newyorker--2020-07-27--Grace Lynne Haynes’s “Sojourner Truth, Founding Mother”

In the latest issue of The New Yorker , the artist Grace Lynne Haynes , in her début for the magazine , paints a portrait of Sojourner Truth .
The image arrives on the hundredth anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment , which gave women the vote .
Truth , who died in 1883 , didn ’ t live to see that victory , but she spent her life fighting for women , for abolition , and for Black women , specifically , at a time when many suffragists refused to acknowledge them in the movement .
Today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country ’ s central figures : a woman who saw , in an era of severe oppression , what justice in America could be .
Haynes , who is based in New Jersey , recently spoke to us about Truth ’ s legacy and finding inspiration .
You chose to portray Sojourner Truth , who was born enslaved but dared to advocate for women ’ s rights , especially Black women ’ s rights , in the nineteenth century .
What led you to focus on her ?
I learned about Sojourner Truth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and was always inspired by her tenacity , will , and futuristic vision , especially given the circumstances she was born into .
I wanted to shed light on her legacy , which reminds women that no matter what has happened in their lives , they can still have a powerful impact on society .
She was not only a major advocate for women ’ s rights but also one of the first Black women to win a case against a white man , a case she brought in order to recover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oppressive year of 1828 .
She was a force to be reckoned with .
Your paintings feature dignified Black women adorned with color , textures , and patterns .
Where do you find inspiration ?
I ’ ve always loved being a Black woman ; that is the basis of my work .
My passion comes from showing the Black female figure in ways that I often don ’ t see in the media .
There is a lack of nuance in portrayals of Black womanhood—I turn my frustration with that into paintings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work , meanwhile , have been inspired by my experiences in Senegal and South Africa .
Seeing the bright , bold colors in Senegal , which stray from linear rules of pattern , inspired me to juxtapose various textures and colors in one image .
You were an inaugural member of Kehinde Wiley ’ s Black Rock Senegal residency , and your work has already been exhibited in museums .
How do you feel about this rather successful launch into the art world ?
I feel so blessed for my career and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I firmly believe that when you put in the hard work , make the proper sacrifices , and create specific goals , the world is in your hands .
Kehinde Wiley ’ s residency has introduced my work to the art world in a profound way .
The residency also challenged my perspective by placing me in a creative experience outside the Western Hemisphere .
I think it ’ s essential , as an artist , to create new experiences , and to step outside of your comfort zone .
How has the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to get to your studio and paint ?
Do you have any new projects on the horizon ?
During these strange and difficult times , I try not to pressure myself to create elaborate paintings .
I ’ m focussing more on research and experimentation .
A few weeks ago , I ordered a few books that discuss ideas—womanism , magical realism—that I ’ ve always wanted to explore .
I ’ m also taking this time to learn new media , such as watercolor and pastel .
Those media have an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m trying to evoke more in my work .
For more covers celebrating women ’ s achievements , see below :

In the latest issue of The New Yorker, the artist Grace Lynne Haynes, in her début for the magazine, paints a portrait of Sojourner Truth. The image arrives on the hundredth anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, which gave women the vote. Truth, who died in 1883, didn’t live to see that victory, but she spent her life fighting for women, for abolition, and for Black women, specifically, at a time when many suffragists refused to acknowledge them in the movement. Today, Truth stands as one of the country’s central figures: a woman who saw, in an era of severe oppression, what justice in America could be. Haynes, who is based in New Jersey, recently spoke to us about Truth’s legacy and finding inspiration.
You chose to portray Sojourner Truth, who was born enslaved but dared to advocate for women’s rights, especially Black women’s rights, in the nineteenth century. What led you to focus on her?
I learned about Sojourner Truth as a child, in grade school, and was always inspired by her tenacity, will, and futuristic vision, especially given the circumstances she was born into. I wanted to shed light on her legacy, which reminds women that no matter what has happened in their lives, they can still have a powerful impact on society. She was not only a major advocate for women’s rights but also one of the first Black women to win a case against a white man, a case she brought in order to recover her son. That was in the oppressive year of 1828. She was a force to be reckoned with.
Your paintings feature dignified Black women adorned with color, textures, and patterns. Where do you find inspiration?
I’ve always loved being a Black woman; that is the basis of my work. My passion comes from showing the Black female figure in ways that I often don’t see in the media. There is a lack of nuance in portrayals of Black womanhood—I turn my frustration with that into paintings. The patterns and colors in my work, meanwhile, have been inspired by my experiences in Senegal and South Africa. Seeing the bright, bold colors in Senegal, which stray from linear rules of pattern, inspired me to juxtapose various textures and colors in one image.
You were an inaugural member of Kehinde Wiley’s Black Rock Senegal residency, and your work has already been exhibited in museums. How do you feel about this rather successful launch into the art world?
I feel so blessed for my career and the success of the past few years. I firmly believe that when you put in the hard work, make the proper sacrifices, and create specific goals, the world is in your hands. Kehinde Wiley’s residency has introduced my work to the art world in a profound way. The residency also challenged my perspective by placing me in a creative experience outside the Western Hemisphere. I think it’s essential, as an artist, to create new experiences, and to step outside of your comfort zone.
How has the quarantine affected you? Have you been able to get to your studio and paint? Do you have any new projects on the horizon?
During these strange and difficult times, I try not to pressure myself to create elaborate paintings. I’m focussing more on research and experimentation. A few weeks ago, I ordered a few books that discuss ideas—womanism, magical realism—that I’ve always wanted to explore. I’m also taking this time to learn new media, such as watercolor and pastel. Those media have an airy and ethereal feel that I’m trying to evoke more in my work.
For more covers celebrating women’s achievements, see below:


newyorker--2020-07-27--The Rallying Cry in Pop Smoke’s Posthumous Album

In late 2018 , a Brooklyn teen-ager named Bashar Jackson experienced his first brush with viral fame .
In a video , Jackson is standing in a royal-blue puffer vest , the same color as his BMW , arguing with the police .
As the cops attempt to detain him for a reason that is not discernible , a voice out of the frame says , with increasing urgency , “ Yo , look what they doin ’ !
Yo , Pop !
Yo , Pop !
” The clip then shows Jackson—who was eventually crowned the king of New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before being shot and killed , this past February—wriggling out of the grasp of five officers .
He dodges and weaves through them like a running back , sailing down the sidewalk as they struggle to catch up .
Shortly after this clip began circulating online , Pop Smoke , who grew up in Canarsie , began to dabble in music .
One day , when he was nosing around YouTube in search of beats , what caught his ear was not the monotone , mid-range trap beats that dominated hip-hop at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electrifying beat by an East London producer named 808 Melo .
It began with a stretch of melancholy violin notes , followed by a series of deafening low-end bass hits and clicking hi-hats .
It had a regal morbidity and an unabashed coldness that seemed appropriate for mythmaking .
The beat felt fresh to Pop Smoke , but its style was commonplace among London street rappers .
Bored by grime , the long-standing dominant rap style in the United Kingdom , these rappers had looked to the United States for ideas , drawing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chicago by artists like Chief Keef and Lil Durk , who , despite a pose of heavy stoicism , had a talent for writing hooks .
Like its Chicago antecedents , the U.K. ’ s emergent scene became known as drill .
Often , cross-cultural interpretations of genres can sound like hokey imitations , but London ’ s drill made for a bracing expression of defiance , as rappers there were under constant surveillance from authorities .
In Britain , authorities can place injunctions on controversial lyrics , so musicians are forced to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was not the first New Yorker to discover these innovative sounds .
( A Brooklyn rapper named Sheff G had already used the same 808 Melo beat , in a song called “ Panic.
” ) By the time Jackson released his version , “ MPR , ” in late 2018 , some of his Brooklyn peers were working on their own interpretations of drill music .
Together , they marked a bold reclamation of New York gangster rap , which had long been overshadowed in the mainstream by Southern styles .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cartoonish version of New York rap made popular by Tekashi 6ix9ine , a Brooklyn native with rainbow-colored hair , who seemed more concerned with online high jinks than with lived experience .
And although Brooklyn drill had strong ties to early-two-thousands stars like 50 Cent and Fabolous , it also represented the future , and the way that influences could ricochet around the globe , gaining new vigor as they did .
Pop Smoke quickly became the figurehead—and the greatest commercial hope—of the scene , owing to his charisma , his magazine-cover looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was so low , rich , and gruff that his aunt once told him that he sounded like “ he could control people.
” On “ MPR , ” when he rapped that he needed “ money , power , respect , ” it seemed like an inevitability rather than like a wish or a plea .
His unflinching cool was broken only by ad-libs : machine-gun trills , guttural “ Baow !
” s , and ecstatic interjections of “ Woo !
, ” which hinted at a greater vocal elasticity than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transformed from local street star to radio phenom—rather than translate Brooklyn drill for the masses , he muscled it into the popular imagination .
So many young hip-hop artists have died at the peak of their success—either from drug overdoses or from gun violence—that the posthumous album has become a standard format .
In early July , Interscope Records released “ Legends Never Die , ” a new album from Juice WRLD , a rapper and singer who died in December , of an accidental drug overdose .
Juice WRLD can be seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Chicago , he came up under the local drill artist Lil Bibby .
Although Juice WRLD adopted some of the genre ’ s hook-writing tendencies , his music often felt more like a reaction to the scene ’ s dead-eyed energy .
A fan of emo and rock , Juice WRLD turned vulnerability into a virtue .
Before he died , he recorded a bit in which he pretends to be streaming on Instagram Live from Heaven .
( The clip serves as the album ’ s coda . )
Juice WRLD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the songwriting aptitude to turn idle cross-genre fascinations into groundbreaking pop music .
“ Legends Never Die ” is a fully realized document of this potential .
Its centerpiece is “ Come and Go , ” a pop-rock song produced by the E.D.M .
artist Marshmello .
It ’ s a bait and switch , beginning with a dreary , aimless synth line before abruptly shifting into an up-tempo chorus and a burst of electric guitar and hand-clapping .
Juice WRLD tells of his desire to preserve an unusually promising romance : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ruin this one , ” he sings , buoyant .
It ’ s one of the most effective rap-rock hybrids of the contemporary era .
When Pop Smoke was killed , during a home invasion in Los Angeles , he had made two mixtapes and was making his first proper album .
After his murder , his label heads and collaborators , along with 50 Cent—a mentor who executive-produced the record—worked to create a formal début that would introduce him to a global audience .
The result is “ Shoot for the Stars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record , filled with chart-topping collaborators , is a buffet of ideas rather than a focussed statement , and it favors a generic appeal over regional specificity .
One especially silly song , called “ West Coast Shit , ” produced by DJ Mustard , who has helped shape the sound of the West Coast for the past decade , features Tyga , who ’ s equal parts rapper and social-media punch line , known for clumsy but effective music .
He and Pop Smoke exchange boasts about being in California , one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collisions between artists with only star power in common .
It ’ s a stark contrast with the album ’ s most potent moment , a ferocious and joyous verse by the Brooklyn rapper Rowdy Rebel , recorded over a prison phone .
Though much of the album feels like a concession to mainstream tastes , there are also places where Pop Smoke explores new and energizing impulses .
For someone whose rapping voice was a low growl , he could sing unusually well , a talent that is showcased on a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier era of New York rap , like “ Something Special ” —a heartfelt interpretation of Tamia and Fabolous ’ s swaggering R. & B. duet , from 2003 .
At times crassly commercial , the record can seem like a betrayal of Pop Smoke ’ s signature sound .
But , more likely , it is the sincere project of a young man exploring all his possibilities .
And , like many before him , Pop Smoke has become ubiquitous after his death .
All nineteen of the album ’ s tracks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week of its release .
“ Shoot for the Stars , Aim for the Moon ” was scheduled for release in mid-June but was then delayed , out of respect for the Black Lives Matter protests that erupted after George Floyd ’ s murder .
Nevertheless , Pop Smoke was a force in absentia , when “ Dior , ” a single that he released last year , became an unlikely protest anthem .
Pop Smoke declares , “ Christian Dior , Dior / I ’ m up in all the stores / @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In another time , this might have been a tossed-off line about dropping newly earned wealth in high-end retail establishments .
But the lyrics were transformed into a rallying cry for protesters—and for looters , some of whom were actually in such luxury stores .
One video captured hundreds of New Yorkers chanting these words outside Trump Plaza .
It was at once a tribute to people who had died unjustly and an opportunity to bask in the certainty of Pop Smoke ’ s voice .
♦

In late 2018, a Brooklyn teen-ager named Bashar Jackson experienced his first brush with viral fame. In a video, Jackson is standing in a royal-blue puffer vest, the same color as his BMW, arguing with the police. As the cops attempt to detain him for a reason that is not discernible, a voice out of the frame says, with increasing urgency, “Yo, look what they doin’! Yo, Pop! Yo, Pop!” The clip then shows Jackson—who was eventually crowned the king of New York hip-hop under the name Pop Smoke before being shot and killed, this past February—wriggling out of the grasp of five officers. He dodges and weaves through them like a running back, sailing down the sidewalk as they struggle to catch up.
Shortly after this clip began circulating online, Pop Smoke, who grew up in Canarsie, began to dabble in music. One day, when he was nosing around YouTube in search of beats, what caught his ear was not the monotone, mid-range trap beats that dominated hip-hop at the time but a spare, grim, electrifying beat by an East London producer named 808 Melo. It began with a stretch of melancholy violin notes, followed by a series of deafening low-end bass hits and clicking hi-hats. It had a regal morbidity and an unabashed coldness that seemed appropriate for mythmaking.
The beat felt fresh to Pop Smoke, but its style was commonplace among London street rappers. Bored by grime, the long-standing dominant rap style in the United Kingdom, these rappers had looked to the United States for ideas, drawing inspiration from music that came out of Chicago by artists like Chief Keef and Lil Durk, who, despite a pose of heavy stoicism, had a talent for writing hooks. Like its Chicago antecedents, the U.K.’s emergent scene became known as drill. Often, cross-cultural interpretations of genres can sound like hokey imitations, but London’s drill made for a bracing expression of defiance, as rappers there were under constant surveillance from authorities. In Britain, authorities can place injunctions on controversial lyrics, so musicians are forced to use slang in creative ways.
Jackson was not the first New Yorker to discover these innovative sounds. (A Brooklyn rapper named Sheff G had already used the same 808 Melo beat, in a song called “Panic.”) By the time Jackson released his version, “MPR,” in late 2018, some of his Brooklyn peers were working on their own interpretations of drill music. Together, they marked a bold reclamation of New York gangster rap, which had long been overshadowed in the mainstream by Southern styles. The subgenre was also a rejection of the cartoonish version of New York rap made popular by Tekashi 6ix9ine, a Brooklyn native with rainbow-colored hair, who seemed more concerned with online high jinks than with lived experience. And although Brooklyn drill had strong ties to early-two-thousands stars like 50 Cent and Fabolous, it also represented the future, and the way that influences could ricochet around the globe, gaining new vigor as they did.
Pop Smoke quickly became the figurehead—and the greatest commercial hope—of the scene, owing to his charisma, his magazine-cover looks, and his vocal tone, which was so low, rich, and gruff that his aunt once told him that he sounded like “he could control people.” On “MPR,” when he rapped that he needed “money, power, respect,” it seemed like an inevitability rather than like a wish or a plea. His unflinching cool was broken only by ad-libs: machine-gun trills, guttural “Baow!”s, and ecstatic interjections of “Woo!,” which hinted at a greater vocal elasticity than he usually revealed. Pop Smoke quickly transformed from local street star to radio phenom—rather than translate Brooklyn drill for the masses, he muscled it into the popular imagination.
So many young hip-hop artists have died at the peak of their success—either from drug overdoses or from gun violence—that the posthumous album has become a standard format. In early July, Interscope Records released “Legends Never Die,” a new album from Juice WRLD, a rapper and singer who died in December, of an accidental drug overdose. Juice WRLD can be seen as a by-product of drill. Born in Chicago, he came up under the local drill artist Lil Bibby. Although Juice WRLD adopted some of the genre’s hook-writing tendencies, his music often felt more like a reaction to the scene’s dead-eyed energy. A fan of emo and rock, Juice WRLD turned vulnerability into a virtue. Before he died, he recorded a bit in which he pretends to be streaming on Instagram Live from Heaven. (The clip serves as the album’s coda.)
Juice WRLD was also one of the few artists with the songwriting aptitude to turn idle cross-genre fascinations into groundbreaking pop music. “Legends Never Die” is a fully realized document of this potential. Its centerpiece is “Come and Go,” a pop-rock song produced by the E.D.M. artist Marshmello. It’s a bait and switch, beginning with a dreary, aimless synth line before abruptly shifting into an up-tempo chorus and a burst of electric guitar and hand-clapping. Juice WRLD tells of his desire to preserve an unusually promising romance: “I don’t want to ruin this one,” he sings, buoyant. It’s one of the most effective rap-rock hybrids of the contemporary era.
When Pop Smoke was killed, during a home invasion in Los Angeles, he had made two mixtapes and was making his first proper album. After his murder, his label heads and collaborators, along with 50 Cent—a mentor who executive-produced the record—worked to create a formal début that would introduce him to a global audience.
The result is “Shoot for the Stars, Aim for the Moon.” The record, filled with chart-topping collaborators, is a buffet of ideas rather than a focussed statement, and it favors a generic appeal over regional specificity. One especially silly song, called “West Coast Shit,” produced by DJ Mustard, who has helped shape the sound of the West Coast for the past decade, features Tyga, who’s equal parts rapper and social-media punch line, known for clumsy but effective music. He and Pop Smoke exchange boasts about being in California, one of the album’s many awkward collisions between artists with only star power in common. It’s a stark contrast with the album’s most potent moment, a ferocious and joyous verse by the Brooklyn rapper Rowdy Rebel, recorded over a prison phone.
Though much of the album feels like a concession to mainstream tastes, there are also places where Pop Smoke explores new and energizing impulses. For someone whose rapping voice was a low growl, he could sing unusually well, a talent that is showcased on a number of songs that are nostalgic for an earlier era of New York rap, like “Something Special”—a heartfelt interpretation of Tamia and Fabolous’s swaggering R. & B. duet, from 2003. At times crassly commercial, the record can seem like a betrayal of Pop Smoke’s signature sound. But, more likely, it is the sincere project of a young man exploring all his possibilities. And, like many before him, Pop Smoke has become ubiquitous after his death. All nineteen of the album’s tracks landed on the Hot 100 chart the week of its release.
“Shoot for the Stars, Aim for the Moon” was scheduled for release in mid-June but was then delayed, out of respect for the Black Lives Matter protests that erupted after George Floyd’s murder. Nevertheless, Pop Smoke was a force in absentia, when “Dior,” a single that he released last year, became an unlikely protest anthem. Pop Smoke declares, “Christian Dior, Dior / I’m up in all the stores / When it rains, it pours.” In another time, this might have been a tossed-off line about dropping newly earned wealth in high-end retail establishments. But the lyrics were transformed into a rallying cry for protesters—and for looters, some of whom were actually in such luxury stores. One video captured hundreds of New Yorkers chanting these words outside Trump Plaza. It was at once a tribute to people who had died unjustly and an opportunity to bask in the certainty of Pop Smoke’s voice. ♦


newyorker--2020-07-27--A Floating MAGA Rally Washes Up in New York Harbor

Weekend swabbies readied themselves to swarm New York Harbor on Sunday , July 19th , for TrumpStock NY , a floating political rally , which , its organizers hoped , would “ make liberals cry.
” The more immediate effect was to give the local Coast Guard agita .
According to Chief Warrant Officer Mariana ( “ like the deep sea trench ” ) O ’ Leary , a week before the event , official attempts to communicate with Boaters for Trump New York had met with radio silence .
No permit application had been filed .
A direct message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told participants to “ just show up.
” “ Trumptillas ” ( Trump flotillas ) and “ KAGattas ” ( “ Keep America Great ” regattas ) have been spotted around the country since Memorial Day .
The President approves , retweeting announcements and praising the “ beautiful ‘ boaters.
’ ” At a Florida event , he crowed , “ There are thousands and thousands of boats every weekend .
.
.
.
Nobody has seen anything like it ever !
” “ No way are we going , ‘ Yeah , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Leary said , five days before the New York event .
That day , the group finally filed a permit application , proposing a course looping through some of the world ’ s busiest waters—across the Upper Bay from the Statue of Liberty , around Governors Island , and up the Buttermilk Channel , a tight strait frequented by barges .
The boats would do a U-turn at the Brooklyn Bridge and power up the Hudson to the George Washington Bridge .
The application “ didn ’ t meet our safety standards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A permit was granted for a modified route , with a projected six hundred boats going directly to the George Washington Bridge from the statue , and finishing by 3 p.m. On Sunday morning , the sun glared off the wet fibreglass hulls of a gaggle of Jet Skis , cabin cruisers , and muscle boats in the harbor , ringed by seven Coast Guard vessels and a smattering of F.D.N.Y.
, N.Y.P.D.
, N.J. State Police , and U.S. Park Police craft .
“ Trump 2020 ” banners and “ Don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the wind .
A flag read “ Adorable Deplorable.
” On a banner , “ Honor and Remember ” was spelled out in bloopy orange letters reminiscent of the Dunkin ’ Donuts logo .
The lead boat , called Team Deplorable , had a Trump impersonator on deck , and the rest of the flotilla evidenced a thriving market for inflatable Trumps .
The songs blasting over the marine radio ( “ Born in the U.S.A. , ” “ American Pie ” ) seemed to have been chosen by keyword search rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The seafarers bobbed in anticipation of what they expected to be a gleeful invasion of left-leaning waters .
Confusion set in early , as they communicated with one another over Marine Radio Channel 11 , an official V.H.F .
band reserved for the aquatic version of air-traffic control .
“ Does anyone know which is the check-in boat ?
” one hailed .
“ I don ’ t think there ’ s no such thing , ” came the reply .
A long horn blast of warning from an oncoming Staten Island ferry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Trump supporters , who mistook it for a friendly salute .
Steve Ursomanno , a commercial captain who runs dinner cruises out of Pier 83 and was aboard his friend ’ s Sea Ray Sundancer , was embarrassed .
“ Most pleasure boaters have no clue how to operate in the harbor , ” he said .
During his off-hours , he enjoys flying a Trump flag from his Yamaha WaveRunner as he speeds along the Upper West Side .
“ I call it fishing for liberals , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radio channel , 82 , the chatter ran from fanboy excitement to seething resentment .
A sampling : “ Does anyone know when the Trump chopper will be flying over ?
” “ Is there a boat where I can buy T-shirts ?
” “ Get a Trump flag and wear it like a cape .
Then you ’ d be like a superhero !
” “ I think I saw Hillary up front .
Time for a keelhauling !
” To an F.D.N.Y .
boat : “ We ’ d love to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yeah , but they did it for the gay-pride parade !
” After they realized that , in the middle of the Hudson , they were not visible to people onshore : “ Everyone to the Manhattan side !
No one can see your flags !
” At this exhortation , some mutinying boats and Jet Skis veered toward the bank , skimming over submerged pilings off Riverside Park .
A local paddleboarder who was nearly wiped out by the racing vessels said later , “ I ’ m surprised none of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minutes , the Trumptilla , which the Coast Guard estimated at a hundred and twenty craft ( the Post put the number at “ dozens ” ) , rather than the projected six hundred , was over .
Some boaters chalked up the scant turnout to the harbor ’ s distance from suburban Republican home ports .
One Connecticut woman with a Web site that sells MAGA hats , CBD products , and Ben Wa balls said on Facebook that the city ’ s crime spike had scared her away ; another speculated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the flotilla with debris from the George Washington Bridge .
Kevin Young , who , along with his family , had come downriver from Westchester aboard a cabin cruiser called Grandpa ’ s Wake , joked , “ I think those kids on TikTok bought all the tickets so people couldn ’ t show up.
” ♦

Illustration by João Fazenda
Weekend swabbies readied themselves to swarm New York Harbor on Sunday, July 19th, for TrumpStock NY, a floating political rally, which, its organizers hoped, would “make liberals cry.” The more immediate effect was to give the local Coast Guard agita. According to Chief Warrant Officer Mariana (“like the deep sea trench”) O’Leary, a week before the event, official attempts to communicate with Boaters for Trump New York had met with radio silence. No permit application had been filed. A direct message from the group’s Facebook page told participants to “just show up.”
“Trumptillas” (Trump flotillas) and “KAGattas” (“Keep America Great” regattas) have been spotted around the country since Memorial Day. The President approves, retweeting announcements and praising the “beautiful ‘boaters.’ ” At a Florida event, he crowed, “There are thousands and thousands of boats every weekend. . . . Nobody has seen anything like it ever!”
“No way are we going, ‘Yeah, this is great,’ ” O’Leary said, five days before the New York event. That day, the group finally filed a permit application, proposing a course looping through some of the world’s busiest waters—across the Upper Bay from the Statue of Liberty, around Governors Island, and up the Buttermilk Channel, a tight strait frequented by barges. The boats would do a U-turn at the Brooklyn Bridge and power up the Hudson to the George Washington Bridge. The application “didn’t meet our safety standards,” O’Leary said. A permit was granted for a modified route, with a projected six hundred boats going directly to the George Washington Bridge from the statue, and finishing by 3 p.m.
On Sunday morning, the sun glared off the wet fibreglass hulls of a gaggle of Jet Skis, cabin cruisers, and muscle boats in the harbor, ringed by seven Coast Guard vessels and a smattering of F.D.N.Y., N.Y.P.D., N.J. State Police, and U.S. Park Police craft. “Trump 2020” banners and “Don’t Tread on Me” flags flapped in the wind. A flag read “Adorable Deplorable.” On a banner, “Honor and Remember” was spelled out in bloopy orange letters reminiscent of the Dunkin’ Donuts logo. The lead boat, called Team Deplorable, had a Trump impersonator on deck, and the rest of the flotilla evidenced a thriving market for inflatable Trumps. The songs blasting over the marine radio (“Born in the U.S.A.,” “American Pie”) seemed to have been chosen by keyword search rather than by comprehension of the lyrics.
The seafarers bobbed in anticipation of what they expected to be a gleeful invasion of left-leaning waters. Confusion set in early, as they communicated with one another over Marine Radio Channel 11, an official V.H.F. band reserved for the aquatic version of air-traffic control. “Does anyone know which is the check-in boat?” one hailed. “I don’t think there’s no such thing,” came the reply. A long horn blast of warning from an oncoming Staten Island ferry was met with a chorus of toots from the Trump supporters, who mistook it for a friendly salute. Steve Ursomanno, a commercial captain who runs dinner cruises out of Pier 83 and was aboard his friend’s Sea Ray Sundancer, was embarrassed. “Most pleasure boaters have no clue how to operate in the harbor,” he said. During his off-hours, he enjoys flying a Trump flag from his Yamaha WaveRunner as he speeds along the Upper West Side. “I call it fishing for liberals,” he said.
When the boaters discovered the proper radio channel, 82, the chatter ran from fanboy excitement to seething resentment. A sampling:
“This is gonna be yuuuuuuge! ”
“Does anyone know when the Trump chopper will be flying over?”
“That would be epic! ”
“Is there a boat where I can buy T-shirts?”
“Get a Trump flag and wear it like a cape. Then you’d be like a superhero!”
“If Joe Biden’s boat breaks down, don’t stop for him.”
“I think I saw Hillary up front. Time for a keelhauling!”
To an F.D.N.Y. boat: “We’d love to see the water cannons!”
“Unfortunately they can’t do that.”
“Yeah, but they did it for the gay-pride parade!”
After they realized that, in the middle of the Hudson, they were not visible to people onshore: “Everyone to the Manhattan side! No one can see your flags!”
At this exhortation, some mutinying boats and Jet Skis veered toward the bank, skimming over submerged pilings off Riverside Park. A local paddleboarder who was nearly wiped out by the racing vessels said later, “I’m surprised none of them got hulled.”
In less than ninety minutes, the Trumptilla, which the Coast Guard estimated at a hundred and twenty craft (the Post put the number at “dozens”), rather than the projected six hundred, was over. Some boaters chalked up the scant turnout to the harbor’s distance from suburban Republican home ports. One Connecticut woman with a Web site that sells MAGA hats, CBD products, and Ben Wa balls said on Facebook that the city’s crime spike had scared her away; another speculated that boaters were worried about anarchists bombarding the flotilla with debris from the George Washington Bridge. Kevin Young, who, along with his family, had come downriver from Westchester aboard a cabin cruiser called Grandpa’s Wake, joked, “I think those kids on TikTok bought all the tickets so people couldn’t show up.” ♦


newyorker--2020-07-27--How the Simulmatics Corporation Invented the Future

Schlesinger later said that he regretted that the statement had come out so soon after Stevenson had been a guest in his house .
Schlesinger ’ s wife , Marian , told newspapers she was still for Stevenson .
( Robert Kennedy wrote in a postscript scrawled at the bottom of a letter to Schlesinger , “ Can ’ t you control your own wife—or are you like me ?
” ) At a party , Galbraith was accused of the “ worst personal betrayal in American history.
” Not everyone jumped ship .
But Ithiel de Sola Pool did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ first , confidential report to a Kennedy aide , Ted Sorensen ; Pool may have handed one to Schlesinger , too .
Sorensen mulled it over , but , at the moment , he , like everyone else , was busy getting ready for the Democratic National Convention , in Los Angeles .
On July 5th , Lyndon Johnson entered the race , mainly to rattle Kennedy .
Three days later , on CBS News , Stevenson said that , if drafted , he would run .
Conventions involve a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ champagne than most people see in a lifetime .
Then , there ’ s the dealmaking .
Early in July , the Kennedy campaign set up headquarters in a four-room suite at the Biltmore Hotel .
A young writer named Thomas B. Morgan , a very close friend of Ed Greenfield ’ s ( and soon to be Simulmatics ’ director of publicity ) , flew from New York to Los Angeles , where he wore a “ Draft Stevenson ” button on his lapel .
He was there , as press secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonexistent Stevenson campaign .
Kennedy arrived in Los Angeles on Saturday , July 9th .
So did Stevenson , who was greeted at the airport by thousands of supporters .
Schlesinger , about to board his own plane , wrote in his diary , miserably , “ If AES had any chance , I would feel happier in Los Angeles if I were working for him , or at least I think I would ; I would feel happier for myself.
” Pool and Greenfield flew to Los Angeles , too , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black voters in the North got into the hands of the platform committee .
They had already given a copy of the report to Chester Bowles , the committee chairman , and another to Harris Wofford , a Kennedy staffer and friend of Greenfield ’ s who would draft the platform ’ s civil-rights plank .
( “ Let me suggest that some time soon you try to talk with a good friend of mine , a very astute public relations man , Ed Greenfield , ” Wofford had written to Martin Luther @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
Bowles had appointed a twenty-man drafting panel that included only four Southerners .
Meeting on Sunday , July 10th , it endorsed a platform called “ The Rights of Man.
” Its boldest plank staked out the most liberal position on civil rights ever taken by either party .
The public sees what happens on the Convention floor ; the dealmaking takes place behind closed doors .
Gore Vidal hosted a party that , as Schlesinger reported , included “ everyone from Max Lerner to Gina Lollobrigida.
” The morning after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Minow pulled Stevenson into a bathroom , for a private word .
“ Governor , ” he said , “ you can listen to what you hear from those people or to me .
Illinois is caucusing in fifteen minutes and it ’ s almost one hundred percent for Kennedy.
” “ I suggest you not go out of here a defeated guy trying to get nominated a third time , ” Minow said .
“ I suggest you come out for Kennedy , be identified with his nomination , and unite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the morning of Monday , July 11th , in the Kennedy suite at the Biltmore , Bobby Kennedy held a staff meeting .
He took off his coat and loosened his tie and climbed onto a chair .
“ I want to say a few words about civil rights , ” he said .
“ We have the best civil-rights plank the Democratic party has ever had .
I want you fellows to make it clear to your delegations that the Kennedy forces are unequivocally in favor of this plank.
” Schlesinger found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Convention .
Outside the arena , thousands of Stevenson supporters gathered , chanting and carrying banners .
( “ A THINKING MAN ’ S CHOICE—STEVENSON !
” “ FACE THE MORAL CHALLENGE—STEVENSON.
” ) Even White admitted , “ This was more than a demonstration , it was an explosion.
” By Tuesday , the number of Stevenson supporters outside the arena seemed to have doubled .
That night , Stevenson entered the Convention hall , not as a candidate but as a delegate for Illinois , to seventeen minutes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ KENNEDY TIDE EBBS.
” The Minnesota senator Eugene McCarthy nominated Stevenson .
On Wednesday night , McCarthy rose to make his speech .
“ Do not leave this prophet without honor in his own party , ” he pleaded .
“ Do not reject this man.
” By Morgan ’ s count , the applause lasted for twenty-seven minutes .
And there was the unending chant , “ We Want Stevenson !
” Morgan described “ a giant papier-mâché ‘ snowball ’ —made of petitions bearing more than a million signatures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stevenson ’ ” floating up from the rostrum .
Someone yelled , “ Look , it ’ s Sputnik !
” As the galleries seemed to surge and throb , the delegates on the floor were strangely silent .
McCarthy asked them to set themselves free from whatever pledge they ’ d made , no matter the caucuses and the primaries .
But most delegates considered themselves bound , at least in the first ballot , by their instructions from the voters .
“ This the delegates knew ; but not the galleries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in any case , had already lost .
Earlier that day , he ’ d tried to persuade Chicago ’ s Mayor Richard Daley to deliver the Illinois delegation to him , and Daley had refused .
His campaign ended before it had begun .
Kennedy was persuaded to offer the Vice-Presidency to Lyndon Johnson , as a means of assuring that , as President , he would have the full support of Johnson as Senate Majority Leader .
No one expected Johnson to accept .
“ You just won ’ t believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he came back from meeting with Johnson .
“ He wants it !
” Finally , on Friday , July 15th , an exhausted Kennedy delivered an acceptance speech so lacklustre that it gave Nixon confidence that he would have no trouble handling Kennedy in a televised debate .
Schlesinger watched with a twinge .
“ I believe him to be a liberal , ” he wrote in his diary .
“ I also believe him to be a devious and , if necessary , a ruthless man.
” The next day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote to the Kennedy-for-President headquarters , formally offering the services of the Simulmatics Corporation .
Minow thought Project Macroscope was unethical and ought to be illegal .
Schlesinger thought it just might work .
On August 11th , Simulmatics began to compile three reports for the Kennedy campaign .
Two weeks later , the firm presented its findings to Bobby Kennedy and top campaign staff , at a briefing held in R.F.K.
’ s office .
There ’ s really no way to measure the influence of the Simulmatics reports on the Kennedy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign followed Simulmatics ’ advice about what Kennedy should do .
The question is whether the Kennedy campaign would have done these things , anyway .
To conventional polls and political analysis , Simulmatics added computer simulations , not unlike , say , the simulations used by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to predict the number of new COVID-19 cases given various scenarios .
A simulation program works by way of endless IF/THEN statements : IF this , THEN that .
IF/THEN was the syntax of Simulmatics ’ reports .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kennedy was behind Nixon in the polls , but nearly a quarter of voters had not yet made a decision .
“ Negro voters are a danger point for the Kennedy campaign , ” the Simulmatics team observed , and Jewish support for Kennedy was fairly weak , suggesting that “ a straightforward attack on prejudice will appeal to these minorities since they are ideologically inclined to oppose such prejudices.
” What Kennedy viewed as a liability might be turned into a strength .
“ The issue of anti-Catholicism and religious prejudice could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ minds .
If that occurs , what will happen ?
” The team had run a computer simulation , analyzing the effect of further discussion of religion on each of four hundred and eighty voter types concerning “ ( 1 ) its past voting record ; ( 2 ) its turnout at the polls ; and ( 3 ) its attitude toward a Catholic candidate.
” As a result of this analysis , Simulmatics recommended that Kennedy confront the religious issue , with the aim not of averting criticism but of inciting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kennedy today has lost the bulk of the votes he would lose if the election campaign were to be embittered by the issue of anti-Catholicism .
The net worst has been done.
” If Kennedy were to talk more and more openly about his Catholicism , then he would be attacked for it .
And , if he were attacked , that would shore up support where he needed it most .

The Simulmatics Corporation opened for business on February 18, 1959, in an office rented by Edward L. Greenfield, the company’s thirty-one-year-old president, on an upper floor of a building at the corner of Madison Avenue and Fifty-second Street, five blocks south of I.B.M.’s glittering World Headquarters. Greenfield, an adman, political consultant, and all-around huckster, pulled people in like a “Looney Tunes” magnet. “Ed Greenfield,” he’d say, flashing a Dean Martin grin, slapping a back, offering a vodka-and-tonic, palming a business card. His new company’s offices were threadbare; his ambition could hardly have been grander. “Simulmatics,” a mashup of “simulation” and “automatic,” had much the same mystique as another nineteen-fifties neologism: “artificial intelligence.” Decades before Facebook and Google and Cambridge Analytica and every app on your phone, Simulmatics’ founders thought of it all: they had the idea that, if they could collect enough data about enough people and write enough good code, everything, one day, might be predicted—every human mind simulated and then directed by targeted messages as unerring as missiles. For its first mission, Simulmatics aimed to win the White House back for the Democratic Party.
In 1960, John F. Kennedy defeated Richard M. Nixon in a campaign that carries an air of destiny, mainly because of an iconic account by the reporter Theodore H. White. In “The Making of the President 1960,” White created the myth of Kennedy as an inevitable President—King Arthur, pulling Excalibur from the stone. But Kennedy’s bid for the nomination was a long shot, his victory in the general election was one of the closest in American history, and his campaign deployed an election simulator. However commonplace now, this was new then, and fiercely controversial. White, while never naming Simulmatics, took the trouble to disavow its influence on the very first page of his book. “It is the nature of politics that men must always act on the basis of uncertain fact,” he wrote. “Were it otherwise, then . . . politics would be an exact science in which our purposes and destiny could be left to great impersonal computers.” White was close to the Kennedy campaign, and the Kennedy campaign had decided to deny, publicly, that it had used Simulmatics.
In 1959, the Democratic Party, at war with itself, was being driven to the grave by segregationists. Republicans had held the White House since Eisenhower’s victory in 1952. Twice, Illinois’s governor, Adlai E. Stevenson, had failed to defeat him. In 1952, Stevenson had had a segregationist as his running mate, and in 1956 he told a mostly Black audience in Los Angeles that desegregation ought to “proceed gradually.” Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., an African-American congressman from New York, and a Democrat, damned his party for its cowardice, and endorsed Eisenhower. Even with a new running mate, Stevenson won only states that had been claimed by the Confederacy. Nevertheless, he enjoyed nearly universal support among white liberal intellectuals, including the historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., the economist John Kenneth Galbraith, the poet Archibald MacLeish, and The New Yorker’s John Hersey; all four drafted speeches for Stevenson, erudite and elegant. The Eisenhower campaign, meanwhile, ran what Stevenson supporters called a Corn Flakes Campaign: it sold its candidate like laundry detergent. “I think of a man in the voting booth who hesitates between two levers as if he were pausing between competing tubes of toothpaste in a drugstore,” one of his campaign consultants said. “I Like Ike,” the TV jingle ran. “It’s time for a change,” Eisenhower said, in meaningless ad copy written by the guy who came up with M&M’s “Melts in your mouth, not in your hand.”
Ed Greenfield, whose political-consulting firm worked on the Stevenson campaign in 1956, concluded that his speeches were too brainy. “The Emphasis upon Complexity Should Be Minimized,” the company’s social-science division recommended. But Stevenson refused either to simplify or to abandon his quisling position on civil rights. Nixon, Eisenhower’s Vice-President, was a formidable candidate, and a ferocious adversary. To beat him in 1960, Greenfield thought, Democrats needed a secret weapon.
Modern American politics began with that secret weapon. Greenfield called it Project Macroscope. He recruited the best and the brightest, many of whom had been trained in the science of psychological warfare. “The scientists are from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Yale, Harvard, Columbia, and Johns Hopkins,” the New York Times reported. Simulmatics’ 1960 election project was one of the largest political-science research projects ever conducted. Led by an M.I.T. political scientist named Ithiel de Sola Pool, the chairman of Simulmatics’ research board, Greenfield’s scientists compiled a set of “massive data” from election returns and public-opinion surveys going back to 1952, sorting voters into four hundred and eighty types, and issues into fifty-two clusters. Then they built what they sometimes called a voting-behavior machine, a computer simulation of the 1960 election, in which they could test scenarios on an endlessly customizable virtual population: you could ask it a question about any move a candidate might make and it would tell you how voters would respond, down to the tiniest segment of the electorate.
“Suppose that during the campaign, the question arises as to the possible consequences of making a strong civil rights speech in the deep South,” Greenfield and Pool wrote:
We will, from our model, be able to predict what such a speech would mean to each of 1,000 sub-groups of the population, and how many individuals belonging to each sub-group there are in each state. We would therefore be able to predict the approximate small fraction of a percent difference that such a speech would make in each state and consequently to pinpoint the state where it could affect the electoral vote. We might thus advise, for example, that such a speech would lose 2 to 3% of the vote in several Southern states that we would carry anyhow, but might gain ½ of a percent of the vote in some crucial Northern state.
Should a politician make a strong speech about civil rights in the South because it’s the right thing to do? No. A politician should make a strong speech about civil rights in the South when and where advised to do so by a for-profit data-analytics firm.
After settling into Simulmatics’ new offices, Greenfield sent a proposal for Project Macroscope to Newton Minow, a partner at Stevenson’s Chicago law firm who had served as Stevenson’s counsel. Minow forwarded the proposal to Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., in Cambridge, where he lived two doors down from Ithiel de Sola Pool. “Without prejudicing your judgment, my own opinion is that such a thing (a) cannot work, (b) is immoral, (c) should be declared illegal,” Minow wrote. “Please advise.” Schlesinger looked over the proposal. “I have pretty much your feelings about Project Macroscope,” he wrote back. “I shudder at the implication for public leadership of the notion . . . that a man shouldn’t say something until it is cleared with the machine.” But he wasn’t going to thwart it. “I do believe in science and don’t like to be a party to choking off new ideas.” Project Macroscope went ahead. It’s going on still.
Project Macroscope aimed to solve the problem of Adlai E. Stevenson. Greenfield and Pool, the Columbia sociologist William McPhee, and the Yale psychologist Robert Abelson persuaded the Democratic Advisory Council, a pro-Stevenson arm of the Democratic National Committee, to hire Simulmatics to conduct an initial simulation. It would cost, in 2020 money, nearly six hundred thousand dollars, and it would study the Black vote.
Most Blacks in the South couldn’t vote. And only a tiny slice of Simulmatics’ bank of voters were Black: sixty-five hundred and sixty-four in all, of whom four thousand and fifty were in the North. But the company’s ambition of studying African-Americans as a voting type represented a major change. George Gallup had notoriously failed to include African-Americans in his surveys, not least because he depended on the financial support of Southern newspapers, which were unwilling to print the opinions of Black Americans, especially about race relations.
At the same time that Simulmatics’ scientists got to work, Kennedy began wooing the liberals who had long supported Stevenson. In 1958, Kennedy had won reëlection to the Senate with seventy-three per cent of the vote. Still, he had liabilities: he was Catholic, and the United States had never before elected a Catholic President. He was even weaker on civil rights than Stevenson. He was young, only forty-two. He had close ties to Joseph McCarthy: his father had donated money to McCarthy’s crusade; two of his sisters had once dated him; and his brother Bobby had worked for him. And when Congress voted to censure McCarthy, 67–22, Kennedy, in the hospital, chose not to cast a vote. Liberals had never forgiven him. Kennedy set about seeking that forgiveness.


newyorker--2020-07-27--Daily Cartoon: Monday, July 27th

Daily Cartoon: Monday, July 27th

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newyorker--2020-07-26--Swifts and the Fantasy of Escape

Swifts and the Fantasy of Escape

On July 17th , I drove out of London for the first time since the start of the pandemic .
The last time I had seen a field or sensed a broad horizon was four months earlier , when we escaped the city in the early days of the coronavirus , feeling faintly ridiculous , to celebrate my daughter ’ s third birthday with an Easter-egg hunt on a quiet country lane .
Last week , I was taking my daughters to stay with their grandparents for a few days , in the town of Helston , in Cornwall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from London—no great shakes by U.S. standards but about as far as you can drive in England without crossing into Scotland or falling into the sea .
We left at 5:30 A.M. , heading west , and arrived in Helston in the early afternoon .
It ’ s hard to describe the effect of movement after being confined in a dense urban neighborhood for so long .
The monotonous walks to the shitty park .
I felt like I was being unpeeled .
As we stood in my mother-in-law ’ s garden , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party of swifts , tipping from right to left , their long wings like blades , came over our heads and spiralled higher and higher into the sky , screaming .
Swifts live on the wing .
Each year , they fly the equivalent of five loops around the Earth .
Their family name , Apodidae , means footless in Greek , because for a long time people thought they didn ’ t touch the ground at all .
In the Middle Ages , swifts were an inspiration for the martlet , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no footing in the ancestral lands , ” according to the Oxford English Dictionary—men of restlessness and adventure .
The common swifts that come to Britain fly from sub-Saharan Africa , where they spend nine months of the year .
They migrate in a parabola , wintering as far away as Mozambique , fuelling up in Liberia , and then bolting high along Africa ’ s Atlantic shoreline into Europe , or cutting straight across the Sahara , if they prefer .
A few years ago , the British Trust for Ornithology put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it had flown three thousand miles in five days .
Swifts feed and mate in the sky .
They drink by swooping on still water .
To wash , they slow down and glide through rain .
They sleep by closing one eye , and half of their brain , at a time .
In 1948 , David Lack , an ornithologist at the University of Oxford , and his wife , Elizabeth , began watching the swifts that nested in the tower of the university ’ s natural-history museum .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sky at dusk and returned at dawn .
In “ Swifts in a Tower , ” Lack ’ s study , he quotes a French pilot from the First World War , who found himself surrounded by sleeping birds while flying by the light of a full moon , ten thousand feet above Vosges : “ We suddenly found ourselves among a strange flight of birds which seemed to be motionless , or at least showed no noticeable reaction .
They were widely scattered and only a few yards below the aircraft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of clouds underneath.
” One of the psychological effects of the pandemic has been the strong desire to be elsewhere .
At the height of Britain ’ s outbreak , in the spring , I longed to be in Germany , or Greece , or New Zealand , or any place where the coronavirus had not arrived or was being better handled .
It was unnerving to be stuck fast in the borough of Tower Hamlets , in East London , which had one of the highest death rates in the country .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighborhood .
Since June , Britain ’ s lockdown has gradually eased .
On July 4th , hotels , pubs , and restaurants reopened , and the government has been encouraging citizens to get out , spend , and go on vacation in the United Kingdom .
“ This is a great , great year for people to take a staycation , ” Boris Johnson , the Prime Minister , said recently .
“ I ’ m certainly going to be doing that.
” But it ’ s not an easy time to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been spared are wary of the infecting hordes .
Cornwall receives more than four million visitors a year .
It has fifteen intensive-care beds .
When I arrived last week , my mother-in-law told me that a local farmer had taken to challenging people who were walking down to a beach that we know and asking them where they were from .
In the evening , I went to a supermarket on the edge of Helston , to buy some food for the children , and was the only person wearing a mask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know them .
Swifts arrive in England on May 7th .
Swift people enjoy the accuracy of the date .
This year , Alan and Christine Collett , who run a small swift-conservation project in Suffolk , about a hundred miles northeast of London , found the birds in their nests one day early .
The Colletts live in Aldeburgh , an attractive seaside town that was the home of Benjamin Britten .
In May , the town council encouraged residents to call the police if they saw holiday homes being occupied or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ About fifteen miles up the coast , in Southwold , local politicians erected a large yellow banner : “ Please respect us .
Don ’ t infect us.
” Alan Collett told me that , since the start of July , visitors had returned to Aldeburgh in large numbers .
“ It ’ s back to normal , there ’ s no two ways about it , ” he said .
“ In actual fact , probably a larger number than normal .
The moment the lockdown ceased , I think most people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ London and get to the countryside.
” He was phlegmatic about it .
“ This town survives on its tourist business , ” Collett said .
“ But it ’ s certainly been a challenge.
” We spoke in the middle of the afternoon , between feedings .
At the moment , the Colletts are looking after twelve swiftlets , which had been found struggling on the ground in and around Aldeburgh .
( The couple drive a Smart car with “ Swift Rescue & Conservation ” and their cell number on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t fly straightaway usually die .
The Colletts feed their rescue birds sixty to seventy wax worms and crickets per day .
“ When you ’ re looking after twelve , you do the mathematics , ” Collett said .
It usually takes about three weeks to get the birds in the air again .
Britain ’ s breeding-swift numbers declined by fifty-seven per cent between 1995 and 2016 , because of fewer nesting sites and falling insect populations .
The Colletts have put up a hundred and fifty nesting boxes in Aldeburgh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he thought that 2020 might be a good year for swifts , but he couldn ’ t tell if people had more time to look at the sky or listen out for their screams , because of the pandemic .
The Colletts have a camera in a nest box attached to their house , and have watched for the past few weeks two swiftlets doing pushups—lifting their bodies up on their wing tips—in preparation for flight .
Earlier in the week , the first swift had flown the nest , followed by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up into the sky .
“ The moment they leave that box , they have got to be able to fly to Africa , ” Collett said .
“ Not like a blue tit that can hop down to the ground and get fed by its mum and dad .
”

On July 17th, I drove out of London for the first time since the start of the pandemic. The last time I had seen a field or sensed a broad horizon was four months earlier, when we escaped the city in the early days of the coronavirus, feeling faintly ridiculous, to celebrate my daughter’s third birthday with an Easter-egg hunt on a quiet country lane. Last week, I was taking my daughters to stay with their grandparents for a few days, in the town of Helston, in Cornwall. It’s about three hundred miles from London—no great shakes by U.S. standards but about as far as you can drive in England without crossing into Scotland or falling into the sea. We left at 5:30 A.M., heading west, and arrived in Helston in the early afternoon. It’s hard to describe the effect of movement after being confined in a dense urban neighborhood for so long. The monotonous walks to the shitty park. I felt like I was being unpeeled. As we stood in my mother-in-law’s garden, in the bright July sun, a party of swifts, tipping from right to left, their long wings like blades, came over our heads and spiralled higher and higher into the sky, screaming.
Swifts live on the wing. Each year, they fly the equivalent of five loops around the Earth. Their family name, Apodidae, means footless in Greek, because for a long time people thought they didn’t touch the ground at all. In the Middle Ages, swifts were an inspiration for the martlet, a heraldic symbol for fourth sons with “no footing in the ancestral lands,” according to the Oxford English Dictionary—men of restlessness and adventure. The common swifts that come to Britain fly from sub-Saharan Africa, where they spend nine months of the year. They migrate in a parabola, wintering as far away as Mozambique, fuelling up in Liberia, and then bolting high along Africa’s Atlantic shoreline into Europe, or cutting straight across the Sahara, if they prefer. A few years ago, the British Trust for Ornithology put a geo-locator on a swift and found that it had flown three thousand miles in five days.
Swifts feed and mate in the sky. They drink by swooping on still water. To wash, they slow down and glide through rain. They sleep by closing one eye, and half of their brain, at a time. In 1948, David Lack, an ornithologist at the University of Oxford, and his wife, Elizabeth, began watching the swifts that nested in the tower of the university’s natural-history museum. They found that the swifts spiralled up into the sky at dusk and returned at dawn. In “Swifts in a Tower,” Lack’s study, he quotes a French pilot from the First World War, who found himself surrounded by sleeping birds while flying by the light of a full moon, ten thousand feet above Vosges: “We suddenly found ourselves among a strange flight of birds which seemed to be motionless, or at least showed no noticeable reaction. They were widely scattered and only a few yards below the aircraft, showing up against a white sea of clouds underneath.”
One of the psychological effects of the pandemic has been the strong desire to be elsewhere. At the height of Britain’s outbreak, in the spring, I longed to be in Germany, or Greece, or New Zealand, or any place where the coronavirus had not arrived or was being better handled. It was unnerving to be stuck fast in the borough of Tower Hamlets, in East London, which had one of the highest death rates in the country. Thirty-five people died in Bow, our neighborhood.
Since June, Britain’s lockdown has gradually eased. On July 4th, hotels, pubs, and restaurants reopened, and the government has been encouraging citizens to get out, spend, and go on vacation in the United Kingdom. “This is a great, great year for people to take a staycation,” Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, said recently. “I’m certainly going to be doing that.” But it’s not an easy time to circulate. Communities and towns that have been spared are wary of the infecting hordes. Cornwall receives more than four million visitors a year. It has fifteen intensive-care beds. When I arrived last week, my mother-in-law told me that a local farmer had taken to challenging people who were walking down to a beach that we know and asking them where they were from. In the evening, I went to a supermarket on the edge of Helston, to buy some food for the children, and was the only person wearing a mask. By their masks, ye shall know them.
Swifts arrive in England on May 7th. Swift people enjoy the accuracy of the date. This year, Alan and Christine Collett, who run a small swift-conservation project in Suffolk, about a hundred miles northeast of London, found the birds in their nests one day early. The Colletts live in Aldeburgh, an attractive seaside town that was the home of Benjamin Britten. In May, the town council encouraged residents to call the police if they saw holiday homes being occupied or camper vans appearing near the beach. About fifteen miles up the coast, in Southwold, local politicians erected a large yellow banner: “Please respect us. Don’t infect us.” Alan Collett told me that, since the start of July, visitors had returned to Aldeburgh in large numbers. “It’s back to normal, there’s no two ways about it,” he said. “In actual fact, probably a larger number than normal. The moment the lockdown ceased, I think most people wanted to get the hell out of London and get to the countryside.” He was phlegmatic about it. “This town survives on its tourist business,” Collett said. “But it’s certainly been a challenge.”
We spoke in the middle of the afternoon, between feedings. At the moment, the Colletts are looking after twelve swiftlets, which had been found struggling on the ground in and around Aldeburgh. (The couple drive a Smart car with “Swift Rescue & Conservation” and their cell number on the doors.) Swiftlets that don’t fly straightaway usually die. The Colletts feed their rescue birds sixty to seventy wax worms and crickets per day. “When you’re looking after twelve, you do the mathematics,” Collett said. It usually takes about three weeks to get the birds in the air again.
Britain’s breeding-swift numbers declined by fifty-seven per cent between 1995 and 2016, because of fewer nesting sites and falling insect populations. The Colletts have put up a hundred and fifty nesting boxes in Aldeburgh and the surrounding countryside. Alan said he thought that 2020 might be a good year for swifts, but he couldn’t tell if people had more time to look at the sky or listen out for their screams, because of the pandemic. The Colletts have a camera in a nest box attached to their house, and have watched for the past few weeks two swiftlets doing pushups—lifting their bodies up on their wing tips—in preparation for flight. Earlier in the week, the first swift had flown the nest, followed by the second the previous morning. They raced up into the sky. “The moment they leave that box, they have got to be able to fly to Africa,” Collett said. “Not like a blue tit that can hop down to the ground and get fed by its mum and dad.”
In “Swifts,” which he wrote in 1973, Ted Hughes describes the reassurance of the birds’ return each spring:
They’ve made it again,
Which means the globe’s still working, the Creation’s
Still waking refreshed, our summer’s
Still all to come—
It doesn’t feel that way this year. The Creation’s not exactly waking refreshed. I realized, when I watched the swifts power and zoom all over the sky in Cornwall, that the feeling of being trapped by the coronavirus is not just about wanting to be somewhere else—it is about wanting to escape this time entirely. The Apodidae are very old. They peeled off from the rest of the birds about seventy million years ago. They slept on the wing above dinosaurs. What is a pandemic to them? I left my daughters in Helston and came back to London to work. A few days later, I walked my wife to the Underground station, so that she could take the train west and join them. As I came back up our street, alone, in Bow, another gang of swifts came over. I had never seen them in Tower Hamlets before. Pale bellies, swept brown, racing wings. They screamed, veered round the corner, and were gone.


newyorker--2020-07-26--Sunday Reading: The World of Jeffrey Toobin

Jeffrey Toobin , who has been a staff writer at The New Yorker for more than twenty-five years and a senior legal analyst for CNN since 2002 , is known for his penetrating pieces on groundbreaking legal matters and consequential political figures .
Over the years , he has written about topics as varied as the political rise of Governor Andrew Cuomo , the lawsuit behind Gawker ’ s demise , the role of the Federalist Society in shaping the Supreme Court , and a federal judge ’ s attempt to challenge New York ’ s stop-and-frisk policy .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ American Heiress : The Wild Saga of the Kidnapping , Crimes and Trial of Patty Hearst ” and “ The Run of His Life , ” which was the basis for the 2016 FX series “ The People v. O. J. Simpson : American Crime Story.
” His new book , “ True Crimes and Misdemeanors : The Investigation of Donald Trump , ” is an account of the Mueller investigation and the subsequent impeachment trial of the President , and follows Toobin ’ s extensive reporting and commentary on both topics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ re bringing you a selection of Toobin ’ s pieces from the magazine .
In “ Money Unlimited , ” he documents how conservatives helped orchestrate the landmark Citizens United case , with sweeping consequences for the role of money in politics .
In “ The Dirty Trickster , ” from 2008 , he profiles Roger Stone and considers his long career as a political provocateur .
In “ An Incendiary Defense , ” from 1994 , Toobin lays out Robert Shapiro ’ s defense strategy for O. J. Simpson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fuhrman and the circumstances behind the discovery of a bloody glove .
In “ Heavyweight , ” he writes about the legacy of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and reports on her influential work on women ’ s-rights cases in the courts .
In “ The Milwaukee Experiment , ” he chronicles a prosecutor ’ s attempts to tackle the crisis of mass incarceration .
Finally , in “ The National Enquirer ’ s Fervor for Trump , ” Toobin examines the tabloid ’ s embrace of the President and his agenda .
Toobin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the way the law influences our daily lives ; we hope that you enjoy these glimpses into an inquisitive mind at work .
Campaign tips from the man who has done it all .
A surprising and dangerous defense strategy under consideration by O. J. Simpson ’ s legal team centers on Detective Mark Fuhrman , the police officer who jumped over Simpson ’ s wall—and found the bloody glove .
How Ruth Bader Ginsburg has moved the Supreme Court .
What can one prosecutor do about the mass incarceration of African-Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predatory spirit .
Why has it embraced the President with such sycophantic zeal ?

Photograph by D. Dipasupil / Getty
Jeffrey Toobin, who has been a staff writer at The New Yorker for more than twenty-five years and a senior legal analyst for CNN since 2002, is known for his penetrating pieces on groundbreaking legal matters and consequential political figures. Over the years, he has written about topics as varied as the political rise of Governor Andrew Cuomo, the lawsuit behind Gawker’s demise, the role of the Federalist Society in shaping the Supreme Court, and a federal judge’s attempt to challenge New York’s stop-and-frisk policy. He has also written nine books, including “American Heiress: The Wild Saga of the Kidnapping, Crimes and Trial of Patty Hearst” and “The Run of His Life,” which was the basis for the 2016 FX series “The People v. O. J. Simpson: American Crime Story.” His new book, “True Crimes and Misdemeanors: The Investigation of Donald Trump,” is an account of the Mueller investigation and the subsequent impeachment trial of the President, and follows Toobin’s extensive reporting and commentary on both topics for The New Yorker.
This week, we’re bringing you a selection of Toobin’s pieces from the magazine. In “Money Unlimited,” he documents how conservatives helped orchestrate the landmark Citizens United case, with sweeping consequences for the role of money in politics. In “The Dirty Trickster,” from 2008, he profiles Roger Stone and considers his long career as a political provocateur. In “An Incendiary Defense,” from 1994, Toobin lays out Robert Shapiro’s defense strategy for O. J. Simpson, which centered on the detective Mark Fuhrman and the circumstances behind the discovery of a bloody glove. In “Heavyweight,” he writes about the legacy of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and reports on her influential work on women’s-rights cases in the courts. In “The Milwaukee Experiment,” he chronicles a prosecutor’s attempts to tackle the crisis of mass incarceration. Finally, in “The National Enquirer’s Fervor for Trump,” Toobin examines the tabloid’s embrace of the President and his agenda. Toobin’s writing offers an insightful look at the way the law influences our daily lives; we hope that you enjoy these glimpses into an inquisitive mind at work.
—David Remnick
How Chief Justice John Roberts orchestrated the Citizens United decision.
Photograph by Platon
Campaign tips from the man who has done it all.
Photograph by Richard Avedon
A surprising and dangerous defense strategy under consideration by O. J. Simpson’s legal team centers on Detective Mark Fuhrman, the police officer who jumped over Simpson’s wall—and found the bloody glove.
How Ruth Bader Ginsburg has moved the Supreme Court.
What can one prosecutor do about the mass incarceration of African-Americans?
Photograph by Mark Peterson / Redux for The New Yorker
The tabloid is defined by its predatory spirit. Why has it embraced the President with such sycophantic zeal?


newyorker--2020-07-26--Protest Delivered the Nineteenth Amendment

For a country that prides itself on its democracy , the United States has forced a lot of its citizens to fight for the privilege of voting .
August 18th marks the centenary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution , which declares that the right to vote “ shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.
” That milestone is sometimes described as having “ given ” women the right to vote .
It wasn ’ t a gift ; it was a hard-won victory on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been agitating for it for more than seventy years , on the basis of their common humanity with men .
Even in the decade before the amendment was passed , its ratification was by no means a certainty .
Though women had the vote in a handful of Western states , elsewhere in the country state after state turned down women ’ s suffrage .
The antis , who fretted that women would be irredeemably sullied by the rough-and-tumble of politics ( and would push issues such as temperance and wage equality ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It took a surge of inventive , audacious , confrontational protests , inspired in part by militant British suffragists , to reënergize the movement .
In January , 1917 , the National Women ’ s Party , led by the single-minded young suffragist Alice Paul , began a campaign of civil disobedience .
For the first time , protesters picketed the White House .
Woodrow Wilson , a Southern Democrat and patrician racist who had been reëlected President the previous year , had no interest in supporting a federal amendment granting women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a while .
After the United States entered the First World War , though , the suffragists started carrying signs comparing Wilson to the Kaiser , and his patience ran out .
In June , the police began arresting the protesters en masse .
Convicted of offenses such as “ disorderly conduct ” and “ obstructing sidewalk traffic , ” they were imprisoned , in harsh and filthy conditions , at the Occoquan Workhouse , in Lorton , Virginia .
When the women were denied recognition as political prisoners , they went @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to horrific force-feedings .
The more moderate suffragists continued to lobby male politicians , for the most part politely and effectively .
But when Congress finally passed the Nineteenth Amendment , and the states ratified it , that victory was largely due to the new breed of suffragist who simply would not stand down .
“ People who had never before thought of suffrage for women had to think about it , ” a jailed picketer recalled , “ if only to the extent of objecting to the way in which we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election of 1920 , and for some years after , women did not vote in the expected large numbers .
It was easy to blame them for a deficiency of civic spirit , and plenty of people did , including former suffragists .
But there were structural forces at work .
Local election officials often regarded the influx of new voters as a burden , and imposed poll taxes and literacy tests .
Black women , in particular , faced obstacles that made voting risky and difficult , if not impossible .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Alice Paul and the newly formed League of Women Voters should have taken up—not least because African-Americans had been key figures in the drive for female suffrage , dating back to Frederick Douglass ’ s enthusiastic participation in the Seneca Falls Convention , in 1848 , and Sojourner Truth ’ s “ Ar ’ n ’ t I a Woman ?
” speech , three years later , up through the N.A.A.C.P.
’ s advocacy for the cause , starting in the nineteen-tens .
Yet when Black women ’ s groups appealed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she refused them , saying that the problem was a “ race issue , ” not a “ women ’ s issue.
” Some suffragists had hoped that women would consolidate into a coherent voting bloc , but this never happened .
Women had their own crosscutting interests of class , race , and political and religious beliefs .
They disagreed even on so-called women ’ s issues , such as abortion .
But the past four years have been remarkably effective at turning women into a more united force .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Skocpol , who have studied the unprecedented mobilization of suburban college-educated women , most of them Democrats , since the Women ’ s March in 2017 , call it a “ national pattern of mutually energizing local engagement ” that is shifting the political landscape .
The gender gap that first appeared during Ronald Reagan ’ s Presidency has widened into a chasm since the election of Donald Trump : according to the Pew Research Center , fifty-six per cent of women now say that they are Democrats or lean that way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or lean Republican .
Black women , who tend to vote more reliably than other groups and who cast their ballots overwhelmingly for Democrats , played a crucial role in the 2018 midterms and in the 2020 Presidential primaries , especially in the South .
Even among the white working-class voters who anchor Trump ’ s base , support for the President has fallen among women—from sixty-one per cent to fifty per cent , according to a new ABC News/Washington Post poll .
( His support among white men is as high as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year ago , the Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg conducted focus groups of working-class voters in Maine and Wisconsin .
According to the Los Angeles Times , the resulting report concluded that women who had pulled away from Trump did so because “ his ego makes him impulsive and a bully , healthcare remains unaffordable , he ’ s dividing the country , he doesn ’ t care about the working class , only the 1 percent , he ’ s corrupt and out for himself and he doesn ’ t respect women.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pandemic . )
Voting out of office a President whom even former supporters describe that way—and who seeks to discourage voter turnout and crush protests aimed at advancing human rights—would be a better way to mark the struggle that women endured to win the franchise than any reverent commemoration .
In a powerful speech on the House floor last week , Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez denounced the language that she had been subjected to by a Republican colleague , Ted Yoho .
He had called her , among other things , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freaking mind.
” In some ways , the kind of verbal abuse she cited isn ’ t so different from the denigration heaped on women who protested for the vote .
In 1918 , the Times editorialized that women being jailed for “ suffrage obsession ” ought more properly to be put in the hands of psychiatrists .
How grateful we are to those women and their obsession now .
♦

Illustration by João Fazenda
For a country that prides itself on its democracy, the United States has forced a lot of its citizens to fight for the privilege of voting. August 18th marks the centenary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which declares that the right to vote “shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” That milestone is sometimes described as having “given” women the right to vote. It wasn’t a gift; it was a hard-won victory on the part of suffragists who’d been agitating for it for more than seventy years, on the basis of their common humanity with men.
Even in the decade before the amendment was passed, its ratification was by no means a certainty. Though women had the vote in a handful of Western states, elsewhere in the country state after state turned down women’s suffrage. The antis, who fretted that women would be irredeemably sullied by the rough-and-tumble of politics (and would push issues such as temperance and wage equality), included women as well as men.
It took a surge of inventive, audacious, confrontational protests, inspired in part by militant British suffragists, to reënergize the movement. In January, 1917, the National Woman’s Party, led by the single-minded young suffragist Alice Paul, began a campaign of civil disobedience. For the first time, protesters picketed the White House. Woodrow Wilson, a Southern Democrat and patrician racist who had been reëlected President the previous year, had no interest in supporting a federal amendment granting women the vote, but tolerated the provocation for a while. After the United States entered the First World War, though, the suffragists started carrying signs comparing Wilson to the Kaiser, and his patience ran out. In June, the police began arresting the protesters en masse. Convicted of offenses such as “disorderly conduct” and “obstructing sidewalk traffic,” they were imprisoned, in harsh and filthy conditions, at the Occoquan Workhouse, in Lorton, Virginia.
When the women were denied recognition as political prisoners, they went on hunger strike, and guards subjected them to horrific force-feedings. The more moderate suffragists continued to lobby male politicians, for the most part politely and effectively. But when Congress finally passed the Nineteenth Amendment, and the states ratified it, that victory was largely due to the new breed of suffragist who simply would not stand down. “People who had never before thought of suffrage for women had to think about it,” a jailed picketer recalled, “if only to the extent of objecting to the way in which we asked for it.”
In the Presidential election of 1920, and for some years after, women did not vote in the expected large numbers. It was easy to blame them for a deficiency of civic spirit, and plenty of people did, including former suffragists. But there were structural forces at work. Local election officials often regarded the influx of new voters as a burden, and imposed poll taxes and literacy tests. Black women, in particular, faced obstacles that made voting risky and difficult, if not impossible.
The disenfranchisement of Black women was a cause that Alice Paul and the newly formed League of Women Voters should have taken up—not least because African-Americans had been key figures in the drive for female suffrage, dating back to Frederick Douglass’s enthusiastic participation in the Seneca Falls Convention, in 1848, and Sojourner Truth’s “Ar’n’t I a Woman?” speech, three years later, up through the N.A.A.C.P.’s advocacy for the cause, starting in the nineteen-tens. Yet when Black women’s groups appealed to Paul for help, in 1921, she refused them, saying that the problem was a “race issue,” not a “women’s issue.”
Some suffragists had hoped that women would consolidate into a coherent voting bloc, but this never happened. Women had their own crosscutting interests of class, race, and political and religious beliefs. They disagreed even on so-called women’s issues, such as abortion. But the past four years have been remarkably effective at turning women into a more united force. The historian Lara Putnam and the sociologist Theda Skocpol, who have studied the unprecedented mobilization of suburban college-educated women, most of them Democrats, since the Women’s March in 2017, call it a “national pattern of mutually energizing local engagement” that is shifting the political landscape.
The gender gap that first appeared during Ronald Reagan’s Presidency has widened into a chasm since the election of Donald Trump: according to the Pew Research Center, fifty-six per cent of women now say that they are Democrats or lean that way, versus thirty-eight per cent who identify as or lean Republican. Black women, who tend to vote more reliably than other groups and who cast their ballots overwhelmingly for Democrats, played a crucial role in the 2018 midterms and in the 2020 Presidential primaries, especially in the South.
Even among the white working-class voters who anchor Trump’s base, support for the President has fallen among women—from sixty-one per cent to fifty per cent, according to a new ABC News/Washington Post poll. (His support among white men is as high as it was in 2016.) A year ago, the Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg conducted focus groups of working-class voters in Maine and Wisconsin. According to the Los Angeles Times, the resulting report concluded that women who had pulled away from Trump did so because“his ego makes him impulsive and a bully, healthcare remains unaffordable, he’s dividing the country, he doesn’t care about the working class, only the 1 percent, he’s corrupt and out for himself and he doesn’t respect women.” (And that was before his mishandling of the pandemic.) Voting out of office a President whom even former supporters describe that way—and who seeks to discourage voter turnout and crush protests aimed at advancing human rights—would be a better way to mark the struggle that women endured to win the franchise than any reverent commemoration.
In a powerful speech on the House floor last week, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez denounced the language that she had been subjected to by a Republican colleague, Ted Yoho. He had called her, among other things, “disgusting” and “out of your freaking mind.” In some ways, the kind of verbal abuse she cited isn’t so different from the denigration heaped on women who protested for the vote. In 1918, the Times editorialized that women being jailed for “suffrage obsession” ought more properly to be put in the hands of psychiatrists. How grateful we are to those women and their obsession now. ♦
A previous version of this article misspelled the National Woman’s Party.