newyorker--2020-05-28--Are We Past the Peak of Big Oil’s Power?

The coronavirus crisis has both obscured and illuminated one of the most seismic developments on our planet in many decades : I think it ’ s now clear that the power of the fossil-fuel industry has decisively passed its zenith .
It ’ s not a spent force by any means , but , even in the past few weeks , events have shown it to be waning where for a century and a half it has waxed .
Remember the basic outlines of the story : although the industry knew about climate change in the nineteen-eighties , it chose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early action to slow the globe ’ s rising temperatures , and it allowed fossil-fuel companies to make record profits throughout the nineties and early two-thousands—record profits year after year .
But , about a decade ago , three things happened .
First , activists who were tired of losing to the oil lobby in Congress decided to attack the industry ’ s ability to expand , mustering opposition to such things as pipelines and fracking wells .
A growing movement—led increasingly by front-line communities , indigenous groups , and young people—has fought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laid siege to the industry ’ s financial underpinnings , mounting what has become a massive divestment campaign .
( On Friday , Cornell University became the second Ivy League school , after Brown , to join , in part , what is now a fourteen-trillion-dollar effort . )
And , finally , engineers cracked the code on renewables , dramatically reducing the price of solar and wind power .
All those trends are converging : in the past month , we ’ ve seen Joe Biden promise that , if he ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will finally die ; we ’ ve seen shareholders at the U.S. ’ s largest bank come very close to forcing its officers to test loans against the stipulations outlined in the Paris climate accord ; and we ’ ve seen the price of solar power in the sunniest spots in the world approach a penny per kilowatt-hour .
Taken together , these victories mean , I think , that we ’ ve passed some invisible point , and that the flow of influence is now moving away from the carbon-based fuels that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the industrial revolution .
It means that the balance of power has shifted to the point where we can finally have a serious conversation .
It doesn ’ t mean that , henceforth , progress will be smooth : the fossil-fuel industry retains a legacy grip on the infrastructure of everything from cookstoves to cars—and a legacy grip on politics , as well .
Even now , lawmakers are moving to arrange for industry bailouts as part of the COVID-19 relief efforts , to reduce federal-land-royalty payments , and more ( see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t mean that environmentalists will be able to push the pace of decarbonization fast enough to catch up with climate change—for that to happen , the slow fade of fossil fuels would need to turn into a rapid rout .
But it does mean that we have a chance .
Because , as the economic prospects of the fossil-fuel industry weaken , so , inevitably , does its political clout .
This means that , say , parliaments looking for ways out of economic morasses might well now choose to place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are unlikely even to notice , given the current price of oil ) ; and an industry hollowed out by this past decade of losses might , finally , have a hard time resisting it .
At this point , in the cost curve for solar panels , even a modest price on carbon , as The Economist said this week , “ could give renewables a decisive advantage—one which would become permanent as wider deployment made them cheaper still .
There may never have been a time when carbon prices could achieve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a price on carbon wouldn ’ t get the job done anywhere near fast enough .
As the analyst Dave Roberts points out , in an excellent roundup of climate policies , a tax “ would be helpful—and if it turns out to be possible , go for it—but it is neither necessary nor central to comprehensive climate policy.
” That ’ s because you also need serious subsidies for building out infrastructure for wind and solar power , and strong measures to keep carbon in the ground .
The Spanish government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to end all new exploration for coal , gas , and oil within its borders .
Powerful pushes toward conservation ( here ’ s a Canadian plan for “ deep retrofits ” of the nation ’ s buildings , to make them far more efficient ) and changes in life style , such as shifting diets or not taking as many trips on planes , are also paramount .
But the political power of the fossil-fuel industry has always been the single biggest obstacle to making real change , and that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Decisive shifts are always easier to pick up in hindsight .
But I think it ’ s fairly clear : the Sisyphean task of pushing the fossil-fuel industry uphill has turned into the Newtonian one of encouraging its speedy descent down the other side .
Zorka Milin is a senior legal adviser with Global Witness , an organization that for twenty-five years has uncovered links between natural-resource-related conflict , corruption , and human-rights abuses around the world .
The group published a report earlier this month on how a single oil company—Occidental Petroleum—stands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Federal Reserve , illustrating what I described above : the stickiness of the industry ’ s legacy political power .
Could you explain how Occidental positioned itself for a bailout ?
Occidental Petroleum isn ’ t the most well-known U.S. oil producer , but it plays in the big leagues of political spending .
Last year , Occidental spent $ 8.67 million on lobbying—the fourth-highest amount among U.S. oil-and-gas firms , behind only the behemoths Koch Industries , ExxonMobil , and Chevron .
The company ’ s employees and PAC are also big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million dollars during the 2020 election cycle .
Since the pandemic crashed the oil market , the company and its trade association have lobbied hard for access to federal funds .
Occidental already expects to receive a tax refund ( a.k.a.
, a handout ) of nearly two hundred million dollars from the CARES Act .
And , earlier this month , at President Trump ’ s direction , the Federal Reserve relaxed the criteria for its small- and mid-sized-business loan program , to make Occidental , and other oil companies , eligible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million dollars .
Four of the senators who pushed for these changes to the Fed program—Ted Cruz , Lisa Murkowski , Jim Inhofe , and John Barrasso—all took money from Occidental ’ s PAC .
What is more , the same senators are urging the Fed to change the eligibility rules for its bond-buyback programs , which , according to an analysis by the Rainforest Action Network , could affect only one company ’ s eligibility : Occidental ’ s .
What does this tell us about the lingering effect of lobbying money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fossil-fuel industry is distorting policy decisions to use public money to bail out a dying industry .
This story is much bigger than Occidental .
Analysis by Friends of the Earth shows that many other oil companies have aggressively—and successfully—lobbied for help from the government during the pandemic .
While it ’ s been within the law , it is galling to see these companies take advantage of an unprecedented public-health crisis for their own self-interest .
It will be impossible to solve the climate crisis without addressing the industry ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limits on corporate money in politics will require overturning the misguided Citizens United decision .
But one change we can make right now is to eliminate secret corporate lobbying for bailouts , as Senator Warren and others recently proposed .

The coronavirus crisis has both obscured and illuminated one of the most seismic developments on our planet in many decades: I think it’s now clear that the power of the fossil-fuel industry has decisively passed its zenith. It’s not a spent force by any means, but, even in the past few weeks, events have shown it to be waning where for a century and a half it has waxed.
Remember the basic outlines of the story: although the industry knew about climate change in the nineteen-eighties, it chose to lie and deny. That prevented early action to slow the globe’s rising temperatures, and it allowed fossil-fuel companies to make record profits throughout the nineties and early two-thousands—record profits year after year.
But, about a decade ago, three things happened. First, activists who were tired of losing to the oil lobby in Congress decided to attack the industry’s ability to expand, mustering opposition to such things as pipelines and fracking wells. A growing movement—led increasingly by front-line communities, indigenous groups, and young people—has fought almost every project. The movement also laid siege to the industry’s financial underpinnings, mounting what has become a massive divestment campaign. (On Friday, Cornell University became the second Ivy League school, after Brown, to join, in part, what is now a fourteen-trillion-dollar effort.) And, finally, engineers cracked the code on renewables, dramatically reducing the price of solar and wind power. All those trends are converging: in the past month, we’ve seen Joe Biden promise that, if he’s elected, the Keystone XL pipeline will finally die; we’ve seen shareholders at the U.S.’s largest bank come very close to forcing its officers to test loans against the stipulations outlined in the Paris climate accord; and we’ve seen the price of solar power in the sunniest spots in the world approach a penny per kilowatt-hour. Taken together, these victories mean, I think, that we’ve passed some invisible point, and that the flow of influence is now moving away from the carbon-based fuels that have dominated power production since the start of the industrial revolution. It means that the balance of power has shifted to the point where we can finally have a serious conversation.
It doesn’t mean that, henceforth, progress will be smooth: the fossil-fuel industry retains a legacy grip on the infrastructure of everything from cookstoves to cars—and a legacy grip on politics, as well. Even now, lawmakers are moving to arrange for industry bailouts as part of the COVID-19 relief efforts, to reduce federal-land-royalty payments, and more (see the interview below). And it doesn’t mean that environmentalists will be able to push the pace of decarbonization fast enough to catch up with climate change—for that to happen, the slow fade of fossil fuels would need to turn into a rapid rout.
But it does mean that we have a chance. Because, as the economic prospects of the fossil-fuel industry weaken, so, inevitably, does its political clout. This means that, say, parliaments looking for ways out of economic morasses might well now choose to place a tax on carbon (which consumers are unlikely even to notice, given the current price of oil); and an industry hollowed out by this past decade of losses might, finally, have a hard time resisting it. At this point, in the cost curve for solar panels, even a modest price on carbon, as The Economist said this week, “could give renewables a decisive advantage—one which would become permanent as wider deployment made them cheaper still. There may never have been a time when carbon prices could achieve so much so quickly.” By itself, a price on carbon wouldn’t get the job done anywhere near fast enough. As the analyst Dave Roberts points out, in an excellent roundup of climate policies, a tax “would be helpful—and if it turns out to be possible, go for it—but it is neither necessary nor central to comprehensive climate policy.” That’s because you also need serious subsidies for building out infrastructure for wind and solar power, and strong measures to keep carbon in the ground. The Spanish government, for one, recently announced plans to end all new exploration for coal, gas, and oil within its borders. Powerful pushes toward conservation (here’s a Canadian plan for “deep retrofits” of the nation’s buildings, to make them far more efficient) and changes in life style, such as shifting diets or not taking as many trips on planes, are also paramount. But the political power of the fossil-fuel industry has always been the single biggest obstacle to making real change, and that’s what seems now to be weakening.
Decisive shifts are always easier to pick up in hindsight. But I think it’s fairly clear: the Sisyphean task of pushing the fossil-fuel industry uphill has turned into the Newtonian one of encouraging its speedy descent down the other side.
Passing the Mic
Zorka Milin is a senior legal adviser with Global Witness, an organization that for twenty-five years has uncovered links between natural-resource-related conflict, corruption, and human-rights abuses around the world. The group published a report earlier this month on how a single oil company—Occidental Petroleum—stands to benefit from financial support from the Federal Reserve, illustrating what I described above: the stickiness of the industry’s legacy political power.
Could you explain how Occidental positioned itself for a bailout?
Occidental Petroleum isn’t the most well-known U.S. oil producer, but it plays in the big leagues of political spending. Last year, Occidental spent $8.67 million on lobbying—the fourth-highest amount among U.S. oil-and-gas firms, behind only the behemoths Koch Industries, ExxonMobil, and Chevron. The company’s employees and PAC are also big campaign donors, contributing more than a million dollars during the 2020 election cycle. Since the pandemic crashed the oil market, the company and its trade association have lobbied hard for access to federal funds.
Occidental already expects to receive a tax refund (a.k.a., a handout) of nearly two hundred million dollars from the CARES Act. And, earlier this month, at President Trump’s direction, the Federal Reserve relaxed the criteria for its small- and mid-sized-business loan program, to make Occidental, and other oil companies, eligible for loans of up to two hundred million dollars. Four of the senators who pushed for these changes to the Fed program—Ted Cruz, Lisa Murkowski, Jim Inhofe, and John Barrasso—all took money from Occidental’s PAC. What is more, the same senators are urging the Fed to change the eligibility rules for its bond-buyback programs, which, according to an analysis by the Rainforest Action Network, could affect only one company’s eligibility: Occidental’s.


newyorker--2020-05-28--The Benevolent Rage of Larry Kramer

The Benevolent Rage of Larry Kramer

For many years , I regarded Larry Kramer as the most annoying and abrasive man in America .
There was no No .
2 .
No one even came close .
I will never forget our first encounter , in 1986 , when he called me a “ Nazi ” and a “ murderer ” while he was testifying before hundreds of people at a public hearing at the headquarters of the Food and Drug Administration .
I had just begun to cover the AIDS epidemic for the Washington Post , and Kramer was speaking before an advisory panel that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treatment for one of the more debilitating AIDS-related infections .
Kramer felt that the government , the media , and the public-health establishment had mostly ignored AIDS because , in America at the time , it was regarded solely as a “ gay ” plague .
He was being hyperbolic—his tantrums often were .
But he was also sick of the horrors he had witnessed : the tepid and bigoted federal response to a disease that would kill hundreds of thousands of Americans .
Although the epidemic had first appeared in 1981 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the word “ AIDS ” until 1985—at a press conference .
Government scientists were treating the virus as yet another interesting phenomenon that required investigation and treatment , but were doing so without much urgency .
Kramer had had enough .
I was not the only “ murderer ” in the auditorium that day .
He denounced many people , including his foremost enemy at the time , Anthony Fauci , who since 1984 has directed the federal response to AIDS .
There were almost no horrible names that Kramer failed to call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a murderer , and also incompetent , evil , and a homophobe .
So it might be surprising to read the e-mail that Fauci sent me on Wednesday morning , upon hearing of Kramer ’ s death at the age of eighty-four .
“ This is a very sad day for me and for so many others involved in the HIV/AIDS struggle over so many years who have had the opportunity to know and interact with Larry Kramer .
A veritable icon has passed after a life of enormous impact.
” Fauci , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Yorker , loved Kramer , and so did I .
The word “ icon ” is terribly overused , but even clichés have a purpose .
It took me a while to see Kramer ’ s genius , because he was so outrageously belligerent and confrontational .
His default mode of speech was the primal scream .
To be honest , he scared me .
It took me too long , but , eventually , I learned to look through the anger , resentment , and fear .
When I did , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything .
He could not understand why the F.D.A .
was responding so slowly to a disease that was killing so many people he loved .
He was convinced that if the virus had emerged first in heterosexuals—as it did in Africa , which has been devastated by the epidemic—there would be no such hesitation .
By the time we met , Kramer was a fully armed instrument of rage .
His impact on American society was soon hard to ignore .
By the end of the nineteen-eighties , Kramer had launched the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States .
In January of 1982 , Gay Men ’ s Health Crisis was formed , at a meeting in his Greenwich Village living room .
Several years later , infuriated by the inability of conventional activists to have an impact on AIDS drug approvals , Kramer started the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power— better known as ACT UP .
The group , which combined aggressive confrontation with brilliant research into the arcana of clinical drug trials , was the most effective political action group I have ever seen .
Kramer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in ﬂashes of pure rage .
( A fact that he noted with pride . )
Kramer ’ s unflinching activism also set American medicine on a course that fundamentally altered the relationship between doctors and their patients .
It became inconceivable for federal scientists to consider a drug or treatment protocol without including at least someone who actually had the disease they were investigating .
Patients who had been trained to be docile and accepting came to doctors ’ appointments with reams of data and genuine demands .
This is how Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” my Profile of Kramer for The New Yorker , in 2002 .
“ In American medicine , there are two eras .
Before Larry and after Larry .
.
.
.
There is no question in my mind that Larry helped change medicine in this country .
And he helped change it for the better .
When all the screaming and the histrionics are forgotten , that will remain.
” It is essential to think about what Kramer ’ s world looked like in 1983 , when he wrote a six-thousand-word @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ 1,112 and Counting.
” It referred to the number of people who had , at that point , died of AIDS .
Today , the number is close to forty million .
The piece became one of the most-read articles ever printed in a gay publication .
“ If this article doesn ’ t scare the shit out of you , we ’ re in real trouble , ’ ’ Kramer , began .
“ If this article doesn ’ t rouse you to anger , fury , rage and action , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earth .
Our continued existence depends on just how angry you can get .
.
.
.
Unless we ﬁght for our lives we shall die.
’ ’ When we were alone , when the microphones were off and the crowds had gone home , Kramer was a different person : sweet , thoughtful , reflective , and generous .
“ I am extremely shy , ’ ’ he once told me .
“ People , when they meet me , are always shocked that I ’ m not foaming at the mouth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walked the streets of Greenwich Village with him , men approached Kramer and thanked him for saving their lives .
He was humbled by those encounters and proud of them , too .
Kramer lived in an apartment at 2 Fifth Avenue , as did his nemesis , the New York mayor Ed Koch , who Kramer believed did little to help gay men during his tenure leading the city .
One day , years after Koch left ofﬁce , Kramer ran into the former mayor in the building ’ s lobby .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ’ Kramer told me , and , “ suddenly I looked up and Ed Koch was standing right in front of me .
He was trying to pet my dog Molly and he started to tell me how beautiful she was .
I yanked her away so hard she yelped , and I said , ‘ Molly , you can ’ t talk to him .
That is the man who killed all of Daddy ’ s friends.
’ ” This is the third time I ’ ve written an obituary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liver ravaged by hepatitis B , Kramer underwent a transplant at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center .
He was close to death , and , after a difficult thirteen-hour operation , one news service sent out what seemed like the inevitable headline : “ AIDS ACTIVIST LARRY KRAMER DIES.
’ ’ Kramer laughed when he saw it .
“ That is as good as Dewey beats Truman , ’ ’ he told me at the time .
Nearly a decade ago , he was hospitalized again , for weeks , amid a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impossibly weak and frail .
Friends of his told me to get an obit ready , because they were certain it would be needed soon .
So , finally , Kramer has left us .
I am not sure what I will do without him .
For the past thirty-five years , right up to our final conversation , three weeks ago , he has just been there—screaming , bickering , and , on occasion , even praising me .
We also ended up laughing a lot .
And once in a while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life we both had cherished , we cried together , too .
Today , I am crying alone .
You made an enormous difference in this world , Larry .
I will miss you .

When the microphones were off and the crowds had gone home, Larry Kramer was a different person: sweet, thoughtful, and generous. Photograph by New York Daily News / Getty
For many years, I regarded Larry Kramer as the most annoying and abrasive man in America. There was no No. 2. No one even came close. I will never forget our first encounter, in 1986, when he called me a “Nazi” and a “murderer” while he was testifying before hundreds of people at a public hearing at the headquarters of the Food and Drug Administration.
I had just begun to cover the AIDS epidemic for the Washington Post, and Kramer was speaking before an advisory panel that was considering whether to approve a new treatment for one of the more debilitating AIDS-related infections. Kramer felt that the government, the media, and the public-health establishment had mostly ignored AIDS because, in America at the time, it was regarded solely as a “gay” plague. He was being hyperbolic—his tantrums often were. But he was also sick of the horrors he had witnessed: the tepid and bigoted federal response to a disease that would kill hundreds of thousands of Americans. Although the epidemic had first appeared in 1981, President Ronald Reagan did not publicly utter the word “AIDS” until 1985—at a press conference. Government scientists were treating the virus as yet another interesting phenomenon that required investigation and treatment, but were doing so without much urgency. Kramer had had enough. I was not the only “murderer” in the auditorium that day. He denounced many people, including his foremost enemy at the time, Anthony Fauci, who since 1984 has directed the federal response to AIDS. There were almost no horrible names that Kramer failed to call Fauci: he, too, was a murderer, and also incompetent, evil, and a homophobe.
So it might be surprising to read the e-mail that Fauci sent me on Wednesday morning, upon hearing of Kramer’s death at the age of eighty-four. “This is a very sad day for me and for so many others involved in the HIV/AIDS struggle over so many years who have had the opportunity to know and interact with Larry Kramer. A veritable icon has passed after a life of enormous impact.”
Fauci, whom I profiled last month for The New Yorker, loved Kramer, and so did I. The word “icon” is terribly overused, but even clichés have a purpose. It took me a while to see Kramer’s genius, because he was so outrageously belligerent and confrontational. His default mode of speech was the primal scream. To be honest, he scared me. It took me too long, but, eventually, I learned to look through the anger, resentment, and fear. When I did, I realized that Kramer was right—about almost everything. He could not understand why the F.D.A. was responding so slowly to a disease that was killing so many people he loved. He was convinced that if the virus had emerged first in heterosexuals—as it did in Africa, which has been devastated by the epidemic—there would be no such hesitation. By the time we met, Kramer was a fully armed instrument of rage.
His impact on American society was soon hard to ignore. By the end of the nineteen-eighties, Kramer had launched the two most effective AIDS advocacy organizations in the United States. In January of 1982, Gay Men’s Health Crisis was formed, at a meeting in his Greenwich Village living room. Several years later, infuriated by the inability of conventional activists to have an impact on AIDS drug approvals, Kramer started the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power— better known as ACT UP. The group, which combined aggressive confrontation with brilliant research into the arcana of clinical drug trials, was the most effective political action group I have ever seen. Kramer told me that both organizations were conceived in ﬂashes of pure rage. (A fact that he noted with pride.)
Kramer’s unflinching activism also set American medicine on a course that fundamentally altered the relationship between doctors and their patients. It became inconceivable for federal scientists to consider a drug or treatment protocol without including at least someone who actually had the disease they were investigating. Patients who had been trained to be docile and accepting came to doctors’ appointments with reams of data and genuine demands. This is how Fauci described the phenomenon in “Public Nuisance,” my Profile of Kramer for The New Yorker, in 2002. “In American medicine, there are two eras. Before Larry and after Larry. . . . There is no question in my mind that Larry helped change medicine in this country. And he helped change it for the better. When all the screaming and the histrionics are forgotten, that will remain.”
It is essential to think about what Kramer’s world looked like in 1983, when he wrote a six-thousand-word screed in the New York Native called “1,112 and Counting.” It referred to the number of people who had, at that point, died of AIDS. Today, the number is close to forty million. The piece became one of the most-read articles ever printed in a gay publication. “If this article doesn’t scare the shit out of you, we’re in real trouble,’’ Kramer, began. “If this article doesn’t rouse you to anger, fury, rage and action, gay men have no future on this earth. Our continued existence depends on just how angry you can get. . . . Unless we ﬁght for our lives we shall die.’’
When we were alone, when the microphones were off and the crowds had gone home, Kramer was a different person: sweet, thoughtful, reflective, and generous. “I am extremely shy,’’ he once told me. “People, when they meet me, are always shocked that I’m not foaming at the mouth or shouting obscenities.” Every time I walked the streets of Greenwich Village with him, men approached Kramer and thanked him for saving their lives. He was humbled by those encounters and proud of them, too. Kramer lived in an apartment at 2 Fifth Avenue, as did his nemesis, the New York mayor Ed Koch, who Kramer believed did little to help gay men during his tenure leading the city. One day, years after Koch left ofﬁce, Kramer ran into the former mayor in the building’s lobby. “I was getting my mail,’’ Kramer told me, and, “suddenly I looked up and Ed Koch was standing right in front of me. He was trying to pet my dog Molly and he started to tell me how beautiful she was. I yanked her away so hard she yelped, and I said, ‘Molly, you can’t talk to him. That is the man who killed all of Daddy’s friends.’ ”


newyorker--2020-05-28--Twitter’s Servers Burst Into Flames After Attempting to Fact-Check All of Trump’s Tweets

SAN FRANCISCO ( The Borowitz Report ) —Servers belonging to the social-media platform Twitter burst into flames on Thursday , @ @ @ @ @ fact-check all of Donald Trump ’ s tweets .
“ We knew that fact-checking Trump @ @ @ @ @ to put a strain on our system , ” Jack Dorsey , the C.E.O .
@ @ @ @ @ “ We had no idea that it would result in columns of fire shooting forty @ @ @ @ @ Reportedly , an explosion in the server fact-checking Trump ’ s tweets about Joe Scarborough @ @ @ @ @ spread to a server furiously vetting his tweets about Barack Obama .
Fire trucks rushed @ @ @ @ @ the inferno , which San Francisco officials called the largest fact-checking-related fire incident in the @ @ @ @ @ While no one was injured in the conflagration , Dorsey quietly shelved plans to fact-check @ @ @ @ @ Jr. , ’ s tweets .

SAN FRANCISCO (The Borowitz Report)—Servers belonging to the social-media platform Twitter burst into flames on Thursday, after the company attempted to fact-check all of Donald Trump’s tweets.
“We knew that fact-checking Trump’s tweets was going to put a strain on our system,” Jack Dorsey, the C.E.O. of Twitter, said. “We had no idea that it would result in columns of fire shooting forty feet into the air.”
Reportedly, an explosion in the server fact-checking Trump’s tweets about Joe Scarborough ignited a blaze that quickly spread to a server furiously vetting his tweets about Barack Obama.
Fire trucks rushed to Twitter headquarters to extinguish the inferno, which San Francisco officials called the largest fact-checking-related fire incident in the city’s history.
While no one was injured in the conflagration, Dorsey quietly shelved plans to fact-check all of Donald Trump, Jr.,’s tweets.


newyorker--2020-05-27--The Multiple Unfolding Crises for African-Americans in Minneapolis

A Minneapolis police officer knelt on the neck of an African-American man named George Floyd for several minutes on Monday , as Floyd begged the officer to stop , said , “ I can ’ t breathe , ” and eventually lost consciousness .
Floyd , who was forty-six , was pronounced dead at a hospital that evening .
After video footage of Floyd ’ s asphyxiation , which was taken by bystanders , circulated online , the mayor of Minneapolis , Jacob Frey , announced on Tuesday that the four officers who had been at the scene had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call , ” Frey said on Twitter .
“ Being Black in America should not be a death sentence.
” The police had responded to a call that Floyd had used a forged check at a nearby deli and , in their first statement about the incident , noted only that he appeared to be “ suffering medical distress.
” On Tuesday , the F.B.I .
joined Minnesota ’ s criminal investigation of the incident , as Floyd ’ s family called for the four officers to be charged with murder .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests in the streets of Minneapolis , which were followed that evening by clashes between riot police and protesters outside a precinct station .
Protesters chanted “ I can ’ t breathe , ” which became a Black Lives Matter slogan after the death of Eric Garner , in New York , in 2014 .
The Minneapolis area has been the site of several contested police shootings and Black Lives Matter protests—most notably , after Philando Castile was pulled over and fatally shot by police in a suburb of Saint Paul , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was fired from the police department but acquitted of manslaughter .
On Wednesday , I spoke by phone with Leslie Redmond , who , at twenty-eight , is an attorney and the president of the Minneapolis chapter of the N.A.A.C.P .
During our conversation , which has been edited for length and clarity , we talked about racial inequities in Minneapolis , how activists are thinking about protests in the midst of a pandemic , and what steps she wants authorities to take regarding Floyd ’ s death .
What have the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ area ?
It has been crazy .
People on the ground are very upset and sad and disheartened , and rightfully so .
I think about our young people , and how hard they are taking this .
If people put it into perspective , for young people , they have grown up their entire lives watching black bodies murdered on social media , in real time , with no grief counsellors , with no therapy , with no one to help them make sense of it .
And , to be honest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if we could make sense of it if we wanted to , because we are all just outraged and trying to figure it out .
What I have also seen , though , is black leaders coming together , and I am super thankful for Medaria Arradondo , who is the first African-American police chief we have ever had in Minneapolis .
The way that he stepped up and brought us together during this time is just so honorable , and I know we wouldn ’ t be having the progress we are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police chief .
And I think about five years ago—in the fall before Philando Castile , there was Jamar Clark , who was killed by police officers in Minneapolis .
We had a completely different police chief , a woman named Janeé Harteau , and it was horrible .
It was a completely different response .
You didn ’ t see any action or accountability .
[ The Minneapolis Police Department conducted an internal investigation of Clark ’ s shooting and determined that the officers had not violated its use-of-force policy . ]
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ right thing and fire all four of those officers , and for the mayor to support him , was a major step in the right direction .
It doesn ’ t take away from the pain and hurt people are feeling on the ground , but it moves us in the right direction of getting some justice for Mr. Floyd .
What is your level of trust in the mayor on these issues ?
I am thankful for Mayor Frey .
I think he has been showing good leadership .
But it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specific situation and this moment .
It is about what follows it .
Minnesota has some of the worst racial disparities in the nation .
I tell people that even before COVID-19 we were in a state of emergency , and then that put us into a state of emergency times two .
And now imagine having to deal with a black man being murdered by the government , by police officers , during this global pandemic .
And so the burden has just been added to African-American communities , but the resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There has been no big lump sum that was poured into the community for us to pour into ourselves .
And so that ’ s what I mean about it not just being about this moment—it ’ s about the moment that will follow , and the resources and communication that will follow this moment .
There were some demonstrations last night , but how do you think about organizing and marching and protests when there is a pandemic going on ?
Protests are essential , and they have always been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a tactic .
But we are protesting to build power , and that is what people have to understand .
A lot of people don ’ t really understand what goes on before and after .
Black leadership was in communication with Chief Arradondo and in physical meetings with Chief Arradondo since 10 A.M. that morning .
The protests didn ’ t start until 5 P.M. And so there was a lot of work being done before and after .
At the protests , for people who were on the ground originally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intent to push people back .
And not only did most of the people in the crowd have masks on , but there were community organizations passing out masks , as they were already doing because of COVID-19 .
People asked why I didn ’ t have one on .
Because of the tear gas , a lot of us had to remove our masks , but it wasn ’ t people blatantly trying to not social-distance and protect themselves .
Protesting feels generally like a much harder thing to do , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s very complicated , and the reality of the situation is that we shouldn ’ t be in it .
That is the biggest issue here .
Had even one of these officers stepped up to say , “ Hey , this man is in handcuffs already .
He is down on the ground .
He doesn ’ t need officers on his neck and back for over three minutes , with bystanders pleading , and telling you he is bleeding and that he can ’ t breathe.
” And , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biggest things is that this is not just a civil-rights issue—this is a human-rights issue , and the fact is that black people ’ s humanity is being denied constantly .
And I worry about the humanity of individuals , and not just the police , because we know a lot of black people are dying at the hands of non-police officers .
But specifically police officers—how can they turn off their humanity and kill black people in cold blood for what a lot of the time seems like nothing ?
It reminds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lynching in America .
And now we are just being lynched without the ropes .

A Minneapolis police officer knelt on the neck of an African-American man named George Floyd for several minutes on Monday, as Floyd begged the officer to stop, said, “I can’t breathe,” and eventually lost consciousness. Floyd, who was forty-six, was pronounced dead at a hospital that evening. After video footage of Floyd’s asphyxiation, which was taken by bystanders, circulated online, the mayor of Minneapolis, Jacob Frey, announced on Tuesday that the four officers who had been at the scene had been fired. “This is the right call,” Frey said on Twitter. “Being Black in America should not be a death sentence.” The police had responded to a call that Floyd had used a forged check at a nearby deli and, in their first statement about the incident, noted only that he appeared to be “suffering medical distress.”
On Tuesday, the F.B.I. joined Minnesota’s criminal investigation of the incident, as Floyd’s family called for the four officers to be charged with murder. That afternoon, thousands of people gathered for protests in the streets of Minneapolis, which were followed that evening by clashes between riot police and protesters outside a precinct station. Protesters chanted “I can’t breathe,” which became a Black Lives Matter slogan after the death of Eric Garner, in New York, in 2014. The Minneapolis area has been the site of several contested police shootings and Black Lives Matter protests—most notably, after Philando Castile was pulled over and fatally shot by police in a suburb of Saint Paul, in 2016. The officer who killed Castile was fired from the police department but acquitted of manslaughter.
On Wednesday, I spoke by phone with Leslie Redmond, who, at twenty-eight, is an attorney and the president of the Minneapolis chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we talked about racial inequities in Minneapolis, how activists are thinking about protests in the midst of a pandemic, and what steps she wants authorities to take regarding Floyd’s death.
What have the past couple days been like in the Minneapolis area?
It has been crazy. People on the ground are very upset and sad and disheartened, and rightfully so. I think about our young people, and how hard they are taking this. If people put it into perspective, for young people, they have grown up their entire lives watching black bodies murdered on social media, in real time, with no grief counsellors, with no therapy, with no one to help them make sense of it. And, to be honest, I don’t even know if we could make sense of it if we wanted to, because we are all just outraged and trying to figure it out.
What I have also seen, though, is black leaders coming together, and I am super thankful for Medaria Arradondo, who is the first African-American police chief we have ever had in Minneapolis. The way that he stepped up and brought us together during this time is just so honorable, and I know we wouldn’t be having the progress we are having if he wasn’t the police chief. And I think about five years ago—in the fall before Philando Castile, there was Jamar Clark, who was killed by police officers in Minneapolis. We had a completely different police chief, a woman named Janeé Harteau, and it was horrible. It was a completely different response. You didn’t see any action or accountability. [The Minneapolis Police Department conducted an internal investigation of Clark’s shooting and determined that the officers had not violated its use-of-force policy.] So for Chief Arradondo to do the right thing and fire all four of those officers, and for the mayor to support him, was a major step in the right direction. It doesn’t take away from the pain and hurt people are feeling on the ground, but it moves us in the right direction of getting some justice for Mr. Floyd.
What is your level of trust in the mayor on these issues?
I am thankful for Mayor Frey. I think he has been showing good leadership. But it is not just about what happens in this specific situation and this moment. It is about what follows it. Minnesota has some of the worst racial disparities in the nation. I tell people that even before COVID-19 we were in a state of emergency, and then that put us into a state of emergency times two. And now imagine having to deal with a black man being murdered by the government, by police officers, during this global pandemic. And so the burden has just been added to African-American communities, but the resources and the support have not been added. There has been no big lump sum that was poured into the community for us to pour into ourselves. And so that’s what I mean about it not just being about this moment—it’s about the moment that will follow, and the resources and communication that will follow this moment.
There were some demonstrations last night, but how do you think about organizing and marching and protests when there is a pandemic going on?
Protests are essential, and they have always been a part of the strategy. They are a tactic. But we are protesting to build power, and that is what people have to understand. A lot of people don’t really understand what goes on before and after. Black leadership was in communication with Chief Arradondo and in physical meetings with Chief Arradondo since 10 A.M. that morning. The protests didn’t start until 5 P.M. And so there was a lot of work being done before and after.
At the protests, for people who were on the ground originally, there was a really good effort and intent to push people back. And not only did most of the people in the crowd have masks on, but there were community organizations passing out masks, as they were already doing because of COVID-19. People asked why I didn’t have one on. Because of the tear gas, a lot of us had to remove our masks, but it wasn’t people blatantly trying to not social-distance and protect themselves.
Protesting feels generally like a much harder thing to do, with so many additional complications now.
It’s very complicated, and the reality of the situation is that we shouldn’t be in it. That is the biggest issue here. Had even one of these officers stepped up to say, “Hey, this man is in handcuffs already. He is down on the ground. He doesn’t need officers on his neck and back for over three minutes, with bystanders pleading, and telling you he is bleeding and that he can’t breathe.”
And, you know, Isaac, one of my biggest things is that this is not just a civil-rights issue—this is a human-rights issue, and the fact is that black people’s humanity is being denied constantly. And I worry about the humanity of individuals, and not just the police, because we know a lot of black people are dying at the hands of non-police officers. But specifically police officers—how can they turn off their humanity and kill black people in cold blood for what a lot of the time seems like nothing? It reminds you of much of the history of lynching in America. And now we are just being lynched without the ropes.
What are some of the racial disparities in Minneapolis and in Minnesota that concern you?
Different reports come out frequently, and almost every year Minnesota is on the list for having some of the worst disparities in the nation. That is the case with education—so, specifically, when we talk about truancy and blacks being disproportionately impacted by discipline. And when it comes to the housing market, and when it comes to jobs, and who is getting arrested and stopped.


newyorker--2020-05-29--Should Joe Biden Pick Elizabeth Warren as His Running Mate?

The term “ veepstakes ” should be banished from the English language .
Even in normal times , it was a dumb portmanteau—a combination of Washington , D.C. , ’ s fondness for insider shorthand ( Veep , POTUS , SCOTUS , etc . )
and Publishers Clearing House ’ s exuberant giveaway language .
At a moment when a pandemic has killed a hundred thousand Americans and thrown another forty million into unemployment , when the residents of a major American city are rising up to decry yet another black man killed by police , when an American President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , and when lawmakers at all levels are unable to meet the demands in front of them—at a time like this , the term betrays our tendency to obsess over the jostling for power , rather than the consequences of its use .
Still , Joe Biden ’ s pick for a running mate matters .
It matters as the first of many hiring decisions that could shape the use of power in his potential Administration .
It matters as the selection of his principal surrogate in the campaign season to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the choice may turn some voters on and others off .
Biden is in a position where every decision he makes for the foreseeable future will be analyzed as either turning toward the left or the center , and his choice of running mate is one of the more visible decisions he will make before Election Day .
Biden ’ s decision is made more important by the fact that he has already signalled his intention to serve only a single term if elected .
During the primary season , he also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running mate .
“ The ramifications of Mr. Biden ’ s choice will be profound , ” the Times reported earlier this month .
“ Even if he loses in November , his decision will all but anoint a woman as the party ’ s next front-runner , and potentially shape its agenda for the next decade.
” In recent weeks , even as the coronavirus crisis has reduced his campaigning to live streams from the basement of his Delaware home , Biden has held very public tryouts of a number of potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amy Klobuchar , the former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams , the California senator Kamala Harris , the Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren , and the governor of Michigan , Gretchen Whitmer .
( That ’ s not an exhaustive list . )
Much of the public debate around these potential picks has echoed the electability arguments that plagued the women candidates in last year ’ s primary process .
Then , the question was whether any woman could win the Presidency .
Now the debate is whether the Presidency can be won without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that one .
The Times , in its report earlier this month , made mention of the fact that Stan Greenberg , a longtime Democratic pollster , was urging the Biden campaign to pick Warren , the progressive who at one point last year looked poised to run away with the nomination , only to watch her support crumble in the lead-up to the early-voting states .
On Thursday , Politico published fuller details of Greenberg ’ s argument .
It ’ s worth reading , to get a sense of what the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these pitches are being made .
Greenberg ’ s argument makes the case that many on the left have been making since Biden ’ s strong showing on Super Tuesday spelled the end of Bernie Sanders ’ s campaign : that he ’ ll need to consolidate support on the left to win in November—an argument that , as Politico notes , has been bolstered by some recent polling showing that Warren would help Biden with young voters , as well as with black and Hispanic voters .
“ Earlier this month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials on two battleground surveys conducted by his firm , ” Politico reported .
“ Greenberg addressed the question hanging over Biden and his inner circle : Which vice presidential candidate will help the most in November ?
The conclusion was blunt : ‘ Sen .
Warren is the obvious solution .
’ ”

The term “veepstakes” should be banished from the English language. Even in normal times, it was a dumb portmanteau—a combination of Washington, D.C.,’s fondness for insider shorthand (Veep, POTUS, SCOTUS, etc.) and Publishers Clearing House’s exuberant giveaway language. At a moment when a pandemic has killed a hundred thousand Americans and thrown another forty million into unemployment, when the residents of a major American city are rising up to decry yet another black man killed by police, when an American President is attacking efforts to safeguard an upcoming election, and when lawmakers at all levels are unable to meet the demands in front of them—at a time like this, the term betrays our tendency to obsess over the jostling for power, rather than the consequences of its use.
Still, Joe Biden’s pick for a running mate matters. It matters as the first of many hiring decisions that could shape the use of power in his potential Administration. It matters as the selection of his principal surrogate in the campaign season to come. And it matters tactically, in that the choice may turn some voters on and others off. Biden is in a position where every decision he makes for the foreseeable future will be analyzed as either turning toward the left or the center, and his choice of running mate is one of the more visible decisions he will make before Election Day. Biden’s decision is made more important by the fact that he has already signalled his intention to serve only a single term if elected. During the primary season, he also promised to select a woman as his running mate. “The ramifications of Mr. Biden’s choice will be profound,” the Times reported earlier this month. “Even if he loses in November, his decision will all but anoint a woman as the party’s next front-runner, and potentially shape its agenda for the next decade.”
In recent weeks, even as the coronavirus crisis has reduced his campaigning to live streams from the basement of his Delaware home, Biden has held very public tryouts of a number of potential running mates, including the Minnesota senator Amy Klobuchar, the former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, the California senator Kamala Harris, the Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren, and the governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer. (That’s not an exhaustive list.) Much of the public debate around these potential picks has echoed the electability arguments that plagued the women candidates in last year’s primary process. Then, the question was whether any woman could win the Presidency. Now the debate is whether the Presidency can be won without the aid of this particular woman or that one.
The Times, in its report earlier this month, made mention of the fact that Stan Greenberg, a longtime Democratic pollster, was urging the Biden campaign to pick Warren, the progressive who at one point last year looked poised to run away with the nomination, only to watch her support crumble in the lead-up to the early-voting states. On Thursday, Politico published fuller details of Greenberg’s argument. It’s worth reading, to get a sense of what the Biden campaign is hearing, and how these pitches are being made. Greenberg’s argument makes the case that many on the left have been making since Biden’s strong showing on Super Tuesday spelled the end of Bernie Sanders’s campaign: that he’ll need to consolidate support on the left to win in November—an argument that, as Politico notes, has been bolstered by some recent polling showing that Warren would help Biden with young voters, as well as with black and Hispanic voters. “Earlier this month, [Greenberg] briefed top Biden campaign officials on two battleground surveys conducted by his firm,” Politico reported. “Greenberg addressed the question hanging over Biden and his inner circle: Which vice presidential candidate will help the most in November? The conclusion was blunt: ‘Sen. Warren is the obvious solution.’ ”


newyorker--2020-05-29--The Pre-Apocalyptic Novels We All Need Right Now

“ The Road ” : An unnamed man and his son try to drive into the city .
Because there are still jobs to go to and restaurants to eat at and museums to tour , traffic slows to a crawl .
This book grapples with the deepest question we ’ re willing to contemplate right now : Will they make it to their in-person piano lesson on time ?
“ On the Beach ” : This delightful romp , set on an Australian beach , is ambitious in scope .
We follow the experiences of many tourists and locals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their beach towels , ask people they don ’ t live with to apply sunscreen to their backs , and talk without their voices being muffled by face masks .
“ Parable of the Sower ” : The young protagonist of this dazzling novel has the power of hyperempathy .
The story follows her as she gives people hug after hug after hug .
“ One Second After ” : The electricity goes out but comes back one second after the blackout .
Tension builds as characters grapple with resetting the clocks on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the effort , they order Thai takeout , which they eat straight from the original containers .
“ The Walking Dead ” : This graphic novel follows a group of aging Grateful Dead fans who ’ ve become avid mall walkers .
Critics are raving about the vivid depictions of food-court free samples , including skewers of Kung Pao chicken , tiny cups of green smoothie , and glistening strips of Hunan beef .
“ The Stand ” : A band of neighborhood kids come together to open a lemonade stand in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climax , Franny suspects that the lemonade is too tart .
She asks Stuart to taste it , and , without even a moment of pause , he sips straight from her glass .
“ The Children of Men ” : The members of a political group in England decide to try a new restaurant called Five Fishes .
One of them orders ceviche .
None of them notices that their waiter has seasonal allergies .
“ The MaddAddam Trilogy ” : In this series , our teen protagonist loudly plays a video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yells at him to go outside , which he does .
A unique point-of-view shift takes us inside the mind of his mother as she pours herself a 4 P.M. glass of wine and enjoys the blissfully empty house .
“ Station Eleven ” : An acting troupe travels the country , performing to packed houses .
Crowds sit shoulder to shoulder ; the elderly breathe freely ; audience members are merely annoyed by the woman repeatedly clearing her throat in the front row .
A couple that does not live together holds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of anarchists and their collective noise fills the cavernous space in a raucous cacophony of togetherness .
“ The Postman ” : The grizzled but quirky hero of this novel is an Oregon post-office employee who does not fear for his personal safety or job security .
In the outlandish but deeply comforting world of this novel , the President hasn ’ t threatened one of the few government agencies that is explicitly authorized by the Constitution .
“ I Am Legend ” : A lightly fictionalized account of the childhood of Dr. @ @ @

“The Road”: An unnamed man and his son try to drive into the city. Because there are still jobs to go to and restaurants to eat at and museums to tour, traffic slows to a crawl. This book grapples with the deepest question we’re willing to contemplate right now: Will they make it to their in-person piano lesson on time?
“On the Beach”: This delightful romp, set on an Australian beach, is ambitious in scope. We follow the experiences of many tourists and locals as they decide where to set up their beach towels, ask people they don’t live with to apply sunscreen to their backs, and talk without their voices being muffled by face masks.
“Parable of the Sower”: The young protagonist of this dazzling novel has the power of hyperempathy. The story follows her as she gives people hug after hug after hug.
“One Second After”: The electricity goes out but comes back one second after the blackout. Tension builds as characters grapple with resetting the clocks on their microwaves and ovens. Exhausted from the effort, they order Thai takeout, which they eat straight from the original containers.
“The Walking Dead”: This graphic novel follows a group of aging Grateful Dead fans who’ve become avid mall walkers. Critics are raving about the vivid depictions of food-court free samples, including skewers of Kung Pao chicken, tiny cups of green smoothie, and glistening strips of Hunan beef.
“The Stand”: A band of neighborhood kids come together to open a lemonade stand in this sweeping summertime epic. At its thrilling climax, Franny suspects that the lemonade is too tart. She asks Stuart to taste it, and, without even a moment of pause, he sips straight from her glass.
“The Children of Men”: The members of a political group in England decide to try a new restaurant called Five Fishes. One of them orders ceviche. None of them notices that their waiter has seasonal allergies.
“The MaddAddam Trilogy”: In this series, our teen protagonist loudly plays a video game in his basement. His mother yells at him to go outside, which he does. A unique point-of-view shift takes us inside the mind of his mother as she pours herself a 4 P.M. glass of wine and enjoys the blissfully empty house.
“Station Eleven”: An acting troupe travels the country, performing to packed houses. Crowds sit shoulder to shoulder; the elderly breathe freely; audience members are merely annoyed by the woman repeatedly clearing her throat in the front row. A couple that does not live together holds hands. People laugh the open-mouthed laughs of anarchists and their collective noise fills the cavernous space in a raucous cacophony of togetherness.
“The Postman”: The grizzled but quirky hero of this novel is an Oregon post-office employee who does not fear for his personal safety or job security. In the outlandish but deeply comforting world of this novel, the President hasn’t threatened one of the few government agencies that is explicitly authorized by the Constitution.
“I Am Legend”: A lightly fictionalized account of the childhood of Dr. Anthony Fauci.


newyorker--2020-05-29--A Diner Turned Drive-In in Queens

A Diner Turned Drive-In in Queens

The charmingly chintzy , seafoam-green , neo-Art Deco Bel Aire Diner , which was built in Astoria , Queens , in 1965 , has been open all twenty-four hours of every single day since it was purchased , in 1996 , by a Greek-American couple named Archie and Patty Dellaportas .
In mid-March , when New York City ’ s restaurants were ordered to halt dine-in service , the Bel Aire did not skip a beat in offering takeout , which had long accounted for a sizable portion of its business .
“ We delivered when only pizza was delivered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Archie and Patty ’ s oldest son , who currently runs the place with his brother Peter , told me by phone the other day .
“ We were one of the first restaurants in Queens to sign up with Seamless.
” Still , in the first few weeks of the pandemic , the diner ’ s over-all sales dropped by seventy per cent .
Increased takeout orders helped them stay above water , Kal told me , but barely ; the Bel Aire has a hundred and eighty seats .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ How can we bring people in without actually bringing people in ?
” which led to a light-bulb moment .
The diner sits on the edge of a shopping plaza with an ample parking lot .
What if , the manager suggested , they turned the lot into a drive-in movie theatre and delivered food to customers in their cars ?
And so it came to pass that I sat in my station wagon , one recent evening , dipping steak-cut French fries into ketchup squirted out of packets onto the plastic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A girl of about eight , her corkscrew curls pulled into a high ponytail , popped out of a nearby sunroof to dance to Top Forty hits that were blaring from the drive-in ’ s speakers as we waited for the sun to go down .
When the sky darkened , I fixed my gaze on a large inflatable movie screen positioned next to a dumpster , onto which directions were projected : tune your car radio to 107.9 FM , keep smoking to a minimum , wear a mask if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The food I ordered on the Bel Aire ’ s Web site after I parked had arrived in a plastic bag via a gloved and masked server , who swung it through my sunroof .
( Kal considered putting waitstaff in roller skates but decided it was too complicated ; he ’ s looking into trays that hook onto open car windows , like the ones at the Brownstone Pancake Factory , in Englewood Cliffs , New Jersey , which is currently offering carhop service . )
Inside the bag were hefty house-made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of cheese to crunchy breading and a pair of “ Pulp Fiction ” cheeseburger sliders , with iceberg lettuce , tomato , and raw white onion on the side .
The prices on the drive-in menu—which also includes a “ Scarface ” Cuban and “ The Breakfast Club ” ( an egg , cheese , bacon , ham , and sausage sandwich ) —are higher than usual , so that some of the proceeds can go to people in need ; the diner recently donated breakfast to the residents of a nursing home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must be reserved online in advance , are thirty-two dollars per vehicle , with a required minimum of two people .
The movies have skewed family-friendly and crowd-pleasing : “ Grease , ” “ Dirty Dancing , ” “ The Princess Bride.
” Count the renaissance of the drive-in among the pandemic ’ s paltry silver linings .
Last weekend , the Bel Aire held a “ Not So Boozy Brunch : Car Hop Edition ” ( serving alcohol to people in cars is forbidden in New York ) , with stuffed French @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is looking into hosting graduations and has received inquiries from an opera company , a duelling-piano act , and a platinum-selling artist he declined to name on the record .
In recent weeks , couples have planned weddings at drive-in theatres in Oklahoma , Utah , and Texas .
In the Bronx , the hospitality group that puts on the Bronx Night Market is organizing a “ drive-in festival ” for later in the summer , featuring film screenings , food , and other entertainment , in parking lots near Yankee Stadium .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the competition , he laughed .
“ If it wasn ’ t us , someone else was gon na do it first , ” he said .
( Dishes $ 9- $ 27 . )
♦

The charmingly chintzy, seafoam-green, neo-Art Deco Bel Aire Diner, which was built in Astoria, Queens, in 1965, has been open all twenty-four hours of every single day since it was purchased, in 1996, by a Greek-American couple named Archie and Patty Dellaportas. In mid-March, when New York City’s restaurants were ordered to halt dine-in service, the Bel Aire did not skip a beat in offering takeout, which had long accounted for a sizable portion of its business. “We delivered when only pizza was delivered,” Kalergis (Kal) Dellaportas, Archie and Patty’s oldest son, who currently runs the place with his brother Peter, told me by phone the other day. “We were one of the first restaurants in Queens to sign up with Seamless.”
Screenings go on every evening as the weather allows. Tickets, which are thirty-two dollars per car, must be reserved ahead of time online. Photograph by Jerome Strauss for The New Yorker
Still, in the first few weeks of the pandemic, the diner’s over-all sales dropped by seventy per cent. Increased takeout orders helped them stay above water, Kal told me, but barely; the Bel Aire has a hundred and eighty seats. One day, he asked his manager, “How can we bring people in without actually bringing people in?” which led to a light-bulb moment. The diner sits on the edge of a shopping plaza with an ample parking lot. What if, the manager suggested, they turned the lot into a drive-in movie theatre and delivered food to customers in their cars?
The movies so far have been mostly family-friendly crowd-pleasers, including “Grease” and “The Rocky Horror Picture Show.” Photograph by Jerome Strauss for The New Yorker
And so it came to pass that I sat in my station wagon, one recent evening, dipping steak-cut French fries into ketchup squirted out of packets onto the plastic lid of a precariously balanced to-go container. A girl of about eight, her corkscrew curls pulled into a high ponytail, popped out of a nearby sunroof to dance to Top Forty hits that were blaring from the drive-in’s speakers as we waited for the sun to go down. When the sky darkened, I fixed my gaze on a large inflatable movie screen positioned next to a dumpster, onto which directions were projected: tune your car radio to 107.9 FM, keep smoking to a minimum, wear a mask if you need to use the rest room.
The drive-in menu includes burgers and sandwiches with movie-themed names (such as the “Scarface” Cuban), buttered popcorn in paper sacks, and house-made cheesecake. Photograph by Jerome Strauss for The New Yorker
The food I ordered on the Bel Aire’s Web site after I parked had arrived in a plastic bag via a gloved and masked server, who swung it through my sunroof. (Kal considered putting waitstaff in roller skates but decided it was too complicated; he’s looking into trays that hook onto open car windows, like the ones at the Brownstone Pancake Factory, in Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, which is currently offering carhop service.) Inside the bag were hefty house-made mozzarella sticks with an unusually high ratio of cheese to crunchy breading and a pair of “Pulp Fiction” cheeseburger sliders, with iceberg lettuce, tomato, and raw white onion on the side.
The prices on the drive-in menu—which also includes a “Scarface” Cuban and “The Breakfast Club” (an egg, cheese, bacon, ham, and sausage sandwich)—are higher than usual, so that some of the proceeds can go to people in need; the diner recently donated breakfast to the residents of a nursing home across the street. Tickets, which must be reserved online in advance, are thirty-two dollars per vehicle, with a required minimum of two people. The movies have skewed family-friendly and crowd-pleasing: “Grease,” “Dirty Dancing,” “The Princess Bride.”
The Bel Aire, which was built in 1965, has been open all twenty-four hours of every day since the Dellaportas family bought it, in 1996. Photograph by Jerome Strauss for The New Yorker
Count the renaissance of the drive-in among the pandemic’s paltry silver linings. Last weekend, the Bel Aire held a “Not So Boozy Brunch: Car Hop Edition” (serving alcohol to people in cars is forbidden in New York), with stuffed French toast and a live d.j. Kal is looking into hosting graduations and has received inquiries from an opera company, a duelling-piano act, and a platinum-selling artist he declined to name on the record. In recent weeks, couples have planned weddings at drive-in theatres in Oklahoma, Utah, and Texas. In the Bronx, the hospitality group that puts on the Bronx Night Market is organizing a “drive-in festival” for later in the summer, featuring film screenings, food, and other entertainment, in parking lots near Yankee Stadium. When I asked Kal what he thought of the competition, he laughed. “If it wasn’t us, someone else was gonna do it first,” he said. (Dishes $9-$27.) ♦
A Guide to the Coronavirus


newyorker--2020-05-29--The Homebound Project’s Original Plays, Performed in Isolation

The theatre initiative the Homebound Project has been live-streaming batches of original short plays , written and shot in isolation @ @ @ @ @ during the pandemic .
The next edition , available June 3-7 , includes the actors @ @ @ @ @ , and Ashley Park and the playwrights Bess Wohl , John Guare , and Michael @ @ @ @ @ of this year ’ s Pulitzer Prize for drama .
The “ Hamilton ” star @ @ @ @ @ will appear in a work by Clare Barron .
Watch at homeboundtheater.org .

The theatre initiative the Homebound Project has been live-streaming batches of original short plays, written and shot in isolation, to benefit food-deprived children during the pandemic. The next edition, available June 3-7, includes the actors Diane Lane, Blair Underwood, and Ashley Park and the playwrights Bess Wohl, John Guare, and Michael R. Jackson, the winner of this year’s Pulitzer Prize for drama. The “Hamilton” star Phillipa Soo, above, will appear in a work by Clare Barron. Watch at homeboundtheater.org.


newyorker--2020-05-29--“Shirley” and “The Vast of Night,” Reviewed

The title of Josephine Decker ’ s new film , “ Shirley , ” refers neither to the novel of that name by Charlotte Brontë nor , in a slightly different vein , to Shirley Temple , whose dimple-powered career now seems beyond belief , but to the author Shirley Jackson .
She is indelibly linked to The New Yorker , where her most affronting tale , “ The Lottery , ” was first published , in 1948 , causing thousands of readers to drop the butter knife .
She wrote reams of other stories , plus half a dozen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 1951 ) and “ The Haunting of Hill House ” ( 1959 ) .
Her dark star has continued to ascend , summoning an invaluable biography by Ruth Franklin , “ A Rather Haunted Life , ” and a more presumptuous offering , “ Shirley , ” by Susan Scarf Merrell , who uses scraps of Jackson ’ s experience , not least her abrasive marriage to the literary critic Stanley Hyman , to beget a work of fiction .
And that is the book that Decker has chosen to bring to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why .
Jackson is played by Elisabeth Moss , who , having reigned over “ The Handmaid ’ s Tale , ” on TV , is now the first choice of casting directors when toil and trouble loom .
To “ Shirley ” she lends both heft and bite , as well as a pair of thick spectacles and a thrumming—and draining—unhappiness that rarely lets up .
Most of the movie is set in Bennington , Vermont , where Shirley is starting to labor on “ Hangsaman ” and where Stanley ( Michael @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college .
There , if rumor be true , he sports with his charges .
He has a dense beard , a wicked smile , and , when we first see him , a festive garland of ivy wreathing his brow .
Were the camera to pan down , we would , no doubt , observe his cloven hooves .
The plot , devised by Merrell in her novel , turns on the introduction into the Hyman household of another couple : Fred Nemser ( Logan Lerman ) , a youthful professor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his new bride , who is great with child .
“ Well , I hope it ’ s yours , ” Shirley remarks to Fred , at the dinner table , unsheathing her claws without ado .
Rose is initially , and understandably , dismayed by such an approach ; as the months crawl by , however , the two women draw close .
“ I ’ m a witch , didn ’ t anyone tell you ?
” Shirley says , and Rose soon warms to the role of sorcerer ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fecklessness of their menfolk , and to chip away at social norms .
At a party , hosted by the wife of the dean , Shirley pours red wine on a silken couch and watches—or imagines—her protégée quietly dropping sandwiches on the rug .
Just one question : Where are the kids ?
In reality , the Hymans had four children , three by the time that “ Hangsaman ” was published .
If they are airbrushed out of “ Shirley ” ( even as the fictional Nemsers are conjured into existence ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sorely inconvenience the mood for which Decker strives .
Jackson , according to her biographer , “ loved rooms that were filled with books and cats and color and sunlight , ” but only the books make it into the film , plus one cat—black , of course , to suit the witching hour .
Lines are delivered either snappishly or with listless pauses .
“ They talk .
About me .
In town , ” Shirley says .
At one point , Rose finds her sprawled on the floor , with her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down .
Thunder crashes outside .
The camera lurches sideways , like a drunk .
Help !
No one can question Decker ’ s creative right to take such liberties with the truth .
Movies live and thrive on irresponsibility .
How strange it feels , though , when so little seems to be liberated in the process .
Jackson ’ s book of essays on her domestic exploits , “ Life Among the Savages ” ( 1953 ) , rich in the comedy of parental mishaps , is a fascinating complement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tales of the stifling and the macabre .
“ Shirley , ” by contrast , coats her in gothic excess as if glazing a ham , and of her humor scarcely a shred remains .
As a sworn devotee of “ Airplane !
, ” I found myself praying that once—just once—she would utter the words “ And don ’ t call me Shirley , ” thus rending the veil of gloom from top to bottom .
Sadly , it was not to be .
There is no such town as Cayuga , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The Vast of Night , ” we feel we know it well .
We know that its population is less than five hundred ; that its radio station is WOTW , staffed by a young fellow named Everett Sloan ( Jake Horowitz ) ; and that Fay Crocker ( Sierra McCormick ) , who has a part-time job on the switchboard at the telephone exchange , is sixteen years old , with a cousin named Ethel and a brand-new tape recorder .
Everybody in Cayuga seems to know everyone else , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes place , most of the everyones are at the high school , supporting their basketball team , the Statesmen , at a big game .
So the town feels kind of deserted , as if it were waiting for something .
Fay is a science nut in bat-wing spectacles .
( Everett , naturally , prefers the Buddy Holly look .
In the eyewear stakes , Shirley Jackson has some serious competition . )
The era , I ’ d guess , is the late nineteen-fifties , after Sputnik , and talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fay reads magazines like Modern Mechanics , and thrills to the futures that they promise .
By the year 2000 , she tells Everett , you ’ ll have “ a miniature television screen , and you can keep it in your pocket , so you can call your friend in Rome , or New York.
” The only downside being that “ if you call your friend , and he doesn ’ t answer , then you know they ’ re dead.
” All of which means that Fay is ready and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the switchboard .
Not a regular voice—more of a chewy , stuttering sound .
Unfriendly , too .
Somebody mentioned a squirrel that bit through the wires up at the school , so maybe it ’ s the same critter .
Maybe it ’ s not .
The movie is directed by Andrew Patterson , though I ’ m damned if I can spot him in the credits , either at the beginning or at the end .
Still , they do list Nehemiah Knox as “ Assisant Editor , ” without the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ courtesy to thank Donut Hut and Carla ’ s Wacky Shack Salon in Whitney , Texas , where the bulk of the action was filmed .
The whole enterprise probably cost less than one per cent of the budget of , say , “ Star Trek Beyond ” ( 2016 ) , and Patterson has revealed that , for some of the travelling shots , the camera was mounted on a go-kart , run by a Whitney kid of eighteen .
But here ’ s the thing : all memory of “ Star @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from my hippocampus , whereas “ The Vast of Night ” is the most absorbing piece of small-scale science fiction—the best since “ Monsters ” ( 2010 ) , for sure—into which it ’ s been my privilege to be sucked .
As Everett says , “ If there ’ s something in the sky , I wan na know.
” Same here .
There are flickers of in-jokes .
The hero ’ s name is a nod to the actor Everett Sloane , familiar from “ The Big Knife ” ( 1955 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Me ” ( 1956 ) .
And “ The Vast of Night ” is framed as an episode of a TV series , “ Paradox Theater ” — “ caught between logic and myth , ” we learn , and clearly modelled on “ The Twilight Zone , ” which first screened in 1959 .
Yet Patterson is no spoofer , and his film is a careful compound of gravity and buzz .
Trifling chatter among the good folk of Cayuga is interspersed with long , patient takes , in which a single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hear from Billy ( Bruce Davis ) , who calls into WOTW and recounts the time when , on military detail , he helped to build a large structure for housing a mysterious craft .
Then , we have Mabel ( Gail Cronauer ) , an elderly lady at 1616 Sycamore , whose little son ventured out into the darkness long ago and was , she claims , “ taken up from this Earth .
”

The title of Josephine Decker’s new film, “Shirley,” refers neither to the novel of that name by Charlotte Brontë nor, in a slightly different vein, to Shirley Temple, whose dimple-powered career now seems beyond belief, but to the author Shirley Jackson. She is indelibly linked to The New Yorker, where her most affronting tale, “The Lottery,” was first published, in 1948, causing thousands of readers to drop the butter knife. She wrote reams of other stories, plus half a dozen novels, such as “Hangsaman” (1951) and “The Haunting of Hill House” (1959). Her dark star has continued to ascend, summoning an invaluable biography by Ruth Franklin, “A Rather Haunted Life,” and a more presumptuous offering, “Shirley,” by Susan Scarf Merrell, who uses scraps of Jackson’s experience, not least her abrasive marriage to the literary critic Stanley Hyman, to beget a work of fiction. And that is the book that Decker has chosen to bring to the screen. Ours not to reason why.
Jackson is played by Elisabeth Moss, who, having reigned over “The Handmaid’s Tale,” on TV, is now the first choice of casting directors when toil and trouble loom. To “Shirley” she lends both heft and bite, as well as a pair of thick spectacles and a thrumming—and draining—unhappiness that rarely lets up. Most of the movie is set in Bennington, Vermont, where Shirley is starting to labor on “Hangsaman” and where Stanley (Michael Stuhlbarg) is teaching at the all-female college. There, if rumor be true, he sports with his charges. He has a dense beard, a wicked smile, and, when we first see him, a festive garland of ivy wreathing his brow. Were the camera to pan down, we would, no doubt, observe his cloven hooves.
The plot, devised by Merrell in her novel, turns on the introduction into the Hyman household of another couple: Fred Nemser (Logan Lerman), a youthful professor, and Rose (Odessa Young), his new bride, who is great with child. “Well, I hope it’s yours,” Shirley remarks to Fred, at the dinner table, unsheathing her claws without ado. Rose is initially, and understandably, dismayed by such an approach; as the months crawl by, however, the two women draw close. “I’m a witch, didn’t anyone tell you?” Shirley says, and Rose soon warms to the role of sorcerer’s apprentice, learning to berate the moral fecklessness of their menfolk, and to chip away at social norms. At a party, hosted by the wife of the dean, Shirley pours red wine on a silken couch and watches—or imagines—her protégée quietly dropping sandwiches on the rug.
Just one question: Where are the kids? In reality, the Hymans had four children, three by the time that “Hangsaman” was published. If they are airbrushed out of “Shirley” (even as the fictional Nemsers are conjured into existence), it must be because they would sorely inconvenience the mood for which Decker strives. Jackson, according to her biographer, “loved rooms that were filled with books and cats and color and sunlight,” but only the books make it into the film, plus one cat—black, of course, to suit the witching hour. Lines are delivered either snappishly or with listless pauses. “They talk. About me. In town,” Shirley says. At one point, Rose finds her sprawled on the floor, with her eyes wide open and her stockings rolled down. Thunder crashes outside. The camera lurches sideways, like a drunk. Help!
No one can question Decker’s creative right to take such liberties with the truth. Movies live and thrive on irresponsibility. How strange it feels, though, when so little seems to be liberated in the process. Jackson’s book of essays on her domestic exploits, “Life Among the Savages” (1953), rich in the comedy of parental mishaps, is a fascinating complement, not an embarrassment, to her graver tales of the stifling and the macabre. “Shirley,” by contrast, coats her in gothic excess as if glazing a ham, and of her humor scarcely a shred remains. As a sworn devotee of “Airplane!,” I found myself praying that once—just once—she would utter the words “And don’t call me Shirley,” thus rending the veil of gloom from top to bottom. Sadly, it was not to be.
There is no such town as Cayuga, New Mexico, but, thanks to “The Vast of Night,” we feel we know it well. We know that its population is less than five hundred; that its radio station is WOTW, staffed by a young fellow named Everett Sloan (Jake Horowitz); and that Fay Crocker (Sierra McCormick), who has a part-time job on the switchboard at the telephone exchange, is sixteen years old, with a cousin named Ethel and a brand-new tape recorder. Everybody in Cayuga seems to know everyone else, and, on the night when the movie takes place, most of the everyones are at the high school, supporting their basketball team, the Statesmen, at a big game. So the town feels kind of deserted, as if it were waiting for something.
Fay is a science nut in bat-wing spectacles. (Everett, naturally, prefers the Buddy Holly look. In the eyewear stakes, Shirley Jackson has some serious competition.) The era, I’d guess, is the late nineteen-fifties, after Sputnik, and talk of space is in the air. Fay reads magazines like Modern Mechanics, and thrills to the futures that they promise. By the year 2000, she tells Everett, you’ll have “a miniature television screen, and you can keep it in your pocket, so you can call your friend in Rome, or New York.” The only downside being that “if you call your friend, and he doesn’t answer, then you know they’re dead.” All of which means that Fay is ready and primed when a call comes through on the switchboard. Not a regular voice—more of a chewy, stuttering sound. Unfriendly, too. Somebody mentioned a squirrel that bit through the wires up at the school, so maybe it’s the same critter. Maybe it’s not.
The movie is directed by Andrew Patterson, though I’m damned if I can spot him in the credits, either at the beginning or at the end. Still, they do list Nehemiah Knox as “Assisant Editor,” without the “t,” and have the courtesy to thank Donut Hut and Carla’s Wacky Shack Salon in Whitney, Texas, where the bulk of the action was filmed. The whole enterprise probably cost less than one per cent of the budget of, say, “Star Trek Beyond” (2016), and Patterson has revealed that, for some of the travelling shots, the camera was mounted on a go-kart, run by a Whitney kid of eighteen. But here’s the thing: all memory of “Star Trek Beyond” has been surgically extracted from my hippocampus, whereas “The Vast of Night” is the most absorbing piece of small-scale science fiction—the best since “Monsters” (2010), for sure—into which it’s been my privilege to be sucked. As Everett says, “If there’s something in the sky, I wanna know.” Same here.
There are flickers of in-jokes. The hero’s name is a nod to the actor Everett Sloane, familiar from “The Big Knife” (1955) and “Somebody Up There Likes Me” (1956). And “The Vast of Night” is framed as an episode of a TV series, “Paradox Theater”—“caught between logic and myth,” we learn, and clearly modelled on “The Twilight Zone,” which first screened in 1959. Yet Patterson is no spoofer, and his film is a careful compound of gravity and buzz. Trifling chatter among the good folk of Cayuga is interspersed with long, patient takes, in which a single character tells of past events. We hear from Billy (Bruce Davis), who calls into WOTW and recounts the time when, on military detail, he helped to build a large structure for housing a mysterious craft. Then, we have Mabel (Gail Cronauer), an elderly lady at 1616 Sycamore, whose little son ventured out into the darkness long ago and was, she claims, “taken up from this Earth.”
We think of other boys: the one who is spirited off in “Close Encounters of the Third Kind” (1977), or the one at the start of “Invaders from Mars” (1953), who spies a flying saucer from his bedroom window. “The Vast of Night” relies on Fay, an older but no less eager witness. In McCormick’s fine performance, she is by turns the most intent of listeners, when required, and also the busiest of bees. (“I never ride in cars, I just walk everywhere!”) There’s an amazing scene in which the camera, as if challenging Fay to a race, pulls away from her and out through the door of the telephone exchange, before snaking fast and low along the main street of Cayuga, then off through yards and orchards, and winding up amid the cheerleaders on the basketball court. A guided tour, you might say, to an entire way of life. Full marks to the go-kart.
Is that life under genuine threat? Are the Soviets coming, as Everett says? How about forces from farther away? Toward the end, we find out, with the aid of special effects, though part of me wishes we didn’t. The movie might have been cheaper still, I reckon; Patterson could have skipped the effects, saved the cash, and got himself a trim at the Wacky Shack. So skillfully has he probed the power of suggestion, dealing in glimmers and snatches, that the idea of a solution feels redundant. What matters about Everett, Fay, and their fellow-Americans, after all, is their craving to believe—to fear, under the vast of night, that somebody up there doesn’t like them. That’s enough. ♦