newyorker--2020-11-06--Discoveries and Awakenings in “Ammonite”

Mary , the daughter of a cabinetmaker , was one of ten children , and a fossil-finder extraordinaire , who excavated the skeleton of an ichthyosaur before she reached her teens .
According to an article in All the Year Round , a journal edited by Charles Dickens , she became “ lively and intelligent ” after surviving a lightning strike in infancy .
The article commends her “ to those who like to study character , and are fond of seeing good stubborn English perseverance make way even where there is nothing in its favour.
” No surprise , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in “ Ammonite , ” a new movie written and directed by Francis Lee , should go to Kate Winslet .
In any survey of her films , it ’ s hard to find an instance in which she has not given stubbornness a good name .
The set of her jaw and the blaze of her glance suggest a self-freeing spirit who knows the path ahead and is determined to take it .
With a shyer or more rarefied actress on deck , “ Titanic ” ( 1997 ) might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as the adult Mary , stomping along the beach outside Lyme .
It ’ s shingle all the way ; none of that balmy nonsense about golden sands .
Gazing cliffward , and spying something of interest , she hikes up her skirts , clambers , tugs at a rock , then loses her footing and slithers down .
She is unbroken , but the rock , falling past her , is split in two , revealing the cracked spiral of an ammonite .
What matters here is the physicality—how close we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tumbles , and gasps for breath .
Later , back at the small house that she shares with her mother , Molly ( Gemma Jones ) , Mary ’ s hands , even after she ’ s washed them , look red and raw , with dirt under the nails .
The house confronts the sea , and the windows are speckled with grime and salt .
Nothing in this film seems easy ; living humans , no less than extinct species , get embedded and stuck , and need to be prized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different forms .
Mary attracts the attention of a Dr. Lieberson ( Alec Secareanu ) — “ Foreign ?
” Molly asks , as if the word were a curse .
Suaver by far is a gentleman named Roderick Murchison ( James McArdle ) , who has an interest in fossils , and has come to pay homage to “ the presiding deity of Lyme , ” as he calls Mary .
( It ’ s true ; her expertise , accrued through years of patient observation , was well known to her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him along the shore , and school him in her wisdom , he will reward her .
They agree to a deal , and shake on it , though she can ’ t bring herself to look at him as they touch ; it ’ s as if her very nature , acclimatized to being alone , recoils at any pact of understanding .
Oh , and Murchison has one other request : he has brought his youthful wife , Charlotte ( Saoirse Ronan ) , who is spectre-pale .
Her health is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has recently lost a child .
While he travels for a month or so , could she not stay on in Lyme , “ walk out ” with Mary , and take the revivifying air ?
You can tell what ’ s coming .
Two unhappy souls , having had the misfortune to be born in an unenlightened age , will take comfort in each other ’ s arms , in a rousing rebuke to the social code of their times .
That ’ s what happened in “ Portrait of a Lady @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and it happens here , too , though it ’ s surely a sign of our times that we can conceive of such protest only in sexual terms .
To Mary ’ s contemporaries , what would have set her apart , and barred her from the institutions of learning and research where she doubtless belonged , was not just her gender , and her lowly class , but the fact that she was a Dissenter—that is , she was raised in a strain of Protestantism outside the Church of England .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unremarked in “ Ammonite , ” which prefers to show Murchison rolling away from his wife , in bed , and saying , “ It ’ s not the right time to make another baby.
” Hark to the horrid man !
Yet the movie persuades you , and bears you along .
It may lack historical grounding—though Mary and Charlotte were certainly friends , the existence of any further intensity is pure , indeed wild , supposition—but it feels emotionally earthed , and , far from rising above the spartan brutishness of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still .
Watch Mary , back at the beach , squatting down to pee .
( Didn ’ t Winslet resort to alfresco urination in “ Holy Smoke , ” back in 1999 ?
Does her contract forbid her to use an inside lavatory , or something ? )
She stands up , wipes her hands , unwraps a pastry , tears it in two , and offers half to Charlotte , who , for some reason , declines it .
As the weeks pass , however , the younger woman is pulled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the rough stuff of life ; there ’ s an amazing moment , wonderfully played by Ronan , when she enters the house with a bucket of coal , laughs , begins to weep , and slips to the floor , lost in confusion at her own feelings , with her fine dress covered in smuts .
And so to bed .
Nothing is solved or soothed , in Lee ’ s film , by the making of love .
Ravenous and frantic , it serves only to remind both Mary and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are half-comic echoes of their regular toil , with Mary , on her knees , lifting Charlotte ’ s skirts in a fast fumble , just as she raised her own at the base of a cliff ; going down looks like climbing up .
Lee ’ s boldest move is to cut straight from the final night of carnality to the demise of a loved one , and thus to the sight of Mary laying out the body , as custom demands—dutifully clothing the corpse , with its cold stiff feet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nightgown in Charlotte ’ s heated embrace .
Here , I think , is the heart of this yarn : not what it has to say about the overtight lacing of society , but the alarming clarity with which it addresses the elemental .
As the land meets the ocean , so death meets desire , and “ Ammonite ” makes no bones about them .
Ronald Reagan is in the White House , deregulation is the rage , and Rory O ’ Hara ( Jude Law ) , a commodities broker , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He ’ s on a treasure hunt , as it were , and he ’ s confident that his family—his wife , Allison ( Carrie Coon ) ; their daughter , Samantha ( Oona Roche ) ; and her brother , Ben ( Charlie Shotwell ) —will benefit from the chase .
He rents an old mansion in the countryside , gets the kids into new schools , commutes to his office in London , and , to prove how much he cares , arranges for Allison ’ s beloved horse Richmond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) to be shipped over .
In one ominous shot , we see the O ’ Hara residence from Richmond ’ s point of view , through the door of his stall , as he neighs and stamps with disquiet .
Horse sense tells us of trouble ahead .
Such images abound in the film ; Durkin has lost none of his compositional precision .
The family home is ill-lit , ill-omened , and panelled in dark wood , with shadows deep enough to harbor the eavesdropper or to shield the fearful .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who wets the bed and listens in sorrow to parental rants .
Shotwell is the most affecting presence here , and you could argue that Ben should have been the hub of the narrative , like the small boy in “ The Fallen Idol ” ( 1948 ) , seeing plenty and understanding only scraps .
Instead , we get the grownups .
Coon is as convincing as ever ; observe the speed with which , on waking in the morning , Allison greets her frustrations by reaching for a cigarette .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not long before his professional schemings falter , his funds run dry , and he winds up pleading for petty cash .
All of which is quite predictable , but does it make him a self-deluding , semi-tragic figure , as the movie ’ s gloom portends ?
( He may , in truth , be little more than a standard-issue dickhead . )
And is Law the right fit for such a role ?
Whereas Hugh Grant , another fine young dandy of yore , has been rejuvenated by the creases of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to say , looks glum and soured .
The problem , for “ The Nest , ” is that the sourness is present from the start ; he never gives off the bounce and the thrust that Rory is rumored to possess .
“ So , what happened to America ?
” somebody asks him .
What indeed ?
♦

There are certain fields of human activity to which the keen amateur can make a notable contribution. These fields include archeology, astronomy, and, to a laughable extent, politics. One influential example is that of Mary Anning (1799-1847), an Englishwoman who lived in Lyme Regis, on the Dorset coast—or, as it is occasionally and inadequately known, the Jurassic Coast. The crumbling cliffs along it, dating from the Triassic, Jurassic, and Cretaceous periods, are a happy hunting ground for anyone seeking the fossilized remains of ancient creatures. The nearest American equivalent would be the Academy Awards.
Mary, the daughter of a cabinetmaker, was one of ten children, and a fossil-finder extraordinaire, who excavated the skeleton of an ichthyosaur before she reached her teens. According to an article in All the Year Round, a journal edited by Charles Dickens, she became “lively and intelligent” after surviving a lightning strike in infancy. The article commends her “to those who like to study character, and are fond of seeing good stubborn English perseverance make way even where there is nothing in its favour.” No surprise, therefore, that the role of Mary, in “Ammonite,” a new movie written and directed by Francis Lee, should go to Kate Winslet. In any survey of her films, it’s hard to find an instance in which she has not given stubbornness a good name. The set of her jaw and the blaze of her glance suggest a self-freeing spirit who knows the path ahead and is determined to take it. With a shyer or more rarefied actress on deck, “Titanic” (1997) might have sunk.
Here she is, then, as the adult Mary, stomping along the beach outside Lyme. It’s shingle all the way; none of that balmy nonsense about golden sands. Gazing cliffward, and spying something of interest, she hikes up her skirts, clambers, tugs at a rock, then loses her footing and slithers down. She is unbroken, but the rock, falling past her, is split in two, revealing the cracked spiral of an ammonite. What matters here is the physicality—how close we are to Mary as she labors, tumbles, and gasps for breath. Later, back at the small house that she shares with her mother, Molly (Gemma Jones), Mary’s hands, even after she’s washed them, look red and raw, with dirt under the nails. The house confronts the sea, and the windows are speckled with grime and salt. Nothing in this film seems easy; living humans, no less than extinct species, get embedded and stuck, and need to be prized out with care.
The prizing takes different forms. Mary attracts the attention of a Dr. Lieberson (Alec Secareanu)—“Foreign?” Molly asks, as if the word were a curse. Suaver by far is a gentleman named Roderick Murchison (James McArdle), who has an interest in fossils, and has come to pay homage to “the presiding deity of Lyme,” as he calls Mary. (It’s true; her expertise, accrued through years of patient observation, was well known to her fellow-paleontologists.) If she will conduct him along the shore, and school him in her wisdom, he will reward her. They agree to a deal, and shake on it, though she can’t bring herself to look at him as they touch; it’s as if her very nature, acclimatized to being alone, recoils at any pact of understanding. Oh, and Murchison has one other request: he has brought his youthful wife, Charlotte (Saoirse Ronan), who is spectre-pale. Her health is impaired, and we gather that she has recently lost a child. While he travels for a month or so, could she not stay on in Lyme, “walk out” with Mary, and take the revivifying air?
You can tell what’s coming. Two unhappy souls, having had the misfortune to be born in an unenlightened age, will take comfort in each other’s arms, in a rousing rebuke to the social code of their times. That’s what happened in “Portrait of a Lady on Fire” (2019), and it happens here, too, though it’s surely a sign of our times that we can conceive of such protest only in sexual terms. To Mary’s contemporaries, what would have set her apart, and barred her from the institutions of learning and research where she doubtless belonged, was not just her gender, and her lowly class, but the fact that she was a Dissenter—that is, she was raised in a strain of Protestantism outside the Church of England. As you’d expect, faith goes unremarked in “Ammonite,” which prefers to show Murchison rolling away from his wife, in bed, and saying, “It’s not the right time to make another baby.” Hark to the horrid man!
Yet the movie persuades you, and bears you along. It may lack historical grounding—though Mary and Charlotte were certainly friends, the existence of any further intensity is pure, indeed wild, supposition—but it feels emotionally earthed, and, far from rising above the spartan brutishness of the early scenes, Lee digs deeper still. Watch Mary, back at the beach, squatting down to pee. (Didn’t Winslet resort to alfresco urination in “Holy Smoke,” back in 1999? Does her contract forbid her to use an inside lavatory, or something?) She stands up, wipes her hands, unwraps a pastry, tears it in two, and offers half to Charlotte, who, for some reason, declines it. As the weeks pass, however, the younger woman is pulled downward, away from the ladylike and into the rough stuff of life; there’s an amazing moment, wonderfully played by Ronan, when she enters the house with a bucket of coal, laughs, begins to weep, and slips to the floor, lost in confusion at her own feelings, with her fine dress covered in smuts.
And so to bed. Nothing is solved or soothed, in Lee’s film, by the making of love. Ravenous and frantic, it serves only to remind both Mary and Charlotte of their hopeless predicament, and there are half-comic echoes of their regular toil, with Mary, on her knees, lifting Charlotte’s skirts in a fast fumble, just as she raised her own at the base of a cliff; going down looks like climbing up. Lee’s boldest move is to cut straight from the final night of carnality to the demise of a loved one, and thus to the sight of Mary laying out the body, as custom demands—dutifully clothing the corpse, with its cold stiff feet, only hours after shedding her own nightgown in Charlotte’s heated embrace. Here, I think, is the heart of this yarn: not what it has to say about the overtight lacing of society, but the alarming clarity with which it addresses the elemental. As the land meets the ocean, so death meets desire, and “Ammonite” makes no bones about them.
It is nine years since “Martha Marcy May Marlene” came out. My nervous system has recovered in the interim, but only just. That film, whose heroine was drawn into the coils of a cult, was written and directed by Sean Durkin—his full-length début, would you believe. Only now has he returned to the fray; his latest movie, “The Nest,” is no less serpentine, but what encircles the characters, squeezing the joy out of them, is money.
Ronald Reagan is in the White House, deregulation is the rage, and Rory O’Hara (Jude Law), a commodities broker, decides to move from America to England. He’s on a treasure hunt, as it were, and he’s confident that his family—his wife, Allison (Carrie Coon); their daughter, Samantha (Oona Roche); and her brother, Ben (Charlie Shotwell)—will benefit from the chase. He rents an old mansion in the countryside, gets the kids into new schools, commutes to his office in London, and, to prove how much he cares, arranges for Allison’s beloved horse Richmond (played with great sensitivity by Tornado) to be shipped over. In one ominous shot, we see the O’Hara residence from Richmond’s point of view, through the door of his stall, as he neighs and stamps with disquiet. Horse sense tells us of trouble ahead.
Such images abound in the film; Durkin has lost none of his compositional precision. The family home is ill-lit, ill-omened, and panelled in dark wood, with shadows deep enough to harbor the eavesdropper or to shield the fearful. No one seeks refuge more than Ben, who wets the bed and listens in sorrow to parental rants. Shotwell is the most affecting presence here, and you could argue that Ben should have been the hub of the narrative, like the small boy in “The Fallen Idol” (1948), seeing plenty and understanding only scraps.
Instead, we get the grownups. Coon is as convincing as ever; observe the speed with which, on waking in the morning, Allison greets her frustrations by reaching for a cigarette. As for Rory, it’s not long before his professional schemings falter, his funds run dry, and he winds up pleading for petty cash. All of which is quite predictable, but does it make him a self-deluding, semi-tragic figure, as the movie’s gloom portends? (He may, in truth, be little more than a standard-issue dickhead.) And is Law the right fit for such a role? Whereas Hugh Grant, another fine young dandy of yore, has been rejuvenated by the creases of middle age, Law, I regret to say, looks glum and soured. The problem, for “The Nest,” is that the sourness is present from the start; he never gives off the bounce and the thrust that Rory is rumored to possess. “So, what happened to America?” somebody asks him. What indeed? ♦


newyorker--2020-11-06--A Whirl Through the Philippines with Jeepney’s Meal Kits

Last December , the restaurateur Nicole Ponseca closed Maharlika , the first of two East Village restaurants with which she almost single-handedly brought Filipino food into the Manhattan mainstream .
Maharlika was beloved for brunch dishes such as eggs Benedict with Spam and calamansi hollandaise , but Ponseca , having parted ways with her longtime executive chef , decided to streamline her business .
It was a fortunate choice ; better to have one restaurant than two during a pandemic .
At Jeepney , her second ( and now only ) place , she adapted deftly to outdoor dining , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then , last month , launched one of the smartest and most gratifying pandemic projects I ’ ve seen : Tita Baby ’ s Kita Kits .
Every Friday , Jeepney—sometimes Ponseca herself—will deliver , to Manhattan , Brooklyn , the Bronx , Queens , and parts of northern New Jersey ( which has a large Filipino population ) , enough food to feed “ friends , couples , roommates or a family for several meals.
” Each kit includes a generous array of mix-and-match dishes suited to breakfast , lunch , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Filipino tradition of a substantial snack between meals .
All are “ heat & serve ” ; the relatively simple tasks required might include pouring toasty garlic oil into a sauté pan set over a low flame and stirring in clumps of precooked jasmine rice , or sliding a spatchcocked adobo-pula chicken , redolent of cinnamon and red miso , into the oven for fifteen minutes before glazing it in sauce .
The other day , by phone , Ponseca explained the logistical impetus for the idea .
“ You can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unless it ’ s cooked à la minute , ” she said .
“ A meal kit enables à la minute.
” The cultural impetus is even more compelling .
A captive audience means that Ponseca and her Tita Baby team—a small group of Filipino chefs with restaurants including Momofuku Nishi and Oxalis on their résumés—can take risks she might not have at Jeepney .
“ If people are missing their food from a particular region , I can do foods from that region that are not easily found , ” Ponseca told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re just on a Filipino food excursion , you get to explore.
” Accompanying each kit is a booklet of descriptions and instructions ( plus menu suggestions and QR codes for Spotify playlists ) interwoven with historical context , jokes , and anecdotes , written by Ponseca in a chatty , contagiously enthusiastic tone .
Eating at home leaves you with a lot of “ cereal-box time , ” Ponseca explained .
The list of ingredients in the gravy for her kaldereta kambing , a goat stew that she recently offered in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group that lives mostly on the Philippines ’ northwestern seaboard , made my eyes pop : duck fat , bone marrow , tomato , wild oregano , liver , goat cheese , patis ( Filipino fish sauce ) , and olive brine .
No wonder the dish was so beguilingly delicious ; it ’ s hard to imagine a more enjoyable example of the influence of both Spanish rule and Chinese immigration on Filipino culture .
Another week , Ponseca reminisced about a visit to the island of Mindanao , in the south @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguably the most un-popular kids ” in Filipino food .
“ On an empty dusty road in the sweltering heat , ” she had come across a woman carrying a bucket of vegetables and fresh coconuts , and jumped out of her car to ask what she was making .
To tinola , a gingery chicken soup ubiquitous in the islands , the woman told her , she would add young-coconut water and use ribbons of coconut meat as noodles , turning it into a Mindanaoan dish called binakol , thought to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me in my tracks , ” Ponseca wrote .
Years later , her own binakol proved an elixir , indeed .
Two unassuming plastic quarts of cloudy broth , flecked with beads of fat and fresh Moringa leaves , bloomed on my stovetop to become soothingly fragrant , nourishingly flavorful , and just a little sweet , offering near-effortless access to a secondhand nostalgia and making a kind of sense out of a vexing time .
( Meal kits $ 90- $ 135 . )
♦

Last December, the restaurateur Nicole Ponseca closed Maharlika, the first of two East Village restaurants with which she almost single-handedly brought Filipino food into the Manhattan mainstream. Maharlika was beloved for brunch dishes such as eggs Benedict with Spam and calamansi hollandaise, but Ponseca, having parted ways with her longtime executive chef, decided to streamline her business. It was a fortunate choice; better to have one restaurant than two during a pandemic. At Jeepney, her second (and now only) place, she adapted deftly to outdoor dining, met an increased demand for takeout, and then, last month, launched one of the smartest and most gratifying pandemic projects I’ve seen: Tita Baby’s Kita Kits.
Each kit comes with enough mix-and-match dishes to feed a small family or group of friends for several days, with options for breakfast, lunch, dinner, dessert, and substantial between-meal snacks. Photograph by Miranda Barnes for The New Yorker
Every Friday, Jeepney—sometimes Ponseca herself—will deliver, to Manhattan, Brooklyn, the Bronx, Queens, and parts of northern New Jersey (which has a large Filipino population), enough food to feed “friends, couples, roommates or a family for several meals.” Each kit includes a generous array of mix-and-match dishes suited to breakfast, lunch, dinner, dessert, and even meryenda, the Filipino tradition of a substantial snack between meals. All are “heat & serve”; the relatively simple tasks required might include pouring toasty garlic oil into a sauté pan set over a low flame and stirring in clumps of precooked jasmine rice, or sliding a spatchcocked adobo-pula chicken, redolent of cinnamon and red miso, into the oven for fifteen minutes before glazing it in sauce.
An accompanying booklet of detailed instructions guides you through preparation by oven, stovetop, or microwave. Photograph by Miranda Barnes for The New Yorker
The other day, by phone, Ponseca explained the logistical impetus for the idea. “You can’t get restaurant-quality food at home unless it’s cooked à la minute,” she said. “A meal kit enables à la minute.” The cultural impetus is even more compelling. A captive audience means that Ponseca and her Tita Baby team—a small group of Filipino chefs with restaurants including Momofuku Nishi and Oxalis on their résumés—can take risks she might not have at Jeepney. “If people are missing their food from a particular region, I can do foods from that region that are not easily found,” Ponseca told me. “And, if you’re just on a Filipino food excursion, you get to explore.”
Accompanying each kit is a booklet of descriptions and instructions (plus menu suggestions and QR codes for Spotify playlists) interwoven with historical context, jokes, and anecdotes, written by Ponseca in a chatty, contagiously enthusiastic tone. Eating at home leaves you with a lot of “cereal-box time,” Ponseca explained. The list of ingredients in the gravy for her kaldereta kambing, a goat stew that she recently offered in tribute to the Ilocanos, an ethnolinguistic group that lives mostly on the Philippines’ northwestern seaboard, made my eyes pop: duck fat, bone marrow, tomato, wild oregano, liver, goat cheese, patis (Filipino fish sauce), and olive brine. No wonder the dish was so beguilingly delicious; it’s hard to imagine a more enjoyable example of the influence of both Spanish rule and Chinese immigration on Filipino culture.
Jeepney’s owner, Nicole Ponseca, describes Mindanaoan food as “arguably the most un-popular” subset of Filipino cuisine, and unfairly so—she was inspired to build a kit around it by her memories of a visit to the island, during which she learned to cook “with the simplest of tools producing the most complex of flavors.” Photograph by Miranda Barnes for The New Yorker
Another week, Ponseca reminisced about a visit to the island of Mindanao, in the south, whose “flavors and cooking are arguably the most un-popular kids” in Filipino food. “On an empty dusty road in the sweltering heat,” she had come across a woman carrying a bucket of vegetables and fresh coconuts, and jumped out of her car to ask what she was making. To tinola, a gingery chicken soup ubiquitous in the islands, the woman told her, she would add young-coconut water and use ribbons of coconut meat as noodles, turning it into a Mindanaoan dish called binakol, thought to have medicinal properties. The technique “stopped me in my tracks,” Ponseca wrote. Years later, her own binakol proved an elixir, indeed. Two unassuming plastic quarts of cloudy broth, flecked with beads of fat and fresh Moringa leaves, bloomed on my stovetop to become soothingly fragrant, nourishingly flavorful, and just a little sweet, offering near-effortless access to a secondhand nostalgia and making a kind of sense out of a vexing time. (Meal kits $90-$135.) ♦


newyorker--2020-11-06--The Film Foundation Comes to the Criterion Channel

The Film Foundation , launched by Martin Scorsese in 1990 , is dedicated to the restoration of acknowledged classics and @ @ @ @ @ ongoing series of its offerings on the Criterion Channel begins , this month , with @ @ @ @ @ Lupino ’ s film noir “ The Bigamist , ” Shirley Clarke ’ s jazz-centric @ @ @ @ @ ” Med Hondo ’ s drama “ Soleil Ô , ” about race relations in @ @ @ @ @ ’ s political melodrama “ Insiang ” ( pictured above ) , set in a @ @ @ @ @

The Film Foundation, launched by Martin Scorsese in 1990, is dedicated to the restoration of acknowledged classics and great rarities alike. An ongoing series of its offerings on the Criterion Channel begins, this month, with thirty movies, including Ida Lupino’s film noir “The Bigamist,” Shirley Clarke’s jazz-centric metafiction “The Connection,” Med Hondo’s drama “Soleil Ô,” about race relations in France, and Lino Brocka’s political melodrama “Insiang” (pictured above), set in a slum neighborhood in Manila.


newyorker--2020-11-07--Black Voters at the Polls in Georgia: “Everybody We Know Is Ready for Trump to Get Out”

In nearby East Cobb , Albert Cooper Sinclair , Jr. , a sixty-four-year-old builder of cubicles , had already cast an absentee ballot for Trump ’ s opponent .
It was an easy choice , he said .
“ We need change .
Especially with this coronavirus thing .
Trump tried to push it under the rug.
” Sinclair mentioned that he had sick friends and family members .
“ So much killing , ” he said , “ so much lying , so much cheating.
” He went on , “ How you gon na lead me in spirit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right yourself ?
” Jalen , a freshman majoring in political science at Samford University , in Alabama , had driven back home , to East Cobb , to vote for the first time .
He was a Bernie guy .
“ I had to go with the second-best choice—Biden , ” he said .
As for Trump , he added , “ I agree with some of his views on the economy .
But I don ’ t agree with how he handles racism and white supremacy and stuff.
” South of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latiesha Gooden , a Black medical assistant in her mid-thirties , got out of her car at her local polling place .
“ I want the best for my children , ” she said , explaining that she ’ d voted “ Democrats all the way down.
” Nearby , a young woman , who was volunteering for an anti-voter suppression group , handed out fancy hamburgers .
She mentioned how chaotic the primary had been , with voters waiting in long , hot queues .
“ So we ’ re overly prepared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She had three hundred and fifty hamburgers ready to go .
A Black woman wearing dark glasses passed on the burgers .
Voting had been a struggle for her .
“ Tragedy happened in my family , ” she explained .
Her daughter had been killed at the end of October , in a car accident .
“ She ’ d just filled out her stuff to vote , the week before .
She said , ‘ Momma , I got ta find a drop box to drop this off.
’ ” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ site , a man had told her that “ as long as it was filled out before the accident and dated , ” her daughter ’ s vote would still count .
Sally , a seventy-year-old semi-retired nurse wearing a fur-lined jacket and glasses , hustled inside .
Ten minutes later , after having cast her vote , she sat down at a picnic table .
“ We need change , ” she said .
“ We need to have some compassion for each other.
” Voting hadn ’ t been easy for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for an absentee ballot , ” she said .
“ Every day I ’ ve been waiting , waiting , waiting for it .
I didn ’ t get one.
” When she saw on TV that the lines weren ’ t long on Election Day , she got herself out of the house to vote .
Over in Union City , at a polling place in another Black neighborhood , an entrepreneur wearing a newsboy cap posed for a picture .
He was carrying a bottle of chocolate oat milk and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the same anti-voter-suppression group that was distributing burgers to voters in College Park .
“ I ’ m gon na be honest , ” the man said .
“ I did vote for Trump .
He makes things happen .
The Democratic movement based on L.G.B.T .
liberalism is fine , but when you step away from God ?
” He went on , “ I ’ m not giving up on the Democratic Party .
But for President ?
Not comfortable with it.
” A Jamaican-American man with dreads , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chosen Trump .
“ Bernie is the real man , ” Ruda said .
“ Biden is an undercover racist.
” He made reference to QAnon .
It had grown dark .
Ten minutes before the polls closed , K.C .
and Alta , a middle-aged Black couple wearing masks and matching red tennis shoes , stepped out of their car .
“ I figured it would be kinda slack , ” K.C .
said .
“ Everybody ’ s already done.
” Were they happy with Trump ?
“ No , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is ready for Trump to get out.
” K.C .
noted an exception .
“ A guy who cuts hair in the barbershop where I ’ ve been going for years—I just found out he liked Trump , ” he said .
“ How can you support this guy who has basically made every racial statement that you could possibly make about every race that there is , other than white supremacists ?
” “ And for women , ” Alta added , “ he just degrades women.
” Alta went on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have idiots in every race.
” Trump , K.C .
said , “ He ’ s gon na go to prison .
It ’ s just a matter of time .
Once he loses , everyone ’ s gon na start talking.
” He pulled his mask up for a second—to scratch his nose—and revealed a big smile .

In a strip mall in north Atlanta, a Black man wearing a hard hat and work boots rushed to drop off his ballot on Election Day. “Are there any Republicans here?” he shouted to two strangers in the parking lot. “We need Trump! We need to save the economy!” The man made a “T” shape with his arms—presumably for Trump—before disappearing inside. No one responded. The sun was high and the sky bright blue—but what about the state?
Albert Cooper Sinclair, Jr.
In nearby East Cobb, Albert Cooper Sinclair, Jr., a sixty-four-year-old builder of cubicles, had already cast an absentee ballot for Trump’s opponent. It was an easy choice, he said. “We need change. Especially with this coronavirus thing. Trump tried to push it under the rug.” Sinclair mentioned that he had sick friends and family members. “So much killing,” he said, “so much lying, so much cheating.” He went on, “How you gonna lead me in spirit, if you ain’t doing right yourself?”
Jalen.
Jalen, a freshman majoring in political science at Samford University, in Alabama, had driven back home, to East Cobb, to vote for the first time. He was a Bernie guy. “I had to go with the second-best choice—Biden,” he said. As for Trump, he added, “I agree with some of his views on the economy. But I don’t agree with how he handles racism and white supremacy and stuff.”
South of the city, in College Park, Latiesha Gooden, a Black medical assistant in her mid-thirties, got out of her car at her local polling place. “I want the best for my children,” she said, explaining that she’d voted “Democrats all the way down.” Nearby, a young woman, who was volunteering for an anti-voter suppression group, handed out fancy hamburgers. She mentioned how chaotic the primary had been, with voters waiting in long, hot queues. “So we’re overly prepared right now,” she said. She had three hundred and fifty hamburgers ready to go.
A Black woman wearing dark glasses passed on the burgers. Voting had been a struggle for her. “Tragedy happened in my family,” she explained. Her daughter had been killed at the end of October, in a car accident. “She’d just filled out her stuff to vote, the week before. She said, ‘Momma, I gotta find a drop box to drop this off.’ ” The woman added that, inside the voting site, a man had told her that “as long as it was filled out before the accident and dated,” her daughter’s vote would still count.
Sally.
Sally, a seventy-year-old semi-retired nurse wearing a fur-lined jacket and glasses, hustled inside. Ten minutes later, after having cast her vote, she sat down at a picnic table. “We need change,” she said. “We need to have some compassion for each other.” Voting hadn’t been easy for her, either. “I applied for an absentee ballot,” she said. “Every day I’ve been waiting, waiting, waiting for it. I didn’t get one.” When she saw on TV that the lines weren’t long on Election Day, she got herself out of the house to vote.
Over in Union City, at a polling place in another Black neighborhood, an entrepreneur wearing a newsboy cap posed for a picture. He was carrying a bottle of chocolate oat milk and a bag of potato chips—snacks being given out by the same anti-voter-suppression group that was distributing burgers to voters in College Park. “I’m gonna be honest,” the man said. “I did vote for Trump. He makes things happen. The Democratic movement based on L.G.B.T. liberalism is fine, but when you step away from God?” He went on, “I’m not giving up on the Democratic Party. But for President? Not comfortable with it.” A Jamaican-American man with dreads, who introduced himself as Ruda, had also chosen Trump. “Bernie is the real man,” Ruda said. “Biden is an undercover racist.” He made reference to QAnon.
It had grown dark. Ten minutes before the polls closed, K.C. and Alta, a middle-aged Black couple wearing masks and matching red tennis shoes, stepped out of their car. “I figured it would be kinda slack,” K.C. said. “Everybody’s already done.”
Were they happy with Trump? “No,” Alta said. “Everybody we know is ready for Trump to get out.”
K.C. noted an exception. “A guy who cuts hair in the barbershop where I’ve been going for years—I just found out he liked Trump,” he said. “How can you support this guy who has basically made every racial statement that you could possibly make about every race that there is, other than white supremacists?”
“And for women,” Alta added, “he just degrades women.” Alta went on, referring to Black Trump supporters, “We have idiots in every race.”
Trump, K.C. said, “He’s gonna go to prison. It’s just a matter of time. Once he loses, everyone’s gonna start talking.” He pulled his mask up for a second—to scratch his nose—and revealed a big smile.
Read More About the 2020 Election


newyorker--2020-11-07--A Chaotic Election Ends—Maybe?

A Chaotic Election Ends—Maybe?

No matter the vote count , legal challenges and resistance in Washington continue to make this election historically fraught .
@ @ @ @ @ state of the race with some of The New Yorker ’ s political thinkers : @ @ @ @ @ Osnos , Jeannie Suk Gersen , and Amy Davidson Sorkin .
Plus , Jill Lepore @ @ @ @ @ the past and how they were addressed .
David Remnick talks with Susan B. Glasser @ @ @ @ @ Suk Gersen , and Amy Davidson Sorkin about the challenges to a peaceful transition of @ @ @ @ @ Democracy in Peril , Then and Now A historian looks to the nineteen-thirties—the last time @ @ @ @ @ fraught—for insights into our moment .

Illustration by Golden Cosmos
No matter the vote count, legal challenges and resistance in Washington continue to make this election historically fraught. David Remnick speaks about the state of the race with some of The New Yorker’s political thinkers: Susan B. Glasser, Evan Osnos, Jeannie Suk Gersen, and Amy Davidson Sorkin. Plus, Jill Lepore on threats to democracy in the past and how they were addressed.
A Chaotic Election Ends—Maybe?
David Remnick talks with Susan B. Glasser, Evan Osnos, Jeannie Suk Gersen, and Amy Davidson Sorkin about the challenges to a peaceful transition of power.
Jill Lepore on Democracy in Peril, Then and Now
A historian looks to the nineteen-thirties—the last time democracy in America seemed so fraught—for insights into our moment.


newyorker--2020-11-07--North Carolina County Commissioners Lose Seats After Abandoning the G.O.P.

Page Lemel made two pots of chili , one with meat and one with sweet potatoes and beans , for her friends and the campaign volunteers who had gathered to await election returns .
They sat around a fire pit on her back deck in Brevard , North Carolina , where her house occupies a hill above Keystone Camp , the girls ’ summer camp that she owns , the evergreens of the Pisgah National Forest visible in the distance .
There were fourteen people in all , and the results from Transylvania County , where Lemel was running for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commissioners , had come in quickly , an hour after the polls closed .
“ They were all far more depressed and upset than I was , ” Lemel said the next day , as she considered her fall to fifth place in a competition for three spots .
“ I ’ m not the idealist that twenty-five- or twenty-six-year-olds are .
They believe just because they will it , it ’ s supposed to happen.
” She had known the risk she was taking , last December , when she quit the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and values , particularly the ones exhibited by the President of the United States .
She ran , and lost , on a ballot that listed her party registration as unaffiliated .
She had no regrets , she said , her voice calm , with no self-pity .
“ You have to live true to who you are .
You get to the pearly gates by yourself.
” Mike Hawkins , the county-commission chair , took the same risk , ditching the Republicans , and did even worse , finishing behind Lemel in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the commission after twelve years .
He was more unsettled about the outcome .
After stopping by Lemel ’ s gathering , he drove home , where he learned the results , talked things over with his wife , and went straight to bed .
The next morning , he couldn ’ t bear to check how the close-run U.S. Senate race in North Carolina was going , or whether Donald Trump would win a second term .
“ Page , ” he said , when they met on a Zoom call on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dark , “ I ’ ve never , ever felt this way before , where I just want to go into my bubble.
” It all started with Hawkins .
Or with Trump , if you want to look at it that way .
Last year , at a rally at East Carolina University , Trump vilified Representative Ilhan Omar , a Somali-born refugee , and three of her colleagues , all women of color , as “ hate-filled extremists.
” The crowd chanted , “ Send her back !
” Hawkins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and he said so publicly at the next Transylvania commission meeting , vowing to “ oppose this poison every way I can.
” One thing led to another , his frustration with Party leaders grew deeper , and , a few months later , Hawkins , Lemel , and a fellow-commissioner , W. David Guice , quit the Republican Party .
When they pondered their political future , they hoped that becoming actively nonpartisan might inspire voters to focus on their work—schools , mental health , early-childhood education—and not labels , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t mean much in local governance .
Lemel and Hawkins even ran as a team for reëlection , creating a joint Web site and social-media spots .
When their defection drew notice , contributors sent nearly forty thousand dollars , with no real effort.The last time Hawkins ran , he spent less than a thousand , and won .
This time , the winners were three straight-up Republicans .
How bad was the thrashing ?
One of Lemel ’ s employees at Keystone Camp withdrew from the race for Transylvania ’ s Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the ballot .
A Democrat in a county dominated by Republicans , she still attracted more votes than Lemel or Hawkins , who think partisanship , and the very labels they disdained , were their undoing .
“ It just gives you a pit in your stomach .
Where are we going ?
” Hawkins asked on the Zoom call .
He was further dismayed , the next day , when his wife told him that the first , mocking tweet from Madison Cawthorn , a tart-tongued twenty-five-year-old conservative Republican , elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional district , which includes Brevard , was “ Cry more , lib.
” Hawkins saw the comment as “ just appalling .
The opposite of anything any leader should say , or even think.
” After eight years in office and months of drama , Lemel felt suddenly unburdened , and it surprised her .
She carried her laptop to the deck , to display the view , revelling in the thought of idling there .
She then moved indoors to a table where she has a stack of books that she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up , one by one .
Anne Applebaum ’ s “ Twilight of Democracy.
” Jennifer M. Silva ’ s study of blue-collar workers , “ We ’ re Still Here : Pain and Politics in the Heart of America.
” Jon Meacham ’ s “ American Lion : Andrew Jackson in the White House.
” “ My staff , I think , was frustrated that I wasn ’ t more emotional today , ” she said .
“ I am quite peaceful about this .
It wasn ’ t that Mike and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always be considered people of high principles .
What better compliment is there in the world ?
We can go to bed at night .
We can sleep .
We ’ re fine , you know ?
”

Page Lemel made two pots of chili, one with meat and one with sweet potatoes and beans, for her friends and the campaign volunteers who had gathered to await election returns. They sat around a fire pit on her back deck in Brevard, North Carolina, where her house occupies a hill above Keystone Camp, the girls’ summer camp that she owns, the evergreens of the Pisgah National Forest visible in the distance. There were fourteen people in all, and the results from Transylvania County, where Lemel was running for a third term on the Board of Commissioners, had come in quickly, an hour after the polls closed.
“They were all far more depressed and upset than I was,” Lemel said the next day, as she considered her fall to fifth place in a competition for three spots. “I’m not the idealist that twenty-five- or twenty-six-year-olds are. They believe just because they will it, it’s supposed to happen.” She had known the risk she was taking, last December, when she quit the Republican Party in dismay over its priorities and values, particularly the ones exhibited by the President of the United States. She ran, and lost, on a ballot that listed her party registration as unaffiliated. She had no regrets, she said, her voice calm, with no self-pity. “You have to live true to who you are. You get to the pearly gates by yourself.”
Mike Hawkins, the county-commission chair, took the same risk, ditching the Republicans, and did even worse, finishing behind Lemel in sixth place, ending his tenure on the commission after twelve years. He was more unsettled about the outcome. After stopping by Lemel’s gathering, he drove home, where he learned the results, talked things over with his wife, and went straight to bed. The next morning, he couldn’t bear to check how the close-run U.S. Senate race in North Carolina was going, or whether Donald Trump would win a second term. “Page,” he said, when they met on a Zoom call on Wednesday night, with Hawkins still in the dark, “I’ve never, ever felt this way before, where I just want to go into my bubble.”
It all started with Hawkins. Or with Trump, if you want to look at it that way. Last year, at a rally at East Carolina University, Trump vilified Representative Ilhan Omar, a Somali-born refugee, and three of her colleagues, all women of color, as “hate-filled extremists.” The crowd chanted, “Send her back!” Hawkins, who is white, was indignant, and he said so publicly at the next Transylvania commission meeting, vowing to “oppose this poison every way I can.” One thing led to another, his frustration with Party leaders grew deeper, and, a few months later, Hawkins, Lemel, and a fellow-commissioner, W. David Guice, quit the Republican Party. When they pondered their political future, they hoped that becoming actively nonpartisan might inspire voters to focus on their work—schools, mental health, early-childhood education—and not labels, or the national wedge issues that don’t mean much in local governance. Lemel and Hawkins even ran as a team for reëlection, creating a joint Web site and social-media spots. When their defection drew notice, contributors sent nearly forty thousand dollars, with no real effort.The last time Hawkins ran, he spent less than a thousand, and won.
This time, the winners were three straight-up Republicans. How bad was the thrashing? One of Lemel’s employees at Keystone Camp withdrew from the race for Transylvania’s Board of Education, but her name remained on the ballot. A Democrat in a county dominated by Republicans, she still attracted more votes than Lemel or Hawkins, who think partisanship, and the very labels they disdained, were their undoing. “It just gives you a pit in your stomach. Where are we going?” Hawkins asked on the Zoom call. He was further dismayed, the next day, when his wife told him that the first, mocking tweet from Madison Cawthorn, a tart-tongued twenty-five-year-old conservative Republican, elected to represent Mark Meadows’s former congressional district, which includes Brevard, was “Cry more, lib.” Hawkins saw the comment as “just appalling. The opposite of anything any leader should say, or even think.”
After eight years in office and months of drama, Lemel felt suddenly unburdened, and it surprised her. She carried her laptop to the deck, to display the view, revelling in the thought of idling there. She then moved indoors to a table where she has a stack of books that she aims to read. She held them up, one by one. Anne Applebaum’s “Twilight of Democracy.” Jennifer M. Silva’s study of blue-collar workers, “We’re Still Here: Pain and Politics in the Heart of America.” Jon Meacham’s “American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House.” “My staff, I think, was frustrated that I wasn’t more emotional today,” she said. “I am quite peaceful about this. It wasn’t that Mike and I did anything wrong. We will always be considered people of high principles. What better compliment is there in the world? We can go to bed at night. We can sleep. We’re fine, you know?”
Read More About the 2020 Election


newyorker--2020-11-06--Trump’s Legal Strategy for Challenging the Election Is One More Trumpist Fantasy

“ The allegations of wrongdoing are earth-shattering , ” Senator Lindsey Graham told Sean Hannity , of Fox News , on Thursday night .
He was referring , vaguely and falsely , to the process of counting votes cast in the Presidential election , and echoing President Trump ’ s claim , in an appearance at the White House earlier that evening , that “ horror stories ” regarding the vote count abounded .
The horror for Trump is that he is losing : as the votes have been counted , his early leads in Michigan and Wisconsin have disappeared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ongoing counts in Georgia and Pennsylvania ; and he has so far failed to catch up in Arizona or Nevada , where he is narrowly trailing .
Trump seems to see a single path to victory : baselessly blame everybody in sight , buy time in court , and see if his problems will just go away .
The plan gets a little fuzzy at that last point , but the first two steps are clear : slander and sue .
At the White House , he said , falsely , “ There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and this is a case where they ’ re trying to steal an election.
” At this point , the litigation is not , for the most part , tremendous , or even about specific allegations of fraud .
This may be because there is no real evidence of widespread fraud anywhere in any of these states .
( Systemic issues regarding voter suppression are another matter . )
Instead , most of the lawsuits are about circumstances that Trump and his team have decided might lead to fraud .
In many cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about what those circumstances are , and even about the substance of many of the lawsuits that his campaign has filed .
For example , at the White House , Trump , referring to one of his campaign ’ s suits in Pennsylvania , said that the state had been trying to “ ban our election observers and very strongly ” ; he said that the state didn ’ t “ want anybody watching them as they count the ballots .
.
.
they ’ re trying , obviously , to commit fraud.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , saying that observers hadn ’ t been let in “ in any way , shape , or form.
” Senator Ted Cruz , in his own appearance on Hannity ’ s show on Thursday , said that Philadelphia was “ not allowing election observers in , ” adding that “ every time they close the doors and shut out the lights they always find more Democratic votes.
” This is a fantasy ; in fact , the only real dispute in the litigation turned out to be how many observers there could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the votes were being tabulated , and how close they could stand to election workers .
( There is a pandemic to consider . )
No doors have been closed ; no lights have been shut ; there is even a live stream of what ’ s going on inside .
And , by Thursday night , even the technical issues seemed largely resolved after a state-court judge said that the observers could come within six feet , and a federal judge—the Trump team was trying its luck in both venues—dismissed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the A.P.
, that both sides work out an agreement to adjust the number of observers , like “ responsible adults.
” ( Good luck . )
The cases include one about fifty-three supposedly late-arriving absentee ballots in Georgia , and video cameras observing ballot drop boxes in Michigan ; both of those were dismissed by the first judges who heard them , and , although they may be appealed , the lack of substance is striking .
A Nevada woman ’ s tale of a supposedly stolen ballot was highlighted at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials say that she declined to give them an official statement .
There is one notable exception to what is otherwise a pattern of high-stakes nuisance lawsuits , though , and it is in Pennsylvania : Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Kathy Boockvar et al .
( Boockvar is Pennsylvania ’ s secretary of state . )
The Trump campaign petitioned the Supreme Court for permission to join the case on Wednesday .
This case , which the Pennsylvania G.O.P .
brought to the Supreme Court in September , concerns the date by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to arrive .
Under state law , the deadline is Election Day , but , in pandemic-related litigation , Pennsylvania ’ s highest state court extended that to Friday , as long as the ballot is postmarked by Election Day .
( There is a side dispute about how legible the postmark has to be . )
There are real legal issues there—the central question is how state election rules , which , according to the Constitution , are the purview of the state legislature , are limited by state constitutions , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , again , no specific accusations of actual , rather than potential , fraud .
The Pennsylvania G.O.P .
has asked the Supreme Court to hear the case on an expedited basis ; a couple of days before the election , that petition was denied .
In a statement accompanying the denial , Justice Samuel Alito regretted that it couldn ’ t be heard in time and indicated that he thought that the Court should hear it at some point .
If it does , one of the Justices with a chance to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barrett .
At any rate , because of the possibility of further litigation , Pennsylvania ’ s attorney general instructed election offices to segregate any ballots that arrived between eight P.M. Tuesday and five P.M. Friday .
This means that , even if the Supreme Court finds that these specific ballots came in too late , they can simply be left out of the count .
They will not taint the tally as a whole .
The real question at this point may not be whether the Supreme Court rules for Trump but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not yet final—even makes a difference in Biden ’ s margin of victory in the state , which is growing .
( It is possible , too , that Biden can get the two hundred and seventy electoral votes he needs to win the Presidency without Pennsylvania ’ s twenty electors . )
The math should be clearer by the end of Friday .
In short , no one is trying to commit fraud , except the President .
When Trump says , as he did at the White House , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I easily win .
If you count the illegal votes , they can try to steal the election from us , ” he is doing more than lying .
He is defining “ legal ” and “ illegal ” in an entirely political manner—one helps Trump , and the other doesn ’ t .
He and his allies hardly try to hide that .
For example , one of the obvious hypocrisies is that Trump keeps demanding that the vote be stopped in states where his lead is evaporating but continued in Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shot at catching up with Biden .
Lindsey Graham offered Hannity this explanation for that disparity : “ I trust Arizona ; I don ’ t trust Philadelphia.
” Graham said that Philadelphia elections—all of them , apparently—are as “ crooked as a snake.
” When Hannity pushed the view that Pennsylvania was just so hopelessly corrupt that none of its numbers could be trusted , and that the state ’ s legislature , which is controlled by Republicans , should just declare the whole election invalid , Graham said , “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The Pennsylvania legislature is under Republican control , and one Trumpian dream is that the legislature just picks the state ’ s electors themselves , as was the case early in the Republic , though it ’ s far from clear that they have the power to do so .
( They have delegated the power to voters under state law , after all . )
If they tried , the litigation would , indeed , be spectacular .
Even Cruz , when Hannity posed the same scenario to him , called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use.
” There will likely also be litigation once the recounts that are expected in other close states , such as Wisconsin and Georgia , get under way .
The aim may be to delay certification of the results and thus interfere with the appointment of electors .
But that ’ s an extreme long shot because the problems , as far as we ’ ve seen , just aren ’ t there—not even notionally—and because Biden is now ahead in too many states .
( This isn ’ t 2000 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) Anyone seeking a rich debate on constitutional law or the gray areas of election rules should probably look elsewhere ; the President ’ s legal strategy is about smears and a fight for power .
Soon enough , the legal effort may be nothing more than a vehicle that allows him to air his grievances but which goes nowhere—the disorganized clattering of a defeated President on the way out .
The legal effort is also becoming an exercise in showing loyalty to Trump .
Graham told Hannity , “ I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to President Trump ’ s defense legal fund.
” He urged Hannity ’ s viewers to give as well : “ Donald J. Trump dot com—five bucks from a million people goes a long way.
” His appearance , and Ted Cruz ’ s , came after both Eric and Donald Trump , Jr. , complained that Republicans weren ’ t helping , and it can ’ t be called anything but shameful ; the question now is how many others in the G.O.P .
share in the ignominy .
Kevin McCarthy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that night , on Laura Ingraham ’ s Fox News program , to voice his support for the President .
Graham said that “ every Senate Republican and House Republican needs to get on television and tell this story.
” And what a wild story it is .
Read More About the 2020 Election • Live election results : see the latest updates from the Presidential , Senate , House , and gubernatorial races .
• Biden may win , but Trump will remain the President of Red America .
• What happens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • Early results suggest that the Electoral College race will be close , with no major realignment .
The Midwest holds the key for Biden .
• The disbelief and horror of Election Night were captured by a Russian poet in 1933 .
• Trump has survived impeachment , twenty-six sexual-misconduct accusations , and thousands of lawsuits .
His luck may well end if Joe Biden wins .
• Here is what you can do if Trump stages a coup .
• Sign up for our daily newsletter for insight and analysis from @ @ @ @ @

“The allegations of wrongdoing are earth-shattering,” Senator Lindsey Graham told Sean Hannity, of Fox News, on Thursday night. He was referring, vaguely and falsely, to the process of counting votes cast in the Presidential election, and echoing President Trump’s claim, in an appearance at the White House earlier that evening, that “horror stories” regarding the vote count abounded. The horror for Trump is that he is losing: as the votes have been counted, his early leads in Michigan and Wisconsin have disappeared; he has fallen behind in the ongoing counts in Georgia and Pennsylvania; and he has so far failed to catch up in Arizona or Nevada, where he is narrowly trailing. Trump seems to see a single path to victory: baselessly blame everybody in sight, buy time in court, and see if his problems will just go away. The plan gets a little fuzzy at that last point, but the first two steps are clear: slander and sue. At the White House, he said, falsely, “There’s tremendous litigation going on, and this is a case where they’re trying to steal an election.”
At this point, the litigation is not, for the most part, tremendous, or even about specific allegations of fraud. This may be because there is no real evidence of widespread fraud anywhere in any of these states. (Systemic issues regarding voter suppression are another matter.) Instead, most of the lawsuits are about circumstances that Trump and his team have decided might lead to fraud. In many cases, Trump and his allies are lying about what those circumstances are, and even about the substance of many of the lawsuits that his campaign has filed.
For example, at the White House, Trump, referring to one of his campaign’s suits in Pennsylvania, said that the state had been trying to “ban our election observers and very strongly”; he said that the state didn’t “want anybody watching them as they count the ballots . . . they’re trying, obviously, to commit fraud.” On Twitter, he went further, saying that observers hadn’t been let in “in any way, shape, or form.” Senator Ted Cruz, in his own appearance on Hannity’s show on Thursday, said that Philadelphia was “not allowing election observers in,” adding that “every time they close the doors and shut out the lights they always find more Democratic votes.” This is a fantasy; in fact, the only real dispute in the litigation turned out to be how many observers there could be in the Philadelphia convention center, where the votes were being tabulated, and how close they could stand to election workers. (There is a pandemic to consider.) No doors have been closed; no lights have been shut; there is even a live stream of what’s going on inside. And, by Thursday night, even the technical issues seemed largely resolved after a state-court judge said that the observers could come within six feet, and a federal judge—the Trump team was trying its luck in both venues—dismissed the matter, with instructions, according to the A.P., that both sides work out an agreement to adjust the number of observers, like “responsible adults.” (Good luck.)
The cases include one about fifty-three supposedly late-arriving absentee ballots in Georgia, and video cameras observing ballot drop boxes in Michigan; both of those were dismissed by the first judges who heard them, and, although they may be appealed, the lack of substance is striking. A Nevada woman’s tale of a supposedly stolen ballot was highlighted at a Trump campaign press conference, but Nevada officials say that she declined to give them an official statement. There is one notable exception to what is otherwise a pattern of high-stakes nuisance lawsuits, though, and it is in Pennsylvania: Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Kathy Boockvar et al. (Boockvar is Pennsylvania’s secretary of state.) The Trump campaign petitioned the Supreme Court for permission to join the case on Wednesday. This case, which the Pennsylvania G.O.P. brought to the Supreme Court in September, concerns the date by which Pennsylvania’s mail-in ballots need to arrive. Under state law, the deadline is Election Day, but, in pandemic-related litigation, Pennsylvania’s highest state court extended that to Friday, as long as the ballot is postmarked by Election Day. (There is a side dispute about how legible the postmark has to be.)
There are real legal issues there—the central question is how state election rules, which, according to the Constitution, are the purview of the state legislature, are limited by state constitutions, and what judges get to say about that—but, again, no specific accusations of actual, rather than potential, fraud. The Pennsylvania G.O.P. has asked the Supreme Court to hear the case on an expedited basis; a couple of days before the election, that petition was denied. In a statement accompanying the denial, Justice Samuel Alito regretted that it couldn’t be heard in time and indicated that he thought that the Court should hear it at some point. If it does, one of the Justices with a chance to decide the case will be Amy Coney Barrett.
At any rate, because of the possibility of further litigation, Pennsylvania’s attorney general instructed election offices to segregate any ballots that arrived between eight P.M. Tuesday and five P.M. Friday. This means that, even if the Supreme Court finds that these specific ballots came in too late, they can simply be left out of the count. They will not taint the tally as a whole. The real question at this point may not be whether the Supreme Court rules for Trump but whether the number of ballots in question—which is not yet final—even makes a difference in Biden’s margin of victory in the state, which is growing. (It is possible, too, that Biden can get the two hundred and seventy electoral votes he needs to win the Presidency without Pennsylvania’s twenty electors.) The math should be clearer by the end of Friday.
In short, no one is trying to commit fraud, except the President. When Trump says, as he did at the White House, “If you count the legal votes, I easily win. If you count the illegal votes, they can try to steal the election from us,” he is doing more than lying. He is defining “legal” and “illegal” in an entirely political manner—one helps Trump, and the other doesn’t. He and his allies hardly try to hide that. For example, one of the obvious hypocrisies is that Trump keeps demanding that the vote be stopped in states where his lead is evaporating but continued in Arizona, where he believes he has a shot at catching up with Biden. Lindsey Graham offered Hannity this explanation for that disparity: “I trust Arizona; I don’t trust Philadelphia.” Graham said that Philadelphia elections—all of them, apparently—are as “crooked as a snake.”
When Hannity pushed the view that Pennsylvania was just so hopelessly corrupt that none of its numbers could be trusted, and that the state’s legislature, which is controlled by Republicans, should just declare the whole election invalid, Graham said, “I think everything should be on the table.” The Pennsylvania legislature is under Republican control, and one Trumpian dream is that the legislature just picks the state’s electors themselves, as was the case early in the Republic, though it’s far from clear that they have the power to do so. (They have delegated the power to voters under state law, after all.) If they tried, the litigation would, indeed, be spectacular. Even Cruz, when Hannity posed the same scenario to him, called invalidating the election “a big cannon to use.” There will likely also be litigation once the recounts that are expected in other close states, such as Wisconsin and Georgia, get under way. The aim may be to delay certification of the results and thus interfere with the appointment of electors. But that’s an extreme long shot because the problems, as far as we’ve seen, just aren’t there—not even notionally—and because Biden is now ahead in too many states. (This isn’t 2000, when it was all about Florida.) Anyone seeking a rich debate on constitutional law or the gray areas of election rules should probably look elsewhere; the President’s legal strategy is about smears and a fight for power. Soon enough, the legal effort may be nothing more than a vehicle that allows him to air his grievances but which goes nowhere—the disorganized clattering of a defeated President on the way out.
The legal effort is also becoming an exercise in showing loyalty to Trump. Graham told Hannity, “I’m gonna donate five-hundred thousand dollars tonight to President Trump’s defense legal fund.” He urged Hannity’s viewers to give as well: “Donald J. Trump dot com—five bucks from a million people goes a long way.” His appearance, and Ted Cruz’s, came after both Eric and Donald Trump, Jr., complained that Republicans weren’t helping, and it can’t be called anything but shameful; the question now is how many others in the G.O.P. share in the ignominy. Kevin McCarthy, the House Minority Leader, also appeared that night, on Laura Ingraham’s Fox News program, to voice his support for the President. Graham said that “every Senate Republican and House Republican needs to get on television and tell this story.” And what a wild story it is.
Read More About the 2020 Election


Pennsylvania’s Blue Shift

On Wednesday afternoon , outside the convention center in Philadelphia ’ s Center City , Samantha Rise , a thirty-two-year-old community organizer , led a crowd of protesters in a chant : “ No Trump !
No K.K.K.
!
No fascist U.S.A. !
” Inside , election officials were counting hundreds of thousands of mail-in ballots from voters in Philadelphia .
Donald Trump was still ahead in the state ’ s tally , but the remaining votes , which came mostly from Philadelphia and the surrounding areas , looked likely to be overwhelmingly for Joe Biden .
The Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an emergency injunction in an attempt to stop Pennsylvania from counting the remaining ballots .
Protesters feared that the President would succeed in muddying the results and halting the counting process .
“ Donald Trump is stealing the election !
” one called into a microphone plugged into a portable amplifier .
Another yelled , “ A fascist President is declaring victory !
We voted with our ballots and now it ’ s time to come out into the street and vote with our feet !
” The mood was tense .
Off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wearing a MAGA hat spoke to a European reporter .
Rise , who was wearing a sweatshirt emblazoned with the word “ DECOLONIZE , ” pressed their way into the conversation and shouted , “ Interrupt bigotry !
” ( Rise self-identifies as gender nonbinary and uses they/them pronouns . )
The young man told Rise that they weren ’ t being civil .
“ Politeness doesn ’ t equate justice !
” Rise snapped back .
A group of police officers with bicycles moved in and broke up the argument .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manipulate whatever happens , ” Rise told me .
“ The reality is , this is so close .
There are searing wounds in this country .
But four more years of Trump would put people in harm ’ s way.
” Pennsylvania has long been a battleground state , and in the lead-up to this year ’ s contest it appeared as if it might decide the election .
On Election Night , however , Trump took a significant lead , and it looked as if the election might be decided elsewhere—in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But , in the coming days , Pennsylvania underwent what has come to be known as a “ blue shift.
” Democrats had requested more mail-in ballots than Republicans had by a margin of two to one .
The state ’ s Republican legislature had prevented county commissioners from sorting or counting these ballots ahead of time , a process called pre-canvassing .
This meant that in-person results , which tended to favor Republicans , were announced first .
But , as mail-in votes were painstakingly counted , Biden gained steadily .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Michigan , and Wisconsin , where mail-in ballots added to Biden ’ s tally in the days after the election . )
Experts had predicted this phenomenon , but , as you watched Pennsylvania turn red , it was difficult to trust that it would turn back .
“ Our last poll said that seventy-eight per cent of mail-in ballots were Biden ballots , and if you did the math it was on his side , ” Chris Borick , a political analyst at Muhlenberg College , told me .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I had , but the experiences of 2016 were so traumatic , it was really hard for them to believe.
” But by Wednesday evening it appeared that Biden could win Pennsylvania , and that , if he did , he would win the Presidency .
To prevent this from happening , the Trump campaign urged officials around the country to stop tallying mail-in ballots , claiming , baselessly , that they were fraudulent .
In a speech on Thursday evening , Trump said that he was being cheated out of an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal votes , I easily win , ” he said .
“ If you count the illegal votes , they can try to steal the election from us.
” Right-wing protesters gathered outside county offices in Detroit and chanted , “ Stop the count !
” ( In Phoenix , where Trump was gaining ground , they chanted , “ Count the vote !
” ) On Wednesday , Eric Trump and Rudy Giuliani held a rally near the Philadelphia airport , where they announced the Trump campaign ’ s lawsuit against the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ transparency.
” Giuliani cited the “ Democrat crooked machine of Philadelphia , ” and claimed that there was no way to know if ballots had been cast legally .
“ They could be from Mars , ” he said .
“ Joe Biden could have voted fifty times , as far as we know , or five thousand times.
” Eric Trump said that polling places in Pennsylvania had been covered in Biden campaign posters , and that ballots had been discovered in drainage ditches , claims for which he provided no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims , the Trump campaign was seeking an emergency injunction to stop the count .

On Wednesday afternoon, outside the convention center in Philadelphia’s Center City, Samantha Rise, a thirty-two-year-old community organizer, led a crowd of protesters in a chant: “No Trump! No K.K.K.! No fascist U.S.A.!” Inside, election officials were counting hundreds of thousands of mail-in ballots from voters in Philadelphia. Donald Trump was still ahead in the state’s tally, but the remaining votes, which came mostly from Philadelphia and the surrounding areas, looked likely to be overwhelmingly for Joe Biden. The Trump campaign had just announced that it was filing an emergency injunction in an attempt to stop Pennsylvania from counting the remaining ballots. Protesters feared that the President would succeed in muddying the results and halting the counting process. “Donald Trump is stealing the election!” one called into a microphone plugged into a portable amplifier. Another yelled, “A fascist President is declaring victory! We voted with our ballots and now it’s time to come out into the street and vote with our feet!”
The mood was tense. Off to the side, a young counter-protester wearing a MAGA hat spoke to a European reporter. Rise, who was wearing a sweatshirt emblazoned with the word “DECOLONIZE,” pressed their way into the conversation and shouted, “Interrupt bigotry!” (Rise self-identifies as gender nonbinary and uses they/them pronouns.) The young man told Rise that they weren’t being civil. “Politeness doesn’t equate justice!” Rise snapped back. A group of police officers with bicycles moved in and broke up the argument. “We knew for weeks that Trump would manipulate whatever happens,” Rise told me. “The reality is, this is so close. There are searing wounds in this country. But four more years of Trump would put people in harm’s way.”
Samantha Rise is a community organizer in Pennsylvania.
Pennsylvania has long been a battleground state, and in the lead-up to this year’s contest it appeared as if it might decide the election. On Election Night, however, Trump took a significant lead, and it looked as if the election might be decided elsewhere—in Nevada, say, or Arizona. But, in the coming days, Pennsylvania underwent what has come to be known as a “blue shift.” Democrats had requested more mail-in ballots than Republicans had by a margin of two to one. The state’s Republican legislature had prevented county commissioners from sorting or counting these ballots ahead of time, a process called pre-canvassing. This meant that in-person results, which tended to favor Republicans, were announced first. But, as mail-in votes were painstakingly counted, Biden gained steadily. (A similar story played out in Georgia, Michigan, and Wisconsin, where mail-in ballots added to Biden’s tally in the days after the election.) Experts had predicted this phenomenon, but, as you watched Pennsylvania turn red, it was difficult to trust that it would turn back. “Our last poll said that seventy-eight per cent of mail-in ballots were Biden ballots, and if you did the math it was on his side,” Chris Borick, a political analyst at Muhlenberg College, told me. “I could give people all the empirical evidence I had, but the experiences of 2016 were so traumatic, it was really hard for them to believe.” But by Wednesday evening it appeared that Biden could win Pennsylvania, and that, if he did, he would win the Presidency.
To prevent this from happening, the Trump campaign urged officials around the country to stop tallying mail-in ballots, claiming, baselessly, that they were fraudulent. In a speech on Thursday evening, Trump said that he was being cheated out of an election victory. “If you count the legal votes, I easily win,” he said. “If you count the illegal votes, they can try to steal the election from us.” Right-wing protesters gathered outside county offices in Detroit and chanted, “Stop the count!” (In Phoenix, where Trump was gaining ground, they chanted, “Count the vote!”) On Wednesday, Eric Trump and Rudy Giuliani held a rally near the Philadelphia airport, where they announced the Trump campaign’s lawsuit against the state, apparently for its lack of “transparency.” Giuliani cited the “Democrat crooked machine of Philadelphia,” and claimed that there was no way to know if ballots had been cast legally. “They could be from Mars,” he said. “Joe Biden could have voted fifty times, as far as we know, or five thousand times.” Eric Trump said that polling places in Pennsylvania had been covered in Biden campaign posters, and that ballots had been discovered in drainage ditches, claims for which he provided no proof. Still, based on these claims, the Trump campaign was seeking an emergency injunction to stop the count.


newyorker--2020-11-06--Daily Cartoon: Friday, November 6th

Daily Cartoon: Friday, November 6th

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“I’m going to the store. Did you hear me? I said I’m going to—Why are you looking at me like that?”


Famous Forgotten Quotes

“ Gaga baga jopalop !
” —Oog the caveman , suddenly realizing that he could make mouth sounds “ Can we do , like , a big fucking triangle-shaped thingy ?
I ’ m talking big .
I don ’ t know how you ’ re gon na do it , but that ’ s what I want.
” —King Djoser , talking to Egyptian contractors about his funeral arrangements “ You thought that was good ?
Wait till you get a load of this one !
” —Homer , just before dropping the Odyssey “ When you say , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ do you mean , like , in a row ?
” —Noah , just trying to clear things up “ Boy , oh , boy , Brutus !
What a lovely March afternoon .
Is it a good day for some Ides , or what ?
” —Julius Caesar , right before a bunch of dudes stabbed him to death “ No , no , no !
Listen , I love your passion .
I just think that you should maybe consider learning some sort of a trade .
Like carpentry or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it doesn ’ t work out .
You don ’ t want to be going into your thirties without some sort of a backup plan.
” —Joseph , expressing his doubts on Jesus ’ future “ Let him do what he wants.
” —Mary , subtly implying that Joseph drop it “ Isn ’ t it funny that I ’ m their king , but I don ’ t know a single dude named Frank ?
” —Charlemagne “ Oof !
I should have used a saddle .
I should have used a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saddle.
” —Lady Godiva “ Hey , look what I can make this dead sheep ’ s stomach do !
HONK !
” —Whoever invented bagpipes “ You want me to do what now ?
” —Joan of Arc “ I see what you ’ re doing .
You ’ re just mimicking me.
” —Martin Luther “ I see what you ’ re doing .
You ’ re just mimicking me.
” —The Roman Catholic Church “ I ’ m just going to have them pointing at each other ’ s fingers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what he was going to paint on the Sistine Chapel ’ s ceiling “ Nah , it ’ s the other way around.
” —Nicolaus Copernicus “ Can I put a basket underneath it or something ?
These things are rolling away , and people in the crowd are grabbing them and taking them home as souvenirs and playing catch with them , and it ’ s just barbaric.
” —An executioner , trying to persuade officials to let him modify the guillotine “ What ’ s going on out there ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was going on out there “ Is that them ?
Are they coming ?
” —Paul Revere , piecing things together “ Yep , these are bad .
I ’ m gon na have to yank ’ em out and put some wood in there or something.
” —George Washington ’ s dentist “ Hold on , I ’ m gon na take a break and grab something to eat .
Let me ‘ Ctrl+S ’ this so I don ’ t lose anything.
” —Me , right now “ O.K.
, that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just want everybody to be absolutely sure that we ’ re going west because if we head east by mistake we ’ re gon na look like real idiots.
” —Meriwether Lewis , double-checking with William Clark “ There are slightly more than a hundred of us .
I think that should be enough , no ?
” —Davy Crockett , at the Alamo “ If I could go back , I would have called it ‘ Three and a Half Men.
’ ” —Alexandre Dumas , on his regrets “ I call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beep.
’ ” —Samuel Morse , before he figured out a better name for his code “ Ever look at these and just wish they were butter ?
” —George Washington Carver “ I might just fuck around and win one in physics and one in chemistry.
” —Marie Curie , on the Nobel Prize “ I wonder if this mold shit will do anything.
” —Alexander Fleming “ Hey , who else wants to take off their shoes and sing songs and have sex ?
” —The person who invented being a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go through all that just to walk around for a day or two ?
” —Neil Armstrong “ You should tell those newspaper guys that your name is Deepthroat .
That ’ ll be hilarious.
” —Deepthroat ’ s friend , offering a suggestion “ Hey , cheer up , fellas .
It ’ s not all that bad .
I ’ ll bet Gordon Lightfoot writes a pretty O.K .
song about this one day.
” —The captain of the Edmund Fitzgerald “ I think they like me , but I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me.
” —Sally Field , before all the other stuff “ Sure , you can get a dog.
” —My dad “ Hey .
.
.
I , uh .
.
.
thought I hit a bump.
” —My dad , breaking the news to me about the dog “ I burned my fucking hand with EASY-BAKE !
” —The original draft of the Easy-Bake Oven jingle “ Wait , the drummer ’ s name was Zac ?
” —Me , figuring out as an adult that my childhood celebrity crush from Hanson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being forced to examine things about myself that make a little more sense now

“BBBBBBBBAAAAAAAAHHHHHHHHH!!!!!!” —Anonymous dinosaur
“Gaga baga jopalop!” —Oog the caveman, suddenly realizing that he could make mouth sounds
“Can we do, like, a big fucking triangle-shaped thingy? I’m talking big. I don’t know how you’re gonna do it, but that’s what I want.” —King Djoser, talking to Egyptian contractors about his funeral arrangements
“You thought that was good? Wait till you get a load of this one!” —Homer, just before dropping the Odyssey
“When you say, ‘forty days and forty nights,’ do you mean, like, in a row?” —Noah, just trying to clear things up
“Boy, oh, boy, Brutus! What a lovely March afternoon. Is it a good day for some Ides, or what?” —Julius Caesar, right before a bunch of dudes stabbed him to death
“No, no, no! Listen, I love your passion. I just think that you should maybe consider learning some sort of a trade. Like carpentry or masonry or something, just in case it doesn’t work out. You don’t want to be going into your thirties without some sort of a backup plan.” —Joseph, expressing his doubts on Jesus’ future
“Let him do what he wants.” —Mary, subtly implying that Joseph drop it
“Isn’t it funny that I’m their king, but I don’t know a single dude named Frank?” —Charlemagne
“Oof! I should have used a saddle. I should have used a saddle. I should have used a saddle.” —Lady Godiva
“Hey, look what I can make this dead sheep’s stomach do! HONK!” —Whoever invented bagpipes
“You want me to do what now?” —Joan of Arc
“I DON’T LIKE CATHOLIC CHURCH NO MORE!” —Martin Luther
“I DON’T LIKE MARTIN LUTHER NO MORE!” —The Roman Catholic Church
“I see what you’re doing. You’re just mimicking me.” —Martin Luther
“I see what you’re doing. You’re just mimicking me.” —The Roman Catholic Church
“CUT IT OUT!” —Martin Luther
“CUT IT OUT!” —The Roman Catholic Church
“BBBBBBBBAAAAAAAAHHHHHHHHH!!!!!!” —Martin Luther
“BBBBBBBBAAAAAAAAHHHHHHHHH!!!!!!” —The Roman Catholic Church
“BBBBBBBBAAAAAAAAHHHHHHHHH!!!!!!” —Anonymous dinosaur
“I’m just going to have them pointing at each other’s fingers or something.” —Michelangelo, when asked what he was going to paint on the Sistine Chapel’s ceiling
“Nah, it’s the other way around.” —Nicolaus Copernicus
“Can I put a basket underneath it or something? These things are rolling away, and people in the crowd are grabbing them and taking them home as souvenirs and playing catch with them, and it’s just barbaric.” —An executioner, trying to persuade officials to let him modify the guillotine
“What’s going on out there?” —Marie Antoinette, before she realized what was going on out there
“Is that them? Are they coming?” —Paul Revere, piecing things together
“Yep, these are bad. I’m gonna have to yank ’em out and put some wood in there or something.” —George Washington’s dentist
“Hold on, I’m gonna take a break and grab something to eat. Let me ‘Ctrl+S’ this so I don’t lose anything.” —Me, right now
“O.K., that way is west, right? I just want everybody to be absolutely sure that we’re going west because if we head east by mistake we’re gonna look like real idiots.” —Meriwether Lewis, double-checking with William Clark
“There are slightly more than a hundred of us. I think that should be enough, no?” —Davy Crockett, at the Alamo
“If I could go back, I would have called it ‘Three and a Half Men.’ ” —Alexandre Dumas, on his regrets
“I call it the ‘Beep Boop Bippity Boppity Beep.’ ” —Samuel Morse, before he figured out a better name for his code
“Ever look at these and just wish they were butter?” —George Washington Carver
“I might just fuck around and win one in physics and one in chemistry.” —Marie Curie, on the Nobel Prize
“I’m so over this.” —Karl Marx
“I wonder if this mold shit will do anything.” —Alexander Fleming
“Hey, who else wants to take off their shoes and sing songs and have sex?” —The person who invented being a hippie
“So, you want us to go through all that just to walk around for a day or two?” —Neil Armstrong
“You should tell those newspaper guys that your name is Deepthroat. That’ll be hilarious.” —Deepthroat’s friend, offering a suggestion
“Hey, cheer up, fellas. It’s not all that bad. I’ll bet Gordon Lightfoot writes a pretty O.K. song about this one day.” —The captain of the Edmund Fitzgerald
“I think they like me, but I don’t know if they like me.” —Sally Field, before all the other stuff
“Sure, you can get a dog.” —My dad
“Hey . . . I, uh . . . thought I hit a bump.” —My dad, breaking the news to me about the dog
“I burned my fucking hand with EASY-BAKE!” —The original draft of the Easy-Bake Oven jingle
“Wait, the drummer’s name was Zac?” —Me, figuring out as an adult that my childhood celebrity crush from Hanson was actually a boy named Zac and being forced to examine things about myself that make a little more sense now


newyorker--2020-11-08--The Biden Block Party Begins in New York City

Across the street , a young guy in punkwear brandished a giant unflattering painting of Donald Trump , which depicted him with facial tattoos and Medusa-like hair .
An extra-long M14 bus drove through—honkety honk honk !
—and was whooped at .
A tech worker named Anton Saleh , in an upside-down Lakers face mask , said , “ I feel like I could cry .
It ’ s a real sense of relief.
” He pounded his heart .
A woman near him , Daniella Deutsch , agreed .
“ I just feel hope for the first time in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I think a lot of people have been waiting for this for four years .
And now we can actually move forward.
” She wore a sweatshirt that read “ It ’ s Okay Not to Be Okay.
” “ I ’ m a preschool teacher , ” she said .
“ I ’ ve been going in every day .
My kiddos know more about democracy and this election than a lot of adults in this country do.
” Under the all-seeing eye of a painted mural at the Horus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a spontaneous group performance of “ Na Na Hey Hey Kiss Him Goodbye ” had begun .
“ This is wild , ” a young Broadway-theatre staffer said , smiling at the scene .
When I asked if she ’ d done any political volunteering , she said , “ I ’ m actually a professional psychic .
There ’ s a lot of witches around the area , and people would come into my store all the time , like , ‘ What do I do to help ?
’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump.
” Nearby , Julian Ribeiro , a skater and retail worker in flowered pants , a butterfly-print baseball cap , and a tattered Bauhaus T-shirt— “ Most of these shirts are my mom ’ s ” —had come from Brooklyn to experience the “ revelry ” in the East Village .
“ I watched a whole table at brunch in Williamsburg get up with full mimosas and go down the street like a parade , ” he said .
“ Somebody was playing ‘ Party in the U.S.A. , ’ by Miley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see in the coming year ?
He ’ d like to get out of a mask , he said .
Otherwise , “ I ’ m hoping for unbounded sweetness.
” Somebody started chanting , “ Biden !
Biden !
Biden !
” Eli Scheinholtz , a local who works in public relations , said , of the coming Biden era , “ Politically , I hope they pass another stimulus package.
” Beyond that , “ I hope to see my grandma again .
She lives in Pittsburgh—she ’ s one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything right.
” Another city bus drove by , merrily honking .
“ I saw a garbage truck doing it earlier , ” Scheinholtz said .
“ There was no way they were picking up anything .
Just circling and honking , having the time of their life.
” Across the street , two masked bike-delivery guys edged through the crowd and gently bumped into each other ; they looked at each other , smiled , and carried on .
I talked to Jordan Lapid , who wore a flag bandanna mask and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep a flag with me , ” he said .
“ I think it represents everybody , not just half the country .
The people have spoken.
” Lapid lives nearby and works as a registered nurse .
“ I ’ ve been helping out with COVID , ” in hospitals in New York and California , he said .
“ It wasn ’ t easy .
The optimism got sucked out of me .
But I ’ m glad people came together and faced the facts and did what had to be @ @ @

Across the street, a young guy in punkwear brandished a giant unflattering painting of Donald Trump, which depicted him with facial tattoos and Medusa-like hair. An extra-long M14 bus drove through—honkety honk honk!—and was whooped at. A tech worker named Anton Saleh, in an upside-down Lakers face mask, said, “I feel like I could cry. It’s a real sense of relief.” He pounded his heart. A woman near him, Daniella Deutsch, agreed. “I just feel hope for the first time in a long time,” she said. “I think a lot of people have been waiting for this for four years. And now we can actually move forward.” She wore a sweatshirt that read “It’s Okay Not to Be Okay.” “I’m a preschool teacher,” she said. “I’ve been going in every day. My kiddos know more about democracy and this election than a lot of adults in this country do.”
Children raise a Biden-Harris banner.
Under the all-seeing eye of a painted mural at the Horus Café, the horn-blaring was near constant, and a spontaneous group performance of “Na Na Hey Hey Kiss Him Goodbye” had begun. “This is wild,” a young Broadway-theatre staffer said, smiling at the scene. When I asked if she’d done any political volunteering, she said, “I’m actually a professional psychic. There’s a lot of witches around the area, and people would come into my store all the time, like, ‘What do I do to help?’ So I gave them binding spells against Trump.” Nearby, Julian Ribeiro, a skater and retail worker in flowered pants, a butterfly-print baseball cap, and a tattered Bauhaus T-shirt—“Most of these shirts are my mom’s”—had come from Brooklyn to experience the “revelry” in the East Village. “I watched a whole table at brunch in Williamsburg get up with full mimosas and go down the street like a parade,” he said. “Somebody was playing ‘Party in the U.S.A.,’ by Miley Cyrus.” What did he hope to see in the coming year? He’d like to get out of a mask, he said. Otherwise, “I’m hoping for unbounded sweetness.”
Somebody started chanting, “Biden! Biden! Biden!” Eli Scheinholtz, a local who works in public relations, said, of the coming Biden era, “Politically, I hope they pass another stimulus package.” Beyond that, “I hope to see my grandma again. She lives in Pittsburgh—she’s one of the Pittsburgh mail-in ballots. She did everything right.” Another city bus drove by, merrily honking. “I saw a garbage truck doing it earlier,” Scheinholtz said. “There was no way they were picking up anything. Just circling and honking, having the time of their life.” Across the street, two masked bike-delivery guys edged through the crowd and gently bumped into each other; they looked at each other, smiled, and carried on. I talked to Jordan Lapid, who wore a flag bandanna mask and a giant flag cape. “I keep a flag with me,” he said. “I think it represents everybody, not just half the country. The people have spoken.” Lapid lives nearby and works as a registered nurse. “I’ve been helping out with COVID,” in hospitals in New York and California, he said. “It wasn’t easy. The optimism got sucked out of me. But I’m glad people came together and faced the facts and did what had to be done.”


newyorker--2020-11-07--Presidential Election 2020 Live Updates: Joe Biden Wins

Joseph R. Biden has won the Presidency , defeating Donald J. Trump .
Biden ’ s victory in Pennsylvania , declared on November 7th , four days after Election Day , lifted him above the two hundred and seventy Electoral College votes necessary to secure the White House , with final tallies still to come in several states .
His running-mate , Senator Kamala Harris , will be a history-making Vice-President , as a woman and as the daughter of a Black father and a mother of South Asian descent .
On the day the race was called , more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been counted , surpassing 2016 ’ s total of a hundred and thirty-seven million .
Biden was leading the popular vote by more than four million votes , comfortably exceeding Hillary Clinton ’ s 2016 popular-vote margin over Trump .
Control of the U.S. Senate will not be decided until January 5th , when voters in Georgia return to the polls to choose a winner in runoff races for both of the state ’ s seats .
The Republican incumbents , David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler , will face their Democratic challengers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For Democrats , who gained a seat in the Senate with Mark Kelly ’ s defeat of Martha McSally , in Arizona—but lost several key races they had hoped to win—victories by Ossoff and Warnock would secure a fifty-fifty Senate split with Republicans , leaving Vice-President Harris to cast tie-breaking votes in the chamber .
In the House , the blue wave of Democratic support that some observers had predicted didn ’ t materialize .
Although the Party easily retained its majority , Republicans were able to reclaim several congressional districts that Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You can see the latest election returns , state by state , as reported by the Associated Press , on our election map , which will continue to update until the last vote is tallied .

Joseph R. Biden has won the Presidency, defeating Donald J. Trump. Biden’s victory in Pennsylvania, declared on November 7th, four days after Election Day, lifted him above the two hundred and seventy Electoral College votes necessary to secure the White House, with final tallies still to come in several states. His running mate, Senator Kamala Harris, became a history-making Vice-President, as a woman and as the daughter of a Black father and a mother of South Asian descent. On the day the race was called, more than a hundred and forty-four million votes had been counted, surpassing 2016’s total of a hundred and thirty-seven million. Biden was leading the popular vote by more than four million votes, comfortably exceeding Hillary Clinton’s 2016 popular-vote margin over Trump.
Control of the U.S. Senate was decided on January 5th, when voters in Georgia returned to the polls to choose a winner in runoff races for both of the state’s seats. The Republican incumbents, David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler, both lost to their Democratic challengers, Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock. For Democrats, who had already gained a seat in the Senate with Mark Kelly’s defeat of Martha McSally, in Arizona, the victories by Ossoff and Warnock secured a fifty-fifty Senate split with Republicans, leaving Vice-President Harris to cast tie-breaking votes in the chamber.
In the House, the blue wave of Democratic support that some observers had predicted didn’t materialize. Although the Party easily retained its majority, Republicans were able to reclaim several congressional districts that Democrats had flipped in the 2018 midterm elections.
You can see complete election returns, state by state, as reported by the Associated Press, on our election map, and read our full coverage of the Trump-Biden transition and President Biden’s Inauguration.