newyorker--2020-06-05--K-Pop Fans Defuse Racist Hashtags

K-Pop Fans Defuse Racist Hashtags

One of the wonders of witnessing a political revolution led by people who are firmly rooted in online culture is watching new forms of insurrection develop and be deployed almost instantaneously .
This week , thousands of K-pop stans—the passionate , Web-literate followers of bands such as BTS , BLACKPINK , Monsta X , GOT7 , and others—have been steadily defusing racist hashtags by flooding Twitter with “ fancams , ” or fan-edited videos of K-pop stars singing , dancing , and serving looks .
Fancams are often used to defang or derail an online conversation .
Per stan grammar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roll one ’ s eyes ; it ’ s a pointed , efficient way of refusing to engage in unsavory rhetoric while also boosting the presence of something beautiful .
This week , as the hashtag # whitelivesmatter began trending in the U.S. , the stans promptly organized , posting enough fancams to make the tag functionally useless within hours .
Anyone who clicked was greeted by apparently endless footage of K-pop stars engaged in elaborate choreography .
Stans are as savvy as they are righteous—when the tag changed to # whitelifematters and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and reëngaged .
But the K-pop fans haven ’ t just been hijacking hashtags .
On May 31st , the Dallas Police Department posted a tweet inviting citizens to download iWatch Dallas , an app that could be used to upload videos and photos in order to report “ illegal activity from the protests.
” A user named @ belispeek responded to the D.P.D.
’ s tweet by writing , “ I got a video for you , ” and then posted a fancam of the South Korean pop star Taemin performing onstage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out : overwhelm the app , neutralize it , and render it nonfunctional .
A user named @ ygshit helped direct the action : “ guys download the app and fucking FLOOD that shit with fancams make it SO HARD for them to find anything besides our faves dancing , ” she tweeted .
The post received a hundred and seven thousand likes .
Two hours later , the D.P.D .
announced that “ due to technical difficulties iWatch Dallas app will be down temporarily.
” ( The app did eventually go back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one-star rating in Apple ’ s App Store , which makes it far less likely to be featured or to appear in a search . )
On June 1st , a user named @ ngelwy posted a screenshot advertising a similar app being used by the Grand Rapids Police Department : “ you know the drill !
SEND IN ALL OF YOUR FANCAMS !
!
!
CRASH THE WEBSITE !
!
!
MAKE THEM TAKE IT DOWN !
!
!
PROTECT THE PROTESTORS !
!
!
” The stans went to work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ gone .
“ The GRPD is closing the online portal for videos of civil unrest , ” the department tweeted .
The Dallas Morning News referred to the action against iWatch Dallas as a “ mass prank , ” but nothing about what these fans had done felt unserious ; it seemed , to me , as if they had disarmed a bomb .
If you have not yet witnessed K-pop fandoms at work , it ’ s hard to understand the ferocity and dedication of these communities—how prepared they are to mobilize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activism can be .
Maria Sherman , a senior writer at Jezebel and the author of the forthcoming “ Larger Than Life : A History of Boy Bands from NKOTB to BTS , ” told me that the idea of acting with incredible speed , and in tandem with other fans , is inherent to the stan experience .
“ K-pop sociality is predicated on digital coördinated action and publicity , ” she said .
“ Mobilizing quickly is the foundational K-pop stan experience , because those armies take an active , participatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that though it ’ s not unusual for K-pop stans to engage with viral tweets , normally with the idea of bringing more exposure to their favorite artists , something about this particular instance felt different .
“ This time , they were emboldened by personal and political ideology en masse , ” she said .
“ It was both a participatory act of protest and an act of fandom that doubled as protest.
” Musically , K-pop is heavily based in New Jack Swing , a style of pop music invented and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and nineties .
( It reached a kind of creative apex in 1986 , when Janet Jackson released “ Control , ” and it returned to dominate the charts again in the early two-thousands , when boy bands such as ’ NSync embraced the genre . )
K-pop ’ s link to black art is unmistakable , which makes the K-pop fan base ’ s defense of black lives feel appropriate .
Sherman also pointed out that the vast cultural reach of K-pop has left its fan communities awake to systems of injustice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes it an industry where fans are especially perceptive of racial inequality , ” she said .
“ It makes sense that the issue of racism would be one to mobilize around.
” It helps that K-pop has significant historical links to social commentary .
“ The group most commonly credited with kickstarting modern K-pop , Seo Taiji and Boys , regularly performed hip-hop songs that attacked societal ills , ” Sherman said .
“ Even Psy ’ s ‘ Gangnam Style , ’ beyond its viral horse-dance move , is a subversive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perception of K-pop as apolitical is misguided and likely an extension of the belief that every boy band or girl group is frivolous , manufactured , unserious.
” The activism of K-pop fans this week reminded me how important it is to highlight avenues of protest that don ’ t exclude the immunocompromised or otherwise high-risk people ( for whom exposure to the coronavirus during a march or rally might be deadly ) , or anyone in a financially precarious situation ( for whom cash donations to bail funds and other causes might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their members are young or female—are often ignored or scorned , which means that there ’ s also a spiritual kinship to K-pop stans ’ support of Black Lives Matter .
Their action was a moving and effective gesture of solidarity in a moment that demands exactly that .

One of the wonders of witnessing a political revolution led by people who are firmly rooted in online culture is watching new forms of insurrection develop and be deployed almost instantaneously. This week, thousands of K-pop stans—the passionate, Web-literate followers of bands such as BTS, BLACKPINK, Monsta X, GOT7, and others—have been steadily defusing racist hashtags by flooding Twitter with “fancams,” or fan-edited videos of K-pop stars singing, dancing, and serving looks. Fancams are often used to defang or derail an online conversation. Per stan grammar, to post a fancam is to roll one’s eyes; it’s a pointed, efficient way of refusing to engage in unsavory rhetoric while also boosting the presence of something beautiful.
This week, as the hashtag #whitelivesmatter began trending in the U.S., the stans promptly organized, posting enough fancams to make the tag functionally useless within hours. Anyone who clicked was greeted by apparently endless footage of K-pop stars engaged in elaborate choreography. Stans are as savvy as they are righteous—when the tag changed to #whitelifematters and then #whiteoutwednesday, they simply regrouped and reëngaged.
But the K-pop fans haven’t just been hijacking hashtags. On May 31st, the Dallas Police Department posted a tweet inviting citizens to download iWatch Dallas, an app that could be used to upload videos and photos in order to report “illegal activity from the protests.” A user named @belispeek responded to the D.P.D.’s tweet by writing, “I got a video for you,” and then posted a fancam of the South Korean pop star Taemin performing onstage. Shortly thereafter, the call was out: overwhelm the app, neutralize it, and render it nonfunctional. A user named @ygshit helped direct the action: “guys download the app and fucking FLOOD that shit with fancams make it SO HARD for them to find anything besides our faves dancing,” she tweeted. The post received a hundred and seven thousand likes. Two hours later, the D.P.D. announced that “due to technical difficulties iWatch Dallas app will be down temporarily.” (The app did eventually go back online, though it presently has a one-star rating in Apple’s App Store, which makes it far less likely to be featured or to appear in a search.) On June 1st, a user named @ngelwy posted a screenshot advertising a similar app being used by the Grand Rapids Police Department: “you know the drill! SEND IN ALL OF YOUR FANCAMS!!! CRASH THE WEBSITE!!! MAKE THEM TAKE IT DOWN!!! PROTECT THE PROTESTORS!!!” The stans went to work. The next day, the app was gone. “The GRPD is closing the online portal for videos of civil unrest,” the department tweeted.
The Dallas Morning News referred to the action against iWatch Dallas as a “mass prank,” but nothing about what these fans had done felt unserious; it seemed, to me, as if they had disarmed a bomb. If you have not yet witnessed K-pop fandoms at work, it’s hard to understand the ferocity and dedication of these communities—how prepared they are to mobilize, and how powerful their brand of activism can be. Maria Sherman, a senior writer at Jezebel and the author of the forthcoming “Larger Than Life: A History of Boy Bands from NKOTB to BTS,” told me that the idea of acting with incredible speed, and in tandem with other fans, is inherent to the stan experience. “K-pop sociality is predicated on digital coördinated action and publicity,” she said. “Mobilizing quickly is the foundational K-pop stan experience, because those armies take an active, participatory role in their consumerism.” Sherman explained that though it’s not unusual for K-pop stans to engage with viral tweets, normally with the idea of bringing more exposure to their favorite artists, something about this particular instance felt different. “This time, they were emboldened by personal and political ideology en masse,” she said. “It was both a participatory act of protest and an act of fandom that doubled as protest.”
Musically, K-pop is heavily based in New Jack Swing, a style of pop music invented and perfected by black Americans in the nineteen-eighties and nineties. (It reached a kind of creative apex in 1986, when Janet Jackson released “Control,” and it returned to dominate the charts again in the early two-thousands, when boy bands such as ’NSync embraced the genre.) K-pop’s link to black art is unmistakable, which makes the K-pop fan base’s defense of black lives feel appropriate. Sherman also pointed out that the vast cultural reach of K-pop has left its fan communities awake to systems of injustice. “The global nature of K-pop makes it an industry where fans are especially perceptive of racial inequality,” she said. “It makes sense that the issue of racism would be one to mobilize around.”
It helps that K-pop has significant historical links to social commentary. “The group most commonly credited with kickstarting modern K-pop, Seo Taiji and Boys, regularly performed hip-hop songs that attacked societal ills,” Sherman said. “Even Psy’s ‘Gangnam Style,’ beyond its viral horse-dance move, is a subversive criticism of wealth and class. Any perception of K-pop as apolitical is misguided and likely an extension of the belief that every boy band or girl group is frivolous, manufactured, unserious.”
The activism of K-pop fans this week reminded me how important it is to highlight avenues of protest that don’t exclude the immunocompromised or otherwise high-risk people (for whom exposure to the coronavirus during a march or rally might be deadly), or anyone in a financially precarious situation (for whom cash donations to bail funds and other causes might feel impossible). Fan groups—especially when their members are young or female—are often ignored or scorned, which means that there’s also a spiritual kinship to K-pop stans’ support of Black Lives Matter. Their action was a moving and effective gesture of solidarity in a moment that demands exactly that.


newyorker--2020-06-05--Notes on the George Floyd Protests in Minneapolis

It happened again .
This time , they did it with a knee .
Cause of death : twenty bucks and the police .
For George Floyd , the crowd stretches down Chicago Avenue , cutting the city through the Third Precinct , just how the construction of I-94 once ripped through the Black neighborhood of Rondo , in St. Paul , without question or apology .
On Hiawatha , a few blocks from the now destroyed precinct , there ’ s a day-care playground full of little Black kids .
Sun-blessed , little fades and puffs and hijabs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feet jumping , jumping , little mouths a chaos of smile and chant .
“ Black Lives Matter !
Black Lives Matter !
” They say it with their teeth and whole bodies .
When was the first time that they knew those lives mattered ?
Do these toddlers already know that some propose counterarguments ?
When we make it to the precinct , my love and I join the line flanking westbound Lake Street , and for us the protest is one of guarding others .
We wade through the rain redirecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them giving us grief .
As the rain picks up and the crowds disperse , we start the three-mile walk back to the car and we see the precinct up close for the first time since arriving .
A busted door , folks at the windows and on the cars .
Good , I think to myself .
Though I ’ m scared .
Cops love cops and buildings more than they love the people .
Five blocks from the precinct and the sounds rush our ears .
The boom-boom-boom-boom of flash grenades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rubber bullets hitting protesters , the sounds of something , everything , hitting the group .
The Target is on fire .
Frankly , I couldn ’ t care less .
I love me some Target , but Target doesn ’ t have a body .
On this night , Black Twitter is cracking up at the video of a white woman trying to defend Target with a seemingly sharp object .
An army of one Karen against a revolt , and she ’ s there to protect what exactly ?
She gets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fire extinguisher ’ s cloudy breath to the face .
Already , the people out of whom capitalism would make an unmemorable meal are flocking to defend the brands .
These people find their rage in the disruption of their comfort .
“ Won ’ t someone please think of the Arby ’ s ?
” seems like a very weird place to put your concern .
What America are you mourning ?
Target wasn ’ t in the fields , cotton-bloodied hands .
Walmart never hung from a tree .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clean up with my broom , I ’ m sad to see the Foot Locker in Midway is gone , but only for the memories of matching tall tees with the homies , the parties we dressed ourselves for , only to be stopped by cops for wearing the same color .
Foot Locker will be fine .
I ’ m pissed at whoever busted the windows out of Best Steakhouse , but I forgive them .
I ’ m worried about who is going to get to rebuild the now burnt and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ St. Paul and Minneapolis will be further gentrified by flame .
Capitalism is the worst bird , able to make a tool out of its destruction .
Bad phoenix .
How do you kill the unkillable thing ?
The thing that builds the most dangerous and violent houses : the precincts , the banks , the courts , the boardrooms , the leasing office , the capital .
My love and me leave a pretty tame protest to go get pizza right quick ; we ’ ve been forgetting to eat these past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city are probably short on sleep , ignoring the demands of the body .
Heading back downtown , the energy has changed since we left .
What happened ?
The cops showed up , anger-drunk and tear gas in hand .
Folks peacefully marching in the street has turned into rubber bullets to the body , and crowds scattered in fear .
We loop downtown on foot , from corner to corner , until we end up on a street trapped by M.P.D .
in riot gear in our faces , the sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When was COVID-19 ?
What infection did I fear last week ?
The cops are the sickness .
I ’ ve been raised to be wary .
I ’ ve always been scared of the cops—the fear was passed like a name .
Not scared , or not showing it , are the Black women on the other side of the police from me .
Their voices are shred to ribbons of yell .
Who fights for Black people more than Black women ?
Warrior matriarchs of our fed-up kingdom .
Ribbons of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuck you .
I ’ m a little braver next to them .
I follow .
Rattled and eyes stung , we make it home .
Who is checking in on Black women ?
Who is fighting for them , their peace ?
In Kentucky , Breonna Taylor ’ s murderers walk free , cops who shot up an E.M.T.
’ s home in the middle of a pandemic .
Who else have we lost to cops , lost to white folks who deputized themselves , forgotten among the never-ending repetition Justice for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for .
.
.
.
The beauty of the food driver makes me cry , the piles of bread and diapers rushed from cabinets and retrieved from the ’ burbs .
The beauty of the cleanup makes me cry , the brooms sweeping glass into a bag that a stranger steadies .
The people cleaning graffiti off bank windows makes me laugh .
The old Sheraton turned into a community-run shelter makes me cry , the blessing of owning a key to something .
My grandma ’ s spaghetti makes me cry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagined stirring sauce and boiling water that day .
The semi driver who , in my eyes , tried to murder people on the bridge makes me cry , especially when the governor says that he was just “ frustrated , ” like that ’ s an excuse , like many haven ’ t died along the short road of a white man ’ s temper .
The National Guard on my street makes me cry—it ’ s barely noon and here are their armored vehicles and guns , no other reason than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like fire on my face .
The north side of Minneapolis is majority Black and historically abused .
My apartment is a blink ’ s distance from where the National Guard has set up , on the border between the south and downtown .
We ’ ve smelled smoke for days , put out a few fires , too .
Who is protecting us besides us ?
What are these cops protecting ?
Early one morning , we ride out to see the damage , the smolder where some bit of city used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what it ’ s like , we find the police .
Guns ready , armored vehicles posed , flanking the whole way down Nicollet Mall—the Brooks Brothers , the boutiques , the Target all protected and served .
Still the children and mothers and uncles in cages at the border .
Still the prisons packed like a boat ’ s stinking hold filled with whom we come from .
Still the drones circling above a farther sky and dropping our taxes made explosive .
Still the forty-fifth President of death does the evil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it look like good .
Still the police say to shoot us on the scanner .
Still they plow into us by car and bullet and choke hold .
Still the Taser and the gun “ mistaken ” for a Taser .
Still they say “ vote , ” like ballots are shields .
Still the white supremacists running around the city , in and out of uniform .
Still I have some hope .
The school board abolished the police from the halls .
The Neighborhood Watches sprung up across the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world .
If you are reading this and you ’ ve never been scared of the police , I envy that silly dream , the dream where money guards your door with guns .
Why do we have police ?
Have you Googled where they come from ?
The precinct ’ s ancestor is the plantation cabin filled with overseers , between the slave quarters and the big house .
When the North came down to free my people , you tell me what burned .

It happened again. This time, they did it with a knee. Cause of death: twenty bucks and the police. For George Floyd, the crowd stretches down Chicago Avenue, cutting the city through the Third Precinct, just how the construction of I-94 once ripped through the Black neighborhood of Rondo, in St. Paul, without question or apology. On Hiawatha, a few blocks from the now destroyed precinct, there’s a day-care playground full of little Black kids. Sun-blessed, little fades and puffs and hijabs, little hands gripping the fence, little feet jumping, jumping, little mouths a chaos of smile and chant. “Black Lives Matter! Black Lives Matter!” They say it with their teeth and whole bodies. When was the first time that they knew those lives mattered? Do these toddlers already know that some propose counterarguments? When we make it to the precinct, my love and I join the line flanking westbound Lake Street, and for us the protest is one of guarding others. We wade through the rain redirecting cars, only two or three of them giving us grief. As the rain picks up and the crowds disperse, we start the three-mile walk back to the car and we see the precinct up close for the first time since arriving. A busted door, folks at the windows and on the cars. Good, I think to myself. Though I’m scared. Cops love cops and buildings more than they love the people. Five blocks from the precinct and the sounds rush our ears. The boom-boom-boom-boom of flash grenades, tear gas, the drum of rubber bullets hitting protesters, the sounds of something, everything, hitting the group.
The Target is on fire. Frankly, I couldn’t care less. I love me some Target, but Target doesn’t have a body. On this night, Black Twitter is cracking up at the video of a white woman trying to defend Target with a seemingly sharp object. An army of one Karen against a revolt, and she’s there to protect what exactly? She gets a few knocks to the head and a fire extinguisher’s cloudy breath to the face. Already, the people out of whom capitalism would make an unmemorable meal are flocking to defend the brands. These people find their rage in the disruption of their comfort. “Won’t someone please think of the Arby’s?” seems like a very weird place to put your concern. What America are you mourning? Target wasn’t in the fields, cotton-bloodied hands. Walmart never hung from a tree.
When I go to the protest site to clean up with my broom, I’m sad to see the Foot Locker in Midway is gone, but only for the memories of matching tall tees with the homies, the parties we dressed ourselves for, only to be stopped by cops for wearing the same color. Foot Locker will be fine. I’m pissed at whoever busted the windows out of Best Steakhouse, but I forgive them. I’m worried about who is going to get to rebuild the now burnt and burning Twin Cities, if neighborhoods in St. Paul and Minneapolis will be further gentrified by flame. Capitalism is the worst bird, able to make a tool out of its destruction. Bad phoenix. How do you kill the unkillable thing? The thing that builds the most dangerous and violent houses: the precincts, the banks, the courts, the boardrooms, the leasing office, the capital.
My love and me leave a pretty tame protest to go get pizza right quick; we’ve been forgetting to eat these past few days. Most folks in the city are probably short on sleep, ignoring the demands of the body. Heading back downtown, the energy has changed since we left. What happened? The cops showed up, anger-drunk and tear gas in hand. Folks peacefully marching in the street has turned into rubber bullets to the body, and crowds scattered in fear. We loop downtown on foot, from corner to corner, until we end up on a street trapped by M.P.D. in riot gear in our faces, the sheriff’s department to our backs. When was COVID-19? What infection did I fear last week? The cops are the sickness.
I’ve been raised to be wary. I’ve always been scared of the cops—the fear was passed like a name. Not scared, or not showing it, are the Black women on the other side of the police from me. Their voices are shred to ribbons of yell. Who fights for Black people more than Black women? Warrior matriarchs of our fed-up kingdom. Ribbons of chant, ribbons of no justice and fuck you. I’m a little braver next to them. I follow. Rattled and eyes stung, we make it home. Who is checking in on Black women? Who is fighting for them, their peace? In Kentucky, Breonna Taylor’s murderers walk free, cops who shot up an E.M.T.’s home in the middle of a pandemic. Who else have we lost to cops, lost to white folks who deputized themselves, forgotten among the never-ending repetition Justice for Justice for Justice for Justice for Justice for. . . .
The beauty of the food driver makes me cry, the piles of bread and diapers rushed from cabinets and retrieved from the ’burbs. The beauty of the cleanup makes me cry, the brooms sweeping glass into a bag that a stranger steadies. The people cleaning graffiti off bank windows makes me laugh. The old Sheraton turned into a community-run shelter makes me cry, the blessing of owning a key to something. My grandma’s spaghetti makes me cry, ’cause I couldn’t have imagined stirring sauce and boiling water that day. The semi driver who, in my eyes, tried to murder people on the bridge makes me cry, especially when the governor says that he was just “frustrated,” like that’s an excuse, like many haven’t died along the short road of a white man’s temper. The National Guard on my street makes me cry—it’s barely noon and here are their armored vehicles and guns, no other reason than to announce themselves. The tears feel like fire on my face.
The north side of Minneapolis is majority Black and historically abused. My apartment is a blink’s distance from where the National Guard has set up, on the border between the south and downtown. We’ve smelled smoke for days, put out a few fires, too. Who is protecting us besides us? What are these cops protecting?
Early one morning, we ride out to see the damage, the smolder where some bit of city used to be. Rolling downtown to see what it’s like, we find the police. Guns ready, armored vehicles posed, flanking the whole way down Nicollet Mall—the Brooks Brothers, the boutiques, the Target all protected and served.
Still the children and mothers and uncles in cages at the border. Still the prisons packed like a boat’s stinking hold filled with whom we come from. Still the drones circling above a farther sky and dropping our taxes made explosive. Still the forty-fifth President of death does the evil of Presidents with less style to make it look like good. Still the police say to shoot us on the scanner. Still they plow into us by car and bullet and choke hold. Still the Taser and the gun “mistaken” for a Taser. Still they say “vote,” like ballots are shields. Still the white supremacists running around the city, in and out of uniform. Still I have some hope. The school board abolished the police from the halls. The Neighborhood Watches sprung up across the city and make the night a more secure world. If you are reading this and you’ve never been scared of the police, I envy that silly dream, the dream where money guards your door with guns. Why do we have police? Have you Googled where they come from? The precinct’s ancestor is the plantation cabin filled with overseers, between the slave quarters and the big house. When the North came down to free my people, you tell me what burned.
Race, Policing, and Black Lives Matter Protests


newyorker--2020-06-05--“And Then We Danced,” A Queer Love Letter to Georgian Culture

The Georgian folk dancer is an image of masculine stereotype .
His movements are martial , virile ; they simulate war , hunting , and the courtship of his beloved .
Often accoutered with a double-edged dagger , he personifies the small , proud nation ’ s history and traditions .
So when the Swedish-Georgian director Levan Akin arrived in Tbilisi to shoot the country ’ s first explicitly queer feature film , a coming-of-age story about a traditional dancer , he was met with not a little hostility .
The Sukhishvili Georgian National Ballet , the country ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do with the project .
The rights holders to a number of old folk-song recordings refused to coöperate with the film ; Akin rerecorded the songs with new artists , many of whom , along with the lead choreographer , declined to be named in the credits .
The casting manager received death threats , and the production company retained bodyguards for the crew .
Securing locations was so challenging that some scenes had to be shot on the fly , with many roles filled by non-professional actors , lending the film a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Akin resorted to lying about the plot : it was , he ’ d say , about a French tourist who comes to Georgia and falls in love with the culture .
In truth , “ And Then We Danced , ” which was released this week on iTunes , centers around a fledgling member of the national dance ensemble , Merab ( Levan Gelbakhiani ) , who is auditioning for a spot in the main troupe .
His oppressive trainer reproaches him for being too soft , too feminine .
“ You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he growls .
“ This isn ’ t the lambada.
” Offstage , Merab ’ s life is a grind .
To survive , he waits tables , bringing leftovers home for his mother , grandmother , and feckless older brother .
He stays up studying grainy videos of Vakhtang Chabukiani , a legendary Georgian dancer , until the electricity cuts out .
His entire future , it seems , rides on the upcoming audition , and on the appearance of normalcy the profession demands .
“ This life is not for everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private .
“ There is no room for weakness.
” Outside the dance studio , the first time we see Merab smile is on an early-morning bus ride to rehearsal , when his rival and crush , Irakli ( Bachi Valishvili ) , falls asleep on his shoulder .
In 1934 , Joseph Stalin passed Article 154-a , which made “ sexual relations between men ” punishable by up to five years of hard labor .
( Such proclivities in women were treated as a mental-health issue , which , according to one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ pregnancy and child-bearing .
.
.
even after lasting perverted forms of cohabitation with women.
” ) In 2000 , nine years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union , the Georgian parliament decriminalized homosexuality , but the state does not recognize same-sex marriage and , as in the United States , restricts blood donations from sexually active gay men .
In one recent survey , fifty-nine per cent of Georgians said that they would object to having a gay neighbor ( down from eighty-seven per cent a decade ago ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ We Danced ” had the curious honor of being mentioned in Human Rights Watch ’ s 2020 World Report .
At the film ’ s Georgian première , both in Tbilisi and in the port city of Batumi , the report reads , “ ultranationalist hate groups and their supporters organized protests against the screening.
” ( Its world première was at last year ’ s Cannes Film Festival , where it received a fifteen-minute standing ovation ; three months later , Sweden submitted the film to the Academy Awards as its entry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
One of the protest organizers , Levan Vasadze , a neonationalist millionaire with close ties to the Georgian Orthodox Church , called the film “ a moral threat to the fabric of our society.
” Many of the demonstrators were parishioners , grandmothers in headscarves carrying prayer candles and wooden icons of the Madonna and Child .
“ Georgian national dance is the pinnacle of the beauty of our tradition of manhood , warrior spirit , and purity , ” Vasadze told the Times .
“ To pick that very sanctuary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to our culture as this is ten times more hurtful than if it was just an anti-traditional movie.
” In other words , had the film ’ s protagonist been a gay tax attorney or software developer , it would not have stoked such controversy .
After three days of sold-out screenings and rioting , twenty-seven arrests , and one hospitalization , Akin called off the remainder of the film ’ s run in Georgia .
Considering this backstory , it may seem odd to view “ And Then We Danced ” as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which it ’ s set , but that is what it is .
The film scintillates with the colors , sounds , and textures of Georgia : magisterial vistas of the Caucasus ; precise displays of folk dance and dress ; a-capella polyphonic singing ; delectable shots of freshly baked shoti bread and big plates of khinkali soup dumplings ; and the custom of the supra , the hours-long ritual of communal eating , drinking , and toasting .
An enormous earthenware jar ( kvevri ) , used for fermenting wine , serves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In another scene , Merab dances by the dawning light for Irakli ; apart from his boxers , he wears only an old-fashioned sheepherder ’ s hat ( papakhi ) and an Orthodox cross .
Akin commandeers these traditional elements not to provoke but to raise the questions at the heart of the film : Who counts as authentically Georgian ?
And who decides ?
“ And Then We Danced ” celebrates Georgia ’ s rich cultural heritage while reclaiming it for a broader demographic—for Georgians like Merab , who have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One particular scene in the film is executed with such understatement that , on my first viewing , I completely missed its import .
Merab is rehearsing in front of a mirror .
In another room , offscreen but within earshot , a conversation is unfolding on the subject of a young couple who , following an accidental pregnancy , have agreed to marry—in two days ’ time , to “ save the girl ’ s honor.
” An older woman ’ s voice is heard evincing disapproval of an ethnically mixed marriage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armenian , ” she says .
“ It could be true.
” “ Jesus Christ , ” a younger voice retorts .
“ Who cares if it is ?
”

The Georgian folk dancer is an image of masculine stereotype. His movements are martial, virile; they simulate war, hunting, and the courtship of his beloved. Often accoutered with a double-edged dagger, he personifies the small, proud nation’s history and traditions. So when the Swedish-Georgian director Levan Akin arrived in Tbilisi to shoot the country’s first explicitly queer feature film, a coming-of-age story about a traditional dancer, he was met with not a little hostility. The Sukhishvili Georgian National Ballet, the country’s principal dance ensemble, wanted nothing to do with the project. The rights holders to a number of old folk-song recordings refused to coöperate with the film; Akin rerecorded the songs with new artists, many of whom, along with the lead choreographer, declined to be named in the credits. The casting manager received death threats, and the production company retained bodyguards for the crew. Securing locations was so challenging that some scenes had to be shot on the fly, with many roles filled by non-professional actors, lending the film a neorealist aspect. If anyone asked, Akin resorted to lying about the plot: it was, he’d say, about a French tourist who comes to Georgia and falls in love with the culture.
In truth, “And Then We Danced,” which was released this week on iTunes, centers around a fledgling member of the national dance ensemble, Merab (Levan Gelbakhiani), who is auditioning for a spot in the main troupe. His oppressive trainer reproaches him for being too soft, too feminine. “You should be like a nail,” he growls. “This isn’t the lambada.” Offstage, Merab’s life is a grind. To survive, he waits tables, bringing leftovers home for his mother, grandmother, and feckless older brother. He stays up studying grainy videos of Vakhtang Chabukiani, a legendary Georgian dancer, until the electricity cuts out. His entire future, it seems, rides on the upcoming audition, and on the appearance of normalcy the profession demands. “This life is not for everyone,” his trainer tells him in private. “There is no room for weakness.” Outside the dance studio, the first time we see Merab smile is on an early-morning bus ride to rehearsal, when his rival and crush, Irakli (Bachi Valishvili), falls asleep on his shoulder.
In 1934, Joseph Stalin passed Article 154-a, which made “sexual relations between men” punishable by up to five years of hard labor. (Such proclivities in women were treated as a mental-health issue, which, according to one Soviet psychiatrist, could be cured with “pregnancy and child-bearing . . . even after lasting perverted forms of cohabitation with women.”) In 2000, nine years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Georgian parliament decriminalized homosexuality, but the state does not recognize same-sex marriage and, as in the United States, restricts blood donations from sexually active gay men. In one recent survey, fifty-nine per cent of Georgians said that they would object to having a gay neighbor (down from eighty-seven per cent a decade ago). Earlier this year, “And Then We Danced” had the curious honor of being mentioned in Human Rights Watch’s 2020 World Report. At the film’s Georgian première, both in Tbilisi and in the port city of Batumi, the report reads, “ultranationalist hate groups and their supporters organized protests against the screening.” (Its world première was at last year’s Cannes Film Festival, where it received a fifteen-minute standing ovation; three months later, Sweden submitted the film to the Academy Awards as its entry for the Best International Feature Film category.) One of the protest organizers, Levan Vasadze, a neonationalist millionaire with close ties to the Georgian Orthodox Church, called the film “a moral threat to the fabric of our society.” Many of the demonstrators were parishioners, grandmothers in headscarves carrying prayer candles and wooden icons of the Madonna and Child. “Georgian national dance is the pinnacle of the beauty of our tradition of manhood, warrior spirit, and purity,” Vasadze told the Times. “To pick that very sanctuary and create something as heartbreaking and offensive to our culture as this is ten times more hurtful than if it was just an anti-traditional movie.” In other words, had the film’s protagonist been a gay tax attorney or software developer, it would not have stoked such controversy. After three days of sold-out screenings and rioting, twenty-seven arrests, and one hospitalization, Akin called off the remainder of the film’s run in Georgia.
Considering this backstory, it may seem odd to view “And Then We Danced” as a love letter to the country in which it’s set, but that is what it is. The film scintillates with the colors, sounds, and textures of Georgia: magisterial vistas of the Caucasus; precise displays of folk dance and dress; a-capella polyphonic singing; delectable shots of freshly baked shoti bread and big plates of khinkali soup dumplings; and the custom of the supra, the hours-long ritual of communal eating, drinking, and toasting. An enormous earthenware jar (kvevri), used for fermenting wine, serves as a backdrop for a love scene. In another scene, Merab dances by the dawning light for Irakli; apart from his boxers, he wears only an old-fashioned sheepherder’s hat (papakhi) and an Orthodox cross. Akin commandeers these traditional elements not to provoke but to raise the questions at the heart of the film: Who counts as authentically Georgian? And who decides?
“And Then We Danced” celebrates Georgia’s rich cultural heritage while reclaiming it for a broader demographic—for Georgians like Merab, who have been a part of it all along. One particular scene in the film is executed with such understatement that, on my first viewing, I completely missed its import. Merab is rehearsing in front of a mirror. In another room, offscreen but within earshot, a conversation is unfolding on the subject of a young couple who, following an accidental pregnancy, have agreed to marry—in two days’ time, to “save the girl’s honor.” An older woman’s voice is heard evincing disapproval of an ethnically mixed marriage. “I heard she’s Armenian,” she says. “It could be true.” “Jesus Christ,” a younger voice retorts. “Who cares if it is?”


newyorker--2020-06-05--Trump Claims That Wall Around White House Is to Prevent Staff from Quitting En Masse

WASHINGTON ( The Borowitz Report ) —Lashing out at critics who have charged him with building a wall around the @ @ @ @ @ from peaceful protesters , Donald Trump claimed on Friday that the purpose of the wall @ @ @ @ @ quitting en masse .
“ The wall is not to keep people out .
It @ @ @ @ @ in , ” Trump angrily told reporters .
“ If anyone thinks he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ House , he ’ s going to have to climb over a ten-foot wall first.
@ @ @ @ @ was considering invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807 to put down further rebellions by the @ @ @ @ @ Esper .
“ Between the wall and the Insurrection Act , no one is getting @ @ @ @ @ .
“ No one.
” Trump also dismissed reports that he had spent much of @ @ @ @ @ desk .
“ I have been inspecting the area under my desk , ” he @ @ @ @ @ no problems .
”

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)—Lashing out at critics who have charged him with building a wall around the White House to protect himself from peaceful protesters, Donald Trump claimed on Friday that the purpose of the wall is to prevent staffers from quitting en masse.
“The wall is not to keep people out. It’s to keep people in,” Trump angrily told reporters. “If anyone thinks he’s going to quit this White House, he’s going to have to climb over a ten-foot wall first.”
Trump added that he was considering invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807 to put down further rebellions by the Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper.
“Between the wall and the Insurrection Act, no one is getting out,” he said. “No one.”
Trump also dismissed reports that he had spent much of the week hiding under his desk.
“I have been inspecting the area under my desk,” he said. “There are no problems.”


newyorker--2020-06-05--Cory Booker on the Future of Police Reform

Senator Cory Booker , Democrat of New Jersey , who ended his Presidential campaign in January , began his political career by serving on Newark ’ s city council .
Booker , a graduate of Stanford and Yale Law School and a former Rhodes Scholar , became known for staging a hunger strike to draw attention to drug dealing and drug-related violence in Newark , and went on to serve as the city ’ s mayor , from 2006 to 2013 .
Booker , who promised an ambitious slate of reforms , became one of the most high-profile mayors in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be plagued by high crime rates and unemployment .
In 2009 , Booker formed a partnership with New Jersey ’ s governor , Chris Christie , and , later , Facebook ’ s Mark Zuckerberg , to overhaul Newark ’ s schools—an effort that raised test scores but was rife with problems and controversy .
( It was written about by Dale Russakoff for The New Yorker . )
During his time in the Senate , Booker has put forward multiple proposals to reform the U.S. criminal-justice system , including clemency for nonviolent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And , recently , he has been speaking out on the Senate floor against police abuses and systemic institutional racism .
On Wednesday night , after a week of protests over the death of George Floyd , Booker and I spoke by phone .
During our conversation , which has been edited for length and clarity , we discussed his efforts at police reform in Newark , his Presidential campaign , and his friendship with Zuckerberg .
What is your role as a politician right now , and how should it be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you think it should be different ?
I think that , obviously , as an elected senator , I have a role to play in this position .
But I am also an American , and every American should feel a large obligation of citizenship .
People who benefit from the struggles and sacrifices of our ancestors , who pressed and fought for many of the rights we now take for granted , all have an obligation to continue the struggle for this country to make real on our values—liberty and justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And so all of us have an obligation , I believe , not to remain silent in the face of injustice , and to work to better this society , especially knowing that , from women ’ s equality to L.G.B.T.Q .
rights to workers ’ rights , there is a tradition of protest in this country , a tradition of pushing for change .
And it has got to continue in this generation , because we are still so far from those ideals .
And what about more concretely ?
Look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that every day I come here as the fourth popularly elected African-American in the history of this country ’ s Senate .
And with the legacy that we have seen in the United States Senate of laws that have so impacted the African-American community in particular , like mass incarceration , I feel a mission to be here every day and work on behalf of the state of New Jersey and my nation as a whole , to fight for equality and justice and the expansion of opportunity for all .
These are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since I got here .
It took me years of building coalitions until we were finally able to pass the first real criminal-justice reform that began to roll back laws that added more sentencing , more mandatory minimums , more three-strikes-you ’ re-out laws , and more .
So I see myself in the context of trying to work on these issues .
Before the killings of Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor and George Floyd , I was proposing legislation to reform policing in America .
And , thanks to activists in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a rise in public consciousness , the environment has become even better now to perhaps push legislation into law and end a lot of the nightmares so many Americans experience every day in the realm of policing .
How was Newark shaped by protests and riots in 1967 ?
And how does that affect how you think this wave of protests might change the country ?
Newark is a similar story to lots of cities in America : it was so deeply affected by racism—overt and institutional .
The very lines of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and fear and biased policies , from redlining to F.H.A .
[ Federal Housing Administration ] policies .
Newark ’ s very nickname , the Brick City , is because of the predominance of these massive housing projects that wealthier towns in New Jersey did not want in their communities or neighborhoods .
Even when I moved to New Jersey with my family , in 1969 , there was active work in suburban neighborhoods to keep black people out .
In so many the ways , the story of Newark is the story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upon it .
And the feelings in Newark today , of promise and hope and resurgence , are basically the manifestation of the dreams of past generations .
It is the first time in sixty years our population has been growing—and people stuck it out and never gave up .
My friends in Newark who were protesting were joking that they all know each other .
It is an intimate place .
And people who tried to come in and act in a way that wasn ’ t in accordance with the community—it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you were mayor of Newark , crime fell significantly , but anger at the police—and instances of police misbehavior—rose .
While you were mayor , the A.C.L.U .
asked the Justice Department to investigate police abuses in Newark , which was an effort you initially criticized before embracing .
Why were you initially reluctant ?
I felt we had it .
We had a majority-black city council .
My administration had a majority of African-American leaders—our business administrator .
We thought we were working on these issues .
We inherited a police department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we thought we were working to reform it quickly enough , and didn ’ t think it was necessary .
And what the Justice Department did for me , and why it quickly changed , is they brought in a tremendous system of data collection and analysis .
It took millions of dollars to do what they did .
And I remember them showing me the data , and you can ’ t argue with numbers .
And we realized that while we were moving , we weren ’ t moving fast enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the earliest police bills I introduced [ in the Senate ] was to demand that , nationally , police departments come up with data to provide more transparency , so we know what is going on .
Right now , we don ’ t know and we can ’ t get at that data .
We don ’ t even collect the data for use of force .
So , in many ways , by the time I was leaving , the A.C.L.U .
and I had teamed up , and we had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data collection .
We were bringing in experts from around the country .
Before I left , we began the process to create the city ’ s first-ever civilian-review board , which is now something that has been fought in court under this Administration .
It was a really positive experience for me .
It seems like a lot of mayors take a long time to get to this place .
Why do you think that is ?

Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey, who ended his Presidential campaign in January, began his political career by serving on Newark’s city council. Booker, a graduate of Stanford and Yale Law School and a former Rhodes Scholar, became known for staging a hunger strike to draw attention to drug dealing and drug-related violence in Newark, and went on to serve as the city’s mayor, from 2006 to 2013. Booker, who promised an ambitious slate of reforms, became one of the most high-profile mayors in the country, but Newark continued to be plagued by high crime rates and unemployment. In 2009, Booker formed a partnership with New Jersey’s governor, Chris Christie, and, later, Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg, to overhaul Newark’s schools—an effort that raised test scores but was rife with problems and controversy. (It was written about by Dale Russakoff for The New Yorker.)
During his time in the Senate, Booker has put forward multiple proposals to reform the U.S. criminal-justice system, including clemency for nonviolent drug offenders and the legalization of marijuana. And, recently, he has been speaking out on the Senate floor against police abuses and systemic institutional racism. On Wednesday night, after a week of protests over the death of George Floyd, Booker and I spoke by phone. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed his efforts at police reform in Newark, his Presidential campaign, and his friendship with Zuckerberg.
What is your role as a politician right now, and how should it be different from that of a protester, if you think it should be different?
I think that, obviously, as an elected senator, I have a role to play in this position. But I am also an American, and every American should feel a large obligation of citizenship. People who benefit from the struggles and sacrifices of our ancestors, who pressed and fought for many of the rights we now take for granted, all have an obligation to continue the struggle for this country to make real on our values—liberty and justice for all, equality under the law. And so all of us have an obligation, I believe, not to remain silent in the face of injustice, and to work to better this society, especially knowing that, from women’s equality to L.G.B.T.Q. rights to workers’ rights, there is a tradition of protest in this country, a tradition of pushing for change. And it has got to continue in this generation, because we are still so far from those ideals.
And what about more concretely?
Look, I am conscious of the fact that every day I come here as the fourth popularly elected African-American in the history of this country’s Senate. And with the legacy that we have seen in the United States Senate of laws that have so impacted the African-American community in particular, like mass incarceration, I feel a mission to be here every day and work on behalf of the state of New Jersey and my nation as a whole, to fight for equality and justice and the expansion of opportunity for all. These are the issues I have been working on since I got here. It took me years of building coalitions until we were finally able to pass the first real criminal-justice reform that began to roll back laws that added more sentencing, more mandatory minimums, more three-strikes-you’re-out laws, and more.
So I see myself in the context of trying to work on these issues. Before the killings of Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, I was proposing legislation to reform policing in America. And, thanks to activists in the streets, and protesters and public outrage and a rise in public consciousness, the environment has become even better now to perhaps push legislation into law and end a lot of the nightmares so many Americans experience every day in the realm of policing.
How was Newark shaped by protests and riots in 1967? And how does that affect how you think this wave of protests might change the country?
Newark is a similar story to lots of cities in America: it was so deeply affected by racism—overt and institutional. The very lines of our city are the result of racism and fear and biased policies, from redlining to F.H.A. [Federal Housing Administration] policies. Newark’s very nickname, the Brick City, is because of the predominance of these massive housing projects that wealthier towns in New Jersey did not want in their communities or neighborhoods. Even when I moved to New Jersey with my family, in 1969, there was active work in suburban neighborhoods to keep black people out.
In so many the ways, the story of Newark is the story of survival to fight the injustices heaped upon it. And the feelings in Newark today, of promise and hope and resurgence, are basically the manifestation of the dreams of past generations. It is the first time in sixty years our population has been growing—and people stuck it out and never gave up. My friends in Newark who were protesting were joking that they all know each other. It is an intimate place. And people who tried to come in and act in a way that wasn’t in accordance with the community—it was obvious who they were.
While you were mayor of Newark, crime fell significantly, but anger at the police—and instances of police misbehavior—rose. While you were mayor, the A.C.L.U. asked the Justice Department to investigate police abuses in Newark, which was an effort you initially criticized before embracing. Why were you initially reluctant?
I felt we had it. We had a majority-black city council. My administration had a majority of African-American leaders—our business administrator. We thought we were working on these issues. We inherited a police department with a legacy of challenges. And we thought we were working to reform it quickly enough, and didn’t think it was necessary.
And what the Justice Department did for me, and why it quickly changed, is they brought in a tremendous system of data collection and analysis. It took millions of dollars to do what they did. And I remember them showing me the data, and you can’t argue with numbers. And we realized that while we were moving, we weren’t moving fast enough. And that is why one of the earliest police bills I introduced [in the Senate] was to demand that, nationally, police departments come up with data to provide more transparency, so we know what is going on.
Right now, we don’t know and we can’t get at that data. We don’t even collect the data for use of force. So, in many ways, by the time I was leaving, the A.C.L.U. and I had teamed up, and we had put together a national standard-setting policy for data collection. We were bringing in experts from around the country. Before I left, we began the process to create the city’s first-ever civilian-review board, which is now something that has been fought in court under this Administration. It was a really positive experience for me.
It seems like a lot of mayors take a long time to get to this place. Why do you think that is?
I can’t talk of other mayors. This is what I know. I was a mayor during a massive recession. We had to shrink our city by one fourth. One out of every four city employees had to be laid off, and we had to raise taxes. We laid off a twelfth of our police officers at a time the city was demanding more services. I went through an economic hell like we hadn’t seen since the Great Depression in Newark, and we literally were running a lot of our police department off of philanthropy. Our community-camera program, a lot of our police technology, gun buybacks—all was being done on philanthropy I was raising.
So I was mayor of the city of Newark during one of the most challenging times to be a mayor of the city of Newark. And while we were holding things together, we were also trying to initiate reforms in policing. Remember, it was the first city in New Jersey to do community courts, the first city to create a municipal office of reëntry. So we were setting state standards of reforms for lots of areas, but the one area where we weren’t doing well was in creating data systems that would have given us transparency into police conduct. And when we did, we saw we were doing patterns and practices that had to change quicker than we were changing them.


newyorker--2020-06-05--Daily Cartoon: Friday, June 5th

Daily Cartoon: Friday, June 5th

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newyorker--2020-06-06--Subjects I Wish My High School Had Offered to Prepare Me for Adulthood

In this class , students , upon landing their first jobs at Baskin-Robbins , will be exposed to the colossal discomfort of salary negotiations .
Each week , they will learn a different historical negotiation technique—from bartering donkeys in ancient Babylon to setting branded-video rates as a TikTok influencer in Venice Beach .
Students will also study common negotiation strategies , like always speaking less than the hiring manager and growing accustomed to hearing a big “ hahaha , absolutely not ” if they are women .
Knowing When Not to Make Ambitious Social Plans Three Months in Advance So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an independent-study course , which has students shadow exhausted adults who overscheduled themselves only to realize last-minute that they are doing way too much and just need a fucking break .
Instructors will conduct weekly check-ins with students , as they monitor emotionally depleted adults who agree to brunch with Cayleigh three months in advance despite disliking Cayleigh .
Introduction to the Collapse of Modern Civilization Learn how to acknowledge , accept , and smile through the collapse of the United States of America and the world at large .
Each lecture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while students do mouth-strengthening exercises .
The final exam will consist of students smiling through three hours of Tucker Carlson disdainfully lecturing about the dangers of diversity .
* *Warning : Past graduates have experienced mental breakdowns resulting in spending three months in bed watching only old episodes of “ Love Island ” ( U.K. and Australia versions ) .
How to Turn Off Your Car ’ s Low-Tire-Pressure Alert ( College-Extension Program ) A class description will be added when a qualified instructor is found .
A.P .
Growing Up : How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years after graduating from high school , students will be turning thirty .
Students in this advanced-placement course will learn about the biogenetic origins of existential dread , and how it can sneak up on them in the form of thoughts like , “ What have I done with my life ?
” ; “ Is that a gray hair ?
” ; and “ How did Cayleigh get named to Forbes ’ ‘ 30 Under 30 ’ for starting a business that sells vegan cat litter ?
 ” Finding a Therapist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She Is Not Covered by Your Insurance In this honors class , students will learn about best practices for finding a nurturing therapist who supports going to bed at nine-thirty on a Friday night after bingeing the History Channel ’ s “ Counting Cars.
” Past graduates have testified to how this course set them up for emotional success after they were forced to break up with Dr. Wardgrass because UnitedHealth only provides coverage to residents of Monaco .
Textbooks include PsychologyToday.com and Craigslist .
Personal Finances 101 : The Difference Between an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Who cares—climate change will destroy us before you have a chance to retire .
Class is graded on a fail/total-fail system .
How to Survive Boring Conversations at Boring Parties ( Senior Elective ) Life won ’ t always be like high school .
As an adult , you may find yourself at Cayleigh ’ s housewarming with people standing around holding real glasses of wine near a turntable playing Wilco on vinyl .
It ’ s going to be rough .
In this course , students will learn how to sneak out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every inch of their pleather jackets .
How to Say No to Networking Opportunities/Unpaid Labor/Invitations to Weddings of People You Don ’ t Really Know This class has been discontinued .

A.P. Salary Negotiations
In this class, students, upon landing their first jobs at Baskin-Robbins, will be exposed to the colossal discomfort of salary negotiations. Each week, they will learn a different historical negotiation technique—from bartering donkeys in ancient Babylon to setting branded-video rates as a TikTok influencer in Venice Beach. Students will also study common negotiation strategies, like always speaking less than the hiring manager and growing accustomed to hearing a big “hahaha, absolutely not” if they are women.
Knowing When Not to Make Ambitious Social Plans Three Months in Advance So You Can Finally Stop Cancelling Day-Of
This is an independent-study course, which has students shadow exhausted adults who overscheduled themselves only to realize last-minute that they are doing way too much and just need a fucking break. Instructors will conduct weekly check-ins with students, as they monitor emotionally depleted adults who agree to brunch with Cayleigh three months in advance despite disliking Cayleigh.
Introduction to the Collapse of Modern Civilization
Learn how to acknowledge, accept, and smile through the collapse of the United States of America and the world at large. Each lecture will dissect the disintegration of different civilizations while students do mouth-strengthening exercises. The final exam will consist of students smiling through three hours of Tucker Carlson disdainfully lecturing about the dangers of diversity.*
*Warning: Past graduates have experienced mental breakdowns resulting in spending three months in bed watching only old episodes of “Love Island” (U.K. and Australia versions).
How to Turn Off Your Car’s Low-Tire-Pressure Alert (College-Extension Program)
A class description will be added when a qualified instructor is found.
A.P. Growing Up: How to Turn Thirty with Dignity
Approximately twelve years after graduating from high school, students will be turning thirty. Students in this advanced-placement course will learn about the biogenetic origins of existential dread, and how it can sneak up on them in the form of thoughts like, “What have I done with my life?”; “Is that a gray hair?”; and “How did Cayleigh get named to Forbes’ ‘30 Under 30’ for starting a business that sells vegan cat litter?”
Finding a Therapist and Learning to Accept That He or She Is Not Covered by Your Insurance
In this honors class, students will learn about best practices for finding a nurturing therapist who supports going to bed at nine-thirty on a Friday night after bingeing the History Channel’s “Counting Cars.” Past graduates have testified to how this course set them up for emotional success after they were forced to break up with Dr. Wardgrass because UnitedHealth only provides coverage to residents of Monaco. Textbooks include PsychologyToday.com and Craigslist.
Personal Finances 101: The Difference Between an I.R.A. and a Roth I.R.A.
Who cares—climate change will destroy us before you have a chance to retire. Class is graded on a fail/total-fail system.
How to Survive Boring Conversations at Boring Parties (Senior Elective)
Life won’t always be like high school. As an adult, you may find yourself at Cayleigh’s housewarming with people standing around holding real glasses of wine near a turntable playing Wilco on vinyl. It’s going to be rough. In this course, students will learn how to sneak out with tiny hors d’œuvres lining every inch of their pleather jackets.
How to Say No to Networking Opportunities/Unpaid Labor/Invitations to Weddings of People You Don’t Really Know
This class has been discontinued.


newyorker--2020-06-06--Will the Military Allow President Trump to Use It for Political Advantage?

The image of Donald Trump leading his advisers to St. John ’ s Church may prove to be a defining one of his Presidency : Trump , passing through streets that had been cleared of protesters by tear gas , to pose with a Bible while fires burned all over the country .
For many members of the military , the image contained an especially discordant note .
Amid the political aides in blue suits was a barrel-chested Army officer wearing combat fatigues : General Mark Milley , the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and America ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official described to me his disgust with that moment and the de-facto endorsement that it represented .
“ Walking the streets of D.C. in your combat fatigues—are you kidding me ?
” he said .
Milley ’ s appearance breached the long-standing Washington norm that senior officers don ’ t visit the White House dressed for combat .
More important , it violated one of the oldest traditions of the American constitutional order : soldiers stay out of politics .
With relatively few exceptions—including the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have hewed to the rule that they should never be deployed against American citizens .
This helps to explain why the military is among the few national institutions that still enjoy broad public confidence .
But Trump has shown himself willing to trash any institution—the press , the F.B.I.
, the State Department—that he can ’ t bend to his will .
This week , Milley and Mark Esper , the Secretary of Defense , allowed the armed forces to be drawn into Trump ’ s protest response—and allowed themselves to be used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some officials who know Milley were not surprised .
“ We all saw this coming , ” the former senior defense official told me .
When Milley got the job , in 2019 , it was the culmination of an unusually forthright campaign .
His primary backers were what a former senior military official described as the “ West Point cabal ” : Esper ; Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ; and David Urban , a businessman and a Republican fund-raiser close to Trump .
All of them were classmates at West Point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior defense official suggested that Milley was too ambitious to resist flawed ideas from a superior .
“ Milley doesn ’ t push back , ” he said .
“ He doesn ’ t know where his ethical line is.
” Others with knowledge of the situation say that Milley drew at least one line , not long before the walk to the church .
In a meeting in the Oval Office , Trump expressed a desire to quell the protests by sending forces—not the National Guard but regular military—into American cities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shouting match , ” the senior military official told me .
Trump finally backed down .
( Mark Meadows , the White House chief of staff , disputed this account , saying , “ There was no shouting match , in terms of any directions or any operational decision that was made.
” ) An official who works on military issues confirmed the confrontation , and told me that Milley said , “ I ’ m not doing that .
That ’ s for law enforcement.
” The official described Milley as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the current Administration : “ We have a bully in the White House , and a bully needs a bully.
” Nevertheless , Milley consented to accompany Trump to St. John ’ s .
Esper did the same .
The next day , the steps of the Lincoln Memorial were covered with National Guard soldiers .
The Administration ’ s handling of the protests has initiated an extraordinary public fight between retired officers and those who are still on the inside .
Trump , Milley , and Esper have been sharply chastised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mullen and the former general John Kelly , who was Trump ’ s White House chief of staff .
Esper defended his walk to St. John ’ s , telling NBC , “ I thought I was going to do two things : to see some damage and to talk to the troops.
” The former Air Force four-star general Michael Hayden tweeted in response , “ He ’ s an asshole .
It ’ s hard to get help , isn ’ t it.
” A former senior military officer said that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s Cabinet , was expected to be somewhat political .
But , according to the official who works on military issues , Esper has also allowed himself to be dominated by Milley , who has a much stronger personality .
In a call with Trump and governors , Esper recommended that state authorities “ dominate the battle space.
” The bellicose language “ made me cringe , ” the former officer said .
Esper , after being widely criticized for the phrase , said that he regretted it , and on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over whether active-duty military should be used to contain protests .
“ The question is whether Esper has found a spine , ” the former senior military official said .
One of the sharpest rebukes came from Trump ’ s former Secretary of Defense James Mattis .
In a statement released on Wednesday night , Mattis saluted the peaceful protesters and denounced Trump ’ s stunt with Esper and Milley .
“ When I joined the military , some 50 years ago , I swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did I dream that troops taking the same oath would be ordered under any circumstances to violate the Constitutional rights of their fellow citizens—much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief , with military leadership standing alongside.
” Mattis has been criticized for waiting until he was a year out of office to announce concerns that he surely had while he was in the Administration .
But , in the early phase of Trump ’ s Presidency , civilians and soldiers in the Department of Defense often quietly pushed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened especially often in 2017 and 2018 , when Mattis was the Secretary of Defense and Kelly the chief of staff ; Mattis sometimes refined or simply ignored the President ’ s directives , considering them insufficiently thought through or even dangerous .
“ Senior defense officials need to act as a shock absorber between the White House and the Pentagon , ” the former defense official said .
“ You can be damn sure that ’ s not happening now .
That ’ s all broken down.
” The officials I spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the November elections approach , will Milley and Esper allow Trump to use the military for political advantage ?
With Joe Biden , the Democratic nominee , leading in polls , Trump may try to draw the armed forces into his reëlection campaign .
Military personnel are forbidden to appear in uniform at political events .
But , the senior military officer asked , “ What if the President lifted the restriction on wearing uniforms to a Trump rally ?
There has never been a candidate for President who didn ’ t try @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was favored by the military .
But Trump is different.
” The retired officers I spoke to were concerned partly with the prestige of the institution .
“ There is a perception now that the military has become politicized , ” a second former senior officer told me .
Their greater worry was that , as the election draws closer , Trump will order military action to appeal to his base , by reaffirming his promise to cut American commitments abroad .
This week , he ordered the U.S. military presence in Germany @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the coming months , he might pull the remaining U.S. troops from Afghanistan , or Japan , or South Korea , leaving allies in the lurch and emboldening rivals .
“ If it was a legal order , the military would have to carry it out , ” the second officer told me .
“ But Trump doesn ’ t always appreciate the second- and third-order effects of his decisions.
” The ultimate test of the military ’ s adherence to principle may come in November .
A growing number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the possibility that Trump , if he loses , will refuse to leave the White House .
Most of the former senior officers told me that the military would never try to influence or overturn an election , even one in which the result is uncertain .
“ If there ’ s a disputed election , it will be decided by the Supreme Court , and once that happens it ’ s over , ” the second former officer said .
“ A hundred per cent of the machine will turn to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the former senior military official presented a scenario that he found particularly alarming : if the election is disputed , Trump could conceivably ask a friendly governor to deploy the National Guard to Washington , D.C. , to support him .
The official told me that the Guard , with separate leadership in each state , does not necessarily adhere to the same rigid standards as the regular U.S. military .
“ Some of the leaders are blatantly political , ” he said .
“ The fear is that President Trump refuses to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the White House .
”

The image of Donald Trump leading his advisers to St. John’s Church may prove to be a defining one of his Presidency: Trump, passing through streets that had been cleared of protesters by tear gas, to pose with a Bible while fires burned all over the country. For many members of the military, the image contained an especially discordant note. Amid the political aides in blue suits was a barrel-chested Army officer wearing combat fatigues: General Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and America’s highest-ranking soldier. A former senior defense official described to me his disgust with that moment and the de-facto endorsement that it represented. “Walking the streets of D.C. in your combat fatigues—are you kidding me?” he said.
Milley’s appearance breached the long-standing Washington norm that senior officers don’t visit the White House dressed for combat. More important, it violated one of the oldest traditions of the American constitutional order: soldiers stay out of politics.
With relatively few exceptions—including the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act, the Civil War, and Reconstruction—the armed forces have hewed to the rule that they should never be deployed against American citizens. This helps to explain why the military is among the few national institutions that still enjoy broad public confidence. But Trump has shown himself willing to trash any institution—the press, the F.B.I., the State Department—that he can’t bend to his will. This week, Milley and Mark Esper, the Secretary of Defense, allowed the armed forces to be drawn into Trump’s protest response—and allowed themselves to be used for Trump’s political gain.
Some officials who know Milley were not surprised. “We all saw this coming,” the former senior defense official told me. When Milley got the job, in 2019, it was the culmination of an unusually forthright campaign. His primary backers were what a former senior military official described as the “West Point cabal”: Esper; Secretary of State Mike Pompeo; and David Urban, a businessman and a Republican fund-raiser close to Trump. All of them were classmates at West Point, graduating in 1986.
The former senior defense official suggested that Milley was too ambitious to resist flawed ideas from a superior. “Milley doesn’t push back,” he said. “He doesn’t know where his ethical line is.” Others with knowledge of the situation say that Milley drew at least one line, not long before the walk to the church. In a meeting in the Oval Office, Trump expressed a desire to quell the protests by sending forces—not the National Guard but regular military—into American cities. Milley resisted. “They got into a shouting match,” the senior military official told me. Trump finally backed down. (Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, disputed this account, saying, “There was no shouting match, in terms of any directions or any operational decision that was made.”) An official who works on military issues confirmed the confrontation, and told me that Milley said, “I’m not doing that. That’s for law enforcement.” The official described Milley as brash and pushy—traits that could be useful in the current Administration: “We have a bully in the White House, and a bully needs a bully.”
Nevertheless, Milley consented to accompany Trump to St. John’s. Esper did the same. The next day, the steps of the Lincoln Memorial were covered with National Guard soldiers. The Administration’s handling of the protests has initiated an extraordinary public fight between retired officers and those who are still on the inside. Trump, Milley, and Esper have been sharply chastised, notably by the retired admiral Mike Mullen and the former general John Kelly, who was Trump’s White House chief of staff. Esper defended his walk to St. John’s, telling NBC, “I thought I was going to do two things: to see some damage and to talk to the troops.” The former Air Force four-star general Michael Hayden tweeted in response, “He’s an asshole. It’s hard to get help, isn’t it.”
A former senior military officer said that Esper, as a civilian appointee to Trump’s Cabinet, was expected to be somewhat political. But, according to the official who works on military issues, Esper has also allowed himself to be dominated by Milley, who has a much stronger personality. In a call with Trump and governors, Esper recommended that state authorities “dominate the battle space.” The bellicose language “made me cringe,” the former officer said. Esper, after being widely criticized for the phrase, said that he regretted it, and on Wednesday he appeared to break with Trump over whether active-duty military should be used to contain protests. “The question is whether Esper has found a spine,” the former senior military official said.
One of the sharpest rebukes came from Trump’s former Secretary of Defense James Mattis. In a statement released on Wednesday night, Mattis saluted the peaceful protesters and denounced Trump’s stunt with Esper and Milley. “When I joined the military, some 50 years ago, I swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution,” he wrote. “Never did I dream that troops taking the same oath would be ordered under any circumstances to violate the Constitutional rights of their fellow citizens—much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief, with military leadership standing alongside.”
Mattis has been criticized for waiting until he was a year out of office to announce concerns that he surely had while he was in the Administration. But, in the early phase of Trump’s Presidency, civilians and soldiers in the Department of Defense often quietly pushed back against the White House. This happened especially often in 2017 and 2018, when Mattis was the Secretary of Defense and Kelly the chief of staff; Mattis sometimes refined or simply ignored the President’s directives, considering them insufficiently thought through or even dangerous. “Senior defense officials need to act as a shock absorber between the White House and the Pentagon,” the former defense official said. “You can be damn sure that’s not happening now. That’s all broken down.”
The officials I spoke to raised a disturbing question: As the November elections approach, will Milley and Esper allow Trump to use the military for political advantage? With Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, leading in polls, Trump may try to draw the armed forces into his reëlection campaign. Military personnel are forbidden to appear in uniform at political events. But, the senior military officer asked, “What if the President lifted the restriction on wearing uniforms to a Trump rally? There has never been a candidate for President who didn’t try to make it appear as though he was favored by the military. But Trump is different.”
The retired officers I spoke to were concerned partly with the prestige of the institution. “There is a perception now that the military has become politicized,” a second former senior officer told me. Their greater worry was that, as the election draws closer, Trump will order military action to appeal to his base, by reaffirming his promise to cut American commitments abroad. This week, he ordered the U.S. military presence in Germany to be reduced by almost a third. In the coming months, he might pull the remaining U.S. troops from Afghanistan, or Japan, or South Korea, leaving allies in the lurch and emboldening rivals. “If it was a legal order, the military would have to carry it out,” the second officer told me. “But Trump doesn’t always appreciate the second- and third-order effects of his decisions.”
The ultimate test of the military’s adherence to principle may come in November. A growing number of commentators suggest that the country should prepare for the possibility that Trump, if he loses, will refuse to leave the White House. Most of the former senior officers told me that the military would never try to influence or overturn an election, even one in which the result is uncertain. “If there’s a disputed election, it will be decided by the Supreme Court, and once that happens it’s over,” the second former officer said. “A hundred per cent of the machine will turn to the new legally elected President.”
But the former senior military official presented a scenario that he found particularly alarming: if the election is disputed, Trump could conceivably ask a friendly governor to deploy the National Guard to Washington, D.C., to support him. The official told me that the Guard, with separate leadership in each state, does not necessarily adhere to the same rigid standards as the regular U.S. military. “Some of the leaders are blatantly political,” he said. “The fear is that President Trump refuses to leave, and National Guard troops surround the White House.”