newyorker--2020-03-06--A Hostage-Taker Dies in Iran and Other Coronavirus Stories

Hossein Sheikholeslam spent years studying computer science at the University of California , Berkeley , before he returned to Iran , in 1979 , to join the revolution and to participate in the takeover of the U.S. Embassy .
“ I was there all four hundred and forty-four days , ” he recalled , the last time I saw him , in Tehran , in 2015 .
“ I helped put together and translate the classified cables that the Americans had shredded.
” He went on to become a member of parliament , the Ambassador to Syria , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the leading figures in Iran ’ s attempt to export its revolutionary ideology .
He had been in Syria and Lebanon days before a suicide bomber drove into the barracks of U.S. Marine peacekeepers in Beirut , in 1983 .
In 2015 , we had a painfully long argument about why the regime still rallied its followers to shout “ Death to America ” at public events more than three decades later .
Sheikholeslam , who by then had a silvery beard and six children , had been nicknamed Gap Tooth by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I asked him if he knew that .
He grinned wide enough to show me that the gap was gone .
“ It ’ s artificial , ” he said , tapping his front teeth .
Sheikholeslam died , on Thursday , of COVID-19 , which is caused by the new coronavirus .
He was the latest in a growing list of Iranian officials to be felled by the disease .
Eight per cent of Iran ’ s parliament has been infected ; two members have died .
In just the past two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iran has soared to more than forty-seven hundred—up more than a thousand in just a day .
In Qom , the holy city that is the epicenter of the outbreak , the cemetery has been unable to keep up with the number of deaths .
On Wednesday , the BBC Persian Service posted a cell-phone video showing row after row of black body bags awaiting burial in Qom .
Other videos show men wearing hazmat suits lowering shrouded bodies into the ground .
Iran is one of the epicenters of the global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , had infected more than a hundred thousand and killed more than thirty-four hundred globally .
Iran ’ s official death toll is a hundred and twenty-four , although unofficial accounts claim that it may be significantly higher .
On all six inhabited continents , COVID-19 is transforming human life .
Some three million children are not attending school in eleven countries in Europe and Asia , with millions more ordered to stay at home in partial closures in the United States and Europe , according to UNESCO .
“ We are working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learning for all , ” UNESCO ’ s director-general , Audrey Azoulay , said in a statement .
“ The global scale and speed of the current educational disruption is unparalleled and , if prolonged , could threaten the right to education.
” On Thursday , Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus , the director-general of the World Health Organization , issued a global warning .
“ This is not a drill , ” he said .
“ This is not a time for excuses .
This is a time for pulling out all the stops.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ face being crippled by the outbreak .
Britain is drawing up plans to suspend Parliament for up to five months—until September—to contain the spread of the virus , the Times of London reported .
Kristalina Georgieva , the managing director of the International Monetary Fund , predicted that the economic setbacks from the epidemic will more than wipe out expected growth in the global economy in 2020 .
COVID-19 has so far hit eighty-nine of the I.M.F.
’ s hundred and eighty-nine member states .
The World Health Organization has advised against using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means of transmission .
The virus can cling to any currency ; it doesn ’ t distinguish between dollars , dinars , yen , yuan , rials , rubles , or escudos .
China and South Korea have started sterilizing their currency and then quarantining it for fourteen days to stem contagion .
By Friday morning , the virus had spread to at least twenty-one American states .
Schools were closed in Washington State , which had the most significant outbreak .
Major conferences—the American Bar Association conference on white-collar crime , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting of physicists , in Denver ; Facebook ’ s F8 developer conference , in Houston—were cancelled .
President Trump was scheduled to speak next week at the annual Healthcare Information and Management Systems Society meeting , in Orlando .
It usually draws tens of thousands of attendees but it , too , has been cancelled—for the first time in fifty-eight years .
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , in Atlanta , has banned all nonessential travel by staff , according to USA Today .
The global response has been complicated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basics of the new coronavirus—from the pattern and pace of transmission to the mortality rate .
Most data is currently based on preliminary and often cursory information .
A study released on Tuesday identified two types—an aggressive and predominant L strain and an ancestral S strain .
The new coronavirus is widely believed to have been transmitted first by an animal to a human in the Chinese city of Wuhan , but , this week , a dog in Hong Kong is reported to have tested “ weak positive ” for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human .
The government warned owners not to kiss their pets .
In Iran , the eighty-year-old Supreme Leader , Ayatollah Ali Khamenei , made a rare appearance in public this week—wearing latex gloves—to plant a tree in honor of National Arbor Day .
One of his advisers—and the adviser ’ s mother—died of the virus this week .
The revolutionaries have described their theocracy as “ the government of God.
” But Khamenei told Iranians this week that they ’ re now on their own when it comes to the disease .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsible for our own health and that of others , ” he said , in remarks on national television , on Tuesday .
“ Anything that helps prevent the spread of coronavirus is a good deed , and anything that helps spread it is a sin.
” The same day , Khamenei ordered the mobilization of more than three hundred thousand security forces , including Revolutionary Guards , Basij paramilitary forces , and firefighters , to help test Iranians for the disease , sanitize public venues , set up checkpoints , and trace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Qom , the Revolutionary Guards used armored vehicles , adorned with banners declaring “ Operation Crackdown on Coronavirus , ” to spray major streets with disinfectants .
In Tehran , the parliament was suspended indefinitely .
“ These people have a close relationship with the people and they carry different viruses from different parts of the country , which may create a new virus , so we recommend the lawmakers to cut off their relationship with the public for now , ” Abdolreza Mesri , the deputy speaker of parliament , said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government used drones to sprinkle hospitals , mosques , and public buildings .
On Thursday , the government announced that checkpoints would be set up across the country to limit travel and prevent wider contagion .
“ Many cars on the roads are taking the virus with them , ” the Health Minister , Saeed Namaki , said in a press conference .
The C.D.C .
says that it is possible to spread the disease on surfaces but that the primary transmission is through person-to-person contact .

Hossein Sheikholeslam spent years studying computer science at the University of California, Berkeley, before he returned to Iran, in 1979, to join the revolution and to participate in the takeover of the U.S. Embassy. “I was there all four hundred and forty-four days,” he recalled, the last time I saw him, in Tehran, in 2015. “I helped put together and translate the classified cables that the Americans had shredded.” He went on to become a member of parliament, the Ambassador to Syria, and the deputy foreign minister. He was one of the leading figures in Iran’s attempt to export its revolutionary ideology. He had been in Syria and Lebanon days before a suicide bomber drove into the barracks of U.S. Marine peacekeepers in Beirut, in 1983. In 2015, we had a painfully long argument about why the regime still rallied its followers to shout “Death to America” at public events more than three decades later. Sheikholeslam, who by then had a silvery beard and six children, had been nicknamed Gap Tooth by the hostages, for obvious reasons. I asked him if he knew that. He grinned wide enough to show me that the gap was gone. “It’s artificial,” he said, tapping his front teeth. Sheikholeslam died, on Thursday, of COVID-19, which is caused by the new coronavirus. He was the latest in a growing list of Iranian officials to be felled by the disease. Eight per cent of Iran’s parliament has been infected; two members have died.
In just the past two weeks, the number of COVID-19 cases in Iran has soared to more than forty-seven hundred—up more than a thousand in just a day. In Qom, the holy city that is the epicenter of the outbreak, the cemetery has been unable to keep up with the number of deaths. On Wednesday, the BBC Persian Service posted a cell-phone video showing row after row of black body bags awaiting burial in Qom. Other videos show men wearing hazmat suits lowering shrouded bodies into the ground.
Iran is one of the epicenters of the global disease that, as of Friday morning, had infected more than a hundred thousand and killed more than thirty-four hundred globally. Iran’s official death toll is a hundred and twenty-four, although unofficial accounts claim that it may be significantly higher. On all six inhabited continents, COVID-19 is transforming human life. Some three million children are not attending school in eleven countries in Europe and Asia, with millions more ordered to stay at home in partial closures in the United States and Europe, according to UNESCO. “We are working with countries to assure the continuity of learning for all,” UNESCO’s director-general, Audrey Azoulay, said in a statement. “The global scale and speed of the current educational disruption is unparalleled and, if prolonged, could threaten the right to education.”
On Thursday, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the director-general of the World Health Organization, issued a global warning. “This is not a drill,” he said. “This is not a time for excuses. This is a time for pulling out all the stops.” In a worst-case scenario, governments face being crippled by the outbreak. Britain is drawing up plans to suspend Parliament for up to five months—until September—to contain the spread of the virus, the Times of London reported.
Kristalina Georgieva, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, predicted that the economic setbacks from the epidemic will more than wipe out expected growth in the global economy in 2020. COVID-19 has so far hit eighty-nine of the I.M.F.’s hundred and eighty-nine member states. The World Health Organization has advised against using cash, because bills can be a means of transmission. The virus can cling to any currency; it doesn’t distinguish between dollars, dinars, yen, yuan, rials, rubles, or escudos. China and South Korea have started sterilizing their currency and then quarantining it for fourteen days to stem contagion.
By Friday morning, the virus had spread to at least twenty-one American states. Schools were closed in Washington State, which had the most significant outbreak. Major conferences—the American Bar Association conference on white-collar crime, in San Diego; the American Physical Society meeting of physicists, in Denver; Facebook’s F8 developer conference, in Houston—were cancelled. President Trump was scheduled to speak next week at the annual Healthcare Information and Management Systems Society meeting, in Orlando. It usually draws tens of thousands of attendees but it, too, has been cancelled—for the first time in fifty-eight years. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, in Atlanta, has banned all nonessential travel by staff, according to USA Today.
The global response has been complicated by the lack of definitive knowledge about the basics of the new coronavirus—from the pattern and pace of transmission to the mortality rate. Most data is currently based on preliminary and often cursory information. A study released on Tuesday identified two types—an aggressive and predominant L strain and an ancestral S strain. The new coronavirus is widely believed to have been transmitted first by an animal to a human in the Chinese city of Wuhan, but, this week, a dog in Hong Kong is reported to have tested “weak positive” for the coronavirus, most likely transmitted by a human. The government warned owners not to kiss their pets.
In Iran, the eighty-year-old Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, made a rare appearance in public this week—wearing latex gloves—to plant a tree in honor of National Arbor Day. One of his advisers—and the adviser’s mother—died of the virus this week. The revolutionaries have described their theocracy as “the government of God.” But Khamenei told Iranians this week that they’re now on their own when it comes to the disease. “God has obliged us to feel responsible for our own health and that of others,” he said, in remarks on national television, on Tuesday. “Anything that helps prevent the spread of coronavirus is a good deed, and anything that helps spread it is a sin.”
The same day, Khamenei ordered the mobilization of more than three hundred thousand security forces, including Revolutionary Guards, Basij paramilitary forces, and firefighters, to help test Iranians for the disease, sanitize public venues, set up checkpoints, and trace the trail of patient infections. In Qom, the Revolutionary Guards used armored vehicles, adorned with banners declaring “Operation Crackdown on Coronavirus,” to spray major streets with disinfectants. In Tehran, the parliament was suspended indefinitely. “These people have a close relationship with the people and they carry different viruses from different parts of the country, which may create a new virus, so we recommend the lawmakers to cut off their relationship with the public for now,” Abdolreza Mesri, the deputy speaker of parliament, said. In Golestan, another hard-hit province, the government used drones to sprinkle hospitals, mosques, and public buildings. On Thursday, the government announced that checkpoints would be set up across the country to limit travel and prevent wider contagion. “Many cars on the roads are taking the virus with them,” the Health Minister, Saeed Namaki, said in a press conference. The C.D.C. says that it is possible to spread the disease on surfaces but that the primary transmission is through person-to-person contact.
In a reflection of how widely the virus has spread, Iran this week also announced that it would temporarily release more than fifty-four thousand prisoners—almost a quarter of its prison population—because of an outbreak of COVID-19 in three jails, including the notorious Evin Prison, in Tehran. Prisoners deemed dangerous to the public or who had long sentences for major crimes were not eligible; anyone who was released also had to post a large bail. Some key political prisoners, including Americans and dual nationals, were not furloughed, according to media accounts.
Siamak Namazi, an American citizen being held in Evin, is now at “serious risk,” because a prisoner in a nearby cell was diagnosed with the coronavirus and quarantined too late to prevent contagion, Jared Genser, Namazi’s pro-bono lawyer in Washington, said this week. Namazi, a businessman, was arrested while visiting his parents, in 2015, and subsequently convicted of “collaboration with a hostile government.” He was sentenced to a decade in prison. “To keep Siamak at Evin prison in the midst of a coronavirus outbreak and without access to testing or even basic medicines constitutes cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment in violation of Iran’s obligations under the Convention Against Torture,” Genser said, in a statement.
The mother of Michael White, an American who was arrested in Iran while visiting his fiancée, in 2018, appealed for his release. White has cancer. He was sentenced to ten years in prison for purportedly insulting the Supreme Leader and posting private information online, charges that he denies. U.S. officials consider White to be a new kind of hostage held unjustly in the Islamic Republic. Iran cancelled a scheduled visit by a diplomat from the Swiss Embassy, which represents U.S. interests in Iran. White’s mother, Joanne, told the Associated Press, “If something’s not done, he’s going to die over there.”
A Guide to the Coronavirus
How much of the world is likely to be quarantined?
Donald Trump in the time of coronavirus.
The coronavirus is likely to spread for months, if not more than a year, before a vaccine could be widely available.
We are all irrational panic shoppers.
The strange terror of watching the coronavirus take Rome.
How pandemics change history.


newyorker--2020-03-06--Elizabeth Warren’s American Leadership

Elizabeth Warren’s American Leadership

“ I want to tell you a story about me , ” Elizabeth Warren said , on Tuesday night , in Detroit , when the early results from the Super Tuesday primaries showed that she ’ d finished third in her home state of Massachusetts , done no better anywhere else , and would not be the Democratic nominee for President of the United States .
Every politician has a small batch of stories they turn to , but , during this campaign , Warren had one in particular , about a precarious period of childhood , in Oklahoma , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a result her family lost its station wagon .
In Detroit , she told it again : One day I walked into my folks ’ bedroom .
And laid out on the bed was the dress .
Now , some of you in this room will know the dress .
It ’ s the one that only comes out for weddings , funerals , and graduations .
And there , down by the foot of the bed , was my mother .
And she had on her slip , and she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she was pacing back and forth .
And she was saying , ‘ We will not lose this house .
We will not lose this house .
We will not lose this house.
’ She was fifty years old , she had never worked outside the home , and she was terrified .
So she looks up and she sees me standing in the doorway .
I ’ m just a kid .
And she looks at me , she looks at that dress , she looks back at me .
And she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dress on , she puts on her high heels , and she walks to the Sears , where she gets a full-time , minimum-wage job answering phones .
And that minimum-wage job saved our house , and it also saved our family .
And that is the first lesson my mother taught me—and that is that , no matter how scared you are , no matter how hard it looks , you get out there , and you fight for the people you love .
Warren told this story the first time I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than a year ago , in Iowa , and the last time I saw her there , a little less than a month ago , in New Hampshire , and countless times in between—drawing on the same phrases ( “ stocking feet ” ) and the same rhythm , eliciting the same appreciative hush from audiences , many of whom must have heard her tell it a dozen times , and some of whom might have known it verbatim .
( “ This is insane , ” a reporter friend texted me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut to Warren ’ s speech .
“ She ’ s still telling the dress story ?
” ) Warren told the dress story so often that it seemed clear that it had some extra-electoral meaning to her .
Many features of her campaign were like that—the selfie line , the pinkie promises with little girls—they had a symbolic heft that emerged through repetition .
Above all , there were the plans .
Roll out one major plan , like Bernie Sanders ’ s Medicare for All proposal , and the campaign is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major plan a week , as Warren did at times , and the campaign is , at least in part , about the process of planning and the character of the planner .
“ Just one example , ” Warren told her staff , on Thursday , during a phone call thanking them and disbanding her campaign .
“ Our disability plan is a model for our country , and , even more importantly , the way we relied on the disability communities to help us get it right will be a more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to each and every aspect of her run : she thought she had to overthrow so much .
One story that Warren never told was why she was a Republican until 1996 , when she was forty-seven and had held a named chair at an Ivy League law school ( first Penn , then Harvard ) for nearly a decade .
There were good electoral reasons to duck the question , as a Presidential candidate at a time when partisan antagonisms are sharp , but there were also some good reasons to embrace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s biography—one reason her mother ’ s dress functioned as such a touchstone—was in how characteristic it was .
In her account , Warren grew up modestly , in a conservative and unimportant place , wanting simple things ( a husband , a child , a teaching job ) .
Her feminism was expressed in personal and professional spheres , until her work , as an academic , brought her into politics , through her studies of the ways bankruptcy courts stacked the deck against women and their families .
This sort of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the radicalization of professional women—first in the nineties , in a wave that Warren joined , and then over the past decade , in one that she led .
Their desire for reform , if not quite revolution , now supplies the core energy of the Democratic Party .
Exactly how far that energy might go—how radical it could be—has been a central question of the Presidential primaries , and it is being asked with special urgency by the Sanders camp .
“ This campaign is about asking one fundamental question : Which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweeted on Wednesday .
Warren might have framed it differently .
More than any other candidate , she adopted the intersectional language of activists and academics .
She gave a memorable speech , in New York ’ s Washington Square , in September , about the legacy of Frances Perkins , the sociologist and advocate who became F.D.R.
’ s Secretary of Labor , and another , in Atlanta , in November , about a Reconstruction-era strike that was organized by the city ’ s black washerwomen .
This approach won her the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activists and intellectuals , if not the mass support of black and Latino voters .
This fall , when Warren embraced Medicare for All and promised she could pay for it , she spooked part of her own base , losing her status as a front-runner and a loose group of college-educated white voters who , in the early primaries , always seemed to decide at the last minute , settling in Iowa on Pete Buttigieg and in New Hampshire on Amy Klobuchar , before settling on Joe Biden on Super Tuesday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ embodying the radicalization of professionals , and coaxing it out of law students and Senate staffers , Warren may have found its limit .
On Thursday , Stacey Abrams tweeted that Warren “ gives form to brainy , compassionate , determined , indefatigable leadership.
” The sentiment was significant because of its author—Abrams , who is widely seen as a possible Vice-Presidential candidate in this election , is an obvious heir to the Warren ethos—but also because of the striking phrase “ gives form.
” The last phase of Warren ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this past week , made less sense as a quest for votes than an expression of character .
Its central act , the evisceration of Michael Bloomberg on the debate stage in Nevada and the destruction of his hopes for the nomination , was a demonstration of the power of attention to detail , moral clarity , and pugnacity against wealth and entitlement .
The fight helped shore up the Party ’ s right flank ; it also all but guaranteed that there will be more Democratic candidates like Warren to come .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ January , but in this campaign she has managed to do something decidedly Presidential : she has defined a particular way of being American .

“I want to tell you a story about me,” Elizabeth Warren said, on Tuesday night, in Detroit, when the early results from the Super Tuesday primaries showed that she’d finished third in her home state of Massachusetts, done no better anywhere else, and would not be the Democratic nominee for President of the United States. Every politician has a small batch of stories they turn to, but, during this campaign, Warren had one in particular, about a precarious period of childhood, in Oklahoma, when her father lost his job and as a result her family lost its station wagon. In Detroit, she told it again:
One day I walked into my folks’ bedroom. And laid out on the bed was the dress. Now, some of you in this room will know the dress. It’s the one that only comes out for weddings, funerals, and graduations. And there, down by the foot of the bed, was my mother. And she had on her slip, and she’s in her stocking feet, and she was pacing back and forth. And she was saying, ‘We will not lose this house. We will not lose this house. We will not lose this house.’ She was fifty years old, she had never worked outside the home, and she was terrified. So she looks up and she sees me standing in the doorway. I’m just a kid. And she looks at me, she looks at that dress, she looks back at me. And she walks over. And she pulls that dress on, she puts on her high heels, and she walks to the Sears, where she gets a full-time, minimum-wage job answering phones. And that minimum-wage job saved our house, and it also saved our family. And that is the first lesson my mother taught me—and that is that, no matter how scared you are, no matter how hard it looks, you get out there, and you fight for the people you love.
Warren told this story the first time I saw her on the campaign trail, more than a year ago, in Iowa, and the last time I saw her there, a little less than a month ago, in New Hampshire, and countless times in between—drawing on the same phrases (“stocking feet”) and the same rhythm, eliciting the same appreciative hush from audiences, many of whom must have heard her tell it a dozen times, and some of whom might have known it verbatim. (“This is insane,” a reporter friend texted me, on Super Tuesday, when MSNBC cut to Warren’s speech. “She’s still telling the dress story?”) Warren told the dress story so often that it seemed clear that it had some extra-electoral meaning to her. Many features of her campaign were like that—the selfie line, the pinkie promises with little girls—they had a symbolic heft that emerged through repetition. Above all, there were the plans. Roll out one major plan, like Bernie Sanders’s Medicare for All proposal, and the campaign is about the plan. Roll out a major plan a week, as Warren did at times, and the campaign is, at least in part, about the process of planning and the character of the planner. “Just one example,” Warren told her staff, on Thursday, during a phone call thanking them and disbanding her campaign. “Our disability plan is a model for our country, and, even more importantly, the way we relied on the disability communities to help us get it right will be a more important model.” There was a weightiness to each and every aspect of her run: she thought she had to overthrow so much.
One story that Warren never told was why she was a Republican until 1996, when she was forty-seven and had held a named chair at an Ivy League law school (first Penn, then Harvard) for nearly a decade. There were good electoral reasons to duck the question, as a Presidential candidate at a time when partisan antagonisms are sharp, but there were also some good reasons to embrace it. The strength of Warren’s biography—one reason her mother’s dress functioned as such a touchstone—was in how characteristic it was. In her account, Warren grew up modestly, in a conservative and unimportant place, wanting simple things (a husband, a child, a teaching job). Her feminism was expressed in personal and professional spheres, until her work, as an academic, brought her into politics, through her studies of the ways bankruptcy courts stacked the deck against women and their families. This sort of gradual awakening is also the story of the radicalization of professional women—first in the nineties, in a wave that Warren joined, and then over the past decade, in one that she led. Their desire for reform, if not quite revolution, now supplies the core energy of the Democratic Party.
Exactly how far that energy might go—how radical it could be—has been a central question of the Presidential primaries, and it is being asked with special urgency by the Sanders camp. “This campaign is about asking one fundamental question: Which side are you on?” Sanders tweeted on Wednesday. Warren might have framed it differently. More than any other candidate, she adopted the intersectional language of activists and academics. She gave a memorable speech, in New York’s Washington Square, in September, about the legacy of Frances Perkins, the sociologist and advocate who became F.D.R.’s Secretary of Labor, and another, in Atlanta, in November, about a Reconstruction-era strike that was organized by the city’s black washerwomen. This approach won her the allegiance of some prominent black and Latino activists and intellectuals, if not the mass support of black and Latino voters. This fall, when Warren embraced Medicare for All and promised she could pay for it, she spooked part of her own base, losing her status as a front-runner and a loose group of college-educated white voters who, in the early primaries, always seemed to decide at the last minute, settling in Iowa on Pete Buttigieg and in New Hampshire on Amy Klobuchar, before settling on Joe Biden on Super Tuesday. Having spent much of her adult life embodying the radicalization of professionals, and coaxing it out of law students and Senate staffers, Warren may have found its limit.
On Thursday, Stacey Abrams tweeted that Warren “gives form to brainy, compassionate, determined, indefatigable leadership.” The sentiment was significant because of its author—Abrams, who is widely seen as a possible Vice-Presidential candidate in this election, is an obvious heir to the Warren ethos—but also because of the striking phrase “gives form.” The last phase of Warren’s campaign, from the New Hampshire primary to this past week, made less sense as a quest for votes than an expression of character. Its central act, the evisceration of Michael Bloomberg on the debate stage in Nevada and the destruction of his hopes for the nomination, was a demonstration of the power of attention to detail, moral clarity, and pugnacity against wealth and entitlement. The fight helped shore up the Party’s right flank; it also all but guaranteed that there will be more Democratic candidates like Warren to come. Elizabeth Warren will not be President next January, but in this campaign she has managed to do something decidedly Presidential: she has defined a particular way of being American.


newyorker--2020-03-06--Cooking from Georgia O’Keeffe’s Recipes

Cooking from Georgia O’Keeffe’s Recipes

I grew up in Albuquerque , New Mexico , which means that I also grew up with Georgia O ’ Keeffe .
A painting by her , of a puffy , magnified purple petunia , hung over my bed , perfectly complementing my lavender walls and Laura Ashley-style floral motif .
I did not select it—my parents decorated while I was still young—but I grew to feel comforted by the swollen petals , large and violet , like elephant ears .
My parents had other O ’ Keeffe prints , too—cow skulls and empty mesas , nautilus-shell whorls and black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ populated our stucco house and became the low-humming mood board that formed my early ideas about beauty .
The way O ’ Keeffe looked at plants , with a botanist ’ s eye for structure and strangeness , influenced my own interactions with prickly-pear cacti in our front yard .
I would sit and study the spiky paddles and the gloppy pink fruit they protected , deciding which colors I would use to paint them .
Unfortunately , I did not develop an artistic aptitude .
The closest I ever got to emulating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staring contests with succulents .
But then I became an adult , moved to New York City , and learned to cook .
O ’ Keeffe , who made the opposite migration ( she started visiting New Mexico in the late nineteen-twenties , while still living in Manhattan , and relocated permanently in 1949 ) , also spent a lot of time in her kitchen .
She told Margaret Wood—who became her assistant in 1977 , when O ’ Keeffe was ninety years old—that her main reason for buying her ranch home in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was that it had a garden : she was tired of travelling the seventy miles of dirt road from Ghost Ranch to Santa Fe for fresh vegetables .
Wood , who was twenty-four when she started working for O ’ Keeffe , frequently cooked for the artist , who was too old to spend all that time chopping and canning .
But Wood still followed O ’ Keeffe ’ s time-honored recipes .
“ Food served in the O ’ Keeffe household was always nutritious , tasty , and simply but beautifully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the introduction to her 1997 cookbook , “ A Painter ’ s Kitchen : Recipes from the Kitchen of Georgia O ’ Keeffe.
” “ Miss O ’ Keeffe often wondered aloud , ‘ Do you think other people eat as well as we do ?
’ ” I received a copy of “ A Painter ’ s Kitchen ” when I was in my early twenties , as a Christmas gift from my uncle , a retired veterinarian who spends his afternoons as a docent at the Georgia O ’ Keeffe Museum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way of encouraging me to remember where I come from , but when I flipped through the book I quickly found that its recipes were not exactly for traditional New Mexican fare .
Although there are a few nods to the Southwest , like green-chile chicken enchiladas and fried flowers , most of the recipes from Wood ’ s book read more like California hippie cuisine .
There ’ s avocado soup , cottage-cheese-and-orange salad , and a roasted leg of lamb with honey-mint sauce .
O ’ Keeffe liked her foods fresh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ate a regular crop of produce that any Whole Foods shopper would consider basic—roasted beets , kale , dandelion greens—but which , for a woman living out in the desert in the mid-twentieth century , were downright eccentric .
When I started to cook like O ’ Keeffe , my diet instantly became healthier .
I roasted acorn squash .
I braised chard .
Some of the recipes are almost mocking in their simplicity .
The book ’ s preparation for broccoli , adapted from a technique that O ’ Keeffe learned from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is simply to steam it and then add salt .
And yet Wood ’ s interpretations of O ’ Keeffe ’ s recipes feel baroque compared to the real things , which I recently had the opportunity to rifle through at Sotheby ’ s , on the Upper East Side .
( The file of recipes is just one small lot in a much larger auction , featuring items from the collection of Juan Hamilton , O ’ Keeffe ’ s former studio assistant , who inherited most of her estate , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , several black dresses , and a set of German pastels . )
O ’ Keeffe ’ s recipe file , which she maintained dutifully from the nineteen-fifties to seventies , is a small tin of multi-colored index cards , several with instructions written out in O ’ Keeffe ’ s scrawling cursive .
The cards are ostensibly organized in alphabetical order , but the system is imperfect : the “ B ” and “ C ” cards are shoved into the middle of the stack , and if you are looking for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollop of cream with tarragon , paprika , pepper , and chives ) you have to look under “ D ” and not “ S. ” Several of the recipes are typewritten , transcribed by a dutiful assistant .
Some are no more than a few lines long and resemble minimalist poetry .
A recipe for “ Mint Leaves ” simply reads “ Tender , green and dry .
Dip in slightly beaten egg white , then in granulated sugar .
Dry in good current of air .
Keep in dry can .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the dishes , such as “ Floating Island , ” “ Crabmeat Thermidor , ” and “ Tomato Aspic , ” are charmingly retro .
But the majority of O ’ Keeffe ’ s recipes are practical and austere—rye bread , griddle cakes , oatmeal soup , roasted chicken .
She allowed herself just a few indulgences , like candied limes or fresh vanilla ice cream made with egg yolks .
Otherwise , she ate to fortify , not indulge , which seems to have done her well : O ’ Keeffe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the day of the auction , Sotheby ’ s announced that the card file would go to the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library , at Yale University , where scholars can visit them .
( The auction house kept the final figure confidential , but estimated the recipes at six to eight thousand dollars . )
This means that they will be kept pristine for future generations .
And , although it is comforting to know that the recipes will be available to the public and not stashed inside a collector @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bit sad to realize that they might never again be near a kitchen .
Several of the recipe cards and loose papers in O ’ Keeffe ’ s tin have food stains on them , including a nineteen-fifties instruction manual for a pressure cooker .
The most heartening aspect of holding O ’ Keeffe ’ s recipes in my hands was seeing how tattered and softened , by oily fingers , they were .
I liked knowing she cooked as she painted : vigorously , fascinated with the bounty of the earth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Beinecke Library anytime soon , Wood ’ s book is a worthy stand-in .
My copy has moved with me to five apartments , in two cities .
I don ’ t cook too much from it anymore ( except when I want to make a big pot of posole ) , but I still love reading the intros to each recipe , in which Wood offers up a memory of her employer ’ s hearty , pragmatic approach to the kitchen .
In “ Brown Rice with Ginger , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keeffe would tell , about staying in a large ranch house in the Rio Grande Valley , in the nineteen-thirties .
The woman of the house was making a casserole , and O ’ Keeffe noticed water dripping from the ceiling into the pan .
“ Miss O ’ Keeffe climbed up on the roof and found a big puddle right above the kitchen , ” Wood wrote .
“ It was soon swept off , and the casserole was eaten despite the drips .
”

The majority of Georgia O’Keeffe’s recipes are practical and austere. Photograph by Todd Webb / Todd Webb Archive
I grew up in Albuquerque, New Mexico, which means that I also grew up with Georgia O’Keeffe. A painting by her, of a puffy, magnified purple petunia, hung over my bed, perfectly complementing my lavender walls and Laura Ashley-style floral motif. I did not select it—my parents decorated while I was still young—but I grew to feel comforted by the swollen petals, large and violet, like elephant ears. My parents had other O’Keeffe prints, too—cow skulls and empty mesas, nautilus-shell whorls and black doorways in adobe houses. These images populated our stucco house and became the low-humming mood board that formed my early ideas about beauty. The way O’Keeffe looked at plants, with a botanist’s eye for structure and strangeness, influenced my own interactions with prickly-pear cacti in our front yard. I would sit and study the spiky paddles and the gloppy pink fruit they protected, deciding which colors I would use to paint them. Unfortunately, I did not develop an artistic aptitude. The closest I ever got to emulating O’Keeffe was in my long staring contests with succulents.
But then I became an adult, moved to New York City, and learned to cook. O’Keeffe, who made the opposite migration (she started visiting New Mexico in the late nineteen-twenties, while still living in Manhattan, and relocated permanently in 1949), also spent a lot of time in her kitchen. She told Margaret Wood—who became her assistant in 1977, when O’Keeffe was ninety years old—that her main reason for buying her ranch home in Abiquiu, where she moved in 1949, was that it had a garden: she was tired of travelling the seventy miles of dirt road from Ghost Ranch to Santa Fe for fresh vegetables. Wood, who was twenty-four when she started working for O’Keeffe, frequently cooked for the artist, who was too old to spend all that time chopping and canning. But Wood still followed O’Keeffe’s time-honored recipes. “Food served in the O’Keeffe household was always nutritious, tasty, and simply but beautifully presented,” Wood wrote, in the introduction to her 1997 cookbook, “A Painter’s Kitchen: Recipes from the Kitchen of Georgia O’Keeffe.” “Miss O’Keeffe often wondered aloud, ‘Do you think other people eat as well as we do?’ ”
O'Keeffe’s recipe cards were recently purchased by the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, at Yale University. Photograph Courtesy Sotheby's
I received a copy of “A Painter’s Kitchen” when I was in my early twenties, as a Christmas gift from my uncle, a retired veterinarian who spends his afternoons as a docent at the Georgia O’Keeffe Museum in Santa Fe. It was his way of encouraging me to remember where I come from, but when I flipped through the book I quickly found that its recipes were not exactly for traditional New Mexican fare. Although there are a few nods to the Southwest, like green-chile chicken enchiladas and fried flowers, most of the recipes from Wood’s book read more like California hippie cuisine. There’s avocado soup, cottage-cheese-and-orange salad, and a roasted leg of lamb with honey-mint sauce. O’Keeffe liked her foods fresh, natural, and plain. She ate a regular crop of produce that any Whole Foods shopper would consider basic—roasted beets, kale, dandelion greens—but which, for a woman living out in the desert in the mid-twentieth century, were downright eccentric. When I started to cook like O’Keeffe, my diet instantly became healthier. I roasted acorn squash. I braised chard. Some of the recipes are almost mocking in their simplicity. The book’s preparation for broccoli, adapted from a technique that O’Keeffe learned from the popular nineteen-forties nutritionist Adelle Davis, is simply to steam it and then add salt.
And yet Wood’s interpretations of O’Keeffe’s recipes feel baroque compared to the real things, which I recently had the opportunity to rifle through at Sotheby’s, on the Upper East Side. (The file of recipes is just one small lot in a much larger auction, featuring items from the collection of Juan Hamilton, O’Keeffe’s former studio assistant, who inherited most of her estate, including an album of photographs of Ghost Ranch, several black dresses, and a set of German pastels.) O’Keeffe’s recipe file, which she maintained dutifully from the nineteen-fifties to seventies, is a small tin of multi-colored index cards, several with instructions written out in O’Keeffe’s scrawling cursive. The cards are ostensibly organized in alphabetical order, but the system is imperfect: the “B” and “C” cards are shoved into the middle of the stack, and if you are looking for “Sour Cream Dressing” (a dollop of cream with tarragon, paprika, pepper, and chives) you have to look under “D” and not “S.” Several of the recipes are typewritten, transcribed by a dutiful assistant. Some are no more than a few lines long and resemble minimalist poetry. A recipe for “Mint Leaves” simply reads “Tender, green and dry. Dip in slightly beaten egg white, then in granulated sugar. Dry in good current of air. Keep in dry can. TRY rose leaves also.” A few of the dishes, such as “Floating Island,” “Crabmeat Thermidor,” and “Tomato Aspic,” are charmingly retro. But the majority of O’Keeffe’s recipes are practical and austere—rye bread, griddle cakes, oatmeal soup, roasted chicken. She allowed herself just a few indulgences, like candied limes or fresh vanilla ice cream made with egg yolks. Otherwise, she ate to fortify, not indulge, which seems to have done her well: O’Keeffe lived to be ninety-eight.
A recipe shows one of O’Keeffe’s rare indulgences. Photograph Courtesy Sotheby's
On Thursday, the day of the auction, Sotheby’s announced that the card file would go to the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, at Yale University, where scholars can visit them. (The auction house kept the final figure confidential, but estimated the recipes at six to eight thousand dollars.) This means that they will be kept pristine for future generations. And, although it is comforting to know that the recipes will be available to the public and not stashed inside a collector’s vault, it is also a bit sad to realize that they might never again be near a kitchen. Several of the recipe cards and loose papers in O’Keeffe’s tin have food stains on them, including a nineteen-fifties instruction manual for a pressure cooker. The most heartening aspect of holding O’Keeffe’s recipes in my hands was seeing how tattered and softened, by oily fingers, they were. I liked knowing she cooked as she painted: vigorously, fascinated with the bounty of the earth.
If you won’t be at the Beinecke Library anytime soon, Wood’s book is a worthy stand-in. My copy has moved with me to five apartments, in two cities. I don’t cook too much from it anymore (except when I want to make a big pot of posole), but I still love reading the intros to each recipe, in which Wood offers up a memory of her employer’s hearty, pragmatic approach to the kitchen. In “Brown Rice with Ginger,” she recounts a story that O’Keeffe would tell, about staying in a large ranch house in the Rio Grande Valley, in the nineteen-thirties. The woman of the house was making a casserole, and O’Keeffe noticed water dripping from the ceiling into the pan. “Miss O’Keeffe climbed up on the roof and found a big puddle right above the kitchen,” Wood wrote. “It was soon swept off, and the casserole was eaten despite the drips.”


newyorker--2020-03-06--Susan Collins Unable to Decide Whether to Wash Hands

WASHINGTON ( The Borowitz Report ) —Senator Susan Collins , of Maine , has not decided whether she will wash @ @ @ @ @ the coronavirus outbreak , Collins confirmed on Friday .
Speaking to reporters at the Capitol @ @ @ @ @ was “ deeply troubled ” by the behavior of the COVID-19 virus .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ , to me , profoundly disturbing , ” she said .
“ Whether it rises @ @ @ @ @ I should respond to by washing my hands is a question I am devoting a @ @ @ @ @ right now.
” Collins said that she had set “ no timetable ” for deciding @ @ @ @ @ , stressing that it was a decision “ I do not take lightly.
” As @ @ @ @ @ was spotted standing outside a Senate washroom , seemingly immobilized .

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)—Senator Susan Collins, of Maine, has not decided whether she will wash her hands in response to the coronavirus outbreak, Collins confirmed on Friday.
Speaking to reporters at the Capitol, Collins said that she was “deeply troubled” by the behavior of the COVID-19 virus.
“The behavior of the coronavirus is, to me, profoundly disturbing,” she said. “Whether it rises to the level of something I should respond to by washing my hands is a question I am devoting a great deal of thought to right now.”
Collins said that she had set “no timetable” for deciding whether to wash her hands, stressing that it was a decision “I do not take lightly.”
As of press time, Collins was spotted standing outside a Senate washroom, seemingly immobilized.


newyorker--2020-03-06--The Race After Super Tuesday

The Race After Super Tuesday

Subscribers to The New Yorker ’ s new 2020 election newsletter , On the Trail , received this piece in their in-boxes .
Sign up to receive future installments .
There are two scenes I ’ ve been thinking about since Joe Biden ’ s stunning Super Tuesday .
The first took place in Las Vegas , Nevada , a couple of weeks ago .
Joe Biden , after suffering a third straight loss in an early-voting state , got onstage in front of his supporters and declared , “ Well , y ’ all did it for me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina and win and then we ’ re going to take this back !
” He was summoning his usual cheeriness , but it was difficult to believe him , and difficult to trust that even he believed what he was saying .
The second scene took place in Selma , Alabama , on Sunday .
It was the morning of a day of events commemorating the fifty-fifth anniversary of Bloody Sunday , at the Martin and Coretta King Unity Breakfast , at Wallace Community College .
Biden wasn ’ t there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who entered the race in November because of Biden ’ s perceived political weaknesses , watched a procession of local officials , including Representative Terri Sewell and Senator Doug Jones , sing Biden ’ s praises .
“ I know his character , his heart , and his record , ” Jones said , paraphrasing the words of South Carolina Representative Jim Clyburn , who endorsed Biden last week .
“ Joe Biden has stood for the hardworking people of Alabama.
” It ’ s been a whiplash of a week—a reminder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their moment and that things can change very quickly .
In Nevada , Biden ’ s campaign looked close to the end .
Not two weeks later , he looks to be on his way to becoming the Democratic nominee .
What does it mean ?
For the Bernie Sanders campaign , Tuesday ’ s results present some real problems .
For the past few months , Sanders has been saying that his strategy was turnout dependent : if turnout was high , he told his supporters , he would win .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Sanders would draw to the polls young people , voters of color , and voters alienated from politics as usual .
On Super Tuesday , turnout was way up in a number of states , but the benefits went to Biden .
In Virginia , suburban Fairfax County saw a voting surge .
Biden carried the state by thirty points .
Young voters didn ’ t come out in notable numbers on Super Tuesday .
But black voters did .
And , across the South , they came out for Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinos , but that by itself doesn ’ t support another Sanders argument : that the movement he has built represents the full spectrum of America .
February was a month of exuberance and promise for the American left .
The prospect of a nominee running on a platform of true universal health care , student-debt relief , and maximalist action on climate change had created real energy .
What happens to that energy if Biden is the nominee ?
One idea is that the more moderate forces in the Democratic Party coalesced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What will he have to say to the third of the Party that is calling for big change ?
Sanders isn ’ t out of it yet , of course , but these will be the questions driving the conversation in the weeks ahead .
Going into the South Carolina primary , there were still half a dozen candidates battling for the nomination .
Early this week , Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar dropped out .
On Thursday , Elizabeth Warren did the same .
In some ways , the Democratic Party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , ending where it started , as a battle between Sanders and Biden , two old white men with contrary cases to make for what the Democratic Party needs to do to beat Trump—and what the country needs in its next President .

Subscribers to The New Yorker’s new 2020 election newsletter, On the Trail, received this piece in their in-boxes. Sign up to receive future installments.
There are two scenes I’ve been thinking about since Joe Biden’s stunning Super Tuesday.
The first took place in Las Vegas, Nevada, a couple of weeks ago. Joe Biden, after suffering a third straight loss in an early-voting state, got onstage in front of his supporters and declared, “Well, y’all did it for me. Now we’re going on to South Carolina and win and then we’re going to take this back!” He was summoning his usual cheeriness, but it was difficult to believe him, and difficult to trust that even he believed what he was saying.
The second scene took place in Selma, Alabama, on Sunday. It was the morning of a day of events commemorating the fifty-fifth anniversary of Bloody Sunday, at the Martin and Coretta King Unity Breakfast, at Wallace Community College. Biden wasn’t there. Michael Bloomberg was. The billionaire, who entered the race in November because of Biden’s perceived political weaknesses, watched a procession of local officials, including Representative Terri Sewell and Senator Doug Jones, sing Biden’s praises. “I know his character, his heart, and his record,” Jones said, paraphrasing the words of South Carolina Representative Jim Clyburn, who endorsed Biden last week. “Joe Biden has stood for the hardworking people of Alabama.”
It’s been a whiplash of a week—a reminder that elections take place in the context of their moment and that things can change very quickly. In Nevada, Biden’s campaign looked close to the end. Not two weeks later, he looks to be on his way to becoming the Democratic nominee.
What does it mean? For the Bernie Sanders campaign, Tuesday’s results present some real problems. For the past few months, Sanders has been saying that his strategy was turnout dependent: if turnout was high, he told his supporters, he would win. The argument was premised on the idea that Sanders would draw to the polls young people, voters of color, and voters alienated from politics as usual. On Super Tuesday, turnout was way up in a number of states, but the benefits went to Biden. In Virginia, suburban Fairfax County saw a voting surge. Biden carried the state by thirty points. Young voters didn’t come out in notable numbers on Super Tuesday. But black voters did. And, across the South, they came out for Biden. Sanders carried California, with help from Latinos, but that by itself doesn’t support another Sanders argument: that the movement he has built represents the full spectrum of America.
February was a month of exuberance and promise for the American left. The prospect of a nominee running on a platform of true universal health care, student-debt relief, and maximalist action on climate change had created real energy. What happens to that energy if Biden is the nominee? One idea is that the more moderate forces in the Democratic Party coalesced around Biden at the last possible moment. What will he have to say to the third of the Party that is calling for big change? Sanders isn’t out of it yet, of course, but these will be the questions driving the conversation in the weeks ahead. Going into the South Carolina primary, there were still half a dozen candidates battling for the nomination. Early this week, Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar dropped out. On Thursday, Elizabeth Warren did the same. In some ways, the Democratic Party has done a giant backflip this past year, ending where it started, as a battle between Sanders and Biden, two old white men with contrary cases to make for what the Democratic Party needs to do to beat Trump—and what the country needs in its next President.


newyorker--2020-03-06--Reasons Why I, a Baby on an Airplane, Am Crying

My ears popped and I don ’ t understand that pain is temporary .
I couldn ’ t buy anything at duty free because I am a baby with no money and no credit score .
I ’ m hungry but am not allowed to eat the cute little snack pretzels everyone else is enjoying .
Instead , I get applesauce that ’ s been sitting in my mom ’ s bag for hours .
I had to check my carry-on because the overhead bin was full .
The air is so dry that the boogers inside my nose are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can ’ t breathe through my nose .
And thinking too much about breathing through my nose makes me forget to breathe through my mouth and now I have a headache .
I don ’ t know how to fill out a customs form .
There ’ s another crying baby on this flight and I love to harmonize .
I ate too much warm applesauce and my tummy hurts .
Wi-Fi is seven dollars per megabyte .
The fasten-seatbelt sign ’ s disembodied hands are scaring me .
In all honesty , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ applesauce .
This flight is emitting tons of carbon into the atmosphere .
I hadn ’ t heard the sound of my own voice for hours and I was starting to worry I ’ d lost it .
I had a bad dream .
Not quite a nightmare , but it featured some disturbing imagery of people without hands that will haunt me for months , if not years , to come .
Still not sure if I ’ m supposed to declare anything on this customs form .
I looked out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and everything looked so small that it made me question whether anything we do even matters .
Everyone clapped after the landing , which woke me up and was unnecessary .
The captain finally turned off the fasten-seatbelt sign , but now I kind of miss it .

My ears popped and I don’t understand that pain is temporary.
The in-flight entertainment doesn’t include “Bubble Guppies.”
I couldn’t buy anything at duty free because I am a baby with no money and no credit score.
I’m hungry but am not allowed to eat the cute little snack pretzels everyone else is enjoying. Instead, I get applesauce that’s been sitting in my mom’s bag for hours.
I had to check my carry-on because the overhead bin was full.
The air is so dry that the boogers inside my nose are hardening and making me feel like I can’t breathe through my nose. And thinking too much about breathing through my nose makes me forget to breathe through my mouth and now I have a headache.
I don’t know how to fill out a customs form.
There’s another crying baby on this flight and I love to harmonize.
I’m embarrassed that I accidentally hit the flight-attendant call button.
I ate too much warm applesauce and my tummy hurts.
Wi-Fi is seven dollars per megabyte.
The fasten-seatbelt sign’s disembodied hands are scaring me.
In all honesty, I spit up a little from the applesauce.
This flight is emitting tons of carbon into the atmosphere.
I hadn’t heard the sound of my own voice for hours and I was starting to worry I’d lost it.
I had a bad dream. Not quite a nightmare, but it featured some disturbing imagery of people without hands that will haunt me for months, if not years, to come.
Still not sure if I’m supposed to declare anything on this customs form.
I looked out the window and saw the Earth from above and everything looked so small that it made me question whether anything we do even matters.
Everyone clapped after the landing, which woke me up and was unnecessary.
The captain finally turned off the fasten-seatbelt sign, but now I kind of miss it.
We’ve been taxiing for thirty minutes.
I pooped my diaper.


newyorker--2020-03-07--Trump Weekends in Florida as Fear of the Coronavirus Rises

With the number of COVID-19 cases in the United States having risen above three hundred , and the number of cases around the world now topping a hundred thousand , Donald Trump is spending the weekend hosting Jair Bolsonaro , the right-wing President of Brazil , at his private beach resort in Florida .
On Friday night , Trump announced that Mick Mulvaney , the acting White House chief of staff , was leaving the position , and would be replaced by Mark Meadows , a conservative congressman from North Carolina who has been one of the President ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other circumstances , the shakeup would be a major story .
But , much to Trump ’ s chagrin , the spread of the coronavirus is increasingly dominating all other news .
Public concern about the spread of the coronavirus is rising , with officials from New York and other cities complaining about a chronic lack of test kits from the federal government .
On Saturday , the governor of New York , Andrew Cuomo , said that the state had been running its own tests “ around the clock.
” He announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state had risen to seventy-six and declared a state of emergency .
Trump , meanwhile , evidently decided that the situation isn ’ t serious enough to keep him in Washington .
From the beginning , he has sought to minimize the seriousness of the emerging epidemic , and he is still at it .
That ’ s when he ’ s not praising himself for how he and the U.S. government have responded to the crisis or offering himself as an expert .
During a remarkable press conference at the Atlanta @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Prevention , on Friday , Trump mentioned an uncle who had taught science at M.I.T .
and said , “ I like this stuff .
I really get it .
People are surprised that I understand it .
Every one of these doctors said , ‘ How do you know so much about this ?
’ Maybe I have a natural ability .
Maybe I should have done this instead of running for President.
” Later on Friday , Vice-President Mike Pence , whom Trump has placed in charge of the emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tested positive for the virus aboard a cruise ship , the Grand Princess , which has been anchored off the coast of Northern California while the authorities decide what to do with its thirty-five hundred passengers .
The President , who has repeatedly boasted about the relatively small number of confirmed cases ( three hundred and seventy-six so far ) and fatalities ( seventeen ) in the U.S. , compared to some other countries , openly admitted during his press conference that he would prefer to keep the sick passengers offshore .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are , ” he said .
“ I don ’ t need to have the numbers double because of one ship that wasn ’ t our fault.
” Referring to the officials dealing with the cruise ship , he went on , saying , “ I ’ d rather have them stay on , personally , but I fully understand if they want to take them off .
I gave them the authority to make the decision.
” That was big of him .
Pence said that the cruise ship would dock at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weekend , where all the passengers , who hail from more than fifty countries , would be tested and quarantined as necessary .
So far , only forty-six of the passengers have been tested , so it could take some time to carry out the remaining tests and get the results back .
And that is assuming the authorities on the ground have enough test kits , and that there is enough capacity at laboratories to run a check on everybody who meets the criteria for testing .
Despite repeated statements from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being sent out , and more labs are being tapped , that is still not the case in many parts of the country where the number of cases is rising , including Washington State and New York City .
On Monday , the head of the Food and Drug Administration said that by the end of this week a million tests would have been carried out .
As the weekend arrived , it was clear that testing had fallen far short of that mark , although precise numbers were hard to find .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has impeded our ability to beat back this epidemic , ” Raul Perea-Henze , New York ’ s deputy mayor for health and human services , said in a letter to the C.D.C.
, on Friday .
These remarks were echoed by a panel of experts on infectious diseases from Johns Hopkins University who delivered a briefing on Capitol Hill .
“ Testing capacity is not currently adequate , and we need more , '' Lisa Maragakis , an epidemiologist , said .
“ We need this as soon as we can have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the number of confirmed cases , Maragakis added , but it could also reduce public alarm , by providing more information about the extent of the epidemic .
What went wrong in the testing rollout ?
“ Interviews with a dozen laboratory experts and government health officials reveal a six-week-long series of glitches , missed opportunities and delays that contributed to the shortage , ” the Washington Post reported on Saturday .
Some people with experience in dealing with epidemics believe that even a million tests won ’ t be enough .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job at the White House now .
.
.
I ’ d be pushing to have us do thirty million tests , ” Ron Klain , the veteran Washington operative who led the Obama Administration ’ s response to the Ebola outbreak in 2014 and 2015 , said on Friday .
“ To test people in nursing homes , to test people with unexplained respiratory issues , to test the people who regularly visit nursing homes , to test health-care workers—there ’ d be long lines of people we should test.
” Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , especially coming from Democrats like Klain , as efforts to destroy him politically .
During his press conference on Friday he called Jay Inslee , the Democratic governor of Washington and former 2020 Presidential candidate , who has been highly critical of the Administration ’ s response to the virus , a snake , and added that he had warned Pence , who visited the state , not to be “ nice to him.
” Trump said this even though fifteen deaths have now been associated with COVID-19 in Inslee ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases has risen to at least seventy-nine .
Trump ’ s utter inability to distance his own political interests from fighting the virus is also reflected in his continued obsession with the stock market , which fell again on Friday .
The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed down 256.50 points , at 25,864.78 .
Since February 21st , when concerns about the virus spreading in this country intensified , it has fallen about eleven per cent .
For once , Trump didn ’ t try to talk up the market on Friday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kudlow , did .
“ Long-term investors should think seriously about buying these dips , ” Kudlow told CNBC .
Referring to the virus , Kudlow added , “ I would still argue to you that this is contained .
”

With the number of COVID-19 cases in the United States having risen above three hundred, and the number of cases around the world now topping a hundred thousand, Donald Trump is spending the weekend hosting Jair Bolsonaro, the right-wing President of Brazil, at his private beach resort in Florida. On Friday night, Trump announced that Mick Mulvaney, the acting White House chief of staff, was leaving the position, and would be replaced by Mark Meadows, a conservative congressman from North Carolina who has been one of the President’s staunchest defenders on Capitol Hill. In other circumstances, the shakeup would be a major story. But, much to Trump’s chagrin, the spread of the coronavirus is increasingly dominating all other news.
Public concern about the spread of the coronavirus is rising, with officials from New York and other cities complaining about a chronic lack of test kits from the federal government. On Saturday, the governor of New York, Andrew Cuomo, said that the state had been running its own tests “around the clock.” He announced that the total of confirmed cases in the state had risen to seventy-six and declared a state of emergency.
Trump, meanwhile, evidently decided that the situation isn’t serious enough to keep him in Washington. From the beginning, he has sought to minimize the seriousness of the emerging epidemic, and he is still at it. That’s when he’s not praising himself for how he and the U.S. government have responded to the crisis or offering himself as an expert. During a remarkable press conference at the Atlanta headquarters of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, on Friday, Trump mentioned an uncle who had taught science at M.I.T. and said, “I like this stuff. I really get it. People are surprised that I understand it. Every one of these doctors said, ‘How do you know so much about this?’ Maybe I have a natural ability. Maybe I should have done this instead of running for President.”
Later on Friday, Vice-President Mike Pence, whom Trump has placed in charge of the emergency response, announced that twenty-one people had tested positive for the virus aboard a cruise ship, the Grand Princess, which has been anchored off the coast of Northern California while the authorities decide what to do with its thirty-five hundred passengers. The President, who has repeatedly boasted about the relatively small number of confirmed cases (three hundred and seventy-six so far) and fatalities (seventeen) in the U.S., compared with some other countries, openly admitted during his press conference that he would prefer to keep the sick passengers offshore. “I like the numbers being where they are,” he said. “I don’t need to have the numbers double because of one ship that wasn’t our fault.” Referring to the officials dealing with the cruise ship, he went on, saying, “I’d rather have them stay on, personally, but I fully understand if they want to take them off. I gave them the authority to make the decision.”
That was big of him. Pence said that the cruise ship would dock at a “non-commercial port” over the weekend, where all the passengers, who hail from more than fifty countries, would be tested and quarantined as necessary. So far, only forty-six of the passengers have been tested, so it could take some time to carry out the remaining tests and get the results back.
And that is assuming the authorities on the ground have enough test kits, and that there is enough capacity at laboratories to run a check on everybody who meets the criteria for testing. Despite repeated statements from the authorities in Washington that more kits are being sent out, and more labs are being tapped, that is still not the case in many parts of the country where the number of cases is rising, including Washington State and New York City. On Monday, the head of the Food and Drug Administration said that by the end of this week a million tests would have been carried out. As the weekend arrived, it was clear that testing had fallen far short of that mark, although precise numbers were hard to find.
“Slow federal action on this matter has impeded our ability to beat back this epidemic,” Raul Perea-Henze, New York’s deputy mayor for health and human services, said in a letter to the C.D.C., on Friday. These remarks were echoed by a panel of experts on infectious diseases from Johns Hopkins University who delivered a briefing on Capitol Hill. “Testing capacity is not currently adequate, and we need more,” Lisa Maragakis, an epidemiologist, said. “We need this as soon as we can have it.” More extensive testing would increase the number of confirmed cases, Maragakis added, but it could also reduce public alarm, by providing more information about the extent of the epidemic.
What went wrong in the testing rollout? “Interviews with a dozen laboratory experts and government health officials reveal a six-week-long series of glitches, missed opportunities and delays that contributed to the shortage,” the Washington Post reported on Saturday.
Some people with experience in dealing with epidemics believe that even a million tests won’t be enough. “If I were back in my old job at the White House now . . . I’d be pushing to have us do thirty million tests,” Ron Klain, the veteran Washington operative who led the Obama Administration’s response to the Ebola outbreak in 2014 and 2015, said on Friday. “To test people in nursing homes, to test people with unexplained respiratory issues, to test the people who regularly visit nursing homes, to test health-care workers—there’d be long lines of people we should test.”
Trump, of course, regards any criticism, especially coming from Democrats like Klain, as efforts to destroy him politically. During his press conference on Friday he called Jay Inslee, the Democratic governor of Washington and former 2020 Presidential candidate, who has been highly critical of the Administration’s response to the virus, a snake, and added that he had warned Pence, who visited the state, not to be “nice to him.” Trump said this even though fifteen deaths have now been associated with COVID-19 in Inslee’s state, and the number of confirmed cases has risen to at least seventy-nine.
Trump’s utter inability to distance his own political interests from fighting the virus is also reflected in his continued obsession with the stock market, which fell again on Friday. The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed down 256.50 points, at 25,864.78. Since February 21st, when concerns about the virus spreading in this country intensified, it has fallen about eleven per cent. For once, Trump didn’t try to talk up the market on Friday. But his top economic adviser, Larry Kudlow, did. “Long-term investors should think seriously about buying these dips,” Kudlow told CNBC. Referring to the virus, Kudlow added, “I would still argue to you that this is contained.”
A Guide to the Coronavirus
How much of the world is likely to be quarantined?
Donald Trump in the time of coronavirus.
The coronavirus is likely to spread for more than a year before a vaccine could be widely available.
We are all irrational panic shoppers.
The strange terror of watching the coronavirus take Rome.
How pandemics change history.


newyorker--2020-03-07--Cinderella and the Glass Ceiling

Cinderella and the Glass Ceiling

Once upon a time , there was a strong and resilient young woman named Cinderella , who lived with a mean , demanding , and , frankly , abusive stepmother and two bratty , dimwitted stepsisters .
They spent their time painting bad selfies that they called “ selfie portraits , ” and they thought that almond milk came from cows who ate almonds .
Cinderella ’ s mother had died tragically , and her father quickly remarried after just a few dates , before you can really know who a person is .
Soon after , Cinderella ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resented Cinderella for her fortitude in the face of adversity and for being the only one in the family without a widow ’ s peak .
She kept the father ’ s money for herself and paid Cinderella the minimum wage to be a lowly servant .
Cinderella would ’ ve loved to be a household manager or one of those well-paid butler types , but those roles always went to the men in the kingdom .
Rent was high in the big city , so the only place that Cinderella could afford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fireplace , which had a rodent problem and was misleadingly advertised as a cozy studio .
On the bright side , the commute was short .
One day , an invitation to a ball , hosted by the royal prince , arrived at the house .
The prince was looking for a bride , and he thought the best way to find one he hadn ’ t already dated would be to throw a massive party , invite all of the maidens in the kingdom , and then pick one , in what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cinderella was ecstatic !
“ Could marrying the prince be my way out of poverty ?
Could I really be royalty ?
Maybe !
Why not ?
” she mused to her only friends , a bunch of mice .
“ Ew , gross .
You can ’ t come to the ball with us , ” one of her stepsisters said , when she found Cinderella sewing a ball gown out of curtains .
“ People will think you , like , live with us.
” Besides , the invitation clearly read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go to the ball in her fabulous curtain dress , capture the prince ’ s heart , and finally find out the difference between crudités and raw vegetables .
But , before Cinderella could leave for the ball , her stepmother sabotaged her plan .
Acknowledging that it is a stepmother ’ s job in fairy tales to be evil and jealous of her stepdaughter , she ripped Cinderella ’ s dress in two and screamed , “ I don ’ t have a good reason not to like you , but I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t come !
” and then rode away in a carriage with her two daughters .
Cinderella ran outside in tears .
Now she didn ’ t have a dress or curtains .
“ Mibbidi-mobbidi-moo !
” she sang .
“ It ’ s me , your fairy godmother !
Dry your tears , Cinderella .
You can go to the ball.
” And with a swoop of her wand , she turned a pumpkin into a carriage , Cinderella ’ s mice friends into coachmen , and her rags into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gave her a few more party essentials—breath mints ( formerly a piece of lint ) , décolletage bronzer ( formerly birdseed ) , and red lipstick ( formerly pink lipstick ) .
“ Off you go now !
” said the fairy godmother as she handed Cinderella two glass slippers and disappeared into a flurry of blue bubbles .
“ This is my only hope for never cleaning my stepmother ’ s bidet again , ” Cinderella told herself , as she slipped on the glass shoes .
“ Let ’ s get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me !
” The ball was sensational—with a fountain of champagne , a full orchestra , and a bathroom that had a basket with extra hair ties .
“ Would you care to dance ?
” a deep voice behind her asked .
Cinderella whirled around .
It was the prince !
And although he wasn ’ t as tall as he claimed in his palace bio , she was pleased to see that he was generically handsome .
“ Oh , Cinderella , you ’ re everything I ’ ve been looking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they spun around the dance floor .
The prince was moving quickly—Cinderella couldn ’ t believe her luck .
She was one step closer to financial security and being famous enough for people to pay her to post sponsored content .
But then she took another step and heard a loud CRUNCH .
She felt a shooting pain in her left foot .
She could feel a giant glass shard stabbing the arch of her foot .
Her glass slipper had shattered .
“ Oh , nothing , ” said Cinderella , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Cinderella took another step .
CRUNCH .
CRUNCH .
“ O.K.
, I definitely heard that one , ” the prince said .
“ I think my , um , glass slipper might have broken .
It ’ s not a big deal .
I ’ m fine !
Let ’ s keep dancing , ” Cinderella said , trying to smile , while blood pooled in her shoe .
“ Hold up .
You ’ re wearing slippers made of glass ?
” the prince asked .
“ Technically , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , as she looked around the room at the other women ’ s footwear : satin , sequins , and a few flip-flops on blistered feet .
“ Wait a second .
Is glass not something that royals typically wear ?
” she asked .
The prince took a second to assess the situation and then realized what the deal was .
“ Oh !
You must be one of the poor ones we invited , ” he said .
Cinderella watched the prince instantly lose interest and begin to scan the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dance with .
“ Owww—ahhh—I love dancing so much !
” Cinderella yelled , trying to cover the sound of crackling glass .
Judging from the look on the prince ’ s face , it wasn ’ t working .
“ Let ’ s take a break , ” the prince said , slowly backing away .
“ No , please !
” said Cinderella , pulling him toward her .
“ I ’ m having a great time .
I thought the mini quiche was incredible .
I ate it in one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disgusting , ” scoffed the prince .
“ Everyone knows about the four-bite rule .
A mini quiche should take you a good ninety minutes to finish.
” Cinderella tried to go back to dancing , but without moving her feet .
She looked like one of those inflatable tube men outside of carriage dealerships .
“ I don ’ t want a little broken glass to ruin this date , ” Cinderella said .
“ It ’ s really important .
If you don ’ t fall in love with me , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ floorboards for the rest of my life.
” “ I mean , that ’ s not really on me , ” said the prince .
Wow .
The prince was being a real dungeon-bag .
But he was also an easy way out of Cinderella ’ s dreadful roommate situation .
Her mind raced—should she try to make it work with this guy , or should she tell him off and spit in his champagne ?
Convincing herself that maybe he was just hangry , since all the rich-people food was so small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I actually didn ’ t buy these glass slippers myself , ” Cinderella explained .
“ They were a gift , and it seemed rude not to wear them.
” “ When I think a gift is ugly , I just throw it away , ” the prince retorted .
“ They were my only option , ” said Cinderella .
“ I don ’ t own another pair of shoes.
” “ Not even boat shoes ?
” the prince asked .
“ Or those ones with the red bottoms that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a fireplace , ” Cinderella snapped .
“ How would I know anything about gender-normative footwear ?
”

Once upon a time, there was a strong and resilient young woman named Cinderella, who lived with a mean, demanding, and, frankly, abusive stepmother and two bratty, dimwitted stepsisters. They spent their time painting bad selfies that they called “selfie portraits,” and they thought that almond milk came from cows who ate almonds. Cinderella’s mother had died tragically, and her father quickly remarried after just a few dates, before you can really know who a person is. Soon after, Cinderella’s father died, too.
The stepmother resented Cinderella for her fortitude in the face of adversity and for being the only one in the family without a widow’s peak. She kept the father’s money for herself and paid Cinderella the minimum wage to be a lowly servant. Cinderella would’ve loved to be a household manager or one of those well-paid butler types, but those roles always went to the men in the kingdom.
Rent was high in the big city, so the only place that Cinderella could afford to live was her stepmother’s fireplace, which had a rodent problem and was misleadingly advertised as a cozy studio. On the bright side, the commute was short.
One day, an invitation to a ball, hosted by the royal prince, arrived at the house. The prince was looking for a bride, and he thought the best way to find one he hadn’t already dated would be to throw a massive party, invite all of the maidens in the kingdom, and then pick one, in what he called a “rose ceremony.”
Cinderella was ecstatic! “Could marrying the prince be my way out of poverty? Could I really be royalty? Maybe! Why not?” she mused to her only friends, a bunch of mice.
“Ew, gross. You can’t come to the ball with us,” one of her stepsisters said, when she found Cinderella sewing a ball gown out of curtains. “People will think you, like, live with us.”
“I do live with you,” Cinderella replied.
Besides, the invitation clearly read “all maidens.” She’d go to the ball in her fabulous curtain dress, capture the prince’s heart, and finally find out the difference between crudités and raw vegetables.
But, before Cinderella could leave for the ball, her stepmother sabotaged her plan. Acknowledging that it is a stepmother’s job in fairy tales to be evil and jealous of her stepdaughter, she ripped Cinderella’s dress in two and screamed, “I don’t have a good reason not to like you, but I just don’t! You can’t come!” and then rode away in a carriage with her two daughters. Cinderella ran outside in tears. Now she didn’t have a dress or curtains.
Suddenly, a small, elderly, kind-faced woman appeared in a cloud of silver smoke.
“Mibbidi-mobbidi-moo!” she sang. “It’s me, your fairy godmother! Dry your tears, Cinderella. You can go to the ball.”
And with a swoop of her wand, she turned a pumpkin into a carriage, Cinderella’s mice friends into coachmen, and her rags into a beautiful bedazzled ball gown. She also gave her a few more party essentials—breath mints (formerly a piece of lint), décolletage bronzer (formerly birdseed), and red lipstick (formerly pink lipstick).
“Off you go now!” said the fairy godmother as she handed Cinderella two glass slippers and disappeared into a flurry of blue bubbles.
“This is my only hope for never cleaning my stepmother’s bidet again,” Cinderella told herself, as she slipped on the glass shoes. “Let’s get this prince to fall in love with me!”
The ball was sensational—with a fountain of champagne, a full orchestra, and a bathroom that had a basket with extra hair ties.
“Would you care to dance?” a deep voice behind her asked.
Cinderella whirled around. It was the prince! And although he wasn’t as tall as he claimed in his palace bio, she was pleased to see that he was generically handsome.
“Oh, Cinderella, you’re everything I’ve been looking for!” the prince murmured as they spun around the dance floor.
“Tonight is perfect,” Cinderella said.
The prince was moving quickly—Cinderella couldn’t believe her luck. She was one step closer to financial security and being famous enough for people to pay her to post sponsored content.
But then she took another step and heard a loud CRUNCH. She felt a shooting pain in her left foot.
“Oh. My. God,” Cinderella said.
She could feel a giant glass shard stabbing the arch of her foot. Her glass slipper had shattered.
“What was that?” asked the prince.
“Oh, nothing,” said Cinderella, not wanting to ruin the mood. CRUNCH. Cinderella took another step. CRUNCH. CRUNCH.
“O.K., I definitely heard that one,” the prince said.
“I think my, um, glass slipper might have broken. It’s not a big deal. I’m fine! Let’s keep dancing,” Cinderella said, trying to smile, while blood pooled in her shoe.
“Hold up. You’re wearing slippers made of glass?” the prince asked.
“Technically, they’re glass heels,” Cinderella said, as she looked around the room at the other women’s footwear: satin, sequins, and a few flip-flops on blistered feet. “Wait a second. Is glass not something that royals typically wear?” she asked.
The prince took a second to assess the situation and then realized what the deal was.
“Oh! You must be one of the poor ones we invited,” he said.
Cinderella watched the prince instantly lose interest and begin to scan the room, looking for other maidens to dance with.
“Owww—ahhh—I love dancing so much!” Cinderella yelled, trying to cover the sound of crackling glass. Judging from the look on the prince’s face, it wasn’t working.
“Let’s take a break,” the prince said, slowly backing away.
“No, please!” said Cinderella, pulling him toward her. “I’m having a great time. I thought the mini quiche was incredible. I ate it in one bite!”
“That’s disgusting,” scoffed the prince. “Everyone knows about the four-bite rule. A mini quiche should take you a good ninety minutes to finish.”
Cinderella tried to go back to dancing, but without moving her feet. She looked like one of those inflatable tube men outside of carriage dealerships.
“I don’t want a little broken glass to ruin this date,” Cinderella said. “It’s really important. If you don’t fall in love with me, I’m going to be dusting floorboards for the rest of my life.”
“I mean, that’s not really on me,” said the prince.
Wow. The prince was being a real dungeon-bag. But he was also an easy way out of Cinderella’s dreadful roommate situation. Her mind raced—should she try to make it work with this guy, or should she tell him off and spit in his champagne? Convincing herself that maybe he was just hangry, since all the rich-people food was so small, she decided on the former.
“I actually didn’t buy these glass slippers myself,” Cinderella explained. “They were a gift, and it seemed rude not to wear them.”
“When I think a gift is ugly, I just throw it away,” the prince retorted.


newyorker--2020-03-08--Biden, Sanders, and Trump, After Super Tuesday

Donald Trump has been profligate in his attacks on the Democratic candidates for President , but Super Tuesday , with its unexpected string of victories for Joe Biden , pushed him to new heights of incoherence .
At a rally in North Carolina , last Monday , he mocked “ Sleepy Joe ” for referring to “ Super Thursday ” in a speech .
( Biden had , in fact , caught himself mid-word and , with a smile to the crowd , said , “ I ’ m rushing ahead , aren ’ t I ?
” ) “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because he ’ s a little more moderate , ” Trump said .
But then he added , “ They ’ re going to put him in a home !
And other people are going to be running the country—and they ’ ll be super-left radical crazies.
” Apart from the usual crudeness of Trump ’ s rhetoric , this picture of Biden as the kindly face of the Red Terror doesn ’ t make much sense .
It may turn out to be just an interim line of insult , as Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with tales of a takeover by the “ radical socialist Democrat Party ” and “ Crazy Bernie , ” recalibrates to account for the solid presence of Biden .
Trump ’ s interpretation will also be news to Senator Sanders and his supporters , who have been portraying Biden as a figurehead of corporate interests .
That reading , in turn , critically ignores the role that African-American voters , first in South Carolina and then , on Super Tuesday , throughout the country , played in Biden ’ s resurgence .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well as in Virginia and Massachusetts , where he also had particularly strong support from women .
And yet Sanders ’ s electorate was diverse , too ; exit polls indicate that he prevailed among Latinx and Asian-American voters , and , in some states , among black voters under thirty .
He also won young voters almost everywhere , though their turnout was lower than the Sanders campaign had hoped .
In California , Sanders ’ s share of Latinx voters under thirty was seventy-one per cent .
He accomplished all that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unquestionably has .
( Pete Buttigieg reportedly spoke with Barack Obama and Jimmy Carter before endorsing Biden . )
On Super Tuesday , both Biden and Sanders showed real strength .
Both still have a path to the nomination , in terms of the delegate count , though Sanders ’ s is far steeper .
Trump should be scared of them both , which is , no doubt , why he ’ s goading them to attack each other .
Trump spent the morning after Super Tuesday testing different formulations of derision , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Warren , “ our modern day Pocahantas , ” had cost Sanders her home state of Massachusetts by having the gall to compete there— “ so selfish !
” ( Warren dropped out on Thursday . )
Trump tweeted that the “ Democrat establishment ” had come together “ and crushed Bernie Sanders , AGAIN !
” And , after crowing over the losses suffered by “ Mini Mike Bloomberg , ” who left the race after having won only American Samoa , he added , “ Now he will pour money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoping to save face .
It won ’ t work !
” Trump has a bully ’ s instinct for identifying points of tension .
His “ AGAIN ” tweet was a reference to the 2016 campaign , during which he tried to capitalize on the disquiet of Sanders ’ s supporters in the face of what they saw as the Party leadership ’ s preference for Hillary Clinton .
Sanders echoed those complaints on Tuesday night , when he said , “ We ’ re not only taking on the corporate establishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political establishment.
” He questioned whether anyone with such backing can bring about real change for working families , as if no good could come of moderation .
Still , Biden ’ s supporters , particularly those who are , for want of a better word , established , don ’ t always recognize that significant elements of Sanders ’ s program are far from wild-eyed .
He has pushed the Party in positive directions—for example , in the fight for a higher minimum wage .
Biden has countered Sanders ’ s Medicare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for building on Obamacare with a “ public option.
” If anything , the outbreak of COVID-19 illustrates the urgent need for some form of universal health care .
The winnowing of the field should not be a reason to narrow those aspirations .
Indeed , the debates between Sanders and Biden—the first is scheduled for March 15th—will offer the candidates a chance to make the case for their proposals .
( With Biden ’ s amiable volubility and Sanders ’ s Brooklynite polemical style , the two of them , both in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quite a show . )
Beyond policy , when Biden says , as he did last Wednesday , that “ character is on the ballot , ” and his supporters speak of the former Vice-President , as Representative Jim Clyburn of South Carolina did , as “ a real good man , ” it ’ s important to keep in mind that the true contrast , in that respect , is with Trump , not Sanders .
And then there ’ s the matter of money .
Bloomberg , who has now endorsed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a donor to progressive causes .
He put something like a half-billion dollars into his own campaign—the amount of money involved is unsettling , even in the name of defeating Trump—and has said that , if he didn ’ t get the nomination , he would re-deploy his operation in the service of another candidate he liked .
He doesn ’ t seem to like Sanders much ; during a debate , he told Sanders that , in effect , democratic socialism is the road to serfdom .
Will that message be included @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
The race will already be bitter ; it would be best to leave the Red-baiting to Trump .
Sanders ’ s divisiveness is a more worthy target than his dreams , which are shared by many Democrats .
There have been unexpected swings in this race .
Thirty-two states have yet to vote , and probably about thirty-two thousand more insults , epithets , and lies are still to come from Trump , as he attempts to distort the picture of the candidates and of the country .
Senate Republicans are revving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden ’ s son Hunter , too , which Senator Ron Johnson contends will be useful to a “ Democratic primary voter.
” One hopes that , amid all the distraction , Biden and Sanders and their supporters will still be able to see one another clearly .
“ What this campaign , I think , is increasingly about is : Which side are you on ?
” Sanders said on Wednesday .
There is an answer both for him and for Biden : Trump is on the other side .
♦

Illustration by João Fazenda
Donald Trump has been profligate in his attacks on the Democratic candidates for President, but Super Tuesday, with its unexpected string of victories for Joe Biden, pushed him to new heights of incoherence. At a rally in North Carolina, last Monday, he mocked “Sleepy Joe” for referring to “Super Thursday” in a speech. (Biden had, in fact, caught himself mid-word and, with a smile to the crowd, said, “I’m rushing ahead, aren’t I?”) “You know, maybe he gets in because he’s a little more moderate,” Trump said. But then he added, “They’re going to put him in a home! And other people are going to be running the country—and they’ll be super-left radical crazies.”
Apart from the usual crudeness of Trump’s rhetoric, this picture of Biden as the kindly face of the Red Terror doesn’t make much sense. It may turn out to be just an interim line of insult, as Trump, who had been working up crowds with tales of a takeover by the “radical socialist Democrat Party” and “Crazy Bernie,” recalibrates to account for the solid presence of Biden. Trump’s interpretation will also be news to Senator Sanders and his supporters, who have been portraying Biden as a figurehead of corporate interests. That reading, in turn, critically ignores the role that African-American voters, first in South Carolina and then, on Super Tuesday, throughout the country, played in Biden’s resurgence. He won in Alabama and Texas, as well as in Virginia and Massachusetts, where he also had particularly strong support from women.
And yet Sanders’s electorate was diverse, too; exit polls indicate that he prevailed among Latinx and Asian-American voters, and, in some states, among black voters under thirty. He also won young voters almost everywhere, though their turnout was lower than the Sanders campaign had hoped. In California, Sanders’s share of Latinx voters under thirty was seventy-one per cent. He accomplished all that without the institutional party support that Biden unquestionably has. (Pete Buttigieg reportedly spoke with Barack Obama and Jimmy Carter before endorsing Biden.) On Super Tuesday, both Biden and Sanders showed real strength. Both still have a path to the nomination, in terms of the delegate count, though Sanders’s is far steeper. Trump should be scared of them both, which is, no doubt, why he’s goading them to attack each other.
Trump spent the morning after Super Tuesday testing different formulations of derision, division, and distrust. He said that Warren, “our modern day Pocahantas,” had cost Sanders her home state of Massachusetts by having the gall to compete there—“so selfish!” (Warren dropped out on Thursday.) Trump tweeted that the “Democrat establishment” had come together “and crushed Bernie Sanders, AGAIN!” And, after crowing over the losses suffered by “Mini Mike Bloomberg,” who left the race after having won only American Samoa, he added, “Now he will pour money into Sleepy Joe’s campaign, hoping to save face. It won’t work!”
Trump has a bully’s instinct for identifying points of tension. His “AGAIN” tweet was a reference to the 2016 campaign, during which he tried to capitalize on the disquiet of Sanders’s supporters in the face of what they saw as the Party leadership’s preference for Hillary Clinton. Sanders echoed those complaints on Tuesday night, when he said, “We’re not only taking on the corporate establishment, we’re taking on the political establishment.” He questioned whether anyone with such backing can bring about real change for working families, as if no good could come of moderation.
Still, Biden’s supporters, particularly those who are, for want of a better word, established, don’t always recognize that significant elements of Sanders’s program are far from wild-eyed. He has pushed the Party in positive directions—for example, in the fight for a higher minimum wage. Biden has countered Sanders’s Medicare for All by emphasizing his own support for building on Obamacare with a “public option.” If anything, the outbreak of COVID-19 illustrates the urgent need for some form of universal health care. The winnowing of the field should not be a reason to narrow those aspirations.
Indeed, the debates between Sanders and Biden—the first is scheduled for March 15th—will offer the candidates a chance to make the case for their proposals. (With Biden’s amiable volubility and Sanders’s Brooklynite polemical style, the two of them, both in their late seventies, should put on quite a show.) Beyond policy, when Biden says, as he did last Wednesday, that “character is on the ballot,” and his supporters speak of the former Vice-President, as Representative Jim Clyburn of South Carolina did, as “a real good man,” it’s important to keep in mind that the true contrast, in that respect, is with Trump, not Sanders.
And then there’s the matter of money. Bloomberg, who has now endorsed Biden, has a storied record as a donor to progressive causes. He put something like a half-billion dollars into his own campaign—the amount of money involved is unsettling, even in the name of defeating Trump—and has said that, if he didn’t get the nomination, he would re-deploy his operation in the service of another candidate he liked. He doesn’t seem to like Sanders much; during a debate, he told Sanders that, in effect, democratic socialism is the road to serfdom. Will that message be included in ads that Bloomberg buys for Biden? The race will already be bitter; it would be best to leave the Red-baiting to Trump. Sanders’s divisiveness is a more worthy target than his dreams, which are shared by many Democrats.
There have been unexpected swings in this race. Thirty-two states have yet to vote, and probably about thirty-two thousand more insults, epithets, and lies are still to come from Trump, as he attempts to distort the picture of the candidates and of the country. Senate Republicans are revving up an investigation related to Ukraine and Joe Biden’s son Hunter, too, which Senator Ron Johnson contends will be useful to a “Democratic primary voter.” One hopes that, amid all the distraction, Biden and Sanders and their supporters will still be able to see one another clearly. “What this campaign, I think, is increasingly about is: Which side are you on?” Sanders said on Wednesday. There is an answer both for him and for Biden: Trump is on the other side. ♦