newyorker--2020-10-03--The Coronavirus and the Threat Within the White House

From the start of his Presidency , Donald Trump has threatened the health and the security of the United States .
It has now been made clear that Trump ’ s incompetence , cynicism , and recklessness have threatened his own welfare .
Even the best security system and the most solicitous medical officers in the world could not protect him from a danger that he insisted on belittling and ignoring .
On Friday , at 12:54 a.m. , Trump announced by Twitter that he and the First Lady had tested positive for the novel coronavirus .
By the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an abundance of caution , ” the President had gone to Walter Reed hospital to spend “ the next few days .
” The Trumps join the more than seven million other Americans who have contracted the virus .
More than two hundred thousand have died from Covid-19 , the disease it causes .
Most of them were older than sixty-five .
Trump is seventy-four .
The contrast between Trump ’ s airy dismissals of the pandemic ’ s severity and the profound pain and anxiety endured by so many Americans has helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Hours before he announced the diagnosis , Trump claimed , in a speech recorded for the annual Al Smith Dinner for Catholic charities , that “ the end of the pandemic is in sight , and next year will be one of the greatest years in the history of our country.
” Any ailing individual ought to be able to depend on the best wishes of others—and on affordable , decent health care .
Trump can depend on both , even if millions of Americans can not .
We can only hope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus in a couple of weeks with minimal suffering , and , with prime medical attention and a modicum of luck , there ’ s reason to think that they will .
But , as President and as a candidate for reëlection , Trump should not count on the silencing of American citizens—on a deference that he has never shown to the people whom he swore to protect and has not .
Because of his ineptitude and his deceit , because he has encouraged a culture of heedlessness about the wearing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact , he bears a grave responsibility for what has happened in this country .
It will never be known precisely how many preventable deaths can be ascribed to his irresponsibility , but modest estimates run into the tens of thousands .
Yet Trump ’ s insistence that Americans pay the virus little mind never ends .
Just before the death toll reached two hundred thousand , last month , he declared at a rally in Ohio that the virus “ affects virtually nobody .
It ’ s an amazing thing.
” In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is less like the Kremlin or the Élysée Palace than like the cramped executive offices of a medium-sized insurance company .
The hallways are tight .
The chairs in the Cabinet Room sit close to one another .
The Oval Office itself , where Presidents routinely hold working sessions with many aides , is smaller than you might expect .
And yet numerous reports in the press have described how , owing to the President ’ s attitude , employees , reporters , and visitors to the West Wing are disdained or mocked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Centers for Disease Control and other public-health institutions have long said that wearing masks is essential to minimizing the spread of the coronavirus .
Trump has been of another opinion , a delusional one .
In April , as he would so many times , he waved the counsel away , saying , “ I don ’ t think I ’ m going to be doing it.
” He went on , “ I don ’ t know , somehow sitting in the Oval Office behind that beautiful Resolute desk , the great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face mask as I greet Presidents , Prime Ministers , dictators , kings , queens—I don ’ t know , somehow I don ’ t see it for myself.
” That this perilous variety of magical thinking has encouraged all manner of self-destructive behavior across the country—in crowded bars and on beaches , at motorcycle rallies , at Trump rallies––heightens not only the chances of lethal outbreaks in countless cities and towns but also the divisions among our citizens .
Trump regularly mocks his opponent , Joe Biden , for taking care to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Every time you see him , he ’ s got a mask , ” he said during Tuesday night ’ s Presidential debate in Cleveland .
“ He could be speaking two hundred feet away , and he shows up with the biggest mask I ’ ve ever seen.
” ( On Friday morning , the Democratic standard-bearer tweeted , “ Jill and I send our thoughts to President Trump and First Lady Melania Trump for a swift recovery .
We will continue to pray for the health and safety of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is difficult to overstate the psychological overload that the drama of the Trump Presidency presents to anyone who has been following the narrative .
Take a week in the life : One day we learn that Trump , who is alleged to be the wealthiest President in U.S. history , paid just seven hundred and fifty dollars in federal income tax during his first year in office .
Then comes a debate performance in which he tries to baselessly undermine mail-in voting and asks the Proud Boys , a far-right extremist group , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” —presumably , to be mobilized should he lose .
He made it plain , as he has in his public speeches , that he is not so much running for reëlection as running against the election itself , hoping to invalidate its results preëmptively with threats and conspiracy theories .
Then , at an ugly , mask-free rally in Minnesota on Wednesday , Trump riled the crowd , declaring that a Biden Presidency would “ inundate your state with a historic flood of refugees.
” Misinformation and violence , too , are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only political advantage in fomenting schism and mistrust , has long been a superspreader .
There is no way of knowing how the President ’ s illness will shape the coming weeks .
The polls suggest a motivation for the desperation of his rhetoric and his tactics : the last time there was a polling deficit like the one we ’ re now seeing at this point in a national election was in 1996 , when Bob Dole trailed Bill Clinton all the way to Election Day .
The President is obsessed with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep state , ” by “ the radical left , ” by foreigners of all sorts .
But the gravest menace to public health and public order has come from within the White House .
So long as Trump holds office , no manner of quarantine will suffice to contain it .
♦

Illustration by João Fazenda
From the start of his Presidency, Donald Trump has threatened the health and the security of the United States. It has now been made clear that Trump’s incompetence, cynicism, and recklessness have threatened his own welfare. Even the best security system and the most solicitous medical officers in the world could not protect him from a danger that he insisted on belittling and ignoring. On Friday, at 12:54 a.m., Trump announced by Twitter that he and the First Lady had tested positive for the novel coronavirus. By the end of the evening, “out of an abundance of caution,” the President had gone to Walter Reed hospital to spend “the next few days. ” The Trumps join the more than seven million other Americans who have contracted the virus. More than two hundred thousand have died from Covid-19, the disease it causes. Most of them were older than sixty-five. Trump is seventy-four.
The contrast between Trump’s airy dismissals of the pandemic’s severity and the profound pain and anxiety endured by so many Americans has helped define the era in which we live. Hours before he announced the diagnosis, Trump claimed, in a speech recorded for the annual Al Smith Dinner for Catholic charities, that “the end of the pandemic is in sight, and next year will be one of the greatest years in the history of our country.”
Any ailing individual ought to be able to depend on the best wishes of others—and on affordable, decent health care. Trump can depend on both, even if millions of Americans cannot. We can only hope that he and his wife get through the virus in a couple of weeks with minimal suffering, and, with prime medical attention and a modicum of luck, there’s reason to think that they will. But, as President and as a candidate for reëlection, Trump should not count on the silencing of American citizens—on a deference that he has never shown to the people whom he swore to protect and has not. Because of his ineptitude and his deceit, because he has encouraged a culture of heedlessness about the wearing of masks and a lethal disrespect for scientific fact, he bears a grave responsibility for what has happened in this country. It will never be known precisely how many preventable deaths can be ascribed to his irresponsibility, but modest estimates run into the tens of thousands. Yet Trump’s insistence that Americans pay the virus little mind never ends. Just before the death toll reached two hundred thousand, last month, he declared at a rally in Ohio that the virus “affects virtually nobody. It’s an amazing thing.”
In terms of scale, the West Wing is less like the Kremlin or the Élysée Palace than like the cramped executive offices of a medium-sized insurance company. The hallways are tight. The chairs in the Cabinet Room sit close to one another. The Oval Office itself, where Presidents routinely hold working sessions with many aides, is smaller than you might expect. And yet numerous reports in the press have described how, owing to the President’s attitude, employees, reporters, and visitors to the West Wing are disdained or mocked if they wear a mask.
The Centers for Disease Control and other public-health institutions have long said that wearing masks is essential to minimizing the spread of the coronavirus. Trump has been of another opinion, a delusional one. In April, as he would so many times, he waved the counsel away, saying, “I don’t think I’m going to be doing it.” He went on, “I don’t know, somehow sitting in the Oval Office behind that beautiful Resolute desk, the great Resolute desk. I think wearing a face mask as I greet Presidents, Prime Ministers, dictators, kings, queens—I don’t know, somehow I don’t see it for myself.”
That this perilous variety of magical thinking has encouraged all manner of self-destructive behavior across the country—in crowded bars and on beaches, at motorcycle rallies, at Trump rallies––heightens not only the chances of lethal outbreaks in countless cities and towns but also the divisions among our citizens. Trump regularly mocks his opponent, Joe Biden, for taking care to wear a mask at public events. “Every time you see him, he’s got a mask,” he said during Tuesday night’s Presidential debate in Cleveland. “He could be speaking two hundred feet away, and he shows up with the biggest mask I’ve ever seen.” (On Friday morning, the Democratic standard-bearer tweeted, “Jill and I send our thoughts to President Trump and First Lady Melania Trump for a swift recovery. We will continue to pray for the health and safety of the president and his family.”)
It is difficult to overstate the psychological overload that the drama of the Trump Presidency presents to anyone who has been following the narrative. Take a week in the life: One day we learn that Trump, who is alleged to be the wealthiest President in U.S. history, paid just seven hundred and fifty dollars in federal income tax during his first year in office. Then comes a debate performance in which he tries to baselessly undermine mail-in voting and asks the Proud Boys, a far-right extremist group, to “stand back and stand by”—presumably, to be mobilized should he lose. He made it plain, as he has in his public speeches, that he is not so much running for reëlection as running against the election itself, hoping to invalidate its results preëmptively with threats and conspiracy theories. Then, at an ugly, mask-free rally in Minnesota on Wednesday, Trump riled the crowd, declaring that a Biden Presidency would “inundate your state with a historic flood of refugees.” Misinformation and violence, too, are contagions, and Trump, who sees only political advantage in fomenting schism and mistrust, has long been a superspreader.
There is no way of knowing how the President’s illness will shape the coming weeks. The polls suggest a motivation for the desperation of his rhetoric and his tactics: the last time there was a polling deficit like the one we’re now seeing at this point in a national election was in 1996, when Bob Dole trailed Bill Clinton all the way to Election Day. The President is obsessed with menaces—posed by shadowy members of a “deep state,” by “the radical left,” by foreigners of all sorts. But the gravest menace to public health and public order has come from within the White House. So long as Trump holds office, no manner of quarantine will suffice to contain it. ♦
More on the Coronavirus


newyorker--2020-10-03--Maggie Haberman on the Fallout from Trump’s Hospitalization

Conley said that Trump is “ doing very well , ” but White House reporters painted a more concerning portrait of his condition .
After Conley spoke , a person familiar with Trump ’ s health told reporters , “ The President ’ s vitals over the last twenty-four hours were concerning , and the next forty-eight hours will be critical in terms of his care .
We ’ re still not on a clear path to full recovery.
” Shortly after the press conference , I spoke by phone with Maggie Haberman , a Times White House correspondent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House announced Trump ’ s diagnosis , Haberman ’ s byline has appeared on more than twenty stories .
During our conversation , which has been edited for length and clarity , we discussed what we know about when Trump first tested positive , how the President has been trying to control the narrative around his illness , and the level of coronavirus denial among Republicans in Washington .
What have you been able to learn about the timing of the President ’ s positive diagnosis ?
Conley raised far more questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that [ Trump ] was on oxygen at the White House .
Conley seemed to give very equivocal answers around that , and what happened .
The biggest question mark for me is Conley saying we are seventy-two hours into this diagnosis .
If we are seventy-two hours into it , that suggests he has been sick since Wednesday , and that is a major question , because if he was sick on Wednesday , and they had him going to a rally in Minnesota , and then a fund-raiser , parts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his club in Bedminster , that is important to know .
What have you been able to learn about the President ’ s state of mind ?
His friend Stanley Chera , who was a real-estate magnate in New York , died [ of the coronavirus , in April ] .
Chera was older than Trump is and was in worse physical shape than Trump is , and Chera got very , very sick , very quickly , and basically went into the hospital and never came out .
Trump was very spooked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has stayed with him .
And he is—I don ’ t want to say hypochondriacal , because that is not the right word—but he gets very agitated when he is not feeling great .
And I think all of this contributed to how they were dealing with him [ on Friday ] .
What do you mean by that ?
What I mean by that is that some people experience the feeling of being sick differently than others , and I think he experiences it acutely , and it can be anxiety-provoking .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , because of how he deals with sickness— Oh , I just think there were various reasons for taking him to Walter Reed , and that was one of them .
How would you define the attitude , broadly speaking , of people in and around the White House before the past few days regarding the dangers of the virus ?
I think that the response to the virus and how to treat it and deal with it has been very top-down for a very long time .
I think the President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very long time .
In the last hour or so , we have learned that [ the former New Jersey governor ] Chris Christie tested positive , and he was at that event on Saturday that appears to have been something of a nexus point for people getting sick , and ironically , Christie was one of the people who wrote an op-ed to the President early on saying , “ Look , take this seriously.
” As time has gone on , Trump has tried to downplay it , and he admitted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bob Woodward he was trying to downplay it .
The problem is that there is a midway point between saying “ I don ’ t want people to panic , don ’ t freak out , we can handle this , ” and , you know , not taking basic precautions and making fun of states for taking basic precautions and making fun of people for wearing masks , and the President , to varying degrees , did all of that .
When you see these videos of people in the Rose Garden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announcing her nomination to the Supreme Court ] hugging and not wearing masks , and seemingly unconcerned about their own health , it is obviously partly about the messages Trump sends , but how concerned are Republicans in Washington generally ?
I was sort of surprised by it .
I think this is requiring a level of putting people on the couch that is a little difficult , but look , we have seen Republicans try to focus on a different theme , which is not the virus , and the virus is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the country are talking about .
I am not really surprised .
I am surprised you are surprised , because this has been going on for months .
I have seen other videos of Republican politicians behaving this way , but I suppose in the back of my mind somewhere I thought , Well , at some deeper level , they know this is dangerous and these people will at least be careful with their own lives .
Look , there were events in March that raised questions about whether people would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t happen .
There was one in Mar-a-Lago .
People didn ’ t get sick then , and it created this unreality bubble .
And it popped .
How did you first hear the news ?
You are asking me to cast my mind back that far ?
Which part in particular ?
I heard it at 1 A.M. , when they tweeted out a doctor ’ s note , but we knew for several hours that we were likely to get an answer that evening about what his condition was , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump campaign adviser ] Hope Hicks tested positive , which the White House had tried keeping secret .
Isaac , it is really important for voters to drill down on the question of the seventy-two hours , because if that wasn ’ t true , not only were they letting him do events , but they weren ’ t telling the public , and it raises questions about what they would have told the public if we hadn ’ t found out about Hope Hicks .
Are people talking to you now for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or for different reasons ?
People at the White House are incredibly anxious .
For their own safety ?
For the country ?
For what ?
For their own safety .
For the safety of the country .
I think they are scared for the President .
I do want to make the point that all of us hope the President gets better , and all of us are sorry to see people sick , and this is a large number of people dealing with an ugly virus , and so I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a full recovery .
So do his staff .
And I think his staff also don ’ t want to get sick .
And I think they are just shell-shocked .
But also , you have to remember that , at least for them , he is this omnipotent figure and force around them , and the driving force of everything .
And to have him not present is jarring for them .
What do you mean by “ omnipotent ” ?
In a way another President might not be ?
Yeah , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literally makes everything about him in a way that previous Presidents have not .
I just think it ’ s different .
How do you normally answer the question of why people talk to you , and how might that change now ?
It doesn ’ t change .
It really doesn ’ t .
The reason that people talked about the White House and told me stuff over the past four years is some combination of information they thought should be public , their own confusion about what they were seeing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that is just as true now .
Has anything surprised you about the last seventy-two hours ?
Are you taken aback by anything ?
I am not taken aback by the lack of information .
I am frustrated by the lack of information .
If , indeed , they were sending him out to events knowing he was sick—and we don ’ t know that , and we need to clarify this—I really will be taken aback .
[ Laughs . ]
And I was taken aback by hearing Conley say it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ just been very frustrated by the lack of information , which , in fairness to Mark Meadows , the chief of staff , is being really heavily driven by the President .
So despite whatever state he is in , you are certain he is still giving orders to people about what is going to be released publicly .
A hundred per cent .
He is very , very reluctant to have information about his health out there .
He always has been .
And anything that makes him seem weak .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting sick with this , but any scenario where he is out of sight and being tended to and Joe Biden is out campaigning .
Worst scenario in terms of polling and election results or a deeper psychological thing ?
Both .
Any perception of weakness for him is some kind of psychic wound .
How is the rest of the First Family responding ?
I think the Trump kids are very , very anxious .
They are a family , and it ’ s hard to know what a family is like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but I think they are a family that is more interwoven than a lot of families I know .
And I think , for them , having him be sick is very alarming .
More on the Coronavirus • To protect American lives and revive the economy , Donald Trump and Jared Kushner should listen to Anthony Fauci rather than trash him .
• We should look to students to conceive of appropriate school-reopening plans .
It is not too late to ask what they really want .
• A pregnant pediatrician on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • Trump is helping tycoons who have donated to his reëlection campaign exploit the pandemic to maximize profits .
• Meet the high-finance mogul in charge of our economic recovery .
• The coronavirus is likely to reshape architecture .
What kinds of space are we willing to live and work in now ?

On Saturday, the day after President Trump was admitted to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center with symptoms of COVID-19, the country remained in a state of confusion about his medical status. The White House physician, Sean P. Conley, spoke briefly to reporters outside Walter Reed but did not disclose Trump’s temperature or whether he had been given supplemental oxygen. (The Times and the Associated Press are reporting that, according to their sources, Trump was given supplemental oxygen at the White House on Friday.) Conley also gave a time line of Trump’s illness that suggested the President tested positive on Wednesday, before he attended a campaign event in Minneapolis and another at his golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey. (After the press conference, Conley released a statement saying that he had misspoken, and that Trump was first diagnosed on Thursday evening.)
Conley said that Trump is “doing very well,” but White House reporters painted a more concerning portrait of his condition. After Conley spoke, a person familiar with Trump’s health told reporters, “The President’s vitals over the last twenty-four hours were concerning, and the next forty-eight hours will be critical in terms of his care. We’re still not on a clear path to full recovery.”
Shortly after the press conference, I spoke by phone with Maggie Haberman, a Times White House correspondent. Since early Friday morning, when the White House announced Trump’s diagnosis, Haberman’s byline has appeared on more than twenty stories. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed what we know about when Trump first tested positive, how the President has been trying to control the narrative around his illness, and the level of coronavirus denial among Republicans in Washington.
What have you been able to learn about the timing of the President’s positive diagnosis?
Conley raised far more questions than he answered. I have reported that [Trump] was on oxygen at the White House. Conley seemed to give very equivocal answers around that, and what happened. The biggest question mark for me is Conley saying we are seventy-two hours into this diagnosis. If we are seventy-two hours into it, that suggests he has been sick since Wednesday, and that is a major question, because if he was sick on Wednesday, and they had him going to a rally in Minnesota, and then a fund-raiser, parts of which were in an indoor area at his club in Bedminster, that is important to know.
What have you been able to learn about the President’s state of mind?
His friend Stanley Chera, who was a real-estate magnate in New York, died [of the coronavirus, in April]. Chera was older than Trump is and was in worse physical shape than Trump is, and Chera got very, very sick, very quickly, and basically went into the hospital and never came out. Trump was very spooked by that, and I think that has stayed with him. And he is—I don’t want to say hypochondriacal, because that is not the right word—but he gets very agitated when he is not feeling great. And I think all of this contributed to how they were dealing with him [on Friday].
What do you mean by that?
What I mean by that is that some people experience the feeling of being sick differently than others, and I think he experiences it acutely, and it can be anxiety-provoking.
I thought you might have been implying that, because of how he deals with sickness—
Oh, I just think there were various reasons for taking him to Walter Reed, and that was one of them.
How would you define the attitude, broadly speaking, of people in and around the White House before the past few days regarding the dangers of the virus?
I think that the response to the virus and how to treat it and deal with it has been very top-down for a very long time. I think the President has tried willing it away for a very long time. In the last hour or so, we have learned that [the former New Jersey governor] Chris Christie tested positive, and he was at that event on Saturday that appears to have been something of a nexus point for people getting sick, and ironically, Christie was one of the people who wrote an op-ed to the President early on saying, “Look, take this seriously.” As time has gone on, Trump has tried to downplay it, and he admitted to [the Washington Post journalist] Bob Woodward he was trying to downplay it. The problem is that there is a midway point between saying “I don’t want people to panic, don’t freak out, we can handle this,” and, you know, not taking basic precautions and making fun of states for taking basic precautions and making fun of people for wearing masks, and the President, to varying degrees, did all of that.
When you see these videos of people in the Rose Garden for the Amy Coney Barrett event [announcing her nomination to the Supreme Court] hugging and not wearing masks, and seemingly unconcerned about their own health, it is obviously partly about the messages Trump sends, but how concerned are Republicans in Washington generally? I was sort of surprised by it.
I think this is requiring a level of putting people on the couch that is a little difficult, but look, we have seen Republicans try to focus on a different theme, which is not the virus, and the virus is the thing a majority of the people in the country are talking about. I am not really surprised. I am surprised you are surprised, because this has been going on for months.
I have seen other videos of Republican politicians behaving this way, but I suppose in the back of my mind somewhere I thought, Well, at some deeper level, they know this is dangerous and these people will at least be careful with their own lives.
Look, there were events in March that raised questions about whether people would get sick, and that didn’t happen. There was one in Mar-a-Lago. People didn’t get sick then, and it created this unreality bubble. And it popped.
How did you first hear the news?
You are asking me to cast my mind back that far? Which part in particular?
That he tested positive.
I heard it at 1 A.M., when they tweeted out a doctor’s note, but we knew for several hours that we were likely to get an answer that evening about what his condition was, because this came up after [the senior Trump campaign adviser] Hope Hicks tested positive, which the White House had tried keeping secret. Isaac, it is really important for voters to drill down on the question of the seventy-two hours, because if that wasn’t true, not only were they letting him do events, but they weren’t telling the public, and it raises questions about what they would have told the public if we hadn’t found out about Hope Hicks.
Are people talking to you now for the reasons people usually talk to you, or for different reasons?
People at the White House are incredibly anxious.
For their own safety? For the country? For what?
For their own safety. For the safety of the country. I think they are scared for the President. I do want to make the point that all of us hope the President gets better, and all of us are sorry to see people sick, and this is a large number of people dealing with an ugly virus, and so I hope he and the First Lady make a full recovery. So do his staff. And I think his staff also don’t want to get sick. And I think they are just shell-shocked. But also, you have to remember that, at least for them, he is this omnipotent figure and force around them, and the driving force of everything. And to have him not present is jarring for them.
What do you mean by “omnipotent”? In a way another President might not be?


newyorker--2020-10-03--Trump’s Hospitalization Is Another Challenge for Democratic Norms

On Friday evening , that was what millions of Americans saw when they turned on their televisions to watch the news .
After the military helicopter landed at Walter Reed , Trump could be seen giving a quick thumbs-up to the two pilots and walking down a ramp to a waiting limousine , which whisked him into the naval-hospital complex .
A few minutes later , the White House posted a short video on Trump ’ s Twitter feed that the President had recorded before leaving the White House .
In it , he thanked everybody who had sent him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I am going to Walter Reed Hospital .
I think I am doing very well , but we are going to make sure that things work out.
” Trump ’ s hospitalization has plunged the 2020 election campaign into even more confusion and uncertainty .
On Friday afternoon , some twelve hours after the announcement that the President and the First Lady had tested positive for the coronavirus and would begin quarantining , Bill Stepien , Trump ’ s campaign manager , issued a statement saying that the candidate ’ s previously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtually .
At that stage , there was no intimation from the White House that Trump ’ s condition was serious enough to justify a hospital stay , even a precautionary one .
With Trump now confined to Walter Reed , and Stepien , Chris Christie , and Kellyanne Conway having confirmed that they , too , have tested positive for the virus , the Trump campaign has been derailed .
The fate of the remaining two Presidential debates is up in the air .
( As of Saturday morning , Wednesday ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seems likely to go ahead , with expanded social-distancing guidelines . )
About the only things that are certain are that Trump is still well behind in the polls and that Election Day , on November 3rd , is only a month away .
On Friday , Joe Biden campaigned in Grand Rapids , Michigan , after saying that he had tested negative for the virus , having shared the stage with Trump at Tuesday ’ s debate , in Cleveland .
“ I ’ d like to start by acknowledging [ and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and safety of the First Lady and President of the United States , ” the former Vice-President said at a labor-union event .
“ My wife , Jill , and I pray that they ’ ll make a quick and full recovery .
This is not a matter of politics .
It ’ s a bracing reminder to all of us that we have to take this virus seriously.
” Biden ’ s message was perfectly pitched , displaying a compassion and humanity that won him plaudits even from some commentators on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same time , Biden drew attention to Trump ’ s biggest electoral weakness : his abysmal mishandling of a pandemic that has killed more than two hundred thousand Americans and is still spreading .
From the beginning of this terrible year , the President has sought to minimize COVID-19 .
As recently as Tuesday night , he mocked his opponent for regularly wearing a mask .
The political uncertainty is accentuated by a lack of transparency from the White House .
On Saturday morning , thirty-six hours after Trump ’ s initial announcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s physician , U.S. Navy Commander Sean P. Conley , finally held a media briefing .
Appearing alongside a large medical team at Walter Reed , he said that Trump was doing “ very well , ” was up and about , and didn ’ t currently have a fever .
But when reporters asked Conley if Trump had taken supplemental oxygen at any point , he was evasive .
And when asked why the medical team had started the President on a course of remdesivir , which is usually reserved for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said merely , “ We are maximizing all aspects of his care.
” Conley also said that he didn ’ t know when Trump would leave Walter Reed , and he emphasized that the key period in the disease comes seven to ten days after the initial diagnosis , when complications can set in .
Moments after his press conference ended , a White House official , speaking on background , offered what seemed to be a contradictory interpretation of the President ’ s condition , telling the press pool that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last twenty-four hours were very concerning , and the next forty-eight hours will be critical in terms of his care.
” The official , who appeared to be the White House chief of staff , Mark Meadows , based on video of the exchange with reporters , added , “ We ’ re still not on a clear path to a full recovery.
” Until we see how Trump ’ s condition progresses , it ’ s impossible to say where the election campaign will go from here .
The possibilities range from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his campaign , perhaps virtually at the start , to him becoming incapacitated and having to transfer power , at least on a temporary basis , to Vice-President Mike Pence , who so far has tested negative for the virus .
In a worst-case scenario , Trump could be forced to withdraw from the race .
The Republican National Committee , which is made up of officials from across the country , would then have to select a new candidate—presumably Pence .
Given the calendar , things could get complicated .
“ State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot have passed , and millions of ballots have already been printed , mailed out , or indeed returned by voters , ” an analysis at the Financial Times pointed out on Friday .
“ That means a change in candidate at this late date means it would probably be impossible to swap names on most ballots .
But the arcane US Electoral College system might mean that any replacement selected by party officials could yet stand in his place.
” In some quarters of the Democratic Party , there is a justifiable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might use his illness to try to delay the election—a possibility that the President has already raised in the context of his unsubstantiated claims about mail-in voting .
In a tweet on July 30th , he wrote , “ 2020 will be the most INACCURATE & FRAUDULENT Election in history .
It will be a great embarrassment to the USA .
Delay the Election until people can properly , securely and safely vote ?
?
?
” After objections from some Republicans in Congress , Trump backed off this tweet .
But his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and particularly during Tuesday ’ s debate , suggest that he is intent on disrupting the election in almost any way he can .
Under Article II of the Constitution , only Congress has the authority to set , or change , the date of the election .
That means the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives would have to approve any postponement .
Such an arrangement seems highly unlikely , and for good reason .
From the day that Trump was elected , the burning question has been whether the United States , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bigger than him and his destructive ways .
Even as the President undergoes medical treatment , this question needs to be answered in the affirmative .
For Democratic officials , the appropriate stance is to echo Biden in wishing Trump a rapid recovery , and to add that they look forward to defeating him and his party in a full and fair election on November 3rd .
Compassion doesn ’ t mean capitulation .
More on the Coronavirus • To protect American lives and revive the economy , Donald Trump and Jared Kushner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trash him .
• We should look to students to conceive of appropriate school-reopening plans .
It is not too late to ask what they really want .
• A pregnant pediatrician on what children need during the crisis .
• Trump is helping tycoons who have donated to his reëlection campaign exploit the pandemic to maximize profits .
• Meet the high-finance mogul in charge of our economic recovery .
• The coronavirus is likely to reshape architecture .
What kinds of space are we willing to live and work in now @

From John F. Kennedy, Jr., saluting his father’s coffin to George W. Bush speaking into a megaphone at Ground Zero after 9/11 to a tieless Barack Obama sitting in the White House Situation Room watching updates during the raid to kill Osama bin Laden, all Presidencies are associated with iconic images. Until the past forty-eight hours, who could have imagined that one of the most indelible images of Donald Trump’s tumultuous Presidency would be of him walking slowly to Marine One, taking off from the White House, and being flown over the leafy northwestern quadrant of Washington, D.C., to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center?
On Friday evening, that was what millions of Americans saw when they turned on their televisions to watch the news. After the military helicopter landed at Walter Reed, Trump could be seen giving a quick thumbs-up to the two pilots and walking down a ramp to a waiting limousine, which whisked him into the naval-hospital complex. A few minutes later, the White House posted a short video on Trump’s Twitter feed that the President had recorded before leaving the White House. In it, he thanked everybody who had sent him messages of support, and said, “I am going to Walter Reed Hospital. I think I am doing very well, but we are going to make sure that things work out.”
Trump’s hospitalization has plunged the 2020 election campaign into even more confusion and uncertainty. On Friday afternoon, some twelve hours after the announcement that the President and the First Lady had tested positive for the coronavirus and would begin quarantining, Bill Stepien, Trump’s campaign manager, issued a statement saying that the candidate’s previously scheduled events would be postponed or held virtually. At that stage, there was no intimation from the White House that Trump’s condition was serious enough to justify a hospital stay, even a precautionary one.
With Trump now confined to Walter Reed, and Stepien, Chris Christie, and Kellyanne Conway having confirmed that they, too, have tested positive for the virus, the Trump campaign has been derailed. The fate of the remaining two Presidential debates is up in the air. (As of Saturday morning, Wednesday’s Vice-Presidential debate, in Utah, seems likely to go ahead, with expanded social-distancing guidelines.) About the only things that are certain are that Trump is still well behind in the polls and that Election Day, on November 3rd, is only a month away.
On Friday, Joe Biden campaigned in Grand Rapids, Michigan, after saying that he had tested negative for the virus, having shared the stage with Trump at Tuesday’s debate, in Cleveland. “I’d like to start by acknowledging [and] sending my prayers for the health and safety of the First Lady and President of the United States,” the former Vice-President said at a labor-union event. “My wife, Jill, and I pray that they’ll make a quick and full recovery. This is not a matter of politics. It’s a bracing reminder to all of us that we have to take this virus seriously.”
Biden’s message was perfectly pitched, displaying a compassion and humanity that won him plaudits even from some commentators on the Fox News Web site. At the same time, Biden drew attention to Trump’s biggest electoral weakness: his abysmal mishandling of a pandemic that has killed more than two hundred thousand Americans and is still spreading. From the beginning of this terrible year, the President has sought to minimize COVID-19. As recently as Tuesday night, he mocked his opponent for regularly wearing a mask.
The political uncertainty is accentuated by a lack of transparency from the White House. On Saturday morning, thirty-six hours after Trump’s initial announcement of his positive test, the President’s physician, U.S. Navy Commander Sean P. Conley, finally held a media briefing. Appearing alongside a large medical team at Walter Reed, he said that Trump was doing “very well,” was up and about, and didn’t currently have a fever. But when reporters asked Conley if Trump had taken supplemental oxygen at any point, he was evasive. And when asked why the medical team had started the President on a course of remdesivir, which is usually reserved for patients with serious cases of COVID-19, he said merely, “We are maximizing all aspects of his care.”
Conley also said that he didn’t know when Trump would leave Walter Reed, and he emphasized that the key period in the disease comes seven to ten days after the initial diagnosis, when complications can set in. Moments after his press conference ended, a White House official, speaking on background, offered what seemed to be a contradictory interpretation of the President’s condition, telling the press pool that “the President’s vitals over the last twenty-four hours were very concerning, and the next forty-eight hours will be critical in terms of his care.” The official, who appeared to be the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows, based on video of the exchange with reporters, added, “We’re still not on a clear path to a full recovery.”
Until we see how Trump’s condition progresses, it’s impossible to say where the election campaign will go from here. The possibilities range from Trump making a rapid recovery and resuming his campaign, perhaps virtually at the start, to him becoming incapacitated and having to transfer power, at least on a temporary basis, to Vice-President Mike Pence, who so far has tested negative for the virus.
In a worst-case scenario, Trump could be forced to withdraw from the race. The Republican National Committee, which is made up of officials from across the country, would then have to select a new candidate—presumably Pence. Given the calendar, things could get complicated. “State deadlines for candidates to register on the ballot have passed, and millions of ballots have already been printed, mailed out, or indeed returned by voters,” an analysis at the Financial Times pointed out on Friday. “That means a change in candidate at this late date means it would probably be impossible to swap names on most ballots. But the arcane US Electoral College system might mean that any replacement selected by party officials could yet stand in his place.”
In some quarters of the Democratic Party, there is a justifiable fear that Trump and his Republican allies might use his illness to try to delay the election—a possibility that the President has already raised in the context of his unsubstantiated claims about mail-in voting. In a tweet on July 30th, he wrote, “2020 will be the most INACCURATE & FRAUDULENT Election in history. It will be a great embarrassment to the USA. Delay the Election until people can properly, securely and safely vote???”After objections from some Republicans in Congress, Trump backed off this tweet. But his incendiary statements over the past few weeks, and particularly during Tuesday’s debate, suggest that he is intent on disrupting the election in almost any way he can.
Under Article II of the Constitution, only Congress has the authority to set, or change, the date of the election. That means the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives would have to approve any postponement. Such an arrangement seems highly unlikely, and for good reason. From the day that Trump was elected, the burning question has been whether the United States, and its system of government, is bigger than him and his destructive ways. Even as the President undergoes medical treatment, this question needs to be answered in the affirmative. For Democratic officials, the appropriate stance is to echo Biden in wishing Trump a rapid recovery, and to add that they look forward to defeating him and his party in a full and fair election on November 3rd. Compassion doesn’t mean capitulation.
More on the Coronavirus


newyorker--2020-10-03--A Star of “The Boys” on Sending Up the Superhero Genre

Last year , at Comic-Con , the director Eric Kripke explained the premise of “ The Boys , ” his Amazon Prime series , now in its second season : “ It started with just wanting to take the piss out of the superhero genre a little bit.
” The show follows a group called the Seven , whose members , in between battles with superpowered terrorists , appear on morning talk shows , headline Christian-rock festivals , and casually commit war crimes .
The Seven is a parody of the Justice League : A-Train is like the Flash , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and unwittingly murders civilians by plowing through them , and the Seven ’ s leader , Homelander , is a sociopath , much like his DC equivalent , Superman .
So far , the show has avoided the wrath of comic-book superfans .
“ Surprisingly , no one has been offended , ” Erin Moriarty , the twenty-six-year-old actress who plays Starlight—the only sane member of the Seven—said the other day , on a Zoom call from Los Angeles .
“ What we ’ re mainly satirizing is the Zeitgeist.
” She went @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life , do you really think that superheroes would be good ?
” If you look at statistics , she pointed out , “ men in power abuse their power.
” Moriarty ’ s character bears the brunt of such abuse .
She begins as Annie January , a girl next door from Des Moines who happens to have the ability to suck up electricity and blast people with light .
She moves to New York to join the Seven , and is promptly sexually assaulted by the group ’ s Aquaman knockoff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kevin ) .
While crying in the ladies ’ room afterward , she discovers Translucent , the invisible member of the Seven , lurking .
Moriarty said that , when she got the script , she thought it was standard superhero pabulum .
But , when she got to the scene in which the Deep pressures Starlight into performing a sexual act ( “ Just roll with the punches for , like , three minutes , maybe , it ’ s not a big deal , ” the Deep tells her .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All your dreams come true ” ) , a bell rang .
After that , she said , “ I was all in.
” At the age of eleven , while growing up in New York City , Moriarty starred in a community-theatre production of “ Annie.
” Later , she played a lot of movie stars ’ daughters—Mel Gibson ’ s , in “ Blood Father ” ; Vince Vaughn ’ s , in “ The Watch ” ; and Woody Harrelson ’ s , in “ True Detective.
” Starlight is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after being assaulted by the Deep , she mocks him as “ the fish guy ” and threatens to burn his eyes out if he touches her again .
In another , she uses her electric powers to save a woman who is being attacked by two men .
Normal life can be a comedown—especially during quarantine .
“ I ’ m not one of those people who have been able to take advantage of this time and be hypercreative , ” Moriarty said .
“ I haven ’ t written a script @ @ @ @ @ @ @ language .
I haven ’ t been in a mental position to absorb something like that.
” She was dressed in white , sitting in a white-walled apartment hung with minimalist art .
She rattled off some recent activities : “ Lots of hiking with my dog , lots of therapy sessions , lots of cooking , anything meditative.
” She has also been watching the new season of “ The Boys , ” which finished filming in November .
( Amazon began releasing episodes last month ; the finale will drop on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ redemption arc for the Deep , whose gills , it seems , have afflicted him with crushing body dysmorphia .
( The gills speak , and are voiced by Patton Oswalt : “ You can ’ t accept your own body , so you violate theirs.
” ) He marries a Vassar anthropology professor as part of his rebrand .
“ So often , this toxic-masculinity thing comes from an internal deep well of insecurity , ” Moriarty said .
The Seven also has a new recruit , played by Aya Cash .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , like the neo-Nazi site . )
In one scene , she explains to Homelander , “ You can ’ t win the whole country anymore , so stop trying .
You don ’ t need fifty million people to love you .
You need five million people fucking pissed .
Anger sells .
You have fans .
I have soldiers.
” It ’ s hard to believe that this was filmed almost a year ago .
“ We wanted to tackle systemic racism and other issues in society that we don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ The show would have been topical no matter what .
But we didn ’ t know that this would be , you know , sort of the theme of 2020.
” ♦

Erin Moriarty Illustration by João Fazenda
Last year, at Comic-Con, the director Eric Kripke explained the premise of “The Boys,” his Amazon Prime series, now in its second season: “It started with just wanting to take the piss out of the superhero genre a little bit.” The show follows a group called the Seven, whose members, in between battles with superpowered terrorists, appear on morning talk shows, headline Christian-rock festivals, and casually commit war crimes. The Seven is a parody of the Justice League: A-Train is like the Flash, except he’s a drug addict and unwittingly murders civilians by plowing through them, and the Seven’s leader, Homelander, is a sociopath, much like his DC equivalent, Superman. So far, the show has avoided the wrath of comic-book superfans.
“Surprisingly, no one has been offended,” Erin Moriarty, the twenty-six-year-old actress who plays Starlight—the only sane member of the Seven—said the other day, on a Zoom call from Los Angeles. “What we’re mainly satirizing is the Zeitgeist.” She went on, “If this were real life, do you really think that superheroes would be good?” If you look at statistics, she pointed out, “men in power abuse their power.”
Moriarty’s character bears the brunt of such abuse. She begins as Annie January, a girl next door from Des Moines who happens to have the ability to suck up electricity and blast people with light. She moves to New York to join the Seven, and is promptly sexually assaulted by the group’s Aquaman knockoff, the Deep (real name: Kevin). While crying in the ladies’ room afterward, she discovers Translucent, the invisible member of the Seven, lurking. Moriarty said that, when she got the script, she thought it was standard superhero pabulum. But, when she got to the scene in which the Deep pressures Starlight into performing a sexual act (“Just roll with the punches for, like, three minutes, maybe, it’s not a big deal,” the Deep tells her. “And then you know what happens? All your dreams come true”), a bell rang. After that, she said, “I was all in.”
At the age of eleven, while growing up in New York City, Moriarty starred in a community-theatre production of “Annie.” Later, she played a lot of movie stars’ daughters—Mel Gibson’s, in “Blood Father”; Vince Vaughn’s, in “The Watch”; and Woody Harrelson’s, in “True Detective.” Starlight is her breakout role. A few episodes after being assaulted by the Deep, she mocks him as “the fish guy” and threatens to burn his eyes out if he touches her again. In another, she uses her electric powers to save a woman who is being attacked by two men.
Normal life can be a comedown—especially during quarantine. “I’m not one of those people who have been able to take advantage of this time and be hypercreative,” Moriarty said. “I haven’t written a script. I haven’t learned a language. I haven’t been in a mental position to absorb something like that.” She was dressed in white, sitting in a white-walled apartment hung with minimalist art. She rattled off some recent activities: “Lots of hiking with my dog, lots of therapy sessions, lots of cooking, anything meditative.”
She has also been watching the new season of “The Boys,” which finished filming in November. (Amazon began releasing episodes last month; the finale will drop on Friday.) The season features a redemption arc for the Deep, whose gills, it seems, have afflicted him with crushing body dysmorphia. (The gills speak, and are voiced by Patton Oswalt: “You can’t accept your own body, so you violate theirs.”) He marries a Vassar anthropology professor as part of his rebrand. “So often, this toxic-masculinity thing comes from an internal deep well of insecurity,” Moriarty said.
The Seven also has a new recruit, played by Aya Cash. Her name is Stormfront. (Yes, like the neo-Nazi site.) In one scene, she explains to Homelander, “You can’t win the whole country anymore, so stop trying. You don’t need fifty million people to love you. You need five million people fucking pissed. Anger sells. You have fans. I have soldiers.”
It’s hard to believe that this was filmed almost a year ago. “We wanted to tackle systemic racism and other issues in society that we don’t talk about enough,” Moriarty said. “The show would have been topical no matter what. But we didn’t know that this would be, you know, sort of the theme of 2020.” ♦


newyorker--2020-10-04--Presidential Illnesses Have Changed the Course of World History

In the Yalta Declaration , the three leaders set the stage—or so Roosevelt thought—for the postwar world .
They agreed to Stalin ’ s request to divvy up Germany , Roosevelt ’ s dream of the United Nations , and to ceding chunks of Asia to the Soviet sphere .
The most sensitive point was the fate of Eastern Europe after liberation from the Nazis .
The three leaders pledged to allow those countries to form governments “ representative of all democratic elements ” and to facilitate imminent and free elections .
Stalin specifically agreed to early elections in strategic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Soviet troops , and to allow non-Communist members to participate .
Upon his return home , Roosevelt gave a speech to Congress , on March 1st , extolling the “ unanimous ” agreements with Moscow .
He was so frail that he spoke sitting down , which he blamed on exhaustion from travel , because his health conditions were unknown to the public .
“ Never before have the major Allies been more closely united—not only in their war aims but also in their peace aims , ” he boasted .
More important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We achieved a unity of thought and a way of getting along together.
” Except that Stalin reneged on his commitments , as well as on the spirit of Yalta .
As Joseph Lelyveld recounts in “ His Final Battle , ” about Roosevelt ’ s last months , Stalin installed a Communist government backed by his Red Army in Warsaw .
Infuriated at the betrayal , Roosevelt wrote Stalin , “ I must make it quite plain to you that any such solution which would result in a thinly disguised continuance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unacceptable and would cause the people of the United States to regard the Yalta agreement as having failed.
” Stalin also tried to derail the accord by accusing the United States and Britain of making a separate and secret peace with the Nazis—which Roosevelt called “ astonishing.
” A week before he died , F.D.R .
plaintively wrote Stalin , “ I can not avoid a feeling of bitter resentment towards your informers , whoever they are , for such vile misrepresentations of my actions.
” Roosevelt confided to an aide , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stalin .
He has broken every one of the promises he made at Yalta.
” The seeds of the Cold War and the division of Europe were planted .
Roosevelt died from a massive cerebral hemorrhage days later , on April 12th , while sitting for a portrait at his retreat in Warm Springs , Georgia .
Poland became a new frontline between the United States and the Soviet Union .
W. Averell Harriman , the U.S. special envoy to Europe , later noted , of Roosevelt , “ At Yalta , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the strength to be quite as stubborn as he liked to be.
” The President was conspicuously tired when conversations went on too long , he said .
“ I suppose that if F.D.R .
had been in better health , he might have held out longer and got his way on a number of detailed points.
” Harry Truman , who had limited contacts with F.D.R.
, was ill-prepared to assume power .
Roosevelt never briefed him on the week-long Yalta talks and its unwritten side agreements .
Truman didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America had the atomic bomb .
Stalin continued to betray Yalta .
The election in Poland was delayed .
Non-Communists were not only excluded from the political process but thousands were imprisoned .
For the next nine Presidents , the Cold War singularly defined American interests worldwide , until the collapse of the Soviet Union , in 1991 .
Since then , tensions with Russia—diminished in size but no less ambitious in projecting power—have sucked up the energy and focus of every President , right up through Donald Trump .
Roosevelt was not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an enduring impact on the world .
In April , 1919 , Woodrow Wilson caught the Spanish flu while in Paris negotiating terms to end the First World War .
His temperature soared ; he had difficulty breathing ; he had wild hallucinations ; even as he got better , he often seemed disoriented .
Wilson ’ s illness almost unravelled the six-month peace talks .
His positions also changed after he returned to the negotiating table .
Wilson had initially argued against exacting too high a price from Germany and for allowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ French wanted huge reparations for the war and military buffer zones established with Germany .
After his illness , Wilson ceded many of his positions .
The final Treaty of Versailles was so harsh that it fuelled the angry German nationalism that led to the rise of Adolf Hitler ’ s Nazis—and the Second World War .
Wilson came home from Paris to campaign for the League of Nations as it was being heatedly debated in Congress .
He was still weakened from the flu ’ s aftermath .
In September , 1919 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ train , he suffered a massive stroke .
Wilson ’ s health was , again , kept from the public .
His wife , Edith , secretly became the de-facto President .
Wilson was largely incapacitated , and paralyzed on his left side , until his term ended , in 1921 .
Congress rejected the League of Nations .
The initiative to create the first global institution to promote peace collapsed .
“ I don ’ t know if the world would be a bed of roses , and we would enjoy the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s very possible that the course of history would be different if not for the state of Wilson ’ s health , and the state of F.D.R.
’ s health , ” Matthew Algeo , the author of “ The President Is A Sick Man , ” told me .
“ They were infirm during the two biggest events of the twentieth century and during the final phase of two wars .
The fate of the League of Nations and Yalta were largely determined by the poor health of a President.
” Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are questions about whether other nations will attempt to exploit not just the President ’ s illness but a nation in crisis .
“ We should not discount the possibility that China will step up pressure on Taiwan or Russia [ will ] seek to take advantage in Eastern Europe , ” Nicholas Burns , a senior State Department official in both Democratic and Republican Administrations , tweeted .
It ’ s important that “ the U.S. signal to both that we are watching and remain fully capable.
” The world is ripe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s diplomatic failures .
His boldest initiative—a deal to rid the North Korean dictator , Kim Jong Un , of his nuclear bombs and long-range missiles—has gone nowhere .
More than two years after Trump ’ s first summit with Kim , in Singapore , the two nations still have no common definition of what “ denuclearization ” means .
Kim has used the time to make more bombs and more missiles ; North Korea is a deadlier threat today than ever before .
Trump has launched a virtual Cold War with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second military and economic power , over trade , military aggression in the South China Sea , and the coronavirus .
Almost unnoticed , major arms-control agreements are set to expire or need to be renewed to contain proliferation of the world ’ s deadliest weapons .
The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty ( START ) is set to expire in February ; it is the only remaining arms-control treaty between Russia and the United States .
It covers the verifiable reduction of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear arsenals , a process that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In May , Trump also informed Russia that the United States was withdrawing from the Open Skies Treaty , which allows countries to fly unarmed planes loaded with sensor equipment to insure that there has been no buildup for possible military action .
America ’ s relationship with Russia has generally soured , too , despite Trump ’ s contacts with President Vladimir Putin .
Trump has abandoned historic deals , such as the Paris climate accord , in 2017 , and the Iran nuclear deal , in 2018—with no alternatives in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support for autocrats have also influenced politics worldwide .
Dictators , some of whom are Trump ’ s allies , are stamping out the last vestiges of dissent , while many freely elected leaders—including in the United States and India , the world ’ s two largest democracies—have adopted a “ blinkered interpretation ” of individual rights , especially for minorities and critics , the human-rights organization Freedom House said , in its 2020 report .
Even before Trump ’ s illness , the future direction of the world seemed uncertain and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like a metaphor for the health of the world , amplified by the fact that so many other leaders have also been diagnosed with COVID-19 .
In March , Boris Johnson , the British Prime Minister , was hospitalized for a week , with three days in intensive care .
Afterward , he acknowledged that “ it could have gone either way.
” He told a British paper , “ They had a strategy to deal with a ‘ death of Stalin ’ -type scenario.
” The Russian Prime Minister , Mikhail Mishustin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kremlin ministers tested positive for the virus at the same time .
Jair Bolsonaro , the President of Brazil , had long dismissed COVID-19 as just a “ little flu.
” He and his wife , as well as almost a dozen Brazilian governors , tested positive this summer .
The Presidents of Belarus , Bolivia , Burundi , Guatemala , and Honduras have all tested positive .
So , too , have the Prime Ministers of Armenia and Kosovo .
Royalty hasn ’ t been spared .
Prince Charles , the British @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monaco both caught the coronavirus .
In Iran , an early epicenter of the pandemic , twenty-three members of parliament—eight per cent of the lawmakers—got the virus ; three died .
Senior commanders in the Revolutionary Guards and top staff in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ’ s office also caught the coronavirus .
On Saturday , the President ’ s medical team said during a press conference that Trump was making progress , although the White House chief of staff , Mark Meadows , later told reporters , “ The President ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very concerning , and the next forty-eight hours will be critical in terms of his care .
We ’ re still not on a clear path to a full recovery.
” Trump is at least well attended , which has not always been the case for Presidents , partly because they have wanted to control what the public knew—or didn ’ t know .
“ Presidents often have shitty health care , because they pick people they trust rather than for the best health care or the best doctor available , ” Algeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sawyer , a homeopath from his home town in Marion , Ohio , to be his personal physician , bestowing on him the rank of brigadier general in the Army Medical Corps .
“ He was a quack , ” Algeo said .
“ He liked to prescribe pills by their colors .
He ’ d say , ‘ Take some soda water and two pink pills.
’ ” Harding , who also suffered from depression , had congestive heart failure that Sawyer failed to diagnose .
During a trip to the West @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of pain in his upper abdomen .
Sawyer said that it was a dietary problem .
Harding died the next day , in San Francisco , of cardiac arrest complicated by pneumonia , after only two years in office .
By some estimates , as many as half of America ’ s Presidents have suffered illnesses—physical or mental—in office .
“ The health of U.S. presidents has varied dramatically since George Washington first took the oath of office in 1789 while sterile , half deaf and with only a single tooth , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 .
Washington fared well .
But four Presidents died from poor health while in office .
Until the late twentieth century , most—like F.D.R .
and Wilson—hid their maladies , even from their Vice-Presidents .
“ Presidents often tried to conceal illness for fear that it would make them seem weak and infective , ” Douglas Brinkley , a Presidential historian at Rice University , told me .
It might also undermine public confidence—and the economy .

The world might be a different place if American Presidents had not been felled by disease or hidden debilitating conditions. In February, 1945, just two months before his death, President Franklin Roosevelt—paralyzed by polio, weakened by congestive heart failure, and with his blood pressure hitting 260/150—travelled all the way to Yalta, a resort on the Crimean coast, to meet the Soviet Premier, Joseph Stalin, and the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill. Stalin claimed that his doctors had ordered him not to travel far, but he had a chronic fear of flying and flew only once in his life. F.D.R. was by then a shell of a man, with skin hanging from his bones, raccoon rings around his eyes, and hands that often shook. But he agreed to the six-thousand-mile journey because the final phase of the Second World War and its aftermath were at stake. He wanted Stalin’s coöperation on a new international organization to foster peace, principles for governing countries liberated from Nazi rule in Europe, and military help in the Pacific theatre against Japan.
In the Yalta Declaration, the three leaders set the stage—or so Roosevelt thought—for the postwar world. They agreed to Stalin’s request to divvy up Germany, Roosevelt’s dream of the United Nations, and to ceding chunks of Asia to the Soviet sphere. The most sensitive point was the fate of Eastern Europe after liberation from the Nazis. The three leaders pledged to allow those countries to form governments “representative of all democratic elements” and to facilitate imminent and free elections. Stalin specifically agreed to early elections in strategic Poland, which had been liberated by Soviet troops, and to allow non-Communist members to participate. Upon his return home, Roosevelt gave a speech to Congress, on March 1st, extolling the “unanimous” agreements with Moscow. He was so frail that he spoke sitting down, which he blamed on exhaustion from travel, because his health conditions were unknown to the public. “Never before have the major Allies been more closely united—not only in their war aims but also in their peace aims,” he boasted. More important than the agreement, he said, “We achieved a unity of thought and a way of getting along together.”
Except that Stalin reneged on his commitments, as well as on the spirit of Yalta. As Joseph Lelyveld recounts in “His Final Battle,” about Roosevelt’s last months, Stalin installed a Communist government backed by his Red Army in Warsaw. Infuriated at the betrayal, Roosevelt wrote Stalin, “I must make it quite plain to you that any such solution which would result in a thinly disguised continuance of the present Warsaw regime would be unacceptable and would cause the people of the United States to regard the Yalta agreement as having failed.” Stalin also tried to derail the accord by accusing the United States and Britain of making a separate and secret peace with the Nazis—which Roosevelt called “astonishing.” A week before he died, F.D.R. plaintively wrote Stalin, “I cannot avoid a feeling of bitter resentment towards your informers, whoever they are, for such vile misrepresentations of my actions.” Roosevelt confided to an aide, “We can’t do business with Stalin. He has broken every one of the promises he made at Yalta.” The seeds of the Cold War and the division of Europe were planted. Roosevelt died from a massive cerebral hemorrhage days later, on April 12th, while sitting for a portrait at his retreat in Warm Springs, Georgia. Poland became a new frontline between the United States and the Soviet Union.
W. Averell Harriman, the U.S. special envoy to Europe, later noted, of Roosevelt, “At Yalta, I believe, he didn’t have the strength to be quite as stubborn as he liked to be.” The President was conspicuously tired when conversations went on too long, he said. “I suppose that if F.D.R. had been in better health, he might have held out longer and got his way on a number of detailed points.” Harry Truman, who had limited contacts with F.D.R., was ill-prepared to assume power. Roosevelt never briefed him on the week-long Yalta talks and their unwritten side agreements. Truman didn’t even know about the Manhattan Project—or that America had the atomic bomb. Stalin continued to betray Yalta. The election in Poland was delayed. Non-Communists were not only excluded from the political process but thousands were imprisoned. For the next nine Presidents, the Cold War singularly defined American interests worldwide, until the collapse of the Soviet Union, in 1991. Since then, tensions with Russia—diminished in size but no less ambitious in projecting power—have sucked up the energy and focus of every President, right up through Donald Trump.
Roosevelt was not the only President with ailments that had an enduring impact on the world. In April, 1919, Woodrow Wilson caught influenza while in Paris negotiating terms to end the First World War. His temperature soared; he had difficulty breathing; he had wild hallucinations; even as he got better, he often seemed disoriented. Wilson’s illness almost unravelled the six-month peace talks. His positions also changed after he returned to the negotiating table. Wilson had initially argued against exacting too high a price from Germany and for allowing self-determination in a postwar republic. The French wanted huge reparations for the war and military buffer zones established with Germany. After his illness, Wilson ceded many of his positions. The final Treaty of Versailles was so harsh that it fuelled the angry German nationalism that led to the rise of Adolf Hitler’s Nazis—and the Second World War. Wilson came home from Paris to campaign for the League of Nations as it was being heatedly debated in Congress. He was still weakened from the flu’s aftermath. In September, 1919, during a whistle-stop tour, by train, he suffered a severe stroke. Wilson’s health was, again, kept from the public. His wife, Edith, secretly became the de-facto President. Wilson was largely incapacitated, and paralyzed on his left side, until his term ended, in 1921. Congress rejected the League of Nations. The initiative to create the first global institution to promote peace collapsed.
“I don’t know if the world would be a bed of roses, and we would enjoy the brotherhood of man, but it’s very possible that the course of history would be different if not for the state of Wilson’s health, and the state of F.D.R.’s health,” Matthew Algeo, the author of “The President Is a Sick Man,” told me. “They were infirm during the two biggest events of the twentieth century and during the final phase of two wars. The fate of the League of Nations and Yalta were largely determined by the poor health of a President.”
President Trump’s hospitalization for COVID-19 comes at another crucial junction in world history. Many of the institutions created in response to the two greatest wars in human history—including the United Nations—are fraying. The very concept of the West is in deep trouble. The transatlantic alliance between the United States and Europe has been rattled by unprecedented bitterness and distrust, on both sides. The European Union, designed to prevent a third great war on the Continent, is eroding, too. The standing of the United States, which became a superpower because of its role in the two world wars, has tanked, even among its closest allies, according to a Pew Research Center poll that was released last month. Its decline is partly because of perceptions about the country’s handling of the pandemic, which has now infected more than a million Americans and killed more than two hundred thousand. For all his ambitions and rhetoric, Trump has deeply diminished America’s place and influence in the world.
Now the backdrop to Trump’s hospitalization are questions about whether other nations will attempt to exploit not just the President’s illness but a nation in crisis. “We should not discount the possibility that China will step up pressure on Taiwan or Russia [will] seek to take advantage in Eastern Europe,” Nicholas Burns, a senior State Department official in both Democratic and Republican Administrations, tweeted. It’s important that “the U.S. signal to both that we are watching and remain fully capable.”
The world is ripe for exploiting, partly because of Trump’s diplomatic failures. His boldest initiative—a deal to rid the North Korean dictator, Kim Jong Un, of his nuclear bombs and long-range missiles—has gone nowhere. More than two years after Trump’s first summit with Kim, in Singapore, the two nations still have no common definition of what “denuclearization” means. Kim has used the time to make more bombs and more missiles; North Korea is a deadlier threat today than ever before. Trump has launched a virtual Cold War with China, now the world’s second military and economic power, over trade, military aggression in the South China Sea, and the coronavirus. Almost unnoticed, major arms-control agreements are set to expire or need to be renewed to contain proliferation of the world’s deadliest weapons. The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) is set to expire in February; it is the only remaining arms-control treaty between Russia and the United States. It covers the verifiable reduction of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear arsenals, a process that was started under President Ronald Reagan. In May, Trump also informed Russia that the United States was withdrawing from the Open Skies Treaty, which allows countries to fly unarmed planes loaded with sensor equipment to insure that there has been no buildup for possible military action. America’s relationship with Russia has generally soured, too, despite Trump’s contacts with President Vladimir Putin. Trump has abandoned historic deals, such as the Paris climate accord, in 2017, and the Iran nuclear deal, in 2018—with no alternatives in their place. Trump’s populism and support for autocrats have also influenced politics worldwide. Dictators, some of whom are Trump’s allies, are stamping out the last vestiges of dissent, while many freely elected leaders—including in the United States and India, the world’s two largest democracies—have adopted a “blinkered interpretation” of individual rights, especially for minorities and critics, the human-rights organization Freedom House said, in its 2020 report.
Even before Trump’s illness, the future direction of the world seemed uncertain and its core principles shaky. His hospitalization seems like a metaphor for the health of the world, amplified by the fact that so many other leaders have also been diagnosed with COVID-19. In March, Boris Johnson, the British Prime Minister, was hospitalized for a week, with three days in intensive care. Afterward, he acknowledged that “it could have gone either way.” He told a British paper, “They had a strategy to deal with a ‘death of Stalin’-type scenario.” The Russian Prime Minister, Mikhail Mishustin, was hospitalized in April; other Kremlin ministers tested positive for the virus at the same time. Jair Bolsonaro, the President of Brazil, had long dismissed COVID-19 as just a “little flu.” He and his wife, as well as almost a dozen Brazilian governors, tested positive this summer. The Presidents of Belarus, Bolivia, Burundi, Guatemala, and Honduras have all tested positive. So, too, have the Prime Ministers of Armenia and Kosovo. Royalty hasn’t been spared. Prince Charles, the British heir apparent, and Prince Albert of Monaco both caught the coronavirus. In Iran, an early epicenter of the pandemic, twenty-three members of parliament—eight per cent of the lawmakers—got the virus; three died. Senior commanders in the Revolutionary Guards and top staff in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s office also caught the coronavirus.