away until the NBA draft .
So what will the Nuggets do ?
There are plenty of options for Denver .
Check out The Denver Post ’ s Mike Singer ’ s analysis on point guards , shooting guards and small forwards .
Here ’ s a look at what national experts think the Nuggets will do with the No .
22 pick : “ Anthony deserves to go much higher than this based on his talent and pedigree , but some rough circumstances around his freshman season at UNC could push him down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of high school , Anthony found himself needing to carry the load for a Tar Heels team that lost so much talent to the NBA and graduation from the year before .
Then he tore his meniscus around Thanksgiving and struggled to regain his explosiveness and efficiency .
Anthony has clear skills as an off-the-dribble shot-maker , but his rim attacking and ability to read the floor didn ’ t quite match the hype .
His range likely starts at the end of the lottery , but falling to a talented team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing for his long-term development.
” See the full mock draft .
“ A few NBA scouts have told Yahoo Sports they ’ ve been impressed with TCU guard Desmond Bane , and he is now rising as a projected first-round pick .
Bane played four years for the Horned Frogs and averaged 16.6 points and 6.4 rebounds per game , shooting 44.2 percent from the 3-point line last season.
” See the full mock draft .
“ Green played alongside other talented freshmen at Arizona and established himself with his 3-point shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half-court sets .
He really improved from 3-point range in the final month of the season ( 13-for-27 ) and could turn into a solid two-way player.
” See the full mock draft .
“ Teams sound split on Maxey , with some buying his scoring and believing his shooting is sharper than the numbers suggest .
Skeptics question his shot mechanics and playmaking for a 6 ’ 3″ , below-the-rim guard .
The Nuggets have a history of buying low and not overreacting to stats or predraft developments.
” See the full @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in need of wing depth , and Woodard should be a stout defender from his first minute on the court with his sturdy frame .
If his 3-point shooting as a sophomore at Mississippi State wasn ’ t a mirage , he could be a steal at this point in the draft.
” See the full mock draft .

It’s just eight days away until the NBA draft. So what will the Nuggets do?
There are plenty of options for Denver. Check out The Denver Post’s Mike Singer’s analysis on point guards, shooting guards and small forwards.
Here’s a look at what national experts think the Nuggets will do with the No. 22 pick:
SB Nation | Ricky O’Donnell | Updated Nov. 5
Cole Anthony, G, North Carolina
“Anthony deserves to go much higher than this based on his talent and pedigree, but some rough circumstances around his freshman season at UNC could push him down the board. A consensus top-3 recruit out of high school, Anthony found himself needing to carry the load for a Tar Heels team that lost so much talent to the NBA and graduation from the year before. Then he tore his meniscus around Thanksgiving and struggled to regain his explosiveness and efficiency. Anthony has clear skills as an off-the-dribble shot-maker, but his rim attacking and ability to read the floor didn’t quite match the hype. His range likely starts at the end of the lottery, but falling to a talented team like Denver might ultimately be the best thing for his long-term development.” See the full mock draft.
Yahoo Sports | Krysten Peek | Updated Nov. 5
Desmond Bane, G, TCU
“A few NBA scouts have told Yahoo Sports they’ve been impressed with TCU guard Desmond Bane, and he is now rising as a projected first-round pick. Bane played four years for the Horned Frogs and averaged 16.6 points and 6.4 rebounds per game, shooting 44.2 percent from the 3-point line last season.” See the full mock draft.
USA Today | Scott Gleeson, Jeff Zillgitt and Mark Medina | Updated Oct. 29
Josh Green, G, Arizona
“Green played alongside other talented freshmen at Arizona and established himself with his 3-point shot and ability to find his spots in half-court sets. He really improved from 3-point range in the final month of the season (13-for-27) and could turn into a solid two-way player.” See the full mock draft.
Bleacher Report | Jonathan Wasserman | Updated Nov. 4
Tyrese Maxey, SG, Kentucky
“Teams sound split on Maxey, with some buying his scoring and believing his shooting is sharper than the numbers suggest. Skeptics question his shot mechanics and playmaking for a 6’3″, below-the-rim guard. The Nuggets have a history of buying low and not overreacting to stats or predraft developments.” See the full mock draft.
CBS Sports | Colin Ward-Henninger | Updated Nov. 5
Robert Woodard II, SG, Mississippi State
“The Nuggets are in need of wing depth, and Woodard should be a stout defender from his first minute on the court with his sturdy frame. If his 3-point shooting as a sophomore at Mississippi State wasn’t a mirage, he could be a steal at this point in the draft.” See the full mock draft.


thedenverpost--2020-11-10--Broncos Mailbag: What can Vic Fangio do to kick-start dormant first-half offense?

Denver Post Broncos writer Ryan O ’ Halloran posts his Broncos Mailbag weekly during the season .
Submit questions to Ryan here .
The Broncos appear unable to come out of the locker room with anything resembling energy .
Who is responsible for the initial plays ?
I get the injuries , but we are weeks into the season .
Are we really this bad ?
Also , Melvin Gordon .
Going to be on the team for 2021 ?
Does not seem to be worth all the millions he received .
— Ann , Superior Entering Monday ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first-quarter points were 27th and their minus-19 point differential was 26th .
The injuries aren ’ t an excuse as to why the Broncos don ’ t execute better off the hop .
Citing the missed practice time in recent weeks is also a bad excuse .
Offensive coordinator Pat Shurmur is responsible for the play-calling and thus the opening script .
Gordon is under contract for 2021 ( salary cap hit of $ 9 million , which is sixth-highest on the Broncos ) .
The team can create $ 6.5 million of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all we know , the opinion of Gordon inside the Broncos ’ facility may be different from the public one .
He does provide one key service — he can pass protect and is also a reliable receiver .
That ’ s not worth $ 9 million , though .
The Broncos seem stuck in NFL purgatory since Peyton Manning retired .
They haven ’ t been good enough to be competing for a playoff spot in December but also not quite bad enough for a top-three pick/total rebuild .
Is this the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a couple of veteran pieces away from being a contender again ?
— Steve , Forks , Wash .
Since 2016 , the Broncos entering December have been 7-5 ( 2016 , finished 9-7 ) , 3-8 ( 2017 , finished 5-11 ) , 5-6 ( 2018 , finished 6-10 ) and 3-8 ( 2019 , finished 7-9 ) .
Translation : They ’ ve entered the final month out of playoff contention or playing uphill .
Last December , what got us to the finish line was Drew Lock getting his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exciting about this December ?
Jerry Jeudy .
Elway is always going to be a retool-instead-of-rebuild general manager .
But this year has the feel of a rebuild year because of the reliance on so many young players .
What Elway needs to hope is that some of the lumps of 2020 pay off in 2021 .
Ryan , it doesn ’ t seem like there ’ s a sense of urgency for the offense in the first half ( well , first three quarters ) .
What can Vic Fangio do to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is there someone out there we can add to bolster our secondary ?
They looked seriously outmatched on Sunday .
— Matthew , Aurora It ’ s nearly impossible to measure urgency except for the end of the first half or game when the offense is moving quickly ( or isn ’ t ) .
What are Fangio ’ s options ?
He should start taking the football first if he wins the toss — what ’ s the harm ?
You ’ re 3-5 .
You never know , that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fangio could make is sprinkling in more up-tempo plays ( like Atlanta did so well on Sunday ) or a gadget play .
At this point of the season , any help for the secondary is internal and that is the return to health of cornerbacks A.J .
Bouye ( concussion ) and Bryce Callahan ( ankle ) .
Knowing that we have one of the best running backs in the league , why not give him the football more often ?
— Pedro Ambriz , Mexico I assume Pedro is referring to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had 44 snaps and Lindsay 28 snaps .
The disparity is because Gordon plays in the two-minute offense more than Lindsay , which includes possessions when the Broncos are chasing the game .
As for Lindsay not getting more carries , the Broncos ’ first-half issues have forced them to pass more in the second half of the last two games .
Against Atlanta , the Broncos had only 15 called rushes out of 71 snaps .
When the Broncos figure out their first-half issues , it will allow them to use Lindsay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fangio took a page from John Thompson when Dikembe Mutombo was underperforming for him in college and taped a ticket back home on his locker ?
I have a feeling that Vic taped a picture of Trevor Lawrence on Drew Lock ’ s locker at halftime .
— Charles Danna , Lakewood I hadn ’ t heard that Thompson-Mutombo story but I believe it — Big John could play mind games with the best of them .
OK , folks , let ’ s put this one to rest : The Broncos aren @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t be bad enough to get in position for Lawrence or Ohio State quarterback Justin Fields .
Entering Monday , 10 NFL teams had fewer wins than the Broncos ’ three .
The Broncos are more likely to win a few games to play themselves out of the top 10 than bottom out and somehow reach the top five .
Let ’ s talk about the elephant in the room regarding the Broncos .
It ’ s the ownership uncertainty .
Can the Broncos go back to being an elite team and franchise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Does the issue impact the organization and how it ’ s run ?
It ’ s hard to ignore the mediocrity that has beset the team since Pat Bowlen fell ill to the point he was no longer involved .
There was some hangover success but that was due to the magic of Manning .
This has got to get resolved in the next 24 months if not sooner .
— Joe G. , Sacramento , Calif .
The Post ’ s ownership coverage has been infrequent lately for a simple reason : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pitting the trustees against Beth Bowlen Wallace and Amie Klemmer has been delayed to 2021 .
Maybe a new owner is the spark the Broncos need as an organization to re-circle and get back to their winning ways .
But a new owner will also mean a new way of doing things and that also takes time .
There has been no Manning Hangover Success — they haven ’ t made the playoffs since he retired .
As for a timetable , there is no point in setting one until the trial happens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charge of selling the team .
Is it possible that the Broncos ’ offensive struggles are tied to Lock ’ s injury early in Week 2 ?
It seems like they ’ re just starting to get their footing now that he ’ s back and that he ’ s starting to learn the Pat Shurmur offense .
What do you think ?
— Brandon Brown , Rogers , Minn .
Interesting point , Brandon , and I agree that Lock looked iffy against New England and Kansas City , like he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the game .
But he showed up in the fourth quarter against the Chargers .
The key point for Lock is staying on the field — stopping and starting because of injuries doesn ’ t lead to improvement .
The Broncos ’ offense has flashes like every young-and-inconsistent group , but as Lock gets more comfortable with Shurmur ’ s scheme , the second-half-of-the-season results could be improved .
Denver Post Broncos writer Ryan O ’ Halloran posts his Broncos Mailbag weekly during the season .
Submit questions to Ryan here .

Denver Post Broncos writer Ryan O’Halloran posts his Broncos Mailbag weekly during the season. Submit questions to Ryan here.
The Broncos appear unable to come out of the locker room with anything resembling energy. Who is responsible for the initial plays? I get the injuries, but we are weeks into the season. Are we really this bad? Also, Melvin Gordon. Going to be on the team for 2021? Does not seem to be worth all the millions he received.
— Ann, Superior
Entering Monday’s Patriots-Jets game, the Broncos’ 25 first-quarter points were 27th and their minus-19 point differential was 26th. The injuries aren’t an excuse as to why the Broncos don’t execute better off the hop. Citing the missed practice time in recent weeks is also a bad excuse. Offensive coordinator Pat Shurmur is responsible for the play-calling and thus the opening script.
Gordon is under contract for 2021 (salary cap hit of $9 million, which is sixth-highest on the Broncos). The team can create $6.5 million of space if they cut him. For all we know, the opinion of Gordon inside the Broncos’ facility may be different from the public one. He does provide one key service — he can pass protect and is also a reliable receiver. That’s not worth $9 million, though.
The Broncos seem stuck in NFL purgatory since Peyton Manning retired. They haven’t been good enough to be competing for a playoff spot in December but also not quite bad enough for a top-three pick/total rebuild. Is this the result of John Elway always thinking he is a couple of veteran pieces away from being a contender again?
— Steve, Forks, Wash.
Since 2016, the Broncos entering December have been 7-5 (2016, finished 9-7), 3-8 (2017, finished 5-11), 5-6 (2018, finished 6-10) and 3-8 (2019, finished 7-9). Translation: They’ve entered the final month out of playoff contention or playing uphill.
Last December, what got us to the finish line was Drew Lock getting his first five starts. What’s exciting about this December? Jerry Jeudy.
Elway is always going to be a retool-instead-of-rebuild general manager. But this year has the feel of a rebuild year because of the reliance on so many young players. What Elway needs to hope is that some of the lumps of 2020 pay off in 2021.
Ryan, it doesn’t seem like there’s a sense of urgency for the offense in the first half (well, first three quarters). What can Vic Fangio do to light a fire under them? Also, is there someone out there we can add to bolster our secondary? They looked seriously outmatched on Sunday.
— Matthew, Aurora
It’s nearly impossible to measure urgency except for the end of the first half or game when the offense is moving quickly (or isn’t).
What are Fangio’s options? He should start taking the football first if he wins the toss — what’s the harm? You’re 3-5. You never know, that could produce a spark. The other suggestion Fangio could make is sprinkling in more up-tempo plays (like Atlanta did so well on Sunday) or a gadget play.
At this point of the season, any help for the secondary is internal and that is the return to health of cornerbacks A.J. Bouye (concussion) and Bryce Callahan (ankle).
Knowing that we have one of the best running backs in the league, why not give him the football more often?
— Pedro Ambriz, Mexico
I assume Pedro is referring to Phillip Lindsay. Against Atlanta, Gordon had 44 snaps and Lindsay 28 snaps. The disparity is because Gordon plays in the two-minute offense more than Lindsay, which includes possessions when the Broncos are chasing the game.
As for Lindsay not getting more carries, the Broncos’ first-half issues have forced them to pass more in the second half of the last two games. Against Atlanta, the Broncos had only 15 called rushes out of 71 snaps.
When the Broncos figure out their first-half issues, it will allow them to use Lindsay more often.
Do you think Vic Fangio took a page from John Thompson when Dikembe Mutombo was underperforming for him in college and taped a ticket back home on his locker? I have a feeling that Vic taped a picture of Trevor Lawrence on Drew Lock’s locker at halftime.
— Charles Danna, Lakewood
I hadn’t heard that Thompson-Mutombo story but I believe it — Big John could play mind games with the best of them.
OK, folks, let’s put this one to rest: The Broncos aren’t bad enough and won’t be bad enough to get in position for Lawrence or Ohio State quarterback Justin Fields.
Entering Monday, 10 NFL teams had fewer wins than the Broncos’ three. The Broncos are more likely to win a few games to play themselves out of the top 10 than bottom out and somehow reach the top five.
Let’s talk about the elephant in the room regarding the Broncos. It’s the ownership uncertainty. Can the Broncos go back to being an elite team and franchise without the ownership situation being settled? Does the issue impact the organization and how it’s run? It’s hard to ignore the mediocrity that has beset the team since Pat Bowlen fell ill to the point he was no longer involved. There was some hangover success but that was due to the magic of Manning. This has got to get resolved in the next 24 months if not sooner.
— Joe G., Sacramento, Calif.
The Post’s ownership coverage has been infrequent lately for a simple reason: Nothing is happening yet. The trial pitting the trustees against Beth Bowlen Wallace and Amie Klemmer has been delayed to 2021.
Maybe a new owner is the spark the Broncos need as an organization to re-circle and get back to their winning ways. But a new owner will also mean a new way of doing things and that also takes time.
There has been no Manning Hangover Success — they haven’t made the playoffs since he retired.
As for a timetable, there is no point in setting one until the trial happens and we know who will be in charge of selling the team.
Is it possible that the Broncos’ offensive struggles are tied to Lock’s injury early in Week 2? It seems like they’re just starting to get their footing now that he’s back and that he’s starting to learn the Pat Shurmur offense. What do you think?
— Brandon Brown, Rogers, Minn.
Interesting point, Brandon, and I agree that Lock looked iffy against New England and Kansas City, like he was working his way back into the flow of the game. But he showed up in the fourth quarter against the Chargers.
The key point for Lock is staying on the field — stopping and starting because of injuries doesn’t lead to improvement.
The Broncos’ offense has flashes like every young-and-inconsistent group, but as Lock gets more comfortable with Shurmur’s scheme, the second-half-of-the-season results could be improved.
Denver Post Broncos writer Ryan O’Halloran posts his Broncos Mailbag weekly during the season. Submit questions to Ryan here.


thedenverpost--2020-11-11--Local public health leaders urge Colorado to implement more aggressive COVID-19 measures

Transmission of the novel coronavirus is so rampant in Colorado that local public health officials are asking the state to take more aggressive steps — including county-level stay-at-home orders — to control the spread .
State officials are reluctant to issue another statewide lockdown , preferring local governments to take the lead as Colorado continues to see a record number of new COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations .
“ Local public health agencies can enact guidance that is stricter than the ( state ’ s color-coded ) dial , and the do not need the state ’ s approval to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Health and Environment said in a statement Tuesday .
“ They have always had the ability to go to a traditional stay-at-home model , and we are here to support them in that decision.
” Last week , eight local public health directors and the Colorado Association of Public Health Officials sent a letter — which was first reported by Colorado Public Radio — to the state health agency , asking it to follow the timeline laid out in the color-coded dial system that places each county into one of five levels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in additional timing that CDPHE has provided to counties whose metrics exceed their level on the dial , we are concerned that with the steep acceleration of cases and hospitalizations , these delays will reduce the value of the additional restrictions provided in the higher level , essentially rendering them ‘ too little , too late , ’ ” the health officials wrote in the Nov. 5 letter .
The letter is signed by public health directors from Jefferson , Broomfield , Denver , Boulder , Lincoln and Kiowa counties .
The head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ covers Adams , Arapahoe and Douglas counties , also signed it .
In the dial frame work , a county is assigned a level based on new cases , the percentage of tests that are positive and how hospitalizations are trending .
In recent weeks , a flurry of counties , including Denver , Boulder , Broomfield , Adams and Jefferson , have moved to level orange , the second-highest set of restrictions , which cap most businesses ’ capacity at 25 % .
In an effort to stave off the red level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some local governments , including Denver , have also imposed curfews .
But as counties have surpassed the threshold for level red , they have not yet been moved to the most severe restriction on the dial : a lockdown .
“ None of us want to get into that red zone , ” said Margaret Huffman , the director of Jefferson County Public Health .
As cases and hospitalizations continue to rise , steps need to be taken to protect residents and health care workers , she said .
“ That does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ step in and suggest we do XYZ to reach that goal because the state has that authority , ” Huffman said .
Colorado reported 3,384 new cases of the novel coronavirus Tuesday .
Hospitalizations continued to reach record levels Tuesday , with 1,116 people in the hospital statewide with confirmed COVID-19 , according to the Department of Public Health and Environment .
While 84 % of the state ’ s intensive-care unit beds are in use , another serious threat to hospital capacity is staffing .
“ Our hospital workers are getting sick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ store , they are going to school to pick up their kids , ” said Julie Lonborg , senior vice president of communications and media relations at the Colorado Hospital Association .
“ In doing that , they are catching this in community spread.
” The association , along with hospital leadership , issued a call on Tuesday for Coloradans to “ continue doing their part — and even a little more now — to control the spread of this dangerous virus .
Wear your mask , wash your hands , watch your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safer to see other people.
” In response to the recent surge in hospitalizations and cases , Gov .
Jared Polis has encouraged Coloradans to avoid gathering with people outside of their household .
“ For Colorado to get through this pandemic and come out stronger and more resilient , we all need to do our part .
That means local , state and federal governments along with people at home , ” spokesman Conor Cahill said in a statement , adding , “ However , if there comes a time where we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical capacity , the governor will not hesitate to statewide action.
” Local governments , including Denver ’ s , were quicker than Polis in issuing stay-at-home orders when the pandemic first reached Colorado in the spring .
State officials argue for a local approach to public health because they say the way the pandemic affects communities varies across the state .
Local public health officials said the county-by-county approach worked over the summer when cases and hospitalizations were lower and they could implement interventions strategically .
For example , Boulder public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the early fall after noticing a surge in cases among University of Colorado students .
But now , the transmission of the novel coronavirus is so widespread that it ’ s not possible to do such measures and be successful in controlling the disease , they said .
“ The spread is so wide it is affecting , again , all age groups and folks are not cooperating with contact tracing , ” said Theresa Anselmo , executive director of the Colorado Association of Local Public Health Officials .
“ So it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out where the infection is coming from .
“ While it ’ s affecting communities differently , it is quite frankly spreading everywhere at a rapid pace , ” she added .
The counties also want at least a regional approach because it can be confusing for residents when public health orders differ by county as people travel to other parts of the state , Huffman said .
“ It ’ s more effective when we can work together , ” she said .

Transmission of the novel coronavirus is so rampant in Colorado that local public health officials are asking the state to take more aggressive steps — including county-level stay-at-home orders — to control the spread.
State officials are reluctant to issue another statewide lockdown, preferring local governments to take the lead as Colorado continues to see a record number of new COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations.
“Local public health agencies can enact guidance that is stricter than the (state’s color-coded) dial, and the do not need the state’s approval to do that,” the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment said in a statement Tuesday. “They have always had the ability to go to a traditional stay-at-home model, and we are here to support them in that decision.”
Last week, eight local public health directors and the Colorado Association of Public Health Officials sent a letter — which was first reported by Colorado Public Radio — to the state health agency, asking it to follow the timeline laid out in the color-coded dial system that places each county into one of five levels.
“While we appreciate the latitude in additional timing that CDPHE has provided to counties whose metrics exceed their level on the dial, we are concerned that with the steep acceleration of cases and hospitalizations, these delays will reduce the value of the additional restrictions provided in the higher level, essentially rendering them ‘too little, too late,’” the health officials wrote in the Nov. 5 letter.
The letter is signed by public health directors from Jefferson, Broomfield, Denver, Boulder, Lincoln and Kiowa counties. The head of the Tri-County Health Department, which covers Adams, Arapahoe and Douglas counties, also signed it.
In the dial frame work, a county is assigned a level based on new cases, the percentage of tests that are positive and how hospitalizations are trending.
In recent weeks, a flurry of counties, including Denver, Boulder, Broomfield, Adams and Jefferson, have moved to level orange, the second-highest set of restrictions, which cap most businesses’ capacity at 25%.
In an effort to stave off the red level, which brings a stay-at-home order, some local governments, including Denver, have also imposed curfews.
But as counties have surpassed the threshold for level red, they have not yet been moved to the most severe restriction on the dial: a lockdown.
“None of us want to get into that red zone,” said Margaret Huffman, the director of Jefferson County Public Health.
As cases and hospitalizations continue to rise, steps need to be taken to protect residents and health care workers, she said.
“That does mean at times for the state to step in and suggest we do XYZ to reach that goal because the state has that authority,” Huffman said.
Colorado reported 3,384 new cases of the novel coronavirus Tuesday. Hospitalizations continued to reach record levels Tuesday, with 1,116 people in the hospital statewide with confirmed COVID-19, according to the Department of Public Health and Environment.
COVID-19 basics
Symptoms of COVID-19 — including fever, cough, shortness of breath, sore throat, loss of taste and smell, and nausea — can appear between two and 14 days after exposure, Symptoms of COVID-19 — including fever, cough, shortness of breath, sore throat, loss of taste and smell, and nausea — can appear between two and 14 days after exposure, the CDC says Public health recommendations: — Wear masks that cover your mouth and nose — Stay at least 6 feet from others — Wash hands with soap and water for at least 20 seconds More guidelines: covid19.colorado.gov
While 84% of the state’s intensive-care unit beds are in use, another serious threat to hospital capacity is staffing.
“Our hospital workers are getting sick because they are going to the grocery store, they are going to school to pick up their kids,” said Julie Lonborg, senior vice president of communications and media relations at the Colorado Hospital Association. “In doing that, they are catching this in community spread.”
The association, along with hospital leadership, issued a call on Tuesday for Coloradans to “continue doing their part — and even a little more now — to control the spread of this dangerous virus. Wear your mask, wash your hands, watch your distance and wait till it’s safer to see other people.”
In response to the recent surge in hospitalizations and cases, Gov. Jared Polis has encouraged Coloradans to avoid gathering with people outside of their household.
“For Colorado to get through this pandemic and come out stronger and more resilient, we all need to do our part. That means local, state and federal governments along with people at home,” spokesman Conor Cahill said in a statement, adding, “However, if there comes a time where we could lose lives due to lack of medical capacity, the governor will not hesitate to statewide action.”
Local governments, including Denver’s, were quicker than Polis in issuing stay-at-home orders when the pandemic first reached Colorado in the spring.
State officials argue for a local approach to public health because they say the way the pandemic affects communities varies across the state.
Local public health officials said the county-by-county approach worked over the summer when cases and hospitalizations were lower and they could implement interventions strategically. For example, Boulder public health officials barred gatherings of college-aged people during the early fall after noticing a surge in cases among University of Colorado students.
But now, the transmission of the novel coronavirus is so widespread that it’s not possible to do such measures and be successful in controlling the disease, they said.
“The spread is so wide it is affecting, again, all age groups and folks are not cooperating with contact tracing,” said Theresa Anselmo, executive director of the Colorado Association of Local Public Health Officials. “So it’s really, really difficult to find out where the infection is coming from.
“While it’s affecting communities differently, it is quite frankly spreading everywhere at a rapid pace,” she added.
The counties also want at least a regional approach because it can be confusing for residents when public health orders differ by county as people travel to other parts of the state, Huffman said.
“It’s more effective when we can work together,” she said.


thedenverpost--2020-11-11--Aurora police release video of armed robber who shot store clerk

An Aurora store clerk was shot during an armed robbery , and police on Tuesday released video in hope that @ @ @ @ @ who wore a mask .
The shooting happened at about 9:45 a.m. Nov. 2 at @ @ @ @ @ S. Peoria St. , police said .
The shooter is described as a white or @ @ @ @ @ feet , 8 inches and 140 pounds .
He was wearing a gray hoodie , @ @ @ @ @ beanie at the time of the incident .
In the video , the clerk is @ @ @ @ @ and briefly holding the armed robber at gunpoint .
The shooter fled on foot .
@ @ @ @ @ , police said .
Anyone with information on the shooting , or on a possible @ @ @ @ @ call Crime Stoppers at 720-913-7867 ( STOP ) .

An Aurora store clerk was shot during an armed robbery, and police on Tuesday released video in hope that someone recognizes the gunman, who wore a mask.
Can You Help Us ID? On 11/2 at 9:45a, an armed male entered the PJ Mart located at 980 S. Peoria St. and shot the store clerk before fleeing the scene on foot. The armed Suspect is white or hispanic 5'7-5'9 & 130-145 lbs. wearing a https://t.co/zZ3z7LN4xN (cont'd 1 of 2) — Aurora Police Dept 🇺🇸 (@AuroraPD) November 11, 2020
The shooting happened at about 9:45 a.m. Nov. 2 at the PJ Mart, 980 S. Peoria St., police said.
The shooter is described as a white or Hispanic man, about 5 feet, 8 inches and 140 pounds. He was wearing a gray hoodie, dark pants and a gray beanie at the time of the incident.
In the video, the clerk is seen coming around the counter and briefly holding the armed robber at gunpoint. The shooter fled on foot. The clerk survived the shooting, police said.
Anyone with information on the shooting, or on a possible suspect, is asked to call Crime Stoppers at 720-913-7867 (STOP).