thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Keeler: Why does it feel like CU Buffs football is being punished by Pac-12 buffoonery?

The Buffs are unbeaten against the Pac-12 .
They ’ re unbeaten against the Mountain West .
More importantly , they ’ re unbeaten against COVID-19 .
So why does it feel like they ’ re being punished ?
Why can ’ t they play for a conference title ?
To heck with divisions , Larry Scott .
This is 2020 .
You started late .
Arizona State barely started at all .
Tradition is 2021 ’ s problem .
We ’ re all making this up as we go , Pac-12 .
Put your two best teams in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve been cinched on the field ages ago .
If the conference ’ s last two undefeated sides both win or both lose — the Buffs host Utah ( 1-2 ) on Friday ; the Trojans visit UCLA ( 3-2 ) on Saturday — the Men of Troy get to represent the South Division in the title game on this lovely technicality : More division victories .
The two teams didn ’ t meet head-to-head .
They were supposed to .
The league on Thanksgiving Day canceled the Nov. 28 matchup at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because , get this , USC didn ’ t have enough players available in a specific position group after coronavirus testing and contact tracing .
Yeah , yeah , I know .
• Pac-12 predicament : Colorado could be undefeated and boxed out of the championship game • Best of the West College Football Top 25 : CU Buffs knocking on the door for the No .
1 spot • Pac-12 rewind : Stanford thrives in chaos , USC and Colorado roll , Cal befuddles Oregon and division chaos looms • AP college @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Top 25 after win over Arizona “ I guess , in my mind , I can ’ t really go with what-ifs and ‘ Oh man , this really hurt us , ’ or anything like that , ” CU coach Karl Dorrell said Monday .
“ We ’ re still trying to prove to each other the type of program we are .
And I think we ’ re getting some notice from that , just with our play .
“ And if it works out with us having success this week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve got a big matchup , too , against their crosstown rivals , so … anything can happen.
” Anything , that is , except a Buffs-Trojans game .
Apparently .
“ Prior to the start of the football season , the Pac-12 Conference established a 2020 schedule and related tie-breaking protocol , ” conference spokesman Andrew Walker wrote in an email to The Post on Monday .
“ The schedule and tie-breaking protocol were developed in consultation with , and approved by , Pac-12 athletic directors .
We are following this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Pac-12 CEOs can create a provision to allow CU to play San Diego State in a pinch on Thanksgiving weekend instead of the USC , then they can create a provision to let the Buffs play the Trojans , too .
“ We are excited to play Utah , ” CU athletic director Rick George told several outlets and The Post on Monday , “ and I strongly disagree with the conference ’ s decision.
” If you ’ re CU chancellor Phil DiStefano , you don ’ t bail on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you demand a recount , twist every arm within reach .
Your kids , against all preseason odds , made this fall count for something .
It ’ s time for Buffs administrators to do the same until every avenue , political or otherwise , is completely exhausted .
“ Our goal this season was to win a Pac-12 championship , ” CU linebacker Carson Wells said .
“ But we ’ ve got to control what we can control.
” And let ’ s clear up two Twitter misconceptions , right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ duck ” USC .
Second , this wasn ’ t a “ both-sides-had-COVID ” thing .
The Buffs have zero losses and zero cancellations forced .
Remember Trojans Week ?
The hype started building up steam three Mondays ago : Dorrell , a former Bruins player and coach , taking on Tommy Trojan ; the Buffs , the division ’ s new money , visiting the South favorite .
Then on Thursday night , it all stopped .
In a flash , the game was off .
Rules is rules , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out .
Good news , they said : CU was still getting a game in , but it was at home against … the Aztecs .
Fine .
Whatever .
But now that tilt — a 20-10 Buffs victory , by the way — could help deny CU a shot at a conference title ?
No wonder the rest of the country laughs .
No wonder the world east of Ovid looks at the Pac-12 as the Big Ten ’ s doofus , hipster valet .
“ I ’ ll worry about those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dorrell said with a chuckle .
“ I ’ d be disappointed , for sure , just because it probably didn ’ t play out the way that it probably could ’ ve been planned out.
” Ironically , they did plan for something like this , but only as a worst-case scenario .
Pac-12 protocols for the 2020 league title game include a clause that says if the average number of league games per school is at four or below , the two teams with the best record , regardless of division @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Which means the Buffs would need several cancellations in the coming days , including possibly their own game , in order to force that clause to take effect .
Is that a chill , Nate Landman ?
Did you suddenly lose your sense of taste , Sam Noyer ?
We kid .
But sometimes , when logic won ’ t play ball , subterfuge is all ya got .
CU vs. USC shouldn ’ t be a hypothetical in this , or any other , universe .
“ I ’ d like to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wells said with a wicked smile .
“ We always want to win .
That ’ s about it .
I won ’ t say much about that.
” The scoreboard ’ s said plenty .
It should settle this argument , too .

The Buffs are unbeaten against the Pac-12. They’re unbeaten against the Mountain West. More importantly, they’re unbeaten against COVID-19.
So why does it feel like they’re being punished? Why can’t they play for a conference title?
To heck with divisions, Larry Scott. This is 2020. You started late. Arizona State barely started at all.
Tradition is 2021’s problem. We’re all making this up as we go, Pac-12. Put your two best teams in the title game. Cinch something that should’ve been cinched on the field ages ago.
CU is 4-0, 3-0 in Pac-12 play. AP ranking: 21.
USC is 4-0, 4-0 in Pac-12 play. AP ranking: 16.
If the conference’s last two undefeated sides both win or both lose — the Buffs host Utah (1-2) on Friday; the Trojans visit UCLA (3-2) on Saturday — the Men of Troy get to represent the South Division in the title game on this lovely technicality: More division victories.
The two teams didn’t meet head-to-head. They were supposed to. The league on Thanksgiving Day canceled the Nov. 28 matchup at the Coliseum between the Buffs and Trojans because, get this, USC didn’t have enough players available in a specific position group after coronavirus testing and contact tracing.
What’s that, Vic Fangio?
Yeah, yeah, I know.
“I guess, in my mind, I can’t really go with what-ifs and ‘Oh man, this really hurt us,’ or anything like that,” CU coach Karl Dorrell said Monday. “We’re still trying to prove to each other the type of program we are. And I think we’re getting some notice from that, just with our play.
“And if it works out with us having success this week and obviously (USC), they’ve got a big matchup, too, against their crosstown rivals, so … anything can happen.”
Anything, that is, except a Buffs-Trojans game. Apparently.
“Prior to the start of the football season, the Pac-12 Conference established a 2020 schedule and related tie-breaking protocol,” conference spokesman Andrew Walker wrote in an email to The Post on Monday. “The schedule and tie-breaking protocol were developed in consultation with, and approved by, Pac-12 athletic directors. We are following this agreed-upon schedule and tie-breaking protocol.”
Great. Change the protocols.
If the Pac-12 CEOs can create a provision to allow CU to play San Diego State in a pinch on Thanksgiving weekend instead of the USC, then they can create a provision to let the Buffs play the Trojans, too.
“We are excited to play Utah,” CU athletic director Rick George told several outlets and The Post on Monday, “and I strongly disagree with the conference’s decision.”
If you’re CU chancellor Phil DiStefano, you don’t bail on this. If you’re George, you demand a recount, twist every arm within reach. Your kids, against all preseason odds, made this fall count for something. It’s time for Buffs administrators to do the same until every avenue, political or otherwise, is completely exhausted.
“Our goal this season was to win a Pac-12 championship,” CU linebacker Carson Wells said. “But we’ve got to control what we can control.”
And let’s clear up two Twitter misconceptions, right now. First, CU didn’t “duck” USC. Second, this wasn’t a “both-sides-had-COVID” thing. The Buffs have zero losses and zero cancellations forced.
Remember Trojans Week? The hype started building up steam three Mondays ago: Dorrell, a former Bruins player and coach, taking on Tommy Trojan; the Buffs, the division’s new money, visiting the South favorite.
Then on Thursday night, it all stopped. In a flash, the game was off. Rules is rules, and the league decreed USC had to opt out. Good news, they said: CU was still getting a game in, but it was at home against … the Aztecs. Fine. Whatever.
But now that tilt — a 20-10 Buffs victory, by the way — could help deny CU a shot at a conference title?
No wonder the rest of the country laughs. No wonder the world east of Ovid looks at the Pac-12 as the Big Ten’s doofus, hipster valet.
“I’ll worry about those emotions when they get there,” Dorrell said with a chuckle. “I’d be disappointed, for sure, just because it probably didn’t play out the way that it probably could’ve been planned out.”
Ironically, they did plan for something like this, but only as a worst-case scenario. Pac-12 protocols for the 2020 league title game include a clause that says if the average number of league games per school is at four or below, the two teams with the best record, regardless of division, will meet for the championship.
The current league average: 3.8.
Which means the Buffs would need several cancellations in the coming days, including possibly their own game, in order to force that clause to take effect.
Is that a chill, Nate Landman? Did you suddenly lose your sense of taste, Sam Noyer?
We kid. But sometimes, when logic won’t play ball, subterfuge is all ya got. CU vs. USC shouldn’t be a hypothetical in this, or any other, universe.
“I’d like to think we’d win,” Wells said with a wicked smile. “We always want to win. That’s about it. I won’t say much about that.”
The scoreboard’s said plenty. It should settle this argument, too.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Nuggets, Monte Morris agree on 3-year, $27 million extension, sources say

The Nuggets and backup point guard Monte Morris agreed to a three-year , $ 27 million extension Monday night , two league sources told The Denver Post .
The deal , which is fully guaranteed , offers incentives which could push it closer to $ 9.4 million annually , according to one source .
The extension kicks in at the start of the 2021-22 season .
Morris , who would ’ ve been an unrestricted free agent next offseason , told The Post in November he “ would love ” to reach an extension in Denver .
Even though the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Madrid ’ s Facundo Campazzo and first-round pick R.J. Hampton , Denver wanted to extend him as well .
Team officials are confident both Morris and Campazzo can play together in the second unit despite their size .
Morris is among the steadiest players on the Nuggets , while Campazzo is a dogged defender in addition to an elite playmaker .
Morris , the 51st pick in the 2017 draft , started out on a two-way deal before reaching a standard NBA contract in 2018 .
Morris was among the most reliable Nuggets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ postseason run .
In 19 playoff games , Morris averaged 9.1 points on nearly 50 % shooting and 2.7 assists per game .
Over the last two seasons , Morris has shot nearly 40 % from 3-point range .

The Nuggets and backup point guard Monte Morris agreed to a three-year, $27 million extension Monday night, two league sources told The Denver Post.
The deal, which is fully guaranteed, offers incentives which could push it closer to $9.4 million annually, according to one source. The extension kicks in at the start of the 2021-22 season.
Morris, who would’ve been an unrestricted free agent next offseason, told The Post in November he “would love” to reach an extension in Denver. Even though the Nuggets added multiple guards, including Real Madrid’s Facundo Campazzo and first-round pick R.J. Hampton, Denver wanted to extend him as well.
Team officials are confident both Morris and Campazzo can play together in the second unit despite their size. Morris is among the steadiest players on the Nuggets, while Campazzo is a dogged defender in addition to an elite playmaker.
Morris, the 51st pick in the 2017 draft, started out on a two-way deal before reaching a standard NBA contract in 2018.
Morris was among the most reliable Nuggets players throughout last season’s riveting postseason run. In 19 playoff games, Morris averaged 9.1 points on nearly 50% shooting and 2.7 assists per game.
Over the last two seasons, Morris has shot nearly 40% from 3-point range.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Marijuana delivery and cannabis “bars” gain traction in Denver

Next year , Denverites may be able to have marijuana delivered to their homes if the city council adopts a new proposal to regulate delivery services .
On Monday , the Division of Excise and Licenses unveiled drafts of three bills intended to overhaul the local industry and enable more people of color to cash in on a still-booming industry .
One , the Ominbus Bill , outlines the framework to launch marijuana delivery within city limits .
The other two set the stage for Denver ’ s hospitality program , which would allow for the opening of businesses where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vape or otherwise consume cannabis .
One of the bills also removes the cap on how many dispensaries and cultivations may be established in the city , opening up the possibility for new locations for the first time since 2016 .
All three bills were crafted through the lens of social equity , said Sarah Woodson , executive director of The Color of Cannabis , an advocacy organization empowering people of color to get into the marijuana industry .
Delivery or “ transporter ” licenses will only be available to those who qualify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three years they ’ re available , and dispensary and cultivation licenses will be reserved for social equity applicants for six years .
“ Exclusivity [ here ] is extremely important simply because the market ’ s already saturated , so it gives social equity applicants a real fighting chance to start a business and to be able to possibly scale , ” Woodson said .
Colorado defines a social equity applicant as someone who has been arrested or convicted of a marijuana offense , or has a relative who has been arrested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asset forfeiture due to a cannabis-related investigation ; someone who has lived in an economic opportunity zone for at least 15 years between 1980 and 2010 ; or someone whose household income falls 50 % below the state median .
These licensees would also receive a discount on permit fees and renewals .
Though Woodson calls the definition of a social equity applicant “ race neutral , ” she said people of color stand to benefit because they often fit into these categories .
For example , two studies this summer found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are still disproportionately searched and arrested for marijuana-related offenses .
“ This is about people getting more opportunity , specifically people who have been negatively affected by cannabis prohibition , ” she said .
Colorado legislators legalized cannabis delivery in 2019 with the passage of House Bill 1234 , but left it to municipalities to individually decide if they wanted to allow it .
Denver ’ s plan was developed through a series of stakeholder meetings from May to September 2020 that included local activists , regulators , law enforcement officials and marijuana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which applies to recreational and medicinal cannabis , delivery drivers would be required to scan every buyer ’ s ID in an effort to prevent underage residents from using their services .
They would need to carry copies of their state-issued badges and delivery permits , and keep receipts for all cannabis in their vehicles .
Deliveries would be allowed between 8 a.m. and midnight .
Delivery drivers would not be able to accept cash tips .
Coloradans can legally buy up to one ounce of weed per day , and that restriction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be allowed to deliver more than that to an individual , the proposal states .
It ’ s unclear when the city council will vote on the bill , though Denver hopes to begin issuing licenses by July 1 , 2021 , according to the proposed rules .
Denver would join just a handful of other cities that allow pot delivery .
Boulder , Superior and Longmont currently allow medical marijuana delivery .
The Dandelion dispensary in Boulder became the first to procure a license to do so in March .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not permitted to start until 2021 , despite calls earlier this year to make it more widely available during the COVID-19 pandemic .
Also on Monday , Aurora City Council was poised to take a first stab at establishing its own recreational pot delivery rules .
Its ordinance , if it passes , would need a second vote from the city council shortly before Christmas .
It would then go into effect in January .
Aurora ’ s measure would allow the city ’ s 24 retail marijuana stores to deliver cannabis products @ @ @ @ @ @ @ p.m. Aside from serving customers inside Aurora , the state ’ s third-largest city , dispensaries could deliver outside the city so long as the communities permitted those deliveries .
Like Denver , licenses would only be available to social equity applicants for the first three years after launch .
That requirement would only apply to transporters , not to the dispensaries selling the product .
Dispensaries would have the option of using their own employees to make deliveries if they chose not to contract with a third-party delivery service .
Truman Bradley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said Denver ’ s adoption could spark a domino effect .
“ As Denver goes , so go a lot of the other municipalities because Denver has the framework and infrastructure to work on these issues , ” he said .
During the 2019 legislative session , Colorado also legalized marijuana hospitality establishments , or “ essentially marijuana bars , ” said Eric Escudero , director of communications for the Denver Department of Excise and Licenses .
The city is proposing two different licenses in this arena .
The first is for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and offer customers a place to indulge .
The second is for businesses that can not sell pot products , but still allow full use of the plant onsite .
That includes tour buses , said Escudero .
Part of the hospitality initiative includes repealing Initiative 300 , a voter-approved law that permitted consumption lounges .
The concept , while similar to hospitality in theory , never took off because of restrictions that made opening such a venue marginally profitable , Escudero said .
Though the format has been legal for years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the only licensed consumption lounge in the city .
If the proposals pass , Denver would begin issuing hospitality licenses by July 1 , 2021 .

Next year, Denverites may be able to have marijuana delivered to their homes if the city council adopts a new proposal to regulate delivery services.
On Monday, the Division of Excise and Licenses unveiled drafts of three bills intended to overhaul the local industry and enable more people of color to cash in on a still-booming industry. One, the Ominbus Bill, outlines the framework to launch marijuana delivery within city limits. The other two set the stage for Denver’s hospitality program, which would allow for the opening of businesses where enthusiasts could publicly smoke, eat, vape or otherwise consume cannabis.
One of the bills also removes the cap on how many dispensaries and cultivations may be established in the city, opening up the possibility for new locations for the first time since 2016.
All three bills were crafted through the lens of social equity, said Sarah Woodson, executive director of The Color of Cannabis, an advocacy organization empowering people of color to get into the marijuana industry.
Transporter licenses, required for those looking to do home delivery, will only be available to those who qualify as social equity applicants for the first six years they’re available, as would dispensary and cultivation licenses. Existing dispensaries would be required to contract with a third party for the first three years if they want to do home delivery and are eligible to do it in-house thereafter.
“Exclusivity [here] is extremely important simply because the market’s already saturated, so it gives social equity applicants a real fighting chance to start a business and to be able to possibly scale,” Woodson said.
Colorado defines a social equity applicant as someone who has been arrested or convicted of a marijuana offense, or has a relative who has been arrested or convicted; someone who has experience asset forfeiture due to a cannabis-related investigation; someone who has lived in an economic opportunity zone for at least 15 years between 1980 and 2010; or someone whose household income falls 50% below the state median. These licensees would also receive a discount on permit fees and renewals.
Though Woodson calls the definition of a social equity applicant “race neutral,” she said people of color stand to benefit because they often fit into these categories. For example, two studies this summer found that despite legalization, Black and Hispanic drivers are still disproportionately searched and arrested for marijuana-related offenses.
“This is about people getting more opportunity, specifically people who have been negatively affected by cannabis prohibition,” she said.
Marijuana delivery
Colorado legislators legalized cannabis delivery in 2019 with the passage of House Bill 1234, but left it to municipalities to individually decide if they wanted to allow it.
Denver’s plan was developed through a series of stakeholder meetings from May to September 2020 that included local activists, regulators, law enforcement officials and marijuana industry personnel.
Under the proposal, which applies to recreational and medicinal cannabis, delivery drivers would be required to scan every buyer’s ID in an effort to prevent underage residents from using their services. They would need to carry copies of their state-issued badges and delivery permits, and keep receipts for all cannabis in their vehicles. Deliveries would be allowed between 8 a.m. and midnight. Delivery drivers would not be able to accept cash tips.
Coloradans can legally buy up to one ounce of weed per day, and that restriction would remain in place. Companies would not be allowed to deliver more than that to an individual, the proposal states.
It’s unclear when the city council will vote on the bill, though Denver hopes to begin issuing licenses by July 1, 2021, according to the proposed rules.
Denver would join just a handful of other cities that allow pot delivery. Boulder, Superior and Longmont currently allow medical marijuana delivery. The Dandelion dispensary in Boulder became the first to procure a license to do so in March. According to state regulations, recreational delivery is not permitted to start until 2021, despite calls earlier this year to make it more widely available during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Also on Monday, Aurora City Council was poised to take a first stab at establishing its own recreational pot delivery rules. Its ordinance, if it passes, would need a second vote from the city council shortly before Christmas. It would then go into effect in January.
Aurora’s measure would allow the city’s 24 retail marijuana stores to deliver cannabis products to customers between 8 a.m. and 10 p.m. Aside from serving customers inside Aurora, the state’s third-largest city, dispensaries could deliver outside the city so long as the communities permitted those deliveries.
Like Denver, licenses would only be available to social equity applicants for the first three years after launch. That requirement would only apply to transporters, not to the dispensaries selling the product. Dispensaries would have the option of using their own employees to make deliveries if they chose not to contract with a third-party delivery service.
Truman Bradley, executive director of Marijuana Industry Group, said Denver’s adoption could spark a domino effect.
“As Denver goes, so go a lot of the other municipalities because Denver has the framework and infrastructure to work on these issues,” he said.
Marijuana hospitality
During the 2019 legislative session, Colorado also legalized marijuana hospitality establishments, or “essentially marijuana bars,” said Eric Escudero, director of communications for the Denver Department of Excise and Licenses.
The city is proposing two different licenses in this arena. The first is for tasting room-style venues that can sell cannabis and offer customers a place to indulge. The second is for businesses that cannot sell pot products, but still allow full use of the plant onsite. That includes tour buses, said Escudero.
Part of the hospitality initiative includes repealing Initiative 300, a voter-approved law that permitted consumption lounges. The concept, while similar to hospitality in theory, never took off because of restrictions that made opening such a venue marginally profitable, Escudero said. Though the format has been legal for years, the Coffee Joint in Lincoln Park is the only licensed consumption lounge in the city.
If the proposals pass, Denver would begin issuing hospitality licenses by July 1, 2021.
Reporter John Aguilar contributed to this report.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Biden picks Lloyd Austin as secretary of defense, AP sources say

WASHINGTON — President-elect Joe Biden will nominate retired four-star Army general Lloyd J. Austin to be secretary of defense , according to four people familiar with the decision .
If confirmed by the Senate , Austin would be the first Black leader of the Pentagon .
Biden selected Austin over the longtime front-runner candidate , Michele Flournoy , a former senior Pentagon official and Biden supporter who would have been the first woman to serve as defense secretary .
Biden also had considered Jeh Johnson , a former Pentagon general counsel and former secretary of homeland defense .
The impending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people with knowledge of the pick who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because the selection hadn ’ t been formally announced .
As a career military officer , the 67-year-old Austin is likely to face opposition from some in Congress and in the defense establishment who believe in drawing a clear line between civilian and military leadership of the Pentagon .
Although many previous defense secretaries have served briefly in the military , only two — George C. Marshall and James Mattis — have been career officers .
Marshall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like Mattis , Austin would need to obtain a congressional waiver to serve as defense secretary .
The laws were meant to preserve the civilian nature of the Department of Defense .
Austin is a 1975 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and served 41 years in uniform .
Biden has known Austin at least since the general ’ s years leading U.S. and coalition troops in Iraq while Biden was vice president .
Austin was commander in Baghdad of the Multinational Corps-Iraq in 2008 when Barack Obama was elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. troops from 2010 through 2011 .
Austin also served in 2012 as the first Black vice chief of staff of the Army , the service ’ s No .
2-ranking position .
A year later he assumed command of U.S. Central Command , where he fashioned and began implementing a U.S. military strategy for rolling back the Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria .
Austin retired from the Army in 2016 , and he would need a congressional waiver of the legal requirement that a former member of the military be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before serving as secretary of defense .
That waiver has been granted only twice — most recently in the case of Mattis , the retired Marine general who served as President Donald Trump ’ s first Pentagon chief .
The Mattis period at the Pentagon is now viewed by some as evidence of why a recently retired military officer should serve as defense secretary only in rare exceptions .
Although Mattis remains widely respected for his military prowess and intellect , critics say he tended to surround himself with military officers at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He resigned in December 2018 in protest of Trump ’ s policies .
Austin has a reputation for strong leadership , integrity and a sharp intellect .
He would not be a prototypical defense secretary , not just because of his 41-year military career but also because he has shied from the public eye .
It would be an understatement to say he was a quiet general ; although he testified before Congress , he gave few interviews and preferred not to speak publicly about military operations .
When he did speak , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2015 , in describing how the Islamic State army managed a year earlier to sweep across the Syrian border to grab control of large swaths of northern and western Iraq , Austin said the majority of Iraqi Sunnis simply refused to fight for their government .
“ They allowed — and in some cases facilitated — ISIS ’ s push through the country , ” Austin said .
He earned the admiration of the Obama administration for his work in Iraq and at Central Command , although he disagreed with Obama ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in December 2011 .
Austin was involved in the Iraq War from start to finish .
He served as an assistant commander of the 3rd Infantry Division during the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 and oversaw the withdrawal in 2011 .
When Austin retired in 2016 , Obama praised his “ character and competence , ” as well as his judgment and leadership .
Like many retired generals , Austin has served on corporate boards .
He is a member of the board of directors of Raytheon Technologies .
Lemire reported from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chief Julie Pace contributed to this report .

Robert Burns, Michael Balsamo, Jonathan Lemire, Zeke Miller

WASHINGTON — President-elect Joe Biden will nominate retired four-star Army general Lloyd J. Austin to be secretary of defense, according to four people familiar with the decision. If confirmed by the Senate, Austin would be the first Black leader of the Pentagon.
Biden selected Austin over the longtime front-runner candidate, Michele Flournoy, a former senior Pentagon official and Biden supporter who would have been the first woman to serve as defense secretary. Biden also had considered Jeh Johnson, a former Pentagon general counsel and former secretary of homeland defense.
The impending nomination of Austin was confirmed by four people with knowledge of the pick who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because the selection hadn’t been formally announced.
As a career military officer, the 67-year-old Austin is likely to face opposition from some in Congress and in the defense establishment who believe in drawing a clear line between civilian and military leadership of the Pentagon. Although many previous defense secretaries have served briefly in the military, only two — George C. Marshall and James Mattis — have been career officers. Marshall also served as secretary of state.
Like Mattis, Austin would need to obtain a congressional waiver to serve as defense secretary. The laws were meant to preserve the civilian nature of the Department of Defense.
Austin is a 1975 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and served 41 years in uniform.
Biden has known Austin at least since the general’s years leading U.S. and coalition troops in Iraq while Biden was vice president. Austin was commander in Baghdad of the Multinational Corps-Iraq in 2008 when Barack Obama was elected president, and he returned to lead U.S. troops from 2010 through 2011.
Austin also served in 2012 as the first Black vice chief of staff of the Army, the service’s No. 2-ranking position. A year later he assumed command of U.S. Central Command, where he fashioned and began implementing a U.S. military strategy for rolling back the Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria.
Austin retired from the Army in 2016, and he would need a congressional waiver of the legal requirement that a former member of the military be out of uniform at least seven years before serving as secretary of defense. That waiver has been granted only twice — most recently in the case of Mattis, the retired Marine general who served as President Donald Trump’s first Pentagon chief.
The Mattis period at the Pentagon is now viewed by some as evidence of why a recently retired military officer should serve as defense secretary only in rare exceptions. Although Mattis remains widely respected for his military prowess and intellect, critics say he tended to surround himself with military officers at the expense of a broader civilian perspective. He resigned in December 2018 in protest of Trump’s policies.
Austin has a reputation for strong leadership, integrity and a sharp intellect. He would not be a prototypical defense secretary, not just because of his 41-year military career but also because he has shied from the public eye. It would be an understatement to say he was a quiet general; although he testified before Congress, he gave few interviews and preferred not to speak publicly about military operations.
When he did speak, Austin did not mince words. In 2015, in describing how the Islamic State army managed a year earlier to sweep across the Syrian border to grab control of large swaths of northern and western Iraq, Austin said the majority of Iraqi Sunnis simply refused to fight for their government.
“They allowed — and in some cases facilitated — ISIS’s push through the country,” Austin said.
He earned the admiration of the Obama administration for his work in Iraq and at Central Command, although he disagreed with Obama’s decision to pull out of Iraq entirely in December 2011.
Austin was involved in the Iraq War from start to finish. He served as an assistant commander of the 3rd Infantry Division during the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 and oversaw the withdrawal in 2011. When Austin retired in 2016, Obama praised his “character and competence,” as well as his judgment and leadership.
Like many retired generals, Austin has served on corporate boards. He is a member of the board of directors of Raytheon Technologies.
Politico first reported Biden’s selection of Austin.
Lemire reported from Wilmington, Del. AP Washington Bureau Chief Julie Pace contributed to this report.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Chief judge in Adams and Broomfield counties retires

Emily Anderson , the chief judge of trial courts in Adams and Broomfield counties , announced her retirement Monday just weeks after Denver Post stories reported about problems in the 17th Judicial District where she presided .
Some of those problems included accusations from other district judges that Anderson , in the job since May 2019 , retaliated against them and made for a difficult work environment .
Anderson , 56 , made the announcement in a district-wide email and said her decision to retire came “ after much reflection ” and “ soul searching.
” “ Let ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as chief judge of the 17th Judicial District , while fulfilling in so many ways , has been filled with extraordinary challenges , ” Anderson wrote without offering specifics .
“ I knew I was stepping into the leadership of a court with some dysfunction and low morale , ” she wrote .
“ I embraced the challenge with optimism and worked as hard as I could for the 17th Judicial District.
” Her retirement is effective Jan. 25 , she said .
The Post reported how Anderson was at the center of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judges , including accusations that she used racially insensitive remarks , and intimidated another judge by trying to force her way into the judge ’ s chambers .
The Post also reported how Anderson last year fired the district ’ s administrator for failing to report pornography on a judicial laptop , images he maintained his supervisor , the former chief judge , told him to make “ go away ” rather than turn over to law enforcement .
The challenges of running a judicial district amid a pandemic , with canceled or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weighed on Anderson , according to her email .

Emily Anderson, the chief judge of trial courts in Adams and Broomfield counties, announced her retirement Monday just weeks after Denver Post stories reported about problems in the 17th Judicial District where she presided.
Some of those problems included accusations from other district judges that Anderson, in the job since May 2019, retaliated against them and made for a difficult work environment.
Anderson, 56, made the announcement in a district-wide email and said her decision to retire came “after much reflection” and “soul searching.”
“Let’s … not deny the obvious. Serving as chief judge of the 17th Judicial District, while fulfilling in so many ways, has been filled with extraordinary challenges,” Anderson wrote without offering specifics. “I knew I was stepping into the leadership of a court with some dysfunction and low morale,” she wrote. “I embraced the challenge with optimism and worked as hard as I could for the 17th Judicial District.”
Her retirement is effective Jan. 25, she said.
The Post reported how Anderson was at the center of several concerns described by other district court judges, including accusations that she used racially insensitive remarks, and intimidated another judge by trying to force her way into the judge’s chambers. The Post also reported how Anderson last year fired the district’s administrator for failing to report pornography on a judicial laptop, images he maintained his supervisor, the former chief judge, told him to make “go away” rather than turn over to law enforcement.
Anderson disputed the judges’ accusations.
Tackling the job of running a judicial district amid a pandemic, with canceled or delayed criminal and civil trials, was a recent challenge in which she “always tried to make the decisions that best served the people we ultimately answer to,” Anderson wrote in her email.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Colorado’s first gentleman remains hospitalized with COVID-19

Colorado first gentleman Marlon Reis remained hospitalized with COVID-19 on Monday , the governor ’ s office said in a statement .
“ The First Gentleman has normal oxygen saturation , is in good spirits , and looks forward to returning home soon .
He has received dexamethasone for inflammation and remdesivir and he has not required oxygen , ” the statement said in part .
The combination of the steroid dexamethasone and the antiviral drug remdesivir is now common for COVID-19 patients , though the World Health Organization now believes remdesivir is not an effective treatment for the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oxygen is a promising sign , medical professionals told The Denver Post .
Reis is among the 1,643 Coloradans who were hospitalized with COVID-19 in the state as of Monday afternoon .
The state reported Monday that 194 people had been admitted to a hospital with COVID-19 in the last 24 hours , and 184 people were discharged .
Colorado , like the country in general , is in the throes of a record-breaking third wave of coronavirus infections , hospitalizations and deaths .
Gov .
Jared Polis announced Nov. 28 that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had both tested positive for COVID-19 .
Polis told reporters last week that he and Reis , 39 , were doing well .
Then Reis announced Sunday evening that he had been hospitalized .
“ Friends , ” he wrote on Facebook , “ today , on day eight of my bout with coronavirus , I experienced a worsening cough and shortness of breath .
My doctor suggested that as a precaution I go to the hospital , so a few hours ago Jared drove me to the hospital where I was admitted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ In addition to your kind thoughts and prayers for me and everyone else afflicted by this horrible virus , please be extra careful to avoid getting it .
Wearing a mask properly reduces your risk by half !
Also , make sure to avoid social gatherings ( right now one in forty Coloradans is contagious with Coronavirus ) and keep a distance from others .
The governor remains in isolation at home .
He hosted several public , virtual events on Monday .
His office said in Monday ’ s statement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symptoms at this time and will return to public as soon as doctors clear him to be around others .
We will continue to provide updates as new information is available.
” Polis signed a separate Facebook post on Reis ’ page Sunday evening , which read : “ Marlon wanted me to convey how much he appreciates the hundreds of people who have reached out to wish him well on email , Facebook , and text .
Reading the kind words and thoughts brings great joy to him as he recuperates .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he hopes to be well enough to reply in a few days but for now he wants me to thank everyone and let everyone know that he feels the love .
”

Colorado first gentleman Marlon Reis remained hospitalized with COVID-19 on Monday, the governor’s office said in a statement.
“The First Gentleman has normal oxygen saturation, is in good spirits, and looks forward to returning home soon. He has received dexamethasone for inflammation and remdesivir and he has not required oxygen,” the statement said in part.
The combination of the steroid dexamethasone and the antiviral drug remdesivir is now common for COVID-19 patients, though the World Health Organization now believes remdesivir is not an effective treatment for the virus. That Reis is not receiving supplemental oxygen is a promising sign, medical professionals told The Denver Post.
Reis is among the 1,643 Coloradans who were hospitalized with COVID-19 in the state as of Monday afternoon. The state reported Monday that 194 people had been admitted to a hospital with COVID-19 in the last 24 hours, and 184 people were discharged. Colorado, like the country in general, is in the throes of a record-breaking third wave of coronavirus infections, hospitalizations and deaths.
Gov. Jared Polis announced Nov. 28 that he and Reis, his longtime partner, had both tested positive for COVID-19. Polis told reporters last week that he and Reis, 39, were doing well. Then Reis announced Sunday evening that he had been hospitalized.
“Friends,” he wrote on Facebook, “today, on day eight of my bout with coronavirus, I experienced a worsening cough and shortness of breath. My doctor suggested that as a precaution I go to the hospital, so a few hours ago Jared drove me to the hospital where I was admitted and am now being closely monitored.
“In addition to your kind thoughts and prayers for me and everyone else afflicted by this horrible virus, please be extra careful to avoid getting it. Wearing a mask properly reduces your risk by half! Also, make sure to avoid social gatherings (right now one in forty Coloradans is contagious with Coronavirus) and keep a distance from others.
“I hope to be home soon!”
The governor remains in isolation at home. He hosted several public, virtual events on Monday.
His office said in Monday’s statement, “Governor Polis is not experiencing any symptoms at this time and will return to public as soon as doctors clear him to be around others. We will continue to provide updates as new information is available.”
Polis signed a separate Facebook post on Reis’ page Sunday evening, which read: “Marlon wanted me to convey how much he appreciates the hundreds of people who have reached out to wish him well on email, Facebook, and text. Reading the kind words and thoughts brings great joy to him as he recuperates. He also wanted me to share that he hopes to be well enough to reply in a few days but for now he wants me to thank everyone and let everyone know that he feels the love.”


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--CU Buffs focus on Utah, not hypotheticals in Pac-12 race

The Colorado football team might do something no other team in the country has ever done – and that ’ s unfortunate for the Buffaloes .
On Friday night , the 21st-ranked Buffs ( 4-0 , 3-0 Pac-12 ) will host Utah ( 1-2 , 1-2 ) at Folsom Field ( 7:30 p.m. , TV : FS-1 ) .
Beat the Utes and the Buffs would be undefeated going into the Dec. 18 Pac-12 championship game – yet may not get a chance to play in the game .
The last time an undefeated , eligible team from the Football @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its conference title game ?
Never .
Despite its great season to this point , CU has to hope No .
16 Southern California ( 4-0 , 4-0 ) loses to its rival , UCLA ( 3-2 , 3-2 ) on Saturday .
If CU and USC both win , USC would win the Pac-12 South and go to the title game because of its 4-0 record against the division ; CU would be 3-0 against the South .
Meanwhile , every team in the North has at least one loss and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two losses , wins the North and plays USC for the conference title , while undefeated CU is left out .
On Monday , Jon Wilner of the San Jose Mercury News reported that the Pac-12 won ’ t change its policy to allow CU and USC to battle for the title if they ’ re both undefeated .
CU athletic director Rick George pushed for the conference to make the change , but to no avail .
“ We are excited to play Utah and I strongly disagree with the conference ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since 1992 , when the SEC became the first conference to hold a championship game , there have been 131 title games played in the FBS .
Only twice has an undefeated team been left out , and in both cases it was because of NCAA sanctions making them ineligible to play : Auburn in 1993 and Ohio State in 2012 .
Colorado could become the first FBS team to go undefeated , be eligible for a conference title game and not get in .
“ I ’ ll worry about those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CU head coach Karl Dorrell said Monday of that possibility .
“ I ’ d be disappointed , for sure , just because it probably didn ’ t lay out the way that it probably could have been planned out , but I have to go by what have we done with the opportunities that we ’ ve had.
” So far , the Buffs have won every one of their opportunities , and so has USC .
But , it ’ s the missed opportunities that could haunt the Buffs .
CU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State canceled because of COVID-19 issues at ASU .
Then , they had a Nov. 28 game against USC canceled because of COVID-19 cases with the Trojans .
USC and ASU were projected as the top two teams in the South this year and it ’ s impossible to know how the Buffs would have fared in those games .
A CU vs. USC matchup would have ended all debate , but that won ’ t happen .
Going into this week , however , the Buffs know that a Pac-12 title is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buffs beat Utah and USC loses , CU will not only win the South , but host the Pac-12 title game .
Regardless of the scenarios ahead , Dorrell and the Buffs know their main concern has to be Utah .
“ We have to control this thing this week , and not really think about what ’ s going on a week from now , ” Dorrell said .
“ All that will be for naught if we don ’ t play well this week .
If we win our game , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we can do for ourselves .
“ I can ’ t really go with the what-ifs.
” That ’ s a message Dorrell is preaching to his team this week , because taking care of their own business won ’ t be easy .
Utah is 1-2 , but the Utes have won the South the past two years and have battled through a tough season .
They lost several players to graduation , had their first two games canceled and then faced USC and North-leading Washington in the first two games @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Utes got their first win , knocking off Oregon State , and they ’ ve dominated CU the past three years .
“ They ’ re not the same team that you saw in week one , or week two , ” Dorrell said .
“ What you ’ re seeing is characteristic of the Utah style .
… That team is going to be probably one of the best teams , if not the best team , we ’ ll face so far this season .
We ’ ve got to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ready to play every week and junior linebacker Carson Wells said that will continue to be the Buffs ’ focus .
“ Our goal this season was to win a Pac 12 championship , but we ’ ve got to control what we can control and that ’ s go 1-0 this week , ” he said .
“ We ’ ve done that so far and we ’ re going to do that this week .
”

The Colorado football team might do something no other team in the country has ever done – and that’s unfortunate for the Buffaloes.
On Friday night, the 21st-ranked Buffs (4-0, 3-0 Pac-12) will host Utah (1-2, 1-2) at Folsom Field (7:30 p.m., TV: FS-1). Beat the Utes and the Buffs would be undefeated going into the Dec. 18 Pac-12 championship game – yet may not get a chance to play in the game.
The last time an undefeated, eligible team from the Football Bowl Subdivision didn’t play in its conference title game? Never.
Despite its great season to this point, CU has to hope No. 16 Southern California (4-0, 4-0) loses to its rival, UCLA (3-2, 3-2) on Saturday. If CU and USC both win, USC would win the Pac-12 South and go to the title game because of its 4-0 record against the division; CU would be 3-0 against the South.
Meanwhile, every team in the North has at least one loss and it’s possible that Oregon, with two losses, wins the North and plays USC for the conference title, while undefeated CU is left out.
On Monday, Jon Wilner of the San Jose Mercury News reported that the Pac-12 won’t change its policy to allow CU and USC to battle for the title if they’re both undefeated.
CU athletic director Rick George pushed for the conference to make the change, but to no avail.
“We are excited to play Utah and I strongly disagree with the conference’s decision,” George told BuffZone.
Since 1992, when the SEC became the first conference to hold a championship game, there have been 131 title games played in the FBS. Only twice has an undefeated team been left out, and in both cases it was because of NCAA sanctions making them ineligible to play: Auburn in 1993 and Ohio State in 2012.
Colorado could become the first FBS team to go undefeated, be eligible for a conference title game and not get in.
“I’ll worry about those emotions when they get there,” CU head coach Karl Dorrell said Monday of that possibility. “I’d be disappointed, for sure, just because it probably didn’t lay out the way that it probably could have been planned out, but I have to go by what have we done with the opportunities that we’ve had.”
So far, the Buffs have won every one of their opportunities, and so has USC. But, it’s the missed opportunities that could haunt the Buffs.
CU had a Nov. 21 date against Arizona State canceled because of COVID-19 issues at ASU. Then, they had a Nov. 28 game against USC canceled because of COVID-19 cases with the Trojans.
USC and ASU were projected as the top two teams in the South this year and it’s impossible to know how the Buffs would have fared in those games. A CU vs. USC matchup would have ended all debate, but that won’t happen.
Going into this week, however, the Buffs know that a Pac-12 title is still on the table. If the Buffs beat Utah and USC loses, CU will not only win the South, but host the Pac-12 title game.
Regardless of the scenarios ahead, Dorrell and the Buffs know their main concern has to be Utah.
“We have to control this thing this week, and not really think about what’s going on a week from now,” Dorrell said. “All that will be for naught if we don’t play well this week. If we win our game, that’s really the best thing that we can do for ourselves.
“I can’t really go with the what-ifs.”
That’s a message Dorrell is preaching to his team this week, because taking care of their own business won’t be easy. Utah is 1-2, but the Utes have won the South the past two years and have battled through a tough season. They lost several players to graduation, had their first two games canceled and then faced USC and North-leading Washington in the first two games they played.
Last week, the Utes got their first win, knocking off Oregon State, and they’ve dominated CU the past three years.
“They’re not the same team that you saw in week one, or week two,” Dorrell said. “What you’re seeing is characteristic of the Utah style. … That team is going to be probably one of the best teams, if not the best team, we’ll face so far this season. We’ve got to be ready to play.”
CU has been ready to play every week and junior linebacker Carson Wells said that will continue to be the Buffs’ focus.
“Our goal this season was to win a Pac 12 championship, but we’ve got to control what we can control and that’s go 1-0 this week,” he said. “We’ve done that so far and we’re going to do that this week.”


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Broncos defense being held back by big plays, NFL-worst minus-17 turnover differential

One silver lining from the Broncos ’ 22-16 loss at Arrowhead Stadium on Sunday night : The Denver defense kept high-powered Kansas City out of the end zone until late in the third quarter .
The other side of that coin ?
How the Chiefs kept ending up in the red zone in the first place .
Kansas City failed to score a touchdown in four red zone trips , and was also 0-of-3 in goal-to-go situations .
Kudos to the Broncos defense for standing tall .
But consider : The Chiefs had eight plays of 20 yards or more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trips deep into Denver territory .
Coach Vic Fangio didn ’ t think there was “ a common theme ” to the big plays .
The Broncos were simply getting gashed in a variety of ways .
“ It came against different coverages , different plays they were running , ” Fangio said .
“ They hit us with a reverse , the quarterback scrambled for 20 , then they threw some balls in there , also.
” • Christian McCaffrey to face Broncos in “ surreal ” matchup against his hometown team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of two halves for tight end Noah Fant • Kiszla vs. O ’ Halloran : Has Shelby Harris made himself essential piece of Broncos ’ defensive core ?
• Tim Patrick outscored Tyreek Hill , but he couldn ’ t save Broncos in Kansas City • Broncos Q-and-A : Did Vic Fangio make right call punting with six minutes remaining That big-play trend has been noticeable all season for Denver , which has allowed 50 plays of 20 yards or more .
The Broncos set a high in that category Sunday , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yard plays to the Chargers in Week 8 ( seven ) , the Falcons in Week 9 ( five ) and the Raiders in Week 10 ( five ) .
Against Kansas City , the Broncos allowed just one big play in the first quarter — a 20-yard pass from Patrick Mahomes to Demarcus Robinson that set up the Chiefs ’ first field goal .
Denver then allowed four such plays in the second quarter and three in the third , setting up each of Kansas City ’ s five field goals and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Mahomes found tight end Travis Kelce for a 20-yard touchdown pass .
Compounding the issues surrounding Denver ’ s tendency to give up big plays is its minus-17 turnover differential , which ranks last in the NFL .
It also underscores the Broncos ’ inability to make up for consistent chunk plays against its defense .
It ’ s a trend Fangio said the Broncos have “ got to get it corrected.
” “ We lead the league in interceptions thrown ( at 21 ) , ” Fangio said .
“ Obviously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to start .
We haven ’ t gotten enough takeaways on defense — that ’ s also where we ’ ve got to start — and it ’ s obviously an area that we need to improve on and it ’ s an area that has held us back this season.
” Of those 21 interceptions , Drew Lock has 13 of them , all of which have come in the seven games since he returned from a shoulder injury .
That ’ s the longest active interception streak in the NFL .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t given any consideration to letting backup Brett Rypien take the reins from Lock .
Rypien went 19-of-31 for 232 yards with two touchdowns and three interceptions in his lone start this year , the Broncos ’ 37-28 win over the Jets in Week 4 .

One silver lining from the Broncos’ 22-16 loss at Arrowhead Stadium on Sunday night: The Denver defense kept high-powered Kansas City out of the end zone until late in the third quarter.
The other side of that coin? How the Chiefs kept ending up in the red zone in the first place.
Kansas City failed to score a touchdown in four red zone trips, and was also 0-of-3 in goal-to-go situations. Kudos to the Broncos defense for standing tall. But consider: The Chiefs had eight plays of 20 yards or more, which allowed the defending champs frequent trips deep into Denver territory.
Coach Vic Fangio didn’t think there was “a common theme” to the big plays. The Broncos were simply getting gashed in a variety of ways.
“It came against different coverages, different plays they were running,” Fangio said. “They hit us with a reverse, the quarterback scrambled for 20, then they threw some balls in there, also.”
That big-play trend has been noticeable all season for Denver, which has allowed 50 plays of 20 yards or more. The Broncos set a high in that category Sunday, but also gave up a bevy of 20-plus yard plays to the Chargers in Week 8 (seven), the Falcons in Week 9 (five) and the Raiders in Week 10 (five).
Against Kansas City, the Broncos allowed just one big play in the first quarter — a 20-yard pass from Patrick Mahomes to Demarcus Robinson that set up the Chiefs’ first field goal. Denver then allowed four such plays in the second quarter and three in the third, setting up each of Kansas City’s five field goals and resulting in the Chiefs’ lone touchdown when Mahomes found tight end Travis Kelce for a 20-yard touchdown pass.
Compounding the issues surrounding Denver’s tendency to give up big plays is its minus-17 turnover differential, which ranks last in the NFL. It also underscores the Broncos’ inability to make up for consistent chunk plays against its defense. It’s a trend Fangio said the Broncos have “got to get it corrected.”
“We lead the league in interceptions thrown (at 21),” Fangio said. “Obviously, that’s where we got to start. We haven’t gotten enough takeaways on defense — that’s also where we’ve got to start — and it’s obviously an area that we need to improve on and it’s an area that has held us back this season.”
Of those 21 interceptions, Drew Lock has 13 of them, all of which have come in the seven games since he returned from a shoulder injury. That’s the longest active interception streak in the NFL. Still, Fangio said the Broncos haven’t given any consideration to letting backup Brett Rypien take the reins from Lock. Rypien went 19-of-31 for 232 yards with two touchdowns and three interceptions in his lone start this year, the Broncos’ 37-28 win over the Jets in Week 4.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Nuggets’ Gary Harris putting injury plagued seasons behind him in search for consistency

Nuggets shooting guard Gary Harris endured injuries that held him out of more than 30 regular season games over the past two years .
His scoring efficiency dropped .
His foul rate rose .
You certainly couldn ’ t tell on Monday , though , following the second practice of Nuggets training camp .
While coach Michael Malone has opened up competition for the team ’ s starting two guard spot , Harris ’ confidence has not wavered in his search for consistency .
“ Whatever happened last season and the season before , it really doesn ’ t matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news conference .
“ It ’ s another season and another opportunity .
I ’ m locked in and just focused on what I ’ ve got ahead of me .
… You can ’ t necessarily control injuries .
I ’ m going to fight back no matter what happens .
I just concentrate on getting back healthy and don ’ t really worry about it.
” Harris , 26 , enters his seventh NBA season in Denver far removed from the rising star many projected following his 2017-18 campaign .
Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % from 3-point range and led the team in steals ( 1.8 ) as its best perimeter defender .
In the Orlando bubble this year , freshly rehabbed from a lingering hip issue , Harris averaged only 7.4 points on 37 % shooting .
Now , it ’ s unclear if he will start over Will Barton once he ’ s healthy from a knee injury that held him out of the playoffs .
Malone had many conversations with Harris in the lead-up to this season .
While none have centered on whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is clear that expectations for Harris have been raised .
The goal ?
“ Figuring out a way to get Gary playing back at the level that I know he ’ s capable of , ” Malone said .
“ I think it ’ s important .
I went back and looked at his numbers from the playoffs.
” The Nuggets witnessed flashes in the bubble .
In their second-round series upset of the Los Angeles Clippers , Harris was Denver ’ s third-leading scorer ( 10.7 ) while averaging 2.6 assists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said : “ We don ’ t beat the Clippers in seven games without the productivity and efficiency of Gary Harris.
” However , Harris proved far less effective against the Lakers , shooting 25 % from the field with an average of 4.2 points per game .
Harris turned the page , quickly , with the Nuggets back practicing just 10 weeks after being eliminated in the Western Conference Finals .
“ The offseason was pretty short , ” Harris said .
“ It was cool , though .
I got healthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be back.
” The Nuggets are in no rush to name who will start at shooting guard .
Barton was held out from live game drills for a second straight practice Monday .
It gives Harris an early upper-hand to re-establish himself as a key Nuggets contributor .
But a number of their athletic wings — including rookie R.J. Hampton and rising star Michael Porter Jr. — could also earn significant minutes in Denver ’ s guard rotation .
“ We have a lot of talented players , ” Harris said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good job of gathering talent .
We ’ re a deep team and it ’ s how we ’ ve been the last few years .
You can never have too much talent .
”

Nuggets shooting guard Gary Harris endured injuries that held him out of more than 30 regular season games over the past two years. His scoring efficiency dropped. His foul rate rose.
You certainly couldn’t tell on Monday, though, following the second practice of Nuggets training camp. While coach Michael Malone has opened up competition for the team’s starting two guard spot, Harris’ confidence has not wavered in his search for consistency.
“Whatever happened last season and the season before, it really doesn’t matter,” Harris said during a virtual news conference. “It’s another season and another opportunity. I’m locked in and just focused on what I’ve got ahead of me. … You can’t necessarily control injuries. I’m going to fight back no matter what happens. I just concentrate on getting back healthy and don’t really worry about it.”
Harris, 26, enters his seventh NBA season in Denver far removed from the rising star many projected following his 2017-18 campaign. Harris averaged 17.5 points, shot nearly 40% from 3-point range and led the team in steals (1.8) as its best perimeter defender.
In the Orlando bubble this year, freshly rehabbed from a lingering hip issue, Harris averaged only 7.4 points on 37% shooting. Now, it’s unclear if he will start over Will Barton once he’s healthy from a knee injury that held him out of the playoffs.
Malone had many conversations with Harris in the lead-up to this season. While none have centered on whether Harris will start, Malone said, it is clear that expectations for Harris have been raised. The goal?
“Figuring out a way to get Gary playing back at the level that I know he’s capable of,” Malone said. “I think it’s important. I went back and looked at his numbers from the playoffs.”
The Nuggets witnessed flashes in the bubble. In their second-round series upset of the Los Angeles Clippers, Harris was Denver’s third-leading scorer (10.7) while averaging 2.6 assists and a team-high 1.9 steals. Malone said: “We don’t beat the Clippers in seven games without the productivity and efficiency of Gary Harris.”
However, Harris proved far less effective against the Lakers, shooting 25% from the field with an average of 4.2 points per game.
Harris turned the page, quickly, with the Nuggets back practicing just 10 weeks after being eliminated in the Western Conference Finals.
“The offseason was pretty short,” Harris said. “It was cool, though. I got healthy and I’m just happy to be back.”
The Nuggets are in no rush to name who will start at shooting guard. Barton was held out from live game drills for a second straight practice Monday. It gives Harris an early upper-hand to re-establish himself as a key Nuggets contributor. But a number of their athletic wings — including rookie R.J. Hampton and rising star Michael Porter Jr. — could also earn significant minutes in Denver’s guard rotation.
“We have a lot of talented players,” Harris said. “(The front office) does a good job of gathering talent. We’re a deep team and it’s how we’ve been the last few years. You can never have too much talent.”


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Serious crash blocks southbound lanes of I-25 near 84th Avenue

A serious crash is causing a backup north of Denver , Thornton police reported Tuesday morning .
Three lanes of @ @ @ @ @ near 84th Avenue .
Police advise drivers to use alternate routes but a backup and @ @ @ @ @ story will be updated as more information becomes available .

A serious crash was causing a backup north of Denver, Thornton police reported Tuesday morning.
Four lanes of southbound Interstate 25 were blocked near 84th Avenue. Police were able to clear the crash around 7:45 a.m.
Serious injury crash southbound I-25 at 84th Avenue involving multiple vehicles. 3 lanes shutdown, alternative routes suggested, use Huron Street or Washington Street. Expect delays. pic.twitter.com/fJ65fnSLTl — Thornton Police Dept (@ThorntonPolice) December 8, 2020
The Denver Channel reports that it is believed there were two separate crashes in that area — one with up to five involved vehicles. The crashes occurred around 6:15 a.m. and had traffic backed up to 120th Avenue around 6:30 a.m.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Colorado’s COVID-19 hospitalizations are down, but Thanksgiving’s impact is still unclear

Hospitalizations for COVID-19 have fallewn from their peak in Colorado , but now is not the time to celebrate by inviting all your friends over , health experts say .
On Monday , 1,779 people were hospitalized with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 .
That was a decrease of more than 200 from Wednesday , though it was slightly higher than the total on Sunday .
It ’ s too early to be sure that Colorado got through Thanksgiving without a spike , said Beth Carlton , an associate professor of environmental and occupational health at the Colorado School of Public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encouraging to see hospitalizations begin to trend down , she said .
The number of people receiving hospital care for COVID-19 had been increasing since October , and nurses warned that intensive-care units were nearing the breaking point .
“ Every day that hospitalizations go down is good , because it gives us some breathing room if there is an increase , ” she said .
A significant number of people are still contagious with the virus , so it ’ s important to continue taking precautions , Carlton said .
Last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 40 people was contagious , and that it would be necessary to maintain high levels of precautions to avoid overrunning hospitals .
The Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment reported 30,603 new cases of the novel coronavirus last week .
That was about 1,300 more than the previous week , but about 4,000 fewer than two weeks ago .
The Tri-County Health Department announced Monday afternoon that it would extend a public health order through Jan. 7 because of concerns about a “ surge on surge.
” The department had issued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high numbers of hospitalizations and cases .
The order bans spectators at sporting events , prohibits indoor restaurant dining and sets a 10 p.m. curfew , except for people working in essential jobs or fulfilling urgent needs , like seeking medical care .
“ We understand that people are tired of this , but these public health measures are the roadmap for a faster and more sustainable recovery in our community without the necessity of moving to the complete stay-at-home orders that we had in the spring , ” said Dr. John Douglas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department , which serves Adams , Arapahoe and Douglas counties .
An average 11.7 % of COVID-19 tests statewide came back positive over the weekend .
Anything above 5 % positivity suggests the state may not be finding all cases .
That means the high number of cases doesn ’ t just reflect the amount of testing being done .
It can take up to two weeks for cases resulting from events to show up in the state ’ s data , Carlton said .
That means we should know whether the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the start of next week .
Hospitalizations typically rise a few days after cases , she said .
Even if the current decline in hospitalizations continues , deaths likely will rise for some time as delayed reports continue to come in , Carlton said .
During the summer spike , deaths peaked about two weeks after cases .
Colorado surpassed the deadliest week of the spring wave in the week ending Nov. 22 , with 249 coronavirus deaths .
It ’ s not yet clear if the death toll will fall once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since March , 264,168 people in Colorado have tested positive for the new coronavirus , and 14,904 have been hospitalized .
As of Monday , 2,776 people had died directly from the virus , while a total of 3,358 people who had it have died .

Hospitalizations for COVID-19 have fallen from their peak in Colorado, but now is not the time to celebrate by inviting all your friends over, health experts say.
On Monday, 1,779 people were hospitalized with confirmed or suspected COVID-19. That was a decrease of more than 200 from Wednesday, though it was slightly higher than the total on Sunday.
It’s too early to be sure that Colorado got through Thanksgiving without a spike, said Beth Carlton, an associate professor of environmental and occupational health at the Colorado School of Public Health. Still, it’s encouraging to see hospitalizations begin to trend down, she said.
The number of people receiving hospital care for COVID-19 had been increasing since October, and nurses warned that intensive-care units were nearing the breaking point.
“Every day that hospitalizations go down is good, because it gives us some breathing room if there is an increase,” she said.
A significant number of people are still contagious with the virus, so it’s important to continue taking precautions, Carlton said. Last week, state health officials estimated about one in 40 people was contagious, and that it would be necessary to maintain high levels of precautions to avoid overrunning hospitals.
The Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment reported 30,603 new cases of the novel coronavirus last week. That was about 1,300 more than the previous week, but about 4,000 fewer than two weeks ago.
The Tri-County Health Department announced Monday afternoon that it would extend a public health order for Adams County through Jan. 7 because of concerns about a “surge on surge.” The department had issued the order in early November because of high numbers of hospitalizations and cases. The order bans spectators at sporting events, prohibits indoor restaurant dining and sets a 10 p.m. curfew, except for people working in essential jobs or fulfilling urgent needs, like seeking medical care.
“We understand that people are tired of this, but these public health measures are the roadmap for a faster and more sustainable recovery in our community without the necessity of moving to the complete stay-at-home orders that we had in the spring,” said Dr. John Douglas, executive director of the Tri-County Health Department, which serves Adams, Arapahoe and Douglas counties.
An average 11.7% of COVID-19 tests statewide came back positive over the weekend. Anything above 5% positivity suggests the state may not be finding all cases. That means the high number of cases doesn’t just reflect the amount of testing being done.
It can take up to two weeks for cases resulting from events to show up in the state’s data, Carlton said. That means we should know whether the virus spread significantly at Thanksgiving gatherings in Colorado by the start of next week. Hospitalizations typically rise a few days after cases, she said.
Even if the current decline in hospitalizations continues, deaths likely will rise for some time as delayed reports continue to come in, Carlton said. During the summer spike, deaths peaked about two weeks after cases.
Colorado surpassed the deadliest week of the spring wave in the week ending Nov. 22, with 249 coronavirus deaths. It’s not yet clear if the death toll will fall once all deaths in subsequent weeks are counted.
Since March, 264,168 people in Colorado have tested positive for the new coronavirus, and 14,904 have been hospitalized. As of Monday, 2,776 people had died directly from the virus, while a total of 3,358 people who had it have died.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--Excessive force, poor communication marred Denver police response to George Floyd protests, independ

Excessive force, poor communication marred Denver police response to George Floyd protests, independent monitor finds

The Denver Police Department ’ s response to massive racial justice protests in late May and early June was beset with poor communication , multiple examples of excessive force , and inadequate record-keeping that made it difficult for police leaders to evaluate decision-making , an investigation by the city ’ s independent monitor found .
The 94-page investigative report , released Tuesday , for the first time offers an overview and analysis of the department ’ s decisions , policy violations and mistakes during the first five days of George Floyd protests in Denver , some of the largest in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or nonexistent records inhibited the department ’ s ability to track officers ’ actions , evaluate the effectiveness of tactical plans and make changes to those strategies , according to Independent Monitor Nick Mitchell ’ s report .
Although Mitchell ’ s team completed dozens of interviews and reviewed hundreds of records , the department ’ s failure to keep detailed records was “ an obstacle to a full after-the-fact analysis of the DPD ’ s uses of force during the protests , ” the report states .
Denver police officials do not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — pepper balls , foam bullets , tear gas — their officers used during the first days of the protests .
Department leaders failed to create rosters of which officers were deployed to the first four days of protests , making it impossible to know how many officers worked the protests .
Officers often did not complete use-of-force reports until days or weeks after the fact .
Dozens of officers either did not wear body cameras or did not activate them during the protests , meaning hours of interactions and arrests were not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and June 1 , hundreds of police officers were deployed to monitor the thousands of Coloradans marching in Denver ’ s streets to protest the killing of Floyd by Minneapolis police and the killings of other Black people at the hands of law enforcement .
More than 80 Denver police officers were injured during the contentious protests as were hundreds of protesters and bystanders who were struck with police projectiles , engulfed in tear gas or hit with pepper spray .
The chaos caused more than $ 3 million in damage to businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 400 protesters .
“ The protests that began on May 28 , 2020 , were unlike any others in Denver ’ s history , given their size and scale , as well as the injuries and damage that resulted from them , ” Mitchell wrote in his report .
Police officers interviewed by Mitchell ’ s team also cited a lack of clarity from their supervisors on what they should be doing .
Officers said police leaders called the protests “ the most challenging situation they have faced in decades on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Some DPD officers who we spoke with described physical or emotional after-effects from policing the ( protets ) that linger to this day , ” the report states .
“ Similarly , some community members have described anger , trauma and a loss of confidence in the police based on their experiences .
The damage to trust between officers and the community that resulted from the ( protests ) is impossible to quantify.
” The Office of the Independent Monitor found several instances where Denver police officers used inappropriate force against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spray and fired pepper balls at people who were simply “ verbally objecting ” to police and not posing any threat .
Officers also shot projectiles at peoples ’ faces and groins , against department policy , and threw dangerous explosive devices directly at people .
It was impossible to tally exactly how many protesters and bystanders were injured by police , the report states .
Denver ambulances were called at least 125 times to the protest area during the demonstrations and treated people suffering from tear gas and injuries from projectiles .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers were not certified to wield the less-lethal weapons they were handed when they reported for protest duty , in violation of the department ’ s policies .
By comparing officers ’ use-of-force reports to the list of officers certified to use pepper-ball guns and rubber bullets , the independent monitor found at least five officers who used the weapons without the required training .
“ For example , one officer indicated that on May 30 , ‘ upon arrival to the meeting point near the Capitol Building , I was given training @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the emergency situation , and as we did not have enough officers who had the certification , ’ ” the report states .
“ Other officers also stated that they were given ’ emergency field training ’ when they began working at the George Floyd protests.
” The monitor ’ s office also found that Denver police routinely failed to give dispersal orders to a crowd before using force .
“ We reviewed hundreds of hours of video footage and observed dozens of situations in which the DPD used less-lethal munitions to disperse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s report states .
“ We heard orders to disperse in only a minority of those situations .
In most , the available video did not show any exigency that required the application of less-lethal munitions without orders to disperse.
” Communication between officers and the department ’ s command center also was muddled , in part because officers were directed to do all communication on a single radio channel that was frequently overwhelmed , the investigation found .
Officers said they did not always know which commander was leading the on-the-ground response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sometimes reported a lack of clarity about their strategic objectives , which led to confusion about when to advance on , retreat from , or hold specific pieces of ground downtown , ” the report states .
Mitchell recommended several policy changes , including banning the use of rubber-ball grenades in crowd-control situations , creating stricter rules for when an officer can shoot someone with a pepper ball and providing more regular training on crowd control .
The failure to maintain detailed and accurate records about their actions during the five days of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegations of excessive use of force , the report states .
Denver police did not keep rosters of which officers were deployed , many officers did not complete detailed use-of-force reports and many did not wear or turn on body cameras during the protests .
For example , between 150 and 200 Denver police officers worked at the protests on June 1 but the department only gave the independent monitor footage from 38 officers .
The department ’ s internal affairs bureau opened more than 100 investigations into allegations of excessive use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those investigations are ongoing , at least 20 have been closed because it was impossible to identify which officer ’ s actions were in question .
“ These declined complaints contained potentially serious allegations , such as officers firing pepper ball rounds into a car of people trying to leave the ( protests ) or unnecessarily throwing ( a flash-bang grenade ) into the yard of a private residence , ” the report states .
It ’ s impossible to know exactly how many times Denver police fired less-lethal weapons at protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Within the first hours of protests , units deployed in the streets reported running out of some munitions and the department asked other Denver-area agencies for more supplies .
Denver did not track how many rounds of each munition they received nor how many each officer or unit used , according to the report .
“ Effective tracking of less-lethal munitions is critical in protest management , as it helps to determine when new supplies must be ordered , ” the report states .
“ It also enhances accountability , as tracking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular teams or squads are running through munitions at disproportionate rates , which can prompt supervisory investigation , review or intervention.
” But a look at the department ’ s invoices provides a sense of scale .
Before the protests began May 28 , the department had 30,000 pepper balls , 600 foam bullets , 200 gas and smoke grenades and 150 tear-gas canisters .
Between May 29 and June 1 , the Denver Police Department ordered 66,000 pepper balls , 670 sponge bullets , 450 gas and smoke grenades , and 300 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detonation , according to the report .
The weapons cost $ 202,341 , according to the report .
On May 29 , the Colorado State Patrol flew a plane to Wyoming to pick up an order of foam bullets and gas grenades from a weapons manufacturer for Denver police .
Mitchell recommended that the Denver Police Department improve its policy for managing crowds to mandate the creation of rosters , create a tracking system for less-lethal munitions and require all officers wear body cameras while responding to a protest .
Mitchell is scheduled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City Council ’ s Safety , Housing , Education and Homelessness Committee at 10:30 a.m. Wednesday and again to the Civilian Oversight Board at 6 p.m. Wednesday .

The Denver Police Department’s response to massive racial justice protests in late May and early June was beset with poor communication, multiple examples of excessive force, and inadequate record-keeping that made it difficult for police leaders to evaluate decision-making, an investigation by the city’s independent monitor found.
The 94-page investigative report, released Tuesday, for the first time offers an overview and analysis of the department’s decisions, policy violations and mistakes during the first five days of George Floyd protests in Denver, some of the largest in the city’s history.
Incomplete or nonexistent records inhibited the department’s ability to track officers’ actions, evaluate the effectiveness of tactical plans and make changes to those strategies, according to Independent Monitor Nick Mitchell’s report.
Although Mitchell’s team completed dozens of interviews and reviewed hundreds of records, the department’s failure to keep detailed records was “an obstacle to a full after-the-fact analysis of the DPD’s uses of force during the protests,” the report states.
Denver police officials do not know how many rounds of less-lethal munitions — pepper balls, foam bullets, tear gas — their officers used during the first days of the protests. Department leaders failed to create rosters of which officers were deployed to the first four days of protests, making it impossible to know how many officers worked the protests. Officers often did not complete use-of-force reports until days or weeks after the fact. Dozens of officers either did not wear body cameras or did not activate them during the protests, meaning hours of interactions and arrests were not documented on video.
Between May 28 and June 1, hundreds of police officers were deployed to monitor the thousands of Coloradans marching in Denver’s streets to protest the killing of Floyd by Minneapolis police and the killings of other Black people at the hands of law enforcement. More than 80 Denver police officers were injured during the contentious protests as were hundreds of protesters and bystanders who were struck with police projectiles, engulfed in tear gas or hit with pepper spray. The chaos caused more than $3 million in damage to businesses and government buildings and police arrested more than 400 protesters.
“The protests that began on May 28, 2020, were unlike any others in Denver’s history, given their size and scale, as well as the injuries and damage that resulted from them,” Mitchell wrote in his report.
2020 Year in Photos, Part III: George Floyd, Elijah McClain deaths spark racial justice protests across the state
Police officers interviewed by Mitchell’s team also cited a lack of clarity from their supervisors on what they should be doing. Officers said police leaders called the protests “the most challenging situation they have faced in decades on the DPD,” according to the report.
“Some DPD officers who we spoke with described physical or emotional after-effects from policing the (protests) that linger to this day,” the report states. “Similarly, some community members have described anger, trauma and a loss of confidence in the police based on their experiences. The damage to trust between officers and the community that resulted from the (protests) is impossible to quantify.”
Excessive use of force
The Office of the Independent Monitor found several instances where Denver police officers used inappropriate force against protesters, like officers who used pepper spray and fired pepper balls at people who were simply “verbally objecting” to police and not posing any threat. Officers also shot projectiles at peoples’ faces and groins, against department policy, and threw dangerous explosive devices directly at people.
It was impossible to tally exactly how many protesters and bystanders were injured by police, the report states. Denver ambulances were called at least 125 times to the protest area during the demonstrations and treated people suffering from tear gas and injuries from projectiles.
Mitchell’s team found that several officers were not certified to wield the less-lethal weapons they were handed when they reported for protest duty, in violation of the department’s policies. By comparing officers’ use-of-force reports to the list of officers certified to use pepper-ball guns and rubber bullets, the independent monitor found at least five officers who used the weapons without the required training.
“For example, one officer indicated that on May 30, ‘upon arrival to the meeting point near the Capitol Building, I was given training for the Pepper Ball launcher due to the emergency situation, and as we did not have enough officers who had the certification,’” the report states. “Other officers also stated that they were given ’emergency field training’ when they began working at the George Floyd protests.”
The monitor’s office also found that Denver police routinely failed to give dispersal orders to a crowd before using force.
“We reviewed hundreds of hours of video footage and observed dozens of situations in which the DPD used less-lethal munitions to disperse crowds,” the independent monitor’s report states. “We heard orders to disperse in only a minority of those situations. In most, the available video did not show any exigency that required the application of less-lethal munitions without orders to disperse.”
Communication between officers and the department’s command center also was muddled, in part because officers were directed to do all communication on a single radio channel that was frequently overwhelmed, the investigation found. Officers said they did not always know which commander was leading the on-the-ground response on a given day.
“They sometimes reported a lack of clarity about their strategic objectives, which led to confusion about when to advance on, retreat from, or hold specific pieces of ground downtown,” the report states.
Mitchell recommended several policy changes, including banning the use of rubber-ball grenades in crowd-control situations, creating stricter rules for when an officer can shoot someone with a pepper ball and providing more regular training on crowd control.
Incomplete records
The failure to maintain detailed and accurate records about their actions during the five days of protests has made it difficult to investigate allegations of excessive use of force, the report states. Denver police did not keep rosters of which officers were deployed, many officers did not complete detailed use-of-force reports and many did not wear or turn on body cameras during the protests.
For example, between 150 and 200 Denver police officers worked at the protests on June 1 but the department only gave the independent monitor footage from 38 officers.
The department’s internal affairs bureau opened more than 100 investigations into allegations of excessive use of force at the protests. While many of those investigations are ongoing, at least 20 have been closed because it was impossible to identify which officer’s actions were in question.
“These declined complaints contained potentially serious allegations, such as officers firing pepper ball rounds into a car of people trying to leave the (protests) or unnecessarily throwing (a flash-bang grenade) into the yard of a private residence,” the report states.
It’s impossible to know exactly how many times Denver police fired less-lethal weapons at protesters because the department did not keep track. Within the first hours of protests, units deployed in the streets reported running out of some munitions and the department asked other Denver-area agencies for more supplies. Denver did not track how many rounds of each munition they received nor how many each officer or unit used, according to the report.
“Effective tracking of less-lethal munitions is critical in protest management, as it helps to determine when new supplies must be ordered,” the report states. “It also enhances accountability, as tracking logs can be used to identify whether particular teams or squads are running through munitions at disproportionate rates, which can prompt supervisory investigation, review or intervention.”
But a look at the department’s invoices provides a sense of scale.
Before the protests began May 28, the department had 30,000 pepper balls, 600 foam bullets, 200 gas and smoke grenades and 150 tear-gas canisters. Between May 29 and June 1, the Denver Police Department ordered 66,000 pepper balls, 670 sponge bullets, 450 gas and smoke grenades, and 300 grenades that spew out rubber pellets upon detonation, according to the report.
The weapons cost $202,341, according to the report. On May 29, the Colorado State Patrol flew a plane to Wyoming to pick up an order of foam bullets and gas grenades from a weapons manufacturer for Denver police.
Mitchell recommended that the Denver Police Department improve its policy for managing crowds to mandate the creation of rosters, create a tracking system for less-lethal munitions and require all officers wear body cameras while responding to a protest.
Mitchell is scheduled to present his report to the Denver City Council’s Safety, Housing, Education and Homelessness Committee at 10:30 a.m. Wednesday and again to the Civilian Oversight Board at 6 p.m. Wednesday.


thedenverpost--2020-12-08--New equity fund Range Ventures looking to seed the next generation of Colorado tech companies

Colorado over the years has lost several promising technology firms after financial backers in other states sold them off or moved them to California .
But more recently , big players from Google to Twitter have deepened their presence here and the state has generated several wealth-generating unicorns of its own .
Denver-based Range Ventures , a private equity fund focused on early-stage funding , has raised $ 23 million , mostly from successful Colorado executives interested in helping the next generation of technology companies get off the ground .
“ We have almost 100 investors that are all individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of most of the top tech companies in town .
They are on the ground and see what is going on , ” said Adam Burroughs , who launched the new venture capital fund with Chris Erickson in early March .
The pair cut their teeth at The Boston Consulting Group before moving on to help guide successful tech companies to large valuations .
Burroughs was a senior vice president and general manager at HomeAdvisor and part of the team that took the company public in 2017 in what was the state ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Technologies .
He also helped Guild , a Denver-based B Corporation focused on worker education , achieve a $ 1 billion valuation last year .
Erickson moved to Denver last year from California , where he was a co-founder and chief operating officer at Apartment List , a popular rental marketplace , where he helped raise $ 110 million .
As angel investors , Burroughs said he and Erickson were impressed by the quality of the startups they were running across in Colorado .
They also saw an opportunity to help those promising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wealth created by the growing number of success stories in the state .
“ We were blown away by the volume and quality of new founders and startups , ” he said .
“ But there is a real lack of sophisticated , early-stage capital here.
” In a short nine months , Range Ventures managed to pull together a pool of investment funds , despite the pandemic , from successful tech entrepreneurs and executives .
The fund is looking to invest in 20 to 25 promising companies in the software or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years .
Kendra Haberkorn , formerly part of the executive team at Craftsy , has also joined Range Ventures .
She will help the firm ’ s portfolio companies to locate the talent they need to grow .

Colorado over the years has lost several promising technology firms after financial backers in other states sold them off or moved them to California. But more recently, big players from Google to Twitter have deepened their presence here and the state has generated several wealth-generating unicorns of its own.
Denver-based Range Ventures, a private equity fund focused on early-stage funding, has raised $23 million, mostly from successful Colorado executives interested in helping the next generation of technology companies get off the ground.
“We have almost 100 investors that are all individuals — CEOs, founders and executives — of most of the top tech companies in town. They are on the ground and see what is going on,” said Adam Burrows, who launched the new venture capital fund with Chris Erickson in early March.
The pair cut their teeth at The Boston Consulting Group before moving on to help guide successful tech companies to large valuations.
Burrows was a senior vice president and general manager at HomeAdvisor and part of the team that took the company public in 2017 in what was the state’s largest technology IPO prior to Palantir Technologies. He also helped Guild, a Denver-based B Corporation focused on worker education, achieve a $1 billion valuation last year.
Erickson moved to Denver last year from California, where he was a co-founder and chief operating officer at Apartment List, a popular rental marketplace, where he helped raise $110 million.
As angel investors, Burrows said he and Erickson were impressed by the quality of the startups they were running across in Colorado. They also saw an opportunity to help those promising companies get off the ground by pooling the wealth created by the growing number of success stories in the state.
“We were blown away by the volume and quality of new founders and startups,” he said. “But there is a real lack of sophisticated, early-stage capital here.”
In a short nine months, Range Ventures managed to pull together a pool of investment funds, despite the pandemic, from successful tech entrepreneurs and executives. The fund is looking to invest in 20 to 25 promising companies in the software or tech-enabled service space over the next three years.
Kendra Haberkorn, formerly part of the executive team at Craftsy, has also joined Range Ventures. She will help the firm’s portfolio companies to locate the talent they need to grow.