thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Two states. Eight textbooks. Two American stories.

By Dana Goldstein , The New York Times American history textbooks can differ across the country , in ways that are shaded by partisan politics .
Here ’ s one example : On an annotated Bill of Rights , a California textbook explains that rulings on the Second Amendment have allowed for some gun regulations .
In the same place , the Texas edition of the textbook contains only a blank white space .
Here ’ s another example : Teenagers in both states will learn about the Harlem Renaissance and debates about the movement ’ s impact on African @ @ @ @ @ @ @ read that some critics “ dismissed the quality of literature produced.
” The textbooks cover the same sweeping story , from the brutality of slavery to the struggle for civil rights .
The self-evident truths of the founding documents to the waves of immigration that reshaped the nation .
The books have the same publisher .
They credit the same authors .
But they are customized for students in different states , and their contents sometimes diverge in ways that reflect the nation ’ s deepest partisan divides .
Hundreds of differences — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a New York Times analysis of eight commonly used American history textbooks in California and Texas , two of the nation ’ s largest markets .
In a country that can not come to a consensus on fundamental questions — how restricted capitalism should be , whether immigrants are a burden or a boon , to what extent the legacy of slavery continues to shape American life — textbook publishers are caught in the middle .
On these questions and others , classroom materials are not only shaded by politics , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of future voters .
Conservatives have fought for schools to promote patriotism , highlight the influence of Christianity and celebrate the Founding Fathers .
In a September speech , President Donald Trump warned against a “ radical left ” that wants to “ erase American history , crush religious liberty , indoctrinate our students with left-wing ideology.
” The left has pushed for students to encounter history more from the ground up than from the top down , with a focus on the experiences of minorities and marginalized groups such as enslaved people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ books The Times analyzed were published in 2016 or later and have been widely adopted for eighth and 11th graders , though publishers declined to share sales figures .
Each text has editions for Texas and California , among other states , customized to satisfy policymakers with different priorities .
“ At the end of the day , it ’ s a political process , ” said Jesús F. de la Teja , an emeritus professor of history at Texas State University who has worked for the state of Texas and for publishers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ differences between state editions can be traced back to several sources : state social studies standards ; state laws ; and feedback from panels of appointees that huddle , in Sacramento , California , and Austin , Texas , hotel conference rooms , to review drafts .
Requests from textbook review panels , submitted in painstaking detail to publishers , show the sometimes granular ways that ideology can influence the writing of history .
A California panel asked the publisher McGraw-Hill to avoid the use of the word “ massacre ” when describing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A Texas panel asked Pearson to point out the number of clergy who signed the Declaration of Independence , and to state that the nation ’ s founders were inspired by the Protestant Great Awakening .
All the members of the California panel were educators selected by the State Board of Education , whose members were appointed by former Gov .
Jerry Brown , a Democrat .
The Texas panel , appointed by the Republican-dominated State Board of Education , was made up of educators , parents , business representatives and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the publisher whose annotated Bill of Rights appears differently in the two states , said it had created the additional wording on the Second Amendment and gun control for the California textbook .
A national version of the pages is similar to the Texas edition , which does not call attention to gun rights , the company said in a written statement .
Pearson , the publisher whose Texas textbook raises questions about the quality of Harlem Renaissance literature , said such language “ adds more depth and nuance.
” Critical language about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas book from McGraw-Hill .
It is partly a result of debates , in 2010 , between conservative and liberal members of the Texas Board of Education over whether state standards should mention cultural movements like hip-hop and country music .
Their compromise was to ask teachers and textbook publishers to address “ both the positive and negative impacts ” of artistic movements .
Texas struck that requirement in 2018 , but its most recent textbooks , published in 2016 , will reflect it for years to come .
Publishers are eager to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during a challenging time for the business .
Schools are transitioning to digital materials .
And with the ease of internet research , many teachers say they prefer to curate their own primary-source materials online .
Still , recent textbooks have come a long way from what was published in past decades .
Both Texas and California volumes deal more bluntly with the cruelty of the slave trade , eschewing several myths that were common in textbooks for generations : that some slave owners treated enslaved people kindly and that African Americans were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ books also devote more space to the women ’ s movement and balance the narrative of European immigration with stories of Latino and Asian immigrants .
“ American history is not anymore the story of great white men , ” said Albert S. Broussard , a history professor at Texas A & M University and an author of both the Texas and California editions of McGraw-Hill ’ s textbooks .
Here is how the politics of American history play out in California and Texas textbooks , on subjects like race , immigration , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White resistance to black progress is covered differently in the two states .
California and Texas textbooks sometimes offer different explanations for white backlash to black advancement after the Civil War , from Reconstruction to housing discrimination in the 20th century .
Southern whites resisted Reconstruction , according to a McGraw-Hill textbook , because they “ did not want African-Americans to have more rights.
” But the Texas edition offers an additional reason : Reforms cost money , and that meant higher taxes .
Whole paragraphs on redlining and restrictive deeds appear only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partly as a result of different state standards .
Texas ’ social studies guidelines do not mention housing discrimination at all .
Texas says that white Southerners opposed Reconstruction because of tax increases as well as racial resentment .
California instead includes primary-source quotations from black historical figures about white resistance to civil rights .
Both states say that breaches of “ racial etiquette ” led to lynchings after Reconstruction .
But only California , whose edition was written more recently , makes clear that the perpetrators of lynchings also hoped to discourage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Kerry Green , a high school social studies teacher in Sunnyvale , Texas , a small town east of Dallas , said she discussed redlining with her 11th graders , adding it as a counterpoint to lessons about postwar prosperity — the optimistic story of consumerism , television and the baby boom that is emphasized by her state ’ s standards .
Green said she preferred to assign primary sources that “ encourage students to explore history on their own.
” But she said she would welcome textbooks that contain more historical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and themes from the past .
“ The textbook companies are not gearing their textbooks toward teachers ; they ’ re gearing their textbooks toward states , ” she said .
On gender and sexuality , California textbooks include history that is not in Texas editions .
California states that the federal government failed to recognize nonbinary gender identities and female leaders in its early relations with Native Americans .
Texas does not mention gender roles or gender identity in its discussion of efforts to “ Americanize ” Native Americans .
In Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be restricted to coverage of events in recent decades , such as the Stonewall uprising , the AIDS crisis and debates over marriage rights .
But for recent California editions , publishers wrote thousands of words of new text in response to the FAIR Education Act , a law signed by Brown in 2011 .
It requires schools to teach the contributions of lesbian , gay , bisexual , transgender and disabled Americans .
Peppered throughout California books are passages on topics like same-sex families under slavery and early sex reassignment surgery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not appear in Texas versions .
— California states that enslaved women faced sexual violence from owners and overseers .
— California mentions the “ lavender scare ” that targeted thousands of gay men and lesbians .
— California states that Alfred Kinsey ’ s research and early sex reassignment surgeries challenged “ the postwar ideal ” on gender .
— Both states focus on women ’ s fight against discrimination in the workplace .
Only California says birth control played a role , by “ allowing women to exert greater control over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kugler , an eighth-grade history teacher in West Sacramento , California , said she had expanded an idea mentioned briefly in her classroom ’ s textbook , about women who dressed as men to fight in the Civil War and continued to live as men , into an entire lesson on troops who today would be considered transgender .
The students read accounts of those soldiers ’ lives alongside more traditional sources , such as letters written by a black Union soldier and a Confederate soldier .
Her goal , Kugler said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to talk about diversity in the context of each historical period .
While both states devote many pages to the women ’ s movement , Texas books , in general , avoid discussions of sex or sexuality .
Immigration and nativism are major themes in American history textbooks .
Michael Teague , a Border Patrol agent , is featured in the Texas edition of McGraw-Hill ’ s 11th grade textbook .
He discusses his concerns about drug trafficking and says , “ if you open the border wide up , you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upheaval.
” Teague ’ s story is featured at the end of a chapter on recent immigration , alongside accounts from a Vietnamese immigrant and a second-generation Mexican American .
That section in the California edition of the same book is devoted to a long excerpt from the novel “ How the García Girls Lost Their Accents , ” by Julia Alvarez .
It deals with intergenerational tensions in a Dominican American family .
In a written statement , McGraw-Hill said the full-page Border Patrol narrative was not included in the California edition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literary excerpt .
And at the time the Texas edition was produced , six years ago , state standards called for students to analyze both “ legal and illegal immigration to the United States.
” In contrast , California textbooks are more likely to note when a historical figure was an immigrant .
And they include more detail on the role immigrants such as Japanese and Filipino farmworkers played in labor movements .
California is one of many states to ask teachers and textbooks in recent years to cover the contributions of specific @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pacific Islanders , European Americans and Mexican Americans .
Only California states that Levi Strauss was a German Jewish immigrant .
California tells the story of Wong Kim Ark , whose 1898 Supreme Court case established birthright citizenship for the children of immigrants ; Texas ’ edition , which is older , does not mention this case , but does cover the Chinese Exclusion Act .
These additions are part of the reason California books are almost always longer than their Texas counterparts .
California ’ s Board of Education adopted an expansive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Two years later , Texas ’ school board streamlined its social studies standards , which are now laid out in 78 tightly compressed pages .
Critics of California ’ s approach say that making state standards and textbooks longer and more inclusive can be overwhelming to teachers trying to move quickly through hundreds of years of material .
Both states emphasize the role of big business from the Gilded Age to the present .
California critiques wealth inequality and the impact of companies like Standard Oil on the environment .
Texas is more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Andrew Carnegie .
Texas policymakers feel strongly about giving students a positive view of the American economy ; since 1995 , state law has required that high school economics courses offer an “ emphasis on the free enterprise system and its benefits.
” That emphasis seems to have made its way into the history curriculum as well .
California ’ s curriculum materials , by contrast , sometimes read like a brief from a Bernie Sanders rally .
“ The yawning gap between the haves and have-nots and what is to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great questions of this time , ” says the state ’ s 2016 social studies framework .
As a result , California textbooks are more likely to celebrate unionism , critique the concentration of wealth and focus on how industry pollutes the environment .
California refers to “ the income gap ” and explains that “ changes in tax structures and safety-net programs ” and “ higher costs for education , child care , and housing ” played a role .
Both state editions discuss economic inequality in reference to the Occupy Wall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unions .
The older Texas edition highlights additional Republican critiques of President Barack Obama ’ s environmental policies , while the California book discusses the threat of rising sea levels .
Both the California and Texas 11th-grade textbooks from Pearson state , “ The main argument against environmental legislation is that it hurts the economy and the nation ’ s industries.
” The Texas edition goes further to highlight criticism of federal efforts to subsidize the green energy industry : “ Republicans accuse the government of wasting taxpayers ’ money , for example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The Solyndra controversy was a fixation for conservatives in 2011 , when the company went bankrupt after accepting half a billion dollars in federally guaranteed loans .
The Texas book also states that American action on global warming may not make a difference if China , India , Russia and Brazil do not also act .
The California edition does not mention Solyndra or the other nations .
However , it does include a section on the threat to American states and cities from rising sea levels , noting that the impact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state ’ s economy , and that transportation networks and buildings could be threatened .
Pearson said in a written statement that the differences between the books could be attributed mostly to the fact that the California book was published several years later , and that concerns over coastal flooding have become “ more heightened in recent years.
” 1 .
Authors , often academics , write a national version of each text .
2 .
Publishers customize the books for states and large districts to meet local standards , often without input @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State or district textbook reviewers go over each book and ask publishers for further changes .
4 .
Publishers revise their books and sell them to districts and schools .

The New York Times News Service Syndicate

By Dana Goldstein, The New York Times
American history textbooks can differ across the country, in ways that are shaded by partisan politics.
Here’s one example: On an annotated Bill of Rights, a California textbook explains that rulings on the Second Amendment have allowed for some gun regulations.
In the same place, the Texas edition of the textbook contains only a blank white space.
Here’s another example: Teenagers in both states will learn about the Harlem Renaissance and debates about the movement’s impact on African American life.
But Texas students will read that some critics “dismissed the quality of literature produced.”
The textbooks cover the same sweeping story, from the brutality of slavery to the struggle for civil rights. The self-evident truths of the founding documents to the waves of immigration that reshaped the nation.
The books have the same publisher. They credit the same authors. But they are customized for students in different states, and their contents sometimes diverge in ways that reflect the nation’s deepest partisan divides.
Hundreds of differences — some subtle, others extensive — emerged in a New York Times analysis of eight commonly used American history textbooks in California and Texas, two of the nation’s largest markets.
In a country that cannot come to a consensus on fundamental questions — how restricted capitalism should be, whether immigrants are a burden or a boon, to what extent the legacy of slavery continues to shape American life — textbook publishers are caught in the middle. On these questions and others, classroom materials are not only shaded by politics, but are also helping to shape a generation of future voters.
Conservatives have fought for schools to promote patriotism, highlight the influence of Christianity and celebrate the Founding Fathers. In a September speech, President Donald Trump warned against a “radical left” that wants to “erase American history, crush religious liberty, indoctrinate our students with left-wing ideology.”
The left has pushed for students to encounter history more from the ground up than from the top down, with a focus on the experiences of minorities and marginalized groups such as enslaved people, women and Native Americans.
The books The Times analyzed were published in 2016 or later and have been widely adopted for eighth and 11th graders, though publishers declined to share sales figures. Each text has editions for Texas and California, among other states, customized to satisfy policymakers with different priorities.
“At the end of the day, it’s a political process,” said Jesús F. de la Teja, an emeritus professor of history at Texas State University who has worked for the state of Texas and for publishers in reviewing standards and textbooks.
The differences between state editions can be traced back to several sources: state social studies standards; state laws; and feedback from panels of appointees that huddle, in Sacramento, California, and Austin, Texas, hotel conference rooms, to review drafts.
Requests from textbook review panels, submitted in painstaking detail to publishers, show the sometimes granular ways that ideology can influence the writing of history.
A California panel asked the publisher McGraw-Hill to avoid the use of the word “massacre” when describing 19th-century Native American attacks on white people. A Texas panel asked Pearson to point out the number of clergy who signed the Declaration of Independence, and to state that the nation’s founders were inspired by the Protestant Great Awakening.
All the members of the California panel were educators selected by the State Board of Education, whose members were appointed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, a Democrat. The Texas panel, appointed by the Republican-dominated State Board of Education, was made up of educators, parents, business representatives and a Christian pastor and politician.
McGraw-Hill, the publisher whose annotated Bill of Rights appears differently in the two states, said it had created the additional wording on the Second Amendment and gun control for the California textbook. A national version of the pages is similar to the Texas edition, which does not call attention to gun rights, the company said in a written statement.
Pearson, the publisher whose Texas textbook raises questions about the quality of Harlem Renaissance literature, said such language “adds more depth and nuance.”
Critical language about nonwhite cultural movements also appears in a Texas book from McGraw-Hill. It is partly a result of debates, in 2010, between conservative and liberal members of the Texas Board of Education over whether state standards should mention cultural movements like hip-hop and country music. Their compromise was to ask teachers and textbook publishers to address “both the positive and negative impacts” of artistic movements.
Texas struck that requirement in 2018, but its most recent textbooks, published in 2016, will reflect it for years to come.
Publishers are eager to please state policymakers of both parties, during a challenging time for the business. Schools are transitioning to digital materials. And with the ease of internet research, many teachers say they prefer to curate their own primary-source materials online.
Still, recent textbooks have come a long way from what was published in past decades. Both Texas and California volumes deal more bluntly with the cruelty of the slave trade, eschewing several myths that were common in textbooks for generations: that some slave owners treated enslaved people kindly and that African Americans were better off enslaved than free. The books also devote more space to the women’s movement and balance the narrative of European immigration with stories of Latino and Asian immigrants.
“American history is not anymore the story of great white men,” said Albert S. Broussard, a history professor at Texas A&M University and an author of both the Texas and California editions of McGraw-Hill’s textbooks.
Here is how the politics of American history play out in California and Texas textbooks, on subjects like race, immigration, gender, sexuality and the economy.
White resistance to black progress is covered differently in the two states.
California and Texas textbooks sometimes offer different explanations for white backlash to black advancement after the Civil War, from Reconstruction to housing discrimination in the 20th century.
Southern whites resisted Reconstruction, according to a McGraw-Hill textbook, because they “did not want African-Americans to have more rights.” But the Texas edition offers an additional reason: Reforms cost money, and that meant higher taxes.
Whole paragraphs on redlining and restrictive deeds appear only in the California editions of textbooks, partly as a result of different state standards. Texas’ social studies guidelines do not mention housing discrimination at all.
Texas says that white Southerners opposed Reconstruction because of tax increases as well as racial resentment. California instead includes primary-source quotations from black historical figures about white resistance to civil rights.
Both states say that breaches of “racial etiquette” led to lynchings after Reconstruction. But only California, whose edition was written more recently, makes clear that the perpetrators of lynchings also hoped to discourage black political and economic power.
Nevertheless, Kerry Green, a high school social studies teacher in Sunnyvale, Texas, a small town east of Dallas, said she discussed redlining with her 11th graders, adding it as a counterpoint to lessons about postwar prosperity — the optimistic story of consumerism, television and the baby boom that is emphasized by her state’s standards.
Green said she preferred to assign primary sources that “encourage students to explore history on their own.” But she said she would welcome textbooks that contain more historical documents and a greater diversity of voices and themes from the past.
“The textbook companies are not gearing their textbooks toward teachers; they’re gearing their textbooks toward states,” she said.
On gender and sexuality, California textbooks include history that is not in Texas editions.
California states that the federal government failed to recognize nonbinary gender identities and female leaders in its early relations with Native Americans. Texas does not mention gender roles or gender identity in its discussion of efforts to “Americanize” Native Americans.
In Texas textbooks, mentions of LGBTQ issues tend to be restricted to coverage of events in recent decades, such as the Stonewall uprising, the AIDS crisis and debates over marriage rights.
But for recent California editions, publishers wrote thousands of words of new text in response to the FAIR Education Act, a law signed by Brown in 2011. It requires schools to teach the contributions of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and disabled Americans.
Peppered throughout California books are passages on topics like same-sex families under slavery and early sex reassignment surgery in the 1950s — text that does not appear in Texas versions.
— California states that enslaved women faced sexual violence from owners and overseers.
— California mentions the “lavender scare” that targeted thousands of gay men and lesbians.
— California states that Alfred Kinsey’s research and early sex reassignment surgeries challenged “the postwar ideal” on gender.
— Both states focus on women’s fight against discrimination in the workplace. Only California says birth control played a role, by “allowing women to exert greater control over their sexuality and family planning.”
Stephanie Kugler, an eighth-grade history teacher in West Sacramento, California, said she had expanded an idea mentioned briefly in her classroom’s textbook, about women who dressed as men to fight in the Civil War and continued to live as men, into an entire lesson on troops who today would be considered transgender. The students read accounts of those soldiers’ lives alongside more traditional sources, such as letters written by a black Union soldier and a Confederate soldier.
Her goal, Kugler said, was to “make it really authentic” to talk about diversity in the context of each historical period.
While both states devote many pages to the women’s movement, Texas books, in general, avoid discussions of sex or sexuality.
Immigration and nativism are major themes in American history textbooks.
Michael Teague, a Border Patrol agent, is featured in the Texas edition of McGraw-Hill’s 11th grade textbook. He discusses his concerns about drug trafficking and says, “if you open the border wide up, you’re going to invite political and social upheaval.”
Teague’s story is featured at the end of a chapter on recent immigration, alongside accounts from a Vietnamese immigrant and a second-generation Mexican American.
That section in the California edition of the same book is devoted to a long excerpt from the novel “How the García Girls Lost Their Accents,” by Julia Alvarez. It deals with intergenerational tensions in a Dominican American family.
In a written statement, McGraw-Hill said the full-page Border Patrol narrative was not included in the California edition because it would not fit beside the literary excerpt. And at the time the Texas edition was produced, six years ago, state standards called for students to analyze both “legal and illegal immigration to the United States.”
In contrast, California textbooks are more likely to note when a historical figure was an immigrant. And they include more detail on the role immigrants such as Japanese and Filipino farmworkers played in labor movements.
California is one of many states to ask teachers and textbooks in recent years to cover the contributions of specific immigrant groups, including Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, European Americans and Mexican Americans.
Only California states that Levi Strauss was a German Jewish immigrant.
California tells the story of Wong Kim Ark, whose 1898 Supreme Court case established birthright citizenship for the children of immigrants; Texas’ edition, which is older, does not mention this case, but does cover the Chinese Exclusion Act.
These additions are part of the reason California books are almost always longer than their Texas counterparts.
California’s Board of Education adopted an expansive 842-page social studies framework in 2016. Two years later, Texas’ school board streamlined its social studies standards, which are now laid out in 78 tightly compressed pages.
Critics of California’s approach say that making state standards and textbooks longer and more inclusive can be overwhelming to teachers trying to move quickly through hundreds of years of material.
Both states emphasize the role of big business from the Gilded Age to the present.
California critiques wealth inequality and the impact of companies like Standard Oil on the environment. Texas is more likely to celebrate free enterprise and entrepreneurs like Andrew Carnegie.
Texas policymakers feel strongly about giving students a positive view of the American economy; since 1995, state law has required that high school economics courses offer an “emphasis on the free enterprise system and its benefits.” That emphasis seems to have made its way into the history curriculum as well.
California’s curriculum materials, by contrast, sometimes read like a brief from a Bernie Sanders rally. “The yawning gap between the haves and have-nots and what is to be done about it is one of the great questions of this time,” says the state’s 2016 social studies framework.
As a result, California textbooks are more likely to celebrate unionism, critique the concentration of wealth and focus on how industry pollutes the environment.
California refers to “the income gap” and explains that “changes in tax structures and safety-net programs” and “higher costs for education, child care, and housing” played a role. Both state editions discuss economic inequality in reference to the Occupy Wall Street movement and the decline of labor unions.
The older Texas edition highlights additional Republican critiques of President Barack Obama’s environmental policies, while the California book discusses the threat of rising sea levels.
Both the California and Texas 11th-grade textbooks from Pearson state, “The main argument against environmental legislation is that it hurts the economy and the nation’s industries.”
The Texas edition goes further to highlight criticism of federal efforts to subsidize the green energy industry: “Republicans accuse the government of wasting taxpayers’ money, for example by supporting the failed solar manufacturer Solyndra.” The Solyndra controversy was a fixation for conservatives in 2011, when the company went bankrupt after accepting half a billion dollars in federally guaranteed loans.
The Texas book also states that American action on global warming may not make a difference if China, India, Russia and Brazil do not also act.
The California edition does not mention Solyndra or the other nations. However, it does include a section on the threat to American states and cities from rising sea levels, noting that the impact on tourism in Florida could hurt that state’s economy, and that transportation networks and buildings could be threatened.
Pearson said in a written statement that the differences between the books could be attributed mostly to the fact that the California book was published several years later, and that concerns over coastal flooding have become “more heightened in recent years.”
How Textbooks are Produced
1. Authors, often academics, write a national version of each text.
2. Publishers customize the books for states and large districts to meet local standards, often without input from the original authors.
3. State or district textbook reviewers go over each book and ask publishers for further changes.
4. Publishers revise their books and sell them to districts and schools.


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Michaela Onyenwere, UCLA overcome slow start to beat CU Buffs women’s basketball

BOULDER — Michaela Onyenwere scored 19 points and grabbed seven rebounds and the eighth-ranked UCLA Bruins survived a frenetic comeback by Colorado for a 65-62 victory over the Buffaloes on Sunday .
The Bruins ( 16-0 , 5-0 Pac-12 ) led by 25 in the third quarter but sweated out the victory .
Peanut Tuitele ’ s layup with 1:05 remaining pulled Colorado to 64-62 , and UCLA called a timeout .
The Bruins missed three subsequent shots but grabbed offensive rebounds twice , then the ball went off Buffaloes guard Quinessa Caylao-do with 19.4 seconds remaining .
It appeared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no infraction was called , and the Bruins maintained possession .
Japreece Dean hit one of two free throws with 13 seconds left to make it 65-62 , and Colorado got the rebound on the miss and called timeout with 10.3 seconds remaining .
Jaylyn Sherrod ’ s contested 3-pointer just before the buzzer was off the mark .
Dean and Charisma Osborne each added 13 points for UCLA .
Winners of their first five Pac-12 games for the first time since the 2002-03 season , the Bruins overcame an early nine-point deficit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then scored the first 19 points of the third quarter to make it 54-29 .
The Buffaloes ( 13-3 , 2-3 ) scored the final 11 points of the third quarter and cut the deficit to 62-54 with just under four minutes remaining , but the margin was too big to overcome and Colorado lost its eighth straight to UCLA .
Onyenwere , who starred at Grandview High School in Aurora , scored 15 points in the first half to help the Bruins overcome a slow start and take a six-point lead at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bruins run and it was her 3-pointer from the left corner that gave UCLA its first lead at 27-26 after the Buffaloes had jumped out to a 17-8 lead .
Mya Hollingshed ’ s 17 points led the Buffaloes , who have lost 15 consecutive games to top-10 teams .

BOULDER — Michaela Onyenwere scored 19 points and grabbed seven rebounds and the eighth-ranked UCLA Bruins survived a frenetic comeback by Colorado for a 65-62 victory over the Buffaloes on Sunday.
The Bruins (16-0, 5-0 Pac-12) led by 25 in the third quarter but sweated out the victory.
Peanut Tuitele’s layup with 1:05 remaining pulled Colorado to 64-62, and UCLA called a timeout. The Bruins missed three subsequent shots but grabbed offensive rebounds twice, then the ball went off Buffaloes guard Quinessa Caylao-do with 19.4 seconds remaining. It appeared she was fouled on the play but no infraction was called, and the Bruins maintained possession.
Japreece Dean hit one of two free throws with 13 seconds left to make it 65-62, and Colorado got the rebound on the miss and called timeout with 10.3 seconds remaining.
Jaylyn Sherrod’s contested 3-pointer just before the buzzer was off the mark.
Dean and Charisma Osborne each added 13 points for UCLA.
Winners of their first five Pac-12 games for the first time since the 2002-03 season, the Bruins overcame an early nine-point deficit to take a 35-29 halftime lead, then scored the first 19 points of the third quarter to make it 54-29.
The Buffaloes (13-3, 2-3) scored the final 11 points of the third quarter and cut the deficit to 62-54 with just under four minutes remaining, but the margin was too big to overcome and Colorado lost its eighth straight to UCLA.
Onyenwere, who starred at Grandview High School in Aurora, scored 15 points in the first half to help the Bruins overcome a slow start and take a six-point lead at the break.
Onyenwere sparked an 18-4 Bruins run and it was her 3-pointer from the left corner that gave UCLA its first lead at 27-26 after the Buffaloes had jumped out to a 17-8 lead.
Mya Hollingshed’s 17 points led the Buffaloes, who have lost 15 consecutive games to top-10 teams.


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Avalanche looking to dig out of 4-7-1 funk with more grit

It appears the Avalanche has lost its identity and needs more toughness and attention to detail in the “ dirty ” areas from its top players .
The Avs put together an eight-game points streak to begin the season with a healthy lineup and went 8-0-1 in late November/early December while missing star wingers Gabe Landeskog and Mikko Rantanen , among others , because of injury for most of that stretch .
But they are 4-7-1 since their last unbeaten streak with a relatively healthy lineup and searching for answers .
They blew another third-period lead Friday and lost 4-3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who were missing superstar Sidney Crosby and four other key players .
The Pens have gone 10-2-1 in their last 13 games with a patchwork lineup — similar to what Colorado did before the new year .
“ You ’ re missing a lot of high-end skill that can score .
But there ’ s ways to win in the league other than high-end skill , ” Avs third-line winger Matt Calvert said after Sunday ’ s practice .
“ And if you can get your high-end skill to check like that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a team.
” And there it is : Calvert , Colorado ’ s toughest player , wants to see the club ’ s top players play with more grit .
“ It ’ s a team playing a great system , ” Calvert said about the Penguins .
“ They ’ re very similar to the Islanders ; they put four guys down low on us when we ’ re on the cycle and try to shut us down that way .
It ’ s everyone being on the same page .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lineup , if you have your high-end skill in or out , if you play as a team , you ’ re going to have success .
We showed it .
( The Penguins ) are showing it right now .
It ’ s something we ’ re working hard at practice to get back too.
” The Avs will have another full-team practice Monday before continuing their five-game homestand Tuesday against the Dallas Stars .
Colorado coach Jared Bednar did not meet with reporters Sunday but has previously said his team is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ice .
• Chambers : Rick Bowness Sr. replacing Jim Montgomery in wake of Stars firing “ bittersweet ” for Bowness family • What does Avs star Nathan MacKinnon have to do to top Connor McDavid for the Hart Trophy ?
• Kiszla : As goalie Philipp Grubauer loses grip on starting job , should Avs explore trade for Carey Price ?
In their last nine contests , the Avs have played just arguably two complete games .
They pounded the Golden Knights 7-3 on Dec. 23 at Las Vegas and rocked visiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 .
Colorado also won 5-2 at New Jersey on Jan. 4 with some fortunate bounces .
“ We ’ re trying to replicate the St. Louis game , the Vegas game — the games we were successful , ” Calvert said .
“ We have it in here , but it ’ s about doing it every night .
It ’ s part of being a young team and still trying to find our identity.
” Footnote .
Avs winger Joonas Donskoi briefly skated on his own in a red , noncontact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his first game of the season Friday after suffering a head injury in Colorado ’ s previous game at the New York Rangers .

It appears the Avalanche has lost its identity and needs more toughness and attention to detail in the “dirty” areas from its top players.
The Avs put together an eight-game points streak to begin the season with a healthy lineup and went 8-0-1 in late November/early December while missing star wingers Gabe Landeskog and Mikko Rantanen, among others, because of injury for most of that stretch.
But they are 4-7-1 since their last unbeaten streak with a relatively healthy lineup and searching for answers. They blew another third-period lead Friday and lost 4-3 in overtime to the banged-up Pittsburgh Penguins, who were missing superstar Sidney Crosby and four other key players.
The Pens have gone 10-2-1 in their last 13 games with a patchwork lineup — similar to what Colorado did before the new year.
“You’re missing a lot of high-end skill that can score. But there’s ways to win in the league other than high-end skill,” Avs third-line winger Matt Calvert said after Sunday’s practice. “And if you can get your high-end skill to check like that, we’ll better come together as a team.”
And there it is: Calvert, Colorado’s toughest player, wants to see the club’s top players play with more grit.
“It’s a team playing a great system,” Calvert said about the Penguins. “They’re very similar to the Islanders; they put four guys down low on us when we’re on the cycle and try to shut us down that way. It’s everyone being on the same page. No matter who’s in the lineup, if you have your high-end skill in or out, if you play as a team, you’re going to have success. We showed it. (The Penguins) are showing it right now. It’s something we’re working hard at practice to get back too.”
The Avs will have another full-team practice Monday before continuing their five-game homestand Tuesday against the Dallas Stars. Colorado coach Jared Bednar did not meet with reporters Sunday but has previously said his team is not checking in key areas of the ice.
In their last nine contests, the Avs have played just arguably two complete games. They pounded the Golden Knights 7-3 on Dec. 23 at Las Vegas and rocked visiting St. Louis by the same score Jan. 2. Colorado also won 5-2 at New Jersey on Jan. 4 with some fortunate bounces.
“We’re trying to replicate the St. Louis game, the Vegas game — the games we were successful,” Calvert said. “We have it in here, but it’s about doing it every night. It’s part of being a young team and still trying to find our identity.”
Footnote. Avs winger Joonas Donskoi briefly skated on his own in a red, noncontact sweater Sunday before practice. Donskoi missed his first game of the season Friday after suffering a head injury in Colorado’s previous game at the New York Rangers.


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Canadian officials accidentally push nuke alert to millions

TORONTO — People throughout the Canadian province of Ontario awoke Sunday to a cellphone alert warning them of an “ incident ” at a nuclear plant just east of Toronto — only to later be told the message was a mistake .
The message , which was transmitted throughout the nation ’ s most populous province , was accompanied by a shrill emergency broadcast noise .
It said an unspecified event had occurred at the Pickering Nuclear Generating Station .
There was no abnormal release of radioactivity , it added , and people did not need to take protective action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ utility officials sent another message saying the alert “ was sent in error ” and that there was “ no danger to the public or environment.
” “ No further action is required , ” said the message , which was also sent to television screens .
The alert went out during a routine training exercise being conducted by the Provincial Emergency Operations Centre , Ontario Solicitor General Sylvia Jones said in a statement that apologized for the mistake .
She said the government had started a full investigation and would “ take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t happen again.
” Jim Vlahos , a 44-year-old Toronto man , awoke to the alert and quickly made a hotel reservation more than 60 miles away in Niagara Falls .
He said he figured he would go as far west as possible and then cross the border .
“ Having watched ‘ Chernobyl ’ didn ’ t help , ” he said , referring to the HBO show about the 1986 nuclear disaster in the Soviet Union .
“ The lack of communication following the alert didn ’ t help either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have no problem leaving my phone on for these types of alerts , ” Vlahos said .
“ But I would expect some more info from the government so I wouldn ’ t have to overreact the way I did.
” Many people slept through the first alert and saw it was a false alarm by the time they woke up .
Jonathan Davies , also 44 , was taken aback when he spotted the alert while driving .
But he waited until after he picked up his Tim Hortons coffee to check @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t cope with much until I have my coffee , at least a few sips , ” he said .
“ I got scared and went online but found no information.
” He later saw the the follow-up alert that indicated it was a false alarm .
Pickering Mayor Dave Ryan said he was “ very troubled ” by the message .
He said on Twitter that he spoke to provincial officials and demanded an investigation .
Toronto Mayor John Tory joined him , tweeting that there were “ far too many unanswered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sent across the province of 14 million people .
Terry Flynn , who teaches crisis communications at McMaster University in Hamilton , Ontario , said the error runs the risk of eroding public trust .
“ When we have continuous problems in these systems , then we have a lack of trust and people begin to ignore them .
So that ’ s the biggest fallout from this scenario , ” he said .
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security ’ s inspector general recommended changes to the emergency alert system in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mistakenly warned the public about a nonexistent incoming ballistic missile .
An employee at the Hawaii Emergency Management Agency sent the missile alert to cellphones and broadcasters , triggering panic until the agency sent another message 38 minutes later notifying people it was a false alarm .
Pickering , which opened in 1971 , was scheduled to be decommissioned this year , but the provincial government committed to keeping it open until 2024 .
Decommissioning is now set to start in 2028 .
The plant generates 14 % of Ontario ’ s electricity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the region , according to Ontario Power Generation .
The station has experienced several earlier incidents .
In 2011 , a pump seal failure caused the spill of more than 19,200 gallons ( 73,000 liters ) of demineralized water into Lake Ontario , though with no significant risks to public health , according to local authorities .
In 1994 , the plant automatically shut down after a faulty valve caused 132 tons of heavy water to spill .
It was the first time a Canadian nuclear reactor had to use its emergency core @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ontario Power “ has a sophisticated and robust notification process in place that we would immediately follow in the unlikely event of an incident at the station , ” Chief Nuclear Officer Sean Granville said .
“ I want to assure the public that there was no incident at the station , and the plant is operating as designed .
”

TORONTO — People throughout the Canadian province of Ontario awoke Sunday to a cellphone alert warning them of an “incident” at a nuclear plant just east of Toronto — only to later be told the message was a mistake.
The message, which was transmitted throughout the nation’s most populous province, was accompanied by a shrill emergency broadcast noise. It said an unspecified event had occurred at the Pickering Nuclear Generating Station. There was no abnormal release of radioactivity, it added, and people did not need to take protective action.
More than an hour later, utility officials sent another message saying the alert “was sent in error” and that there was “no danger to the public or environment.”
“No further action is required,” said the message, which was also sent to television screens.
The alert went out during a routine training exercise being conducted by the Provincial Emergency Operations Centre, Ontario Solicitor General Sylvia Jones said in a statement that apologized for the mistake.
She said the government had started a full investigation and would “take the appropriate steps to ensure this doesn’t happen again.”
Jim Vlahos, a 44-year-old Toronto man, awoke to the alert and quickly made a hotel reservation more than 60 miles away in Niagara Falls. He said he figured he would go as far west as possible and then cross the border.
“Having watched ‘Chernobyl’ didn’t help,” he said, referring to the HBO show about the 1986 nuclear disaster in the Soviet Union. “The lack of communication following the alert didn’t help either,” he said.
“I have no problem leaving my phone on for these types of alerts,” Vlahos said. “But I would expect some more info from the government so I wouldn’t have to overreact the way I did.”
Many people slept through the first alert and saw it was a false alarm by the time they woke up.
Jonathan Davies, also 44, was taken aback when he spotted the alert while driving. But he waited until after he picked up his Tim Hortons coffee to check the news.
“I can’t cope with much until I have my coffee, at least a few sips,” he said. “I got scared and went online but found no information.” He later saw the the follow-up alert that indicated it was a false alarm.
Pickering Mayor Dave Ryan said he was “very troubled” by the message. He said on Twitter that he spoke to provincial officials and demanded an investigation.
Toronto Mayor John Tory joined him, tweeting that there were “far too many unanswered questions” about the warning that was sent across the province of 14 million people.
Terry Flynn, who teaches crisis communications at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, said the error runs the risk of eroding public trust.
“When we have continuous problems in these systems, then we have a lack of trust and people begin to ignore them. So that’s the biggest fallout from this scenario,” he said.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general recommended changes to the emergency alert system in the United States after Hawaii officials in 2018 mistakenly warned the public about a nonexistent incoming ballistic missile. An employee at the Hawaii Emergency Management Agency sent the missile alert to cellphones and broadcasters, triggering panic until the agency sent another message 38 minutes later notifying people it was a false alarm.
Pickering, which opened in 1971, was scheduled to be decommissioned this year, but the provincial government committed to keeping it open until 2024. Decommissioning is now set to start in 2028.
The plant generates 14% of Ontario’s electricity and is responsible for 4,500 jobs across the region, according to Ontario Power Generation.
The station has experienced several earlier incidents. In 2011, a pump seal failure caused the spill of more than 19,200 gallons (73,000 liters) of demineralized water into Lake Ontario, though with no significant risks to public health, according to local authorities.
In 1994, the plant automatically shut down after a faulty valve caused 132 tons of heavy water to spill. It was the first time a Canadian nuclear reactor had to use its emergency core cooling system to prevent fuel overheating.
Ontario Power “has a sophisticated and robust notification process in place that we would immediately follow in the unlikely event of an incident at the station,” Chief Nuclear Officer Sean Granville said. “I want to assure the public that there was no incident at the station, and the plant is operating as designed.”


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Grand Junction Uber driver escapes armed would-be kidnapper by jumping out of moving car

GRAND JUNCTION , Colo. — An Uber passenger was arrested Saturday after police said he pulled a gun on his @ @ @ @ @ her before she was able to escape from the moving car .
It happened in @ @ @ @ @ .
The suspect , 23-year-old Adam Salaz , was located in Carlsbad , New Mexico @ @ @ @ @ a kidnapping and theft warrant out of Mesa County .
The female Uber driver picked @ @ @ @ @ in Fruita , a small town west of the city , and proceeded to head @ @ @ @ @ destination in downtown Grand Junction , police said .
At some point during the trip @ @ @ @ @ gun on the driver and demanded the driver take him to the desert .
But @ @ @ @ @ 2019 Toyota CHR , decided to jump out of the moving vehicle instead and make @ @ @ @ @ police .
Read the full story from our partner at thedenverchannel.com .

GRAND JUNCTION, Colo. — An Uber passenger was arrested Saturday after police said he pulled a gun on his driver and attempted to kidnap her before she was able to escape from the moving car.
It happened in Grand Junction late Friday night. The suspect, 23-year-old Adam Salaz, was located in Carlsbad, New Mexico Saturday, and arrested on a kidnapping and theft warrant out of Mesa County.
The female Uber driver picked up Salaz from an address in Fruita, a small town west of the city, and proceeded to head to the passenger’s destination in downtown Grand Junction, police said.
At some point during the trip, Salaz allegedly pulled a gun on the driver and demanded the driver take him to the desert.
But the victim, driving a 2019 Toyota CHR, decided to jump out of the moving vehicle instead and make her escape, according to police.
Read the full story from our partner at thedenverchannel.com.


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Seahawks vs. Packers live blog: Real-time updates from the NFL playoff divisional game

Live updates , tweets , photos , analysis and more from the NFL playoff game between the Seattle Seahawks and @ @ @ @ @ Field in Green Bay , Wis. , on Jan. 12 , 2020 .
Mobile users @ @ @ @ @ t see the live blog , tap here .

Live updates, tweets, photos, analysis and more from the NFL playoff game between the Seattle Seahawks and Green Bay Packeres at Lambeau Field in Green Bay, Wis., on Jan. 12, 2020.
Mobile users, if you can’t see the live blog, tap here.


thedenverpost--2020-01-12--Broncos fire first-year offensive coordinator Rich Scangarello, source says

The Broncos will have their fifth play-caller in as many years in 2020 after coach Vic Fangio fired offensive coordinator Rich Scangarello on Sunday .
Within hours of Scangarello ’ s dismissal , signs began to point toward former New York Giants coach Pat Shurmur as Fangio ’ s preferred choice , confirming a source ’ s prediction that Fangio would move quickly and hire a replacement with significant play-calling experience .
Shurmur , who also called the plays for the Giants the last two years , was previously the offensive coordinator for St. Louis , Philadelphia and Minnesota .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ facility to give him the news and a source said the decision was “ all ” Fangio ’ s , although general manager John Elway was in the loop .
The Broncos ’ coaches had been on vacation since Dec. 31 , two days after completing a 7-9 season .
In a statement , Fangio said : “ After a lot of consideration and discussion after the season , I determined that a change at offensive coordinator ultimately would be best for our team .
We need to do everything we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — as we start working toward next year .
Rich is a bright coach with a great future ahead of him .
I appreciate all of his hard work and thank him for his contributions to the Broncos.
” In a text message to The Denver Post , Scangarello declined to provide an immediate comment about his dismissal .
A source said Fangio wants a play-caller who is more willing to take shots downfield and provide more diverse looks for opponents .
The status of the rest of the Broncos ’ offensive staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is hired .
Quarterback coach T.C .
McCartney was the only assistant with ties to Scangarello .
Scangarello was able to win games with three quarterbacks — Joe Flacco ( two ) , Brandon Allen ( one ) and Drew Lock ( four ) — but the Broncos finished 28th in yards ( 298.6 ) and scoring ( 17.6 ) , 30th on third down ( 31.7 % ) and 29th in red zone touchdown rate ( 45.3 % ) .
The Broncos ’ numbers , though , decreased in each category compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became frustrated with Scangarello ’ s unwillingness to keep his foot on the accelerator in several situations .
The new coordinator will follow Rick Dennison in 2016 ( although Kubiak called the plays ) , Mike McCoy ( 2017 ) , Bill Musgrave ( the last part of ’ 17 and all of 2018 ) and Scangarello as play-callers and will inherit Lock and a promising cast of young players in receiver Courtland Sutton , running back Phillip Lindsay , tight end Noah Fant and left guard Dalton Risner .
On Dec. 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coordinators — Scangarello , Ed Donatell ( defense ) and Tom McMahon ( special teams ) — to remain with the team .
Asked about the Scangarello-Lock dynamic , Fangio said : “ I think over time , especially as Drew started playing , it was a good relationship .
I think they had a good trust between each other .
I think the results , although they weren ’ t record-setting , the results ( of the relationship ) were good.
” But not good enough to stick with Scangarello , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ San Francisco .
He worked under Kyle Shanahan in Atlanta and San Francisco .
The first sign of trouble for Scangarello was in the Week 8 loss at Indianapolis .
The Broncos took a 13-3 lead early in the third quarter , but managed only three first downs over their final six possessions and lost 15-13 .
On their second-to-last possession , the Broncos led 13-12 with 2:33 remaining and had first down at the Colts ’ 48 .
But the next three plays ( rush , pass , rush ) gained only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ third-and-5 .
The Colts won on a field goal with 22 seconds left .
After the game , Flacco was critical of the strategy without mentioning Scangarello by name .
“ I just look at it like we ’ re now a 2-6 football team and we ’ re afraid to go for it in the two-minute drill , you know ?
” Flacco said .
“ Who cares if you give the ball back with ( 1:40 ) left ?
… It ’ s third-and-5 at the end of the game .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the end or not ?
Getting in field goal range isn ’ t that tough — you ’ re just putting your defense in these bad situations .
I just felt like , what do we have to lose ?
” The Colts game was Flacco ’ s final action of the year because of a neck injury .
Allen went 1-2 as the starter before Lock started the final five games .
In Allen ’ s second start , Week 11 at Minnesota , Scangarello — at Fangio ’ s urging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20-0 halftime lead .
The Broncos gained 217 first-half yards .
But the Broncos scored only three second-half points , allowing the Vikings to win 23-20 .

The Broncos will have their fifth play-caller in as many years in 2020 after coach Vic Fangio fired offensive coordinator Rich Scangarello on Sunday.
Within hours of Scangarello’s dismissal, signs began to point toward former New York Giants coach Pat Shurmur as Fangio’s preferred choice, confirming a source’s prediction that Fangio would move quickly and hire a replacement with significant play-calling experience.
Shurmur, who also called the plays for the Giants the last two years, was previously the offensive coordinator for St. Louis, Philadelphia and Minnesota.
Fangio met with Scangarello at the Broncos’ facility to give him the news and a source said the decision was “all” Fangio’s, although general manager John Elway was in the loop. The Broncos’ coaches had been on vacation since Dec. 31, two days after completing a 7-9 season.
In a statement, Fangio said: “After a lot of consideration and discussion after the season, I determined that a change at offensive coordinator ultimately would be best for our team. We need to do everything we can to get better — in all areas — as we start working toward next year. Rich is a bright coach with a great future ahead of him. I appreciate all of his hard work and thank him for his contributions to the Broncos.”
In a text message to The Denver Post, Scangarello declined to provide an immediate comment about his dismissal.
A source said Fangio wants a play-caller who is more willing to take shots downfield and provide more diverse looks for opponents.
The status of the rest of the Broncos’ offensive staff remains in limbo until a new coordinator is hired. Quarterback coach T.C. McCartney was the only assistant with ties to Scangarello.
Scangarello was able to win games with three quarterbacks — Joe Flacco (two), Brandon Allen (one) and Drew Lock (four) — but the Broncos finished 28th in yards (298.6) and scoring (17.6), 30th on third down (31.7%) and 29th in red zone touchdown rate (45.3%).
The Broncos’ numbers, though, decreased in each category compared to 2018.
A source said Fangio became frustrated with Scangarello’s unwillingness to keep his foot on the accelerator in several situations.
The new coordinator will follow Rick Dennison in 2016 (although Kubiak called the plays), Mike McCoy (2017), Bill Musgrave (the last part of ’17 and all of 2018) and Scangarello as play-callers and will inherit Lock and a promising cast of young players in receiver Courtland Sutton, running back Phillip Lindsay, tight end Noah Fant and left guard Dalton Risner.
On Dec. 30, Fangio said he expected all three coordinators — Scangarello, Ed Donatell (defense) and Tom McMahon (special teams) — to remain with the team.
Asked about the Scangarello-Lock dynamic, Fangio said: “I think over time, especially as Drew started playing, it was a good relationship. I think they had a good trust between each other. I think the results, although they weren’t record-setting, the results (of the relationship) were good.”
But not good enough to stick with Scangarello, who brought the Shanahan-based system with him from San Francisco. He worked under Kyle Shanahan in Atlanta and San Francisco.
The first sign of trouble for Scangarello was in the Week 8 loss at Indianapolis. The Broncos took a 13-3 lead early in the third quarter, but managed only three first downs over their final six possessions and lost 15-13.
On their second-to-last possession, the Broncos led 13-12 with 2:33 remaining and had first down at the Colts’ 48. But the next three plays (rush, pass, rush) gained only five yards, including no gain on third-and-5. The Colts won on a field goal with 22 seconds left.
After the game, Flacco was critical of the strategy without mentioning Scangarello by name.
“I just look at it like we’re now a 2-6 football team and we’re afraid to go for it in the two-minute drill, you know?” Flacco said. “Who cares if you give the ball back with (1:40) left? … It’s third-and-5 at the end of the game. Who cares if they have a timeout at the end or not? Getting in field goal range isn’t that tough — you’re just putting your defense in these bad situations. I just felt like, what do we have to lose?”
The Colts game was Flacco’s final action of the year because of a neck injury. Allen went 1-2 as the starter before Lock started the final five games.
In Allen’s second start, Week 11 at Minnesota, Scangarello — at Fangio’s urging — emptied the playbook to build a 20-0 halftime lead. The Broncos gained 217 first-half yards. But the Broncos scored only three second-half points, allowing the Vikings to win 23-20.


thedenverpost--2020-01-13--Ask Amy: Partner contemplates future with awful children

Dear Amy : My boyfriend of eight years has raised perfectly awful children .
They lack basic kindness and empathy toward their father — and toward others in general .
I have raised two children of my own who volunteer , assist with nonprofit organizations , and are wonderful and caring individuals .
We mainly spend time around my family ; his children are in college .
We don ’ t spend any time with his daughter .
She won ’ t accept that he is even dating me ( I ruin her perfect picture of what a family is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ selfish and self-centered .
Their behavior leads my daughters to question why I would stay with my boyfriend and tolerate his kids ’ behavior .
We don ’ t live together , and I try to distance myself from much interaction .
But when I hear his children speak to him disrespectfully , it leads me to doubt whether we can ever be together because of the way they act .
My boyfriend and I are in our 50s and have been working toward a combined life for some time .
His kids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Before moving ahead in selling houses and possibly marriage , I would like to know how to reconcile these differences in my own little brain and be OK with one set of offspring acting one way and the other one acting completely differently .
I wonder how I can manage to tolerate this if I stay with my boyfriend .
Dear Worried : Overall , your judgment ( your children are wonderful/his are awful ) reveals a lack of empathy toward a set of young people who may be hurting , lashing out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your empathy ?
Where is your kindness ?
If you have been in this man ’ s life for eight years , and his kids are in college , then the two of you have had plenty of time to try to influence these young people .
If your boyfriend didn ’ t influence them because he let someone else ( presumably his ex-wife ) raise them , then he ’ s a neglectful parent .
If your boyfriend did raise them , then he ’ s a deeply flawed parent .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s demonstrating that he ’ s a flawed partner , too .
Many college-age people go through a self-centered jerky phase .
It is possible that these young adults are still maturing , and may actually grow and change .
However , the person at the center of this maelstrom is your boyfriend — not his kids .
For whatever reason ( probably many different reasons ) , he has not been an effective and positive influence .
And because you are so judgmental and their father is so passive , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change .
When you think about your future , take these last eight years and then lay another two decades or so out in front of you .
You will be facing a lot of rejection , a lot of frustration , and the burden of your own harsh judgment .
That ’ s a lot to manage .
Dear Amy : As we disconnect our land lines , cellphones are the main communication device for most of us .
There used to be an unwritten rule not to call someone after 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on people sending text messages and making cellphone calls ?
I get so annoyed with people texting at all hours of the night and early morning hours with nothing of importance , but simply “ catching up ” messages .
Since my cellphone is my only phone now , I need to keep it on for work and any family emergencies .
But I can ’ t stand these early morning and late-night messages .
How to handle this ?
Dear Annoyed : Let me hop onto the bandwagon here concerning group texts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( or blast in ) is a major annoyance for me .
Fortunately for both of us , you can very easily turn off the notifications for text messages , so you won ’ t hear them when they come in .
Get to know the capacities and features of your phone .
The “ do not disturb ” feature ( in “ settings ” ) will allow you to silence all notifications except for calls from specific people .
Dear Amy : Responding to the question from “ New-ish Mom , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unsolicited advice , the only advice I gave to my daughters when they had children was this : Only take parenting advice from people who have raised perfect children .
I haven ’ t met anyone who is qualified for that , yet .
Dear Mom : Perfect parenting doesn ’ t exist .
But some of the best advice I ’ ve received is from parents who share their mistakes .

Dear Amy: My boyfriend of eight years has raised perfectly awful children.
They lack basic kindness and empathy toward their father — and toward others in general.
I have raised two children of my own who volunteer, assist with nonprofit organizations, and are wonderful and caring individuals.
We mainly spend time around my family; his children are in college.
We don’t spend any time with his daughter. She won’t accept that he is even dating me (I ruin her perfect picture of what a family is), and his boys are very selfish and self-centered.
Their behavior leads my daughters to question why I would stay with my boyfriend and tolerate his kids’ behavior.
We don’t live together, and I try to distance myself from much interaction. But when I hear his children speak to him disrespectfully, it leads me to doubt whether we can ever be together because of the way they act.
My boyfriend and I are in our 50s and have been working toward a combined life for some time. His kids cause me to question our future.
Before moving ahead in selling houses and possibly marriage, I would like to know how to reconcile these differences in my own little brain and be OK with one set of offspring acting one way and the other one acting completely differently. I wonder how I can manage to tolerate this if I stay with my boyfriend.
— Worried
Dear Worried: Overall, your judgment (your children are wonderful/his are awful) reveals a lack of empathy toward a set of young people who may be hurting, lashing out, or perennially angry. Where is your empathy? Where is your kindness?
If you have been in this man’s life for eight years, and his kids are in college, then the two of you have had plenty of time to try to influence these young people.
If your boyfriend didn’t influence them because he let someone else (presumably his ex-wife) raise them, then he’s a neglectful parent.
If your boyfriend did raise them, then he’s a deeply flawed parent. And in letting his children reject you, he’s demonstrating that he’s a flawed partner, too.
Many college-age people go through a self-centered jerky phase. It is possible that these young adults are still maturing, and may actually grow and change.
However, the person at the center of this maelstrom is your boyfriend — not his kids. For whatever reason (probably many different reasons), he has not been an effective and positive influence. And because you are so judgmental and their father is so passive, these young people have no motivation to change.
When you think about your future, take these last eight years and then lay another two decades or so out in front of you. You will be facing a lot of rejection, a lot of frustration, and the burden of your own harsh judgment. That’s a lot to manage.
Dear Amy: As we disconnect our land lines, cellphones are the main communication device for most of us.
There used to be an unwritten rule not to call someone after 10 PM.
What is the proper etiquette on people sending text messages and making cellphone calls?
I get so annoyed with people texting at all hours of the night and early morning hours with nothing of importance, but simply “catching up” messages.
Since my cellphone is my only phone now, I need to keep it on for work and any family emergencies. But I can’t stand these early morning and late-night messages. How to handle this?
— So Annoyed
Dear Annoyed: Let me hop onto the bandwagon here concerning group texts. Listening to multiple notifications trickle in (or blast in) is a major annoyance for me.
Fortunately for both of us, you can very easily turn off the notifications for text messages, so you won’t hear them when they come in.
Get to know the capacities and features of your phone. The “do not disturb” feature (in “settings”) will allow you to silence all notifications except for calls from specific people.
Dear Amy: Responding to the question from “New-ish Mom,” who didn’t want to receive unsolicited advice, the only advice I gave to my daughters when they had children was this: Only take parenting advice from people who have raised perfect children. I haven’t met anyone who is qualified for that, yet.
— Older Mom
Dear Mom: Perfect parenting doesn’t exist. But some of the best advice I’ve received is from parents who share their mistakes.
(You can email Amy Dickinson at askamy@amydickinson.com or send a letter to Ask Amy, P.O. Box 194, Freeville, NY 13068. You can also follow her on Twitter @askingamy or Facebook.)


thedenverpost--2020-01-13--“Fail Not”: What to watch ahead of Trump’s Senate trial

WASHINGTON — Hear ye , hear ye : House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is hitting the send button on President Donald Trump ’ s impeachment .
That ’ s after she paused the whole constitutional matter , producing a three-week standoff with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , and complicating the campaigning picture for the five Democratic senators in the White House race .
By Friday , three weeks before the first-in-the-nation Iowa caucuses , what leverage Pelosi , D-Calif. , had possessed was in question .
She wanted McConnell to allow witnesses and documents .
He answered that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Republican-controlled Senate , not anyone in the Democratic-run House .
With 51 votes for that plan , McConnell never budged .
Yet it now appears at least a few Republicans are open to witness testimony once the trial begins .
Here ’ s what to watch as the impeachment charges make their slow-motion journey to the Senate this week .
Pelosi insisted for weeks that she would send the articles when she was ready .
“ Probably , ” she said Thursday .
“ Soon , ” she added .
Before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members stampeded out of session for the weekend without acting on impeachment , a grinning Pelosi made her way toward her office .
She paused at the threshold , casting Democrats as “ a thousand flowers blossoming beautifully in our caucus.
” Then , still smiling , Pelosi disappeared into her suite .
It was 11:43 a.m. At that precise moment , Pelosi ’ s “ Dear Colleague ” letter saying she would send the impeachment articles this coming week landed in hundreds of congressional inboxes .
Pelosi said she was directing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Jerrold Nadler , D-N.Y. , to write a resolution naming House members — “ managers , ” in the official parlance — to prosecute the charges of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress at Trump ’ s Senate impeachment trial .
Whoever wins the plum assignments is a white-hot topic in the Capitol , and Pelosi has held the number of managers and their identities close .
The speaker said she would discuss the process “ further ” at a caucus meeting Tuesday .
Pelosi also cautioned that senators will “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if they refuse to hear additional witnesses during the impeachment trial .
“ The senators who are thinking now about voting for witnesses or not , they will have to be accountable for not having a fair trial , ” she told ABC ’ s “ ’ This Week.
” Pelosi said it ’ s up to the Senate and American voters now .
She and the House already have put their stamp on Trump ’ s legacy .
It ’ s McConnell ’ s turn .
The model , he said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impeachment trial in 1999 .
This past week , McConnell announced that he has the 51 votes required to launch the trial on those terms , and not Pelosi ’ s .
Back then , all 100 senators agreed to start Clinton ’ s trial without an agreement to bring witnesses or testimony , as the Democrats have demanded in Trump ’ s proceedings .
McConnell , protective of the 53-seat GOP majority and up for reelection himself this year , delivered hot words on the Senate floor in which he refused to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House .
McConnell said the resolution starting Trump ’ s Senate trial would not mirror Clinton ’ s word for word .
Tactics and strategy , not drama , is McConnell ’ s style .
But McConnell did say that what was good for Clinton is good for Trump .
That likely means Senate rules and the 1999 resolution that governed Clinton ’ s trial would provide the framework at least to start Trump ’ s proceedings , so it ’ s worth looking at what happened then , beginning on Jan 7 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors during Clinton ’ s trial , including then-Rep. Lindsey Graham , now a GOP senator from South Carolina .
Their procession into the Senate , the oath-taking of the chief justice and all senators and the call of the sergeant at arms provided some pageantry .
“ Hear ye !
Hear ye !
Hear ye !
All persons are commanded to keep silent , on pain of imprisonment , while the Senate of the United States is sitting for the trial of the articles of impeachment , ” proclaimed James Ziglar , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the time .
Senate rules say the trial then begins , and run six days a week — except Sundays — until it ’ s resolved .
But senators could vote to change the schedule .
Who is on the Senate floor for the trial , and where , will be an extraordinary sight in a chamber that strictly guards who breathes its rarified air .
Start with the presiding officer , in the top-most chair , normally occupied by Vice President Mike Pence or a rotating cast of senators .
Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that seat and direct the proceedings .
Also on the floor : The House managers selected by Pelosi will prosecute the case against Trump .
Defending Trump will be a team of lawyers and advisers .
The senators will be seated around the chamber , supposedly wordlessly and not checking their phones , during the proceedings .
The rules call for the Senate to summon Trump in terms the combative president isn ’ t likely used to hearing .
According to a template in the Senate rules , Trump is summoned to appear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by , obey , and perform such orders , directions , and judgments ” according to the Senate , the Constitution and the laws .
“ Hereof you are not to fail , ” Trump will be instructed .
His lawyers can appear for him .
Senators take an oath , by which they “ solemnly swear ( or affirm , as the case may be ) ” to “ do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws : so help me God.
” During the Clinton trial , senators also lined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oath book that is now stored at the National Archives .
It is expected to be brought out again for Trump ’ s trial .
The practice began in 1986 , according to the Senate historian ’ s office .
The pages are blank ; the senators create a list by signing their names .
The Senate would decide which , if any , witnesses testify .
Trump tweeted Sunday that Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff of California , chairman of the House Intelligence Committee “ must be ” a witness and so should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost the opposite , saying senators should do away with a trial completely .
Trump said “ many believe ” by holding a Senate trial “ it gives the partisan Democrat Witch Hunt credibility that it otherwise does not have .
I agree !
” During the Clinton trial , former White House intern Monica Lewinsky was deposed privately but not called to testify .
She and Clinton had had an extramarital relationship , they both said .
A template for the witness subpoena , included in the Senate rules , summons them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ five senators who are running for the Democratic presidential nomination , the impeachment trial complicates the face-to-face contact that ’ s critical for candidates before the Feb. 3 Iowa caucuses .
New Hampshire is set to hold its first-in-the-nation primary eight days later .
Sens .
Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts , Bernie Sanders of Vermont , Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota , Cory Booker of New Jersey and Michael Bennet of Colorado would have to return to Washington to sit as jurors .
The timing of the trial could benefit candidates who aren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vice President Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , have spent months crowded near the top of the Democratic field with Warren and Sanders .
Look for high-profile surrogates , such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y. , for Sanders and former presidential candidate Julián Castro for Warren , to fill in .
And there could be scheduling gymnastics .
Warren says she ’ s prepared to spend days in the Senate , then fly back to Iowa for evening campaigning “ if that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a tall logistical order given the limited commercial flight options between Washington and Iowa .
Taking private flights could make things easier , but also open them up to political attacks .

WASHINGTON — Hear ye, hear ye: House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is hitting the send button on President Donald Trump’s impeachment.
That’s after she paused the whole constitutional matter, producing a three-week standoff with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and complicating the campaigning picture for the five Democratic senators in the White House race.
By Friday, three weeks before the first-in-the-nation Iowa caucuses, what leverage Pelosi, D-Calif., had possessed was in question.
She wanted McConnell to allow witnesses and documents. He answered that those decisions would be made later — by the Republican-controlled Senate, not anyone in the Democratic-run House. With 51 votes for that plan, McConnell never budged. Yet it now appears at least a few Republicans are open to witness testimony once the trial begins.
Here’s what to watch as the impeachment charges make their slow-motion journey to the Senate this week.
SHE’S READY
Pelosi insisted for weeks that she would send the articles when she was ready.
“Probably,” she said Thursday. “Soon,” she added.
Before noon the next day, after House members stampeded out of session for the weekend without acting on impeachment, a grinning Pelosi made her way toward her office. She paused at the threshold, casting Democrats as “a thousand flowers blossoming beautifully in our caucus.” Then, still smiling, Pelosi disappeared into her suite.
It was 11:43 a.m. At that precise moment, Pelosi’s “Dear Colleague” letter saying she would send the impeachment articles this coming week landed in hundreds of congressional inboxes.
BUT FIRST
Pelosi said she was directing the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, Rep. Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., to write a resolution naming House members — “managers,” in the official parlance — to prosecute the charges of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress at Trump’s Senate impeachment trial. Whoever wins the plum assignments is a white-hot topic in the Capitol, and Pelosi has held the number of managers and their identities close.
The speaker said she would discuss the process “further” at a caucus meeting Tuesday.
A WARNING
Pelosi also cautioned that senators will “”pay a price” with Americans if they refuse to hear additional witnesses during the impeachment trial.
“The senators who are thinking now about voting for witnesses or not, they will have to be accountable for not having a fair trial,” she told ABC’s “’This Week.”
Pelosi said it’s up to the Senate and American voters now. She and the House already have put their stamp on Trump’s legacy.
“He’ll be impeached forever.”
AT LAST
It’s McConnell’s turn. The model, he said, would be President Bill Clinton’s impeachment trial in 1999.
This past week, McConnell announced that he has the 51 votes required to launch the trial on those terms, and not Pelosi’s.
Back then, all 100 senators agreed to start Clinton’s trial without an agreement to bring witnesses or testimony, as the Democrats have demanded in Trump’s proceedings.
McConnell, protective of the 53-seat GOP majority and up for reelection himself this year, delivered hot words on the Senate floor in which he refused to “cede” decision making to the House.
“It’s been a long wait,” McConnell said Friday. “and I’m glad it’s over.“
THE MODEL
McConnell said the resolution starting Trump’s Senate trial would not mirror Clinton’s word for word. Tactics and strategy, not drama, is McConnell’s style.
But McConnell did say that what was good for Clinton is good for Trump. That likely means Senate rules and the 1999 resolution that governed Clinton’s trial would provide the framework at least to start Trump’s proceedings, so it’s worth looking at what happened then, beginning on Jan 7, 1999.
There were 13 impeachment prosecutors during Clinton’s trial, including then-Rep. Lindsey Graham, now a GOP senator from South Carolina. Their procession into the Senate, the oath-taking of the chief justice and all senators and the call of the sergeant at arms provided some pageantry.
“Hear ye! Hear ye! Hear ye! All persons are commanded to keep silent, on pain of imprisonment, while the Senate of the United States is sitting for the trial of the articles of impeachment,” proclaimed James Ziglar, who was the Senate sergeant at arms at the time.
Senate rules say the trial then begins, and run six days a week — except Sundays — until it’s resolved. But senators could vote to change the schedule.
ON THE FLOOR
Who is on the Senate floor for the trial, and where, will be an extraordinary sight in a chamber that strictly guards who breathes its rarified air.
Start with the presiding officer, in the top-most chair, normally occupied by Vice President Mike Pence or a rotating cast of senators. Instead, Chief Justice John Roberts will take that seat and direct the proceedings.
Also on the floor: The House managers selected by Pelosi will prosecute the case against Trump.
Defending Trump will be a team of lawyers and advisers.
The senators will be seated around the chamber, supposedly wordlessly and not checking their phones, during the proceedings.
TRUMP WILL BE SUMMONED
The rules call for the Senate to summon Trump in terms the combative president isn’t likely used to hearing.
According to a template in the Senate rules, Trump is summoned to appear “… then and there to abide by, obey, and perform such orders, directions, and judgments” according to the Senate, the Constitution and the laws.
“Hereof you are not to fail,” Trump will be instructed.
His lawyers can appear for him.
OATHS, BY THE BOOK
Senators take an oath, by which they “solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case may be)” to “do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws: so help me God.”
During the Clinton trial, senators also lined up to sign their name in an oath book that is now stored at the National Archives. It is expected to be brought out again for Trump’s trial.
The practice began in 1986, according to the Senate historian’s office. The pages are blank; the senators create a list by signing their names.
WITNESSES
The Senate would decide which, if any, witnesses testify. Trump tweeted Sunday that Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff of California, chairman of the House Intelligence Committee “must be” a witness and so should Pelosi.
Yet hours later Trump suggested almost the opposite, saying senators should do away with a trial completely. Trump said “many believe” by holding a Senate trial “it gives the partisan Democrat Witch Hunt credibility that it otherwise does not have. I agree!”
During the Clinton trial, former White House intern Monica Lewinsky was deposed privately but not called to testify. She and Clinton had had an extramarital relationship, they both said.
A template for the witness subpoena, included in the Senate rules, summons them to appear before the Senate.
“Fail not,” they read.
THE WOULD-BE PRESIDENTS
For five senators who are running for the Democratic presidential nomination, the impeachment trial complicates the face-to-face contact that’s critical for candidates before the Feb. 3 Iowa caucuses. New Hampshire is set to hold its first-in-the-nation primary eight days later.
Sens. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, Bernie Sanders of Vermont, Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, Cory Booker of New Jersey and Michael Bennet of Colorado would have to return to Washington to sit as jurors.
The timing of the trial could benefit candidates who aren’t members of the Senate. Former Vice President Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, have spent months crowded near the top of the Democratic field with Warren and Sanders.
Look for high-profile surrogates, such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., for Sanders and former presidential candidate Julián Castro for Warren, to fill in.
And there could be scheduling gymnastics. Warren says she’s prepared to spend days in the Senate, then fly back to Iowa for evening campaigning “if that’s what it takes.” But that’s a tall logistical order given the limited commercial flight options between Washington and Iowa. Taking private flights could make things easier, but also open them up to political attacks.