newyorker--2020-03-01--The Problems Inherent in Political Polling

“ Stay out of American elections , ” Bernie Sanders warned Vladimir Putin , after U.S. intelligence officials informed him that the Russians are meddling in the Democratic Presidential primaries on his behalf .
They ’ re still shilling for Donald Trump , too , setting up fake social-media accounts and spreading fake news , which apparently bothers the President no more now than it did the last time around .
But it is difficult to defend the integrity of American elections against foreign interference when Americans have come to accept so much domestic interference .
Michael Bloomberg is attempting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , while plenty of people have complained about it— “ That is called oligarchy , not democracy , ” Sanders said—no one has done anything about it , and it was the Democratic National Committee , not the Internet Research Agency , that made it possible for Bloomberg to purchase a place in the debates .
Before 2015 , when Fox News put Trump at the center of its debate stage , and asked him the lion ’ s share of the questions , polls had never been used to determine which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a televised debate , or where they would stand , or how many questions they would get .
Reputable polling organizations , including Pew and Gallup , did not participate in this charade ; pollsters at Bloomberg Politics were among those who complied .
Four years later , notwithstanding how badly this worked out for Republicans , the D.N.C .
decided to use the same method , a decision that doomed the slow-starting campaigns of the likes of Michael Bennet and Julián Castro .
If the method narrowed the field , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates .
And almost no one blinked an eye .
Nearly every major polling outfit miscalled the 2016 Presidential race .
Most did a lot better at predicting the 2018 midterms .
Still , a majority of Americans don ’ t trust polls .
Polls measure something , but it ’ s often the wrong thing ( fame , money ) .
They ’ re like S.A.T .
scores .
The problem isn ’ t really their accuracy ; it ’ s the damage they do .
When modern polling began , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it rekindled the tradition of the town meeting , but most members of Congress considered it to be , as one wrote , “ in contradiction to representative government.
” In 1949 , the political scientist Lindsay Rogers complained that “ pollsters have dismissed as irrelevant the kind of political society in which we live and which we , as citizens , should endeavor to strengthen.
” Democracy requires participation , deliberation , representation , and leadership—the actual things , not their simulation .
Tweeting is to talking what polling is to voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Straightaway , people began using it to wage political campaigns .
Barack Obama ’ s 2008 campaign used it to raise money .
Conservatives used it to undermine the press .
“ Using Twitter to bypass traditional media and directly reach voters is definitely a good thing , ” Newt Gingrich said , in 2009 .
A lot of people thought , and still do , earnestly , that Twitter is good for democracy .
“ Twitter is one of the places where you actually have your own soapbox , ” a user @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2012 race “ The Twitter Election , ” and , two years later , published “ The Twitter Government and Elections Handbook , ” which described Twitter as “ a real-time measure of public opinion.
” Just as Gallup had done decades earlier , Twitter advertised its platform to politicians as “ The Town Hall Meeting .
.
.
In Your Pocket.
” All this happened even as a growing body of empirical research demonstrated that the more politically charged the tweet , the more likely it is to reach a large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information from Twitter are radicalized by the experience , and that Twitter , like Facebook , serves as an excellent medium for propaganda .
So wholly did the tiny world of Twitter seem to be the world that , in 2017 , the Supreme Court ruled , in Packingham v. North Carolina , that social media is a public sphere , a decision that rested on the Court ’ s belief in its ubiquity .
“ Everybody uses Twitter , ” Justice Elena Kagan said .
In fact , only about one in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who have a Twitter account rarely use it , and very few of those who do post about politics .
The ones who do , post a lot—sometimes even as much as the President—and they ’ re atypical in other ways , too .
A study from a decade ago found that the average political tweeter is “ a white male in his 30s or 40s who has moderate-to-high household income and considers himself to be a political junkie.
” The Twitterati have become more diverse in the years since ; Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ platform .
Still , it remains a very poor proxy for the electorate .
In 2018 , according to the Pew Research Center , ninety-seven per cent of all tweets posted by American adults about national politics were posted by ten per cent of tweeters .
A disproportionate number of the people in Twitter ’ s town hall are the sorts of people who were eligible to vote in 1820 , before the first , Jackson-era expansion of the electorate : the wealthy , the educated , and the hyperpartisan .
Twitter isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; it ’ s the past .
A simulation of democracy taking the place of the real thing has been a long time coming .
It began , arguably , during the 1960 Presidential election , when John F. Kennedy ’ s campaign hired a pioneering predictive-analytics company , called the Simulmatics Corporation , to provide advice on how a Democrat could win back the White House , using an invention that it called a People Machine .
Simulmatics aggregated polls ( not unlike the way that FiveThirtyEight aggregates polls ) , divided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter types , came up with an algorithm to model their voting behavior , and then conducted a simulation of the election ( quite similar to that conducted by the Washington Post ’ s new Simulator ) .
The firm advised Kennedy to speak forthrightly about his Catholicism , and , after he won , Simulmatics took credit , which led to reports that the President-elect had relied on “ a secretly designed robot campaign strategist nicknamed a ‘ people-machine.
’ ” Had he cheated ?
Should that kind of thing be illegal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then , after a while , no one blinked an eye .
“ Some critics say this is dehumanizing , ” a Simulmatics executive admitted .
But , he asked , “ Why should politicians operate in the dark ?
If there are two People Machines working against each other in a political campaign—that would be progress.
” Everyone ’ s got a people machine , lately .
You ’ ve probably got one in your pocket .
It is not progress .
♦

Illustration by João Fazenda
“Stay out of American elections,” Bernie Sanders warned Vladimir Putin, after U.S. intelligence officials informed him that the Russians are meddling in the Democratic Presidential primaries on his behalf. They’re still shilling for Donald Trump, too, setting up fake social-media accounts and spreading fake news, which apparently bothers the President no more now than it did the last time around. But it is difficult to defend the integrity of American elections against foreign interference when Americans have come to accept so much domestic interference. Michael Bloomberg is attempting to buy his way to the Presidency and, while plenty of people have complained about it—“That is called oligarchy, not democracy,” Sanders said—no one has done anything about it, and it was the Democratic National Committee, not the Internet Research Agency, that made it possible for Bloomberg to purchase a place in the debates.
Before 2015, when Fox News put Trump at the center of its debate stage, and asked him the lion’s share of the questions, polls had never been used to determine which major-party candidates would be allowed to participate in a televised debate, or where they would stand, or how many questions they would get. Reputable polling organizations, including Pew and Gallup, did not participate in this charade; pollsters at Bloomberg Politics were among those who complied. Four years later, notwithstanding how badly this worked out for Republicans, the D.N.C. decided to use the same method, a decision that doomed the slow-starting campaigns of the likes of Michael Bennet and Julián Castro. If the method narrowed the field, it did not improve the calibre of the candidates. And almost no one blinked an eye.
Nearly every major polling outfit miscalled the 2016 Presidential race. Most did a lot better at predicting the 2018 midterms. Still, a majority of Americans don’t trust polls. Polls measure something, but it’s often the wrong thing (fame, money). They’re like S.A.T. scores. The problem isn’t really their accuracy; it’s the damage they do. When modern polling began, in the nineteen-thirties, George Gallup claimed that it rekindled the tradition of the town meeting, but most members of Congress considered it to be, as one wrote, “in contradiction to representative government.” In 1949, the political scientist Lindsay Rogers complained that “pollsters have dismissed as irrelevant the kind of political society in which we live and which we, as citizens, should endeavor to strengthen.” Democracy requires participation, deliberation, representation, and leadership—the actual things, not their simulation.
Tweeting is to talking what polling is to voting. Twitter was launched in 2006. Straightaway, people began using it to wage political campaigns. Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign used it to raise money. Conservatives used it to undermine the press. “Using Twitter to bypass traditional media and directly reach voters is definitely a good thing,” Newt Gingrich said, in 2009. A lot of people thought, and still do, earnestly, that Twitter is good for democracy. “Twitter is one of the places where you actually have your own soapbox,” a user said, in 2011. Twitter dubbed the 2012 race “The Twitter Election,” and, two years later, published “The Twitter Government and Elections Handbook,” which described Twitter as “a real-time measure of public opinion.” Just as Gallup had done decades earlier, Twitter advertised its platform to politicians as “The Town Hall Meeting . . . In Your Pocket.”
All this happened even as a growing body of empirical research demonstrated that the more politically charged the tweet, the more likely it is to reach a large audience, that people who get political information from Twitter are radicalized by the experience, and that Twitter, like Facebook, serves as an excellent medium for propaganda. So wholly did the tiny world of Twitter seem to be the world that, in 2017, the Supreme Court ruled, in Packingham v. North Carolina, that social media is a public sphere, a decision that rested on the Court’s belief in its ubiquity. “Everybody uses Twitter,” Justice Elena Kagan said. In fact, only about one in five Americans has used it. Most people who have a Twitter account rarely use it, and very few of those who do post about politics. The ones who do, post a lot—sometimes even as much as the President—and they’re atypical in other ways, too. A study from a decade ago found that the average political tweeter is “a white male in his 30s or 40s who has moderate-to-high household income and considers himself to be a political junkie.” The Twitterati have become more diverse in the years since; Black Lives Matter and MeToo arose on the platform. Still, it remains a very poor proxy for the electorate. In 2018, according to the Pew Research Center, ninety-seven per cent of all tweets posted by American adults about national politics were posted by ten per cent of tweeters. A disproportionate number of the people in Twitter’s town hall are the sorts of people who were eligible to vote in 1820, before the first, Jackson-era expansion of the electorate: the wealthy, the educated, and the hyperpartisan. Twitter isn’t the future of American democracy; it’s the past.
A simulation of democracy taking the place of the real thing has been a long time coming. It began, arguably, during the 1960 Presidential election, when John F. Kennedy’s campaign hired a pioneering predictive-analytics company, called the Simulmatics Corporation, to provide advice on how a Democrat could win back the White House, using an invention that it called a People Machine. Simulmatics aggregated polls (not unlike the way that FiveThirtyEight aggregates polls), divided the electorate into four hundred and eighty voter types, came up with an algorithm to model their voting behavior, and then conducted a simulation of the election (quite similar to that conducted by the Washington Post’s new Simulator). The firm advised Kennedy to speak forthrightly about his Catholicism, and, after he won, Simulmatics took credit, which led to reports that the President-elect had relied on “a secretly designed robot campaign strategist nicknamed a ‘people-machine.’ ” Had he cheated? Should that kind of thing be illegal? People asked those questions, but then, after a while, no one blinked an eye.
“Some critics say this is dehumanizing,” a Simulmatics executive admitted. But, he asked, “Why should politicians operate in the dark? If there are two People Machines working against each other in a political campaign—that would be progress.” Everyone’s got a people machine, lately. You’ve probably got one in your pocket. It is not progress. ♦


newyorker--2020-03-01--Greg Jackson Reads Ann Beattie

Greg Jackson Reads Ann Beattie

Greg Jackson joins Deborah Treisman to read and discuss “ Where You ’ ll Find Me , ” by Ann @ @ @ @ @ a 1986 issue of the magazine .
Jackson is the author of “ Prodigals , @ @ @ @ @ in 2016 , for which he won the Bard Fiction Prize and the National Book @ @ @ @ @ 35 Award .

Audio available Listen to this story
Photograph by Panagiotis Kechagias
Greg Jackson joins Deborah Treisman to read and discuss “Where You’ll Find Me,” by Ann Beattie, which appeared in a 1986 issue of the magazine. Jackson is the author of “Prodigals,” a story collection published in 2016, for which he won the Bard Fiction Prize and the National Book Foundation’s 5 Under 35 Award.


newyorker--2020-03-01--“When You Earn It, They Can’t Take It Away”: An Interview with Pam Grier

Pam Grier came to Hollywood in 1970 , as the film industry was straining to catch up with a counterculture fuelled by sexual freedom , women ’ s liberation , and Black Power .
Grier was an Army brat who had grown up in Denver , Colorado , and on Air Force bases across the world , though she felt most at home at her grandparents ’ farm , in Wyoming .
Within four years , she became an icon of blaxploitation : off-the-wall black action movies that were made on the cheap but raked in millions of dollars .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared in movies as maids , Grier broke the mold completely .
In films such as “ Coffy ” and “ Foxy Brown , ” she played empowered heroines who fought back against drug dealers and pimps—while often winding up in outrageous catfights .
( These movies were , after all , made by men . )
One of her fans was Quentin Tarantino , who two decades later gave Grier the role of a lifetime , in “ Jackie Brown , ” as a flight attendant who gets caught up in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has appeared in the Showtime series “ The L Word ” and released an autobiography , “ Foxy : My Life in Three Acts , ” which is now being developed as a bio-pic .
In the book , she revealed a history of sexual assault , starting at age six , when she was raped by a group of older boys .
The incident left her deeply scarred , and she was never quite comfortable being the sex symbol that Hollywood wanted her to be .
After a cancer scare in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ranch in Colorado , from which she commutes to Los Angeles when there ’ s work .
I met Grier on the set of the ABC sitcom “ Bless This Mess , ” co-created by and starring Lake Bell , about a city couple who relocate to a farm in Nebraska .
Grier plays Constance , the owner of the local general store and the town ’ s sheriff .
She looked the part : black cowboy hat , a fringed deer-hide jacket , turquoise jewelry .
We were in the mountains of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hollywood version of Main Street , U.S.A. , lined with tractors and bales of hay .
“ It reminds me of my family way back , in Wyoming , ” Grier said , sitting by the window in her character ’ s store .
As we spoke , there was little trace of Foxy Brown .
At seventy , Grier has relaxed into the simple country life she has always craved , though her life story—especially the seventies portion—is littered with mind-boggling tales .
In the course of two hours , she spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drifting from her present to her past and then back again .
Our conversation has been edited and condensed .
When you ’ re not in this Hollywood version of a rural town , you live on a ranch in Colorado .
What is your day-to-day life like ?
I ’ m up at three or four , before the sun comes up .
I get my coffee and all the dogs , and we go down to the barn and check on the horses .
I kiss them and hug them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I say , “ If you wake up breathing , you ’ re going to have a good day.
” Then I go back up , check the fences .
All the animals eat first , before I do : here ’ s your grain , here ’ s your hay .
We ’ re so glad to see each other for twenty-some years .
That ’ s longer than my relationships !
It ’ s not a town ; it ’ s an unincorporated area , an intersection really .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ll have everyone out there going , “ There ’ s no plumbing !
” I do have fresh , clean mountain water from my well , which I like .
Do you ever have to fend off wildlife ?
No , we respect each other ’ s space .
I know when they ’ re hibernating , and I know when they ’ re pregnant .
I know when the fauns are born .
They come really close to me , because they know I won ’ t harm them , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aggressive .
There are bears and mountain lions and coyotes and bobcats , but we respect each other ’ s habitat .
Is it true that Snoop Dogg has visited you on the ranch ?
They had a concert—him and Xzibit and Dr. Dre and the whole crew—so I said , “ Come on out for breakfast !
” They came out in a van , about twelve or fifteen of them .
My ranch house is a small brick house .
It ’ s inconspicuous , so they drove by .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought that was the help ’ s house.
” I said , “ I ’ m the help !
” They expected , you know , Pam Grier ’ s ten-thousand-square-foot house , with wall-to-wall carpeting .
No .
I have hard wood , because I have animals .
Easy cleanup .
So they opened up the door and the smoke billowed out .
It hit my mom in the face .
She said , “ Oh , that smells spicy.
” They all had the munchies later on , and they ate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of orange juice .
Why did you originally move out there ?
I ’ ve always been out there .
As a child , I ’ d gone up to my grandfather ’ s property in Wyoming , where everybody was attuned to the elements and to the earth .
That ’ s how I was raised .
And then it can be stripped away when you move to the city , because everything ’ s given to you .
You go to the store for everything .
My equilibrium depends on me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Why did you first come to Hollywood , and what was it like in 1970 ?
Another planet .
I was putting myself through school , at Metropolitan State University , up in Denver , and at the same time was the women ’ s movement , with Gloria Steinem and Bella Abzug and Shirley Chisholm and Barbara Jordan .
So I needed to do what I wanted to do .
I said to my psychology professor , “ I like television .
I like movies .
I don ’ t know what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ That ’ s film school.
” So I went to California to try to get into U.C.L.A.
, and stayed with relatives who had a garage that I could sleep in .
I was on military bases all my childhood , so to come out to California and drive down Sunset Boulevard—I went into shock .
I didn ’ t know where I was .
And I met some film students who were loading up a van with cables and cameras .
I had on a plaid shirt and probably the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , with my Afro .
That ’ s not the appearance most people were accustomed to seeing .
I said , “ I ’ m here trying to get into film school.
” And they said , “ Well , why don ’ t you join us , see if you like it ?
” They were so inclusive .
I wasn ’ t “ black.
” My heart is beating , because I feel the same thing in my heart that I did then , watching them .
I said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is what I want to do.
” And then suddenly you ’ re in the Philippines , starring in women-in-prison movies for Roger Corman .
I said , “ Roger , I ’ m leaving three jobs , and I want to get into film school , and you want to hire me ?
I don ’ t know anything about acting .
I don ’ t want to leave these jobs and have you fire me.
” But in a sense , he was sponsoring me to learn whatever I could .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ read Stanislavski , and that was my bible .
And that ’ s how I learned what an actor does .

Pam Grier came to Hollywood in 1970, as the film industry was straining to catch up with a counterculture fuelled by sexual freedom, women’s liberation, and Black Power. Grier was an Army brat who had grown up in Denver, Colorado, and on Air Force bases across the world, though she felt most at home at her grandparents’ farm, in Wyoming. Within four years, she became an icon of blaxploitation: off-the-wall black action movies that were made on the cheap but raked in millions of dollars. After decades in which black women typically appeared in movies as maids, Grier broke the mold completely. In films such as “Coffy” and “Foxy Brown,” she played empowered heroines who fought back against drug dealers and pimps—while often winding up in outrageous catfights. (These movies were, after all, made by men.)
One of her fans was Quentin Tarantino, who two decades later gave Grier the role of a lifetime, in “Jackie Brown,” as a flight attendant who gets caught up in a smuggling heist. Since then, Grier has appeared in the Showtime series “The L Word” and released an autobiography, “Foxy: My Life in Three Acts,” which is now being developed as a bio-pic. In the book, she revealed a history of sexual assault, starting at age six, when she was raped by a group of older boys. The incident left her deeply scarred, and she was never quite comfortable being the sex symbol that Hollywood wanted her to be. After a cancer scare in the late eighties, she bought a small ranch in Colorado, from which she commutes to Los Angeles when there’s work.
I met Grier on the set of the ABC sitcom “Bless This Mess,” co-created by and starring Lake Bell, about a city couple who relocate to a farm in Nebraska. Grier plays Constance, the owner of the local general store and the town’s sheriff. She looked the part: black cowboy hat, a fringed deer-hide jacket, turquoise jewelry. We were in the mountains of Santa Clarita, California, on a Hollywood version of Main Street, U.S.A., lined with tractors and bales of hay. “It reminds me of my family way back, in Wyoming,” Grier said, sitting by the window in her character’s store. As we spoke, there was little trace of Foxy Brown. At seventy, Grier has relaxed into the simple country life she has always craved, though her life story—especially the seventies portion—is littered with mind-boggling tales. In the course of two hours, she spoke in an ebullient stream of consciousness, drifting from her present to her past and then back again. Our conversation has been edited and condensed.
When you’re not in this Hollywood version of a rural town, you live on a ranch in Colorado. What is your day-to-day life like?
I’m up at three or four, before the sun comes up. I get my coffee and all the dogs, and we go down to the barn and check on the horses. I kiss them and hug them. Because I’m a cancer survivor, I say, “If you wake up breathing, you’re going to have a good day.” Then I go back up, check the fences. All the animals eat first, before I do: here’s your grain, here’s your hay. We’re so glad to see each other for twenty-some years. That’s longer than my relationships!
What’s the town called?
It’s not a town; it’s an unincorporated area, an intersection really. But if I tell you, you’ll have everyone out there going, “There’s no plumbing!” I do have fresh, clean mountain water from my well, which I like.
Do you ever have to fend off wildlife?
No, we respect each other’s space. I know when they’re hibernating, and I know when they’re pregnant. I know when the fauns are born. They come really close to me, because they know I won’t harm them, and my dogs are taught not to be aggressive. There are bears and mountain lions and coyotes and bobcats, but we respect each other’s habitat.
Is it true that Snoop Dogg has visited you on the ranch?
They had a concert—him and Xzibit and Dr. Dre and the whole crew—so I said, “Come on out for breakfast!” They came out in a van, about twelve or fifteen of them. My ranch house is a small brick house. It’s inconspicuous, so they drove by. They turned around and said, “We thought that was the help’s house.” I said, “I’m the help!” They expected, you know, Pam Grier’s ten-thousand-square-foot house, with wall-to-wall carpeting. No. I have hard wood, because I have animals. Easy cleanup.
So they opened up the door and the smoke billowed out. It hit my mom in the face. She said, “Oh, that smells spicy.” They all had the munchies later on, and they ate about a thousand eggs and fifty gallons of orange juice.
Why did you originally move out there?
I’ve always been out there. As a child, I’d gone up to my grandfather’s property in Wyoming, where everybody was attuned to the elements and to the earth. That’s how I was raised. And then it can be stripped away when you move to the city, because everything’s given to you. You go to the store for everything. My equilibrium depends on me going home to a quiet place.
Why did you first come to Hollywood, and what was it like in 1970?
Another planet. I was putting myself through school, at Metropolitan State University, up in Denver, and at the same time was the women’s movement, with Gloria Steinem and Bella Abzug and Shirley Chisholm and Barbara Jordan. So I needed to do what I wanted to do. I said to my psychology professor, “I like television. I like movies. I don’t know what that’s called.” He said, “That’s film school.”
So I went to California to try to get into U.C.L.A., and stayed with relatives who had a garage that I could sleep in. I was on military bases all my childhood, so to come out to California and drive down Sunset Boulevard—I went into shock. I didn’t know where I was. And I met some film students who were loading up a van with cables and cameras. I had on a plaid shirt and probably the same Timberland boots that I have on now, with my Afro. That’s not the appearance most people were accustomed to seeing. I said, “I’m here trying to get into film school.” And they said, “Well, why don’t you join us, see if you like it?” They were so inclusive. I wasn’t “black.” My heart is beating, because I feel the same thing in my heart that I did then, watching them. I said, “Oh, my gosh, this is what I want to do.”
And then suddenly you’re in the Philippines, starring in women-in-prison movies for Roger Corman.
I said, “Roger, I’m leaving three jobs, and I want to get into film school, and you want to hire me? I don’t know anything about acting. I don’t want to leave these jobs and have you fire me.” But in a sense, he was sponsoring me to learn whatever I could. I did my own makeup. I read Stanislavski, and that was my bible. And that’s how I learned what an actor does.
You have a line in your book that interested me. You were doing “The Big Doll House,” which was your first big role in a movie—
Without a bra!
—and you write, “Jack Hill”—the director—“had told me that I needed to reach into my gut, not my mind, to find the real emotion. I tapped into my intensity and Roger was thrilled that I could bring so much organic frustration and anger to my performance.” You had described yourself as a shy kid who was most comfortable around horses. Where did that anger come from?


newyorker--2020-03-01--A Local Guide to the Coronavirus

A Local Guide to the Coronavirus

COVID-19 .
Should we freak out or stop freaking out ?
Is this the big one , a prelude to the big one , or just another one ?
A devastating plague or a souped-up cold or something in between ?
On Friday morning , two hours before the stock market opened and resumed its plunge , amid deepening fears of a global pandemic , W. Ian Lipkin , one of the world ’ s leading infectious-disease epidemiologists , sat in his living room , on the Upper West Side , preparing to head back into the fray .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making the rounds .
“ I never turn down Fox , ” he said .
“ It ’ s an opportunity to preach in the wilderness.
” Lipkin , who is sixty-seven , directs the Center for Infection and Immunity , at Columbia University ’ s Mailman School of Public Health , where attempts to develop a better diagnostic test for COVID-19 are under way .
( Lab technicians have been using genetic samples , rather than the live virus , out of caution . )
In January , Lipkin travelled to China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return , he self-quarantined for fourteen days at the university ’ s request , mainly in the basement of his house ( his wife left him meals at the top of the stairs ) , before returning to his lab .
That was two weeks , more than ten thousand cases , and four thousand points on the Dow ago .
Lipkin , who was the scientific consultant for the well-regarded we ’ re-all- gon na -die film “ Contagion , ” moved to the city in 2000 , after discovering the connection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nile virus in New York .
Then came 9/11 , the anthrax scare , and the creation of a national network of so-called biodefense centers .
Lipkin ran the one in New York .
In 2003 , he went to China to help advise the government on its response to SARS , an earlier coronavirus , and since then he has travelled there every year , as part of an effort to share information and cultivate coöperation .
He first heard about Covid-19 from a colleague in Guangzhou , a month before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
“ He told me , ‘ There ’ s some weird thing going on in Wuhan , ’ ” Lipkin said .
“ On December 31st , researchers there identified it as a coronavirus but said , ‘ It ’ s not highly transmissible.
’ So much for that assessment !
” He went on , “ It ’ s going to be difficult to know who knew what when.
” Lipkin was more concerned with the virus itself : how widely it has spread , why some people get it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to counteract it .
“ The trick with all this is , it ’ s an arms race , ” he said .
“ The virus is evading you .
You want to make sure you keep up with it.
” He added that he was “ cautiously optimistic ” that citizens and governments will now be more careful , and that we can accelerate the development of drugs and a vaccine .
Still , he said , “ things are going to get shut down .
And this virus is probably going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to come .
It might become endemic , like measles.
” He is reticent , at least for the record , about the Trump Administration ’ s handling of the crisis , the wisdom of staging the Olympics in Japan , and the panic seizing global equity markets .
He said that he has consulting gigs with several corporations , and talks regularly with chief executives : “ I ’ ve gotten a lot of calls .
A lot of them really just want to protect their employees and customers .
There ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who want me to call them fifteen minutes before , say , the federal government announces that it ’ s going to shut down all the bridges and tunnels in and out of Manhattan.
” It has been determined that the virus is present in human feces .
In Asia , Lipkin noted , the plumbing in many kitchens and bathrooms does not include a U-trap—the bend in a pipe that fills with standing water , which in turn blocks polluted air from rising from the sewers .
“ How long is it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ How long is it in the mouth and the nose ?
How long is it on surfaces ?
On buckles , seat belts , doorknobs , touch screens , or the TV remote in a hotel room , which , by the way , never gets cleaned and is one of the filthiest things on the planet.
” Though not a germaphobe by nature , he ’ d been converted by the job .
At 9 a.m. , he set out for work wearing a pair of light-brown gloves .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ I use gloves everywhere .
I don ’ t touch my face .
If I see someone coughing or sneezing , I keep my distance .
On airplanes , I wipe everything down .
I stay away from bowls of mixed nuts or candy.
” He told a story of visiting a temple in Bhubaneswar , India , and having a monkey jump on his back and stick a finger in his mouth : “ Twenty-four hours later , rip-roaring diarrhea.
” On Central Park West , he pointed out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That , I wouldn ’ t worry about .
You ’ ve got ultraviolet light , wind.
” But on the C train he wrapped an elbow around a pole and said , “ I look at the world differently than you do .
I see surfaces in a pointillistic fashion.
” When he arrived at the Mailman building , on 168th Street , he used a knuckle to press a button in the elevator and then put his gloves back on to open his office door .
In eleven minutes , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had identified themselves only as “ members of U.S. intelligence.
” “ I don ’ t know why they want to talk to me , but they do , ” he said .
In farewell , he gave his guest an N95 mask and a pair of rubber gloves , and offered up a forearm for a firm Roman handshake .
♦

COVID-19. Should we freak out or stop freaking out? Is this the big one, a prelude to the big one, or just another one? A devastating plague or a souped-up cold or something in between? On Friday morning, two hours before the stock market opened and resumed its plunge, amid deepening fears of a global pandemic, W. Ian Lipkin, one of the world’s leading infectious-disease epidemiologists, sat in his living room, on the Upper West Side, preparing to head back into the fray. He was dressed for TV—he’d been making the rounds. “I never turn down Fox,” he said. “It’s an opportunity to preach in the wilderness.”
Lipkin, who is sixty-seven, directs the Center for Infection and Immunity, at Columbia University’s Mailman School of Public Health, where attempts to develop a better diagnostic test for COVID-19 are under way. (Lab technicians have been using genetic samples, rather than the live virus, out of caution.) In January, Lipkin travelled to China to investigate the outbreak. On his return, he self-quarantined for fourteen days at the university’s request, mainly in the basement of his house (his wife left him meals at the top of the stairs), before returning to his lab. That was two weeks, more than ten thousand cases, and four thousand points on the Dow ago.
Lipkin, who was the scientific consultant for the well-regarded we’re-all-gonna-die film “Contagion,” moved to the city in 2000, after discovering the connection between encephalitis and the spread of West Nile virus in New York. Then came 9/11, the anthrax scare, and the creation of a national network of so-called biodefense centers. Lipkin ran the one in New York. In 2003, he went to China to help advise the government on its response to SARS, an earlier coronavirus, and since then he has travelled there every year, as part of an effort to share information and cultivate coöperation. He first heard about Covid-19 from a colleague in Guangzhou, a month before the rest of the world became aware of it. “He told me, ‘There’s some weird thing going on in Wuhan,’ ” Lipkin said. “On December 31st, researchers there identified it as a coronavirus but said, ‘It’s not highly transmissible.’ So much for that assessment!” He went on, “It’s going to be difficult to know who knew what when.”
Lipkin was more concerned with the virus itself: how widely it has spread, why some people get it and others don’t, how to counteract it. “The trick with all this is, it’s an arms race,” he said. “The virus is evading you. You want to make sure you keep up with it.” He added that he was “cautiously optimistic” that citizens and governments will now be more careful, and that we can accelerate the development of drugs and a vaccine. Still, he said, “things are going to get shut down. And this virus is probably going to be with us for some time to come. It might become endemic, like measles.”
He is reticent, at least for the record, about the Trump Administration’s handling of the crisis, the wisdom of staging the Olympics in Japan, and the panic seizing global equity markets. He said that he has consulting gigs with several corporations, and talks regularly with chief executives: “I’ve gotten a lot of calls. A lot of them really just want to protect their employees and customers. There’s the other kind, too, who want me to call them fifteen minutes before, say, the federal government announces that it’s going to shut down all the bridges and tunnels in and out of Manhattan.”
It has been determined that the virus is present in human feces. In Asia, Lipkin noted, the plumbing in many kitchens and bathrooms does not include a U-trap—the bend in a pipe that fills with standing water, which in turn blocks polluted air from rising from the sewers. “How long is it in feces?” he asked. “How long is it in the mouth and the nose? How long is it on surfaces? On buckles, seat belts, doorknobs, touch screens, or the TV remote in a hotel room, which, by the way, never gets cleaned and is one of the filthiest things on the planet.”
Though not a germaphobe by nature, he’d been converted by the job. At 9 a.m., he set out for work wearing a pair of light-brown gloves. “I call them subway condoms,” he said. “I use gloves everywhere. I don’t touch my face. If I see someone coughing or sneezing, I keep my distance. On airplanes, I wipe everything down. I stay away from bowls of mixed nuts or candy.” He told a story of visiting a temple in Bhubaneswar, India, and having a monkey jump on his back and stick a finger in his mouth: “Twenty-four hours later, rip-roaring diarrhea.”
On Central Park West, he pointed out a painted railing and said, “That, I wouldn’t worry about. You’ve got ultraviolet light, wind.” But on the C train he wrapped an elbow around a pole and said, “I look at the world differently than you do. I see surfaces in a pointillistic fashion.” When he arrived at the Mailman building, on 168th Street, he used a knuckle to press a button in the elevator and then put his gloves back on to open his office door. In eleven minutes, he had a meeting with two people who had identified themselves only as “members of U.S. intelligence.” “I don’t know why they want to talk to me, but they do,” he said. In farewell, he gave his guest an N95 mask and a pair of rubber gloves, and offered up a forearm for a firm Roman handshake. ♦


newyorker--2020-03-01--Sunday Reading: The Coronavirus and Combatting Global Pandemics

Two years ago , under a directive from the Trump Administration , the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention pulled back from thirty-nine of the forty-nine countries where it had been working to prevent global disease outbreaks .
Since then , the World Health Organization has documented an increase in localized outbreaks of several diseases , including Ebola , yellow fever , and measles .
In January , the W.H.O .
declared the outbreak of what has come to be known as the COVID-19 virus , which originated in Wuhan , China , a global health emergency .
Nearly three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and , as of Friday , more than eighty thousand were believed to have been infected worldwide .
This week , we ’ re bringing you a selection of pieces on pandemics and other contagions .
In “ The Dead Zone , ” Malcolm Gladwell recounts the lessons of the 1918 Spanish-flu epidemic , which killed between twenty million and forty million people .
In “ The Ebola Wars , ” Richard Preston chronicles the efforts of scientists who have been working to sequence Ebola ’ s genome and help prevent further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficulties of families seeking treatment for the coronavirus in China , and Nicola Twilley reports on a pandemic simulation that yielded less than desirable results .
In “ It ’ s Spreading , ” Jill Lepore explores how misinformation about epidemics can proliferate .
Finally , in “ Nature ’ s Bioterrorist , ” Michael Specter examines attempts by health officials and infectious-disease experts to prevent a dangerous avian-flu pandemic .
The world can be a scary place .
These pieces show that scientific ingenuity and responsible public-health policy are some of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread of contagion .
Seven bodies buried in the Arctic tundra might solve the riddle of the worst flu pandemic in history—and might help us prevent it from happening again .
Under normal circumstances , China ’ s centralized system perpetuates a cycle of inefficiency and frustration .
In an emergent global health crisis , however , it could cost lives .
A fictional outbreak revealed vulnerabilities that are hardwired into the American system .
Outbreaks , media scares , and the parrot panic of 1930 .
How genomics research can help contain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to prevent a deadly avian-flu pandemic ?

Two years ago, under a directive from the Trump Administration, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention pulled back from thirty-nine of the forty-nine countries where it had been working to prevent global disease outbreaks. Since then, the World Health Organization has documented an increase in localized outbreaks of several diseases, including Ebola, yellow fever, and measles. In January, the W.H.O. declared the outbreak of what has come to be known as the COVID-19 virus, which originated in Wuhan, China, a global health emergency. Nearly three thousand people have died from the virus, and, as of Friday, more than eighty thousand were believed to have been infected worldwide. This week, we’re bringing you a selection of pieces on pandemics and other contagions. In “The Dead Zone,” Malcolm Gladwell recounts the lessons of the 1918 Spanish-flu epidemic, which killed between twenty million and forty million people. In “The Ebola Wars,” Richard Preston chronicles the efforts of scientists who have been working to sequence Ebola’s genome and help prevent further outbreaks. Jiayang Fan writes about the difficulties of families seeking treatment for the coronavirus in China, and Nicola Twilley reports on a pandemic simulation that yielded less than desirable results. In “It’s Spreading,” Jill Lepore explores how misinformation about epidemics can proliferate. Finally, in “Nature’s Bioterrorist,” Michael Specter examines attempts by health officials and infectious-disease experts to prevent a dangerous avian-flu pandemic. The world can be a scary place. These pieces show that scientific ingenuity and responsible public-health policy are some of the best weapons we have to combat the spread of contagion.
—David Remnick
Seven bodies buried in the Arctic tundra might solve the riddle of the worst flu pandemic in history—and might help us prevent it from happening again.
Under normal circumstances, China’s centralized system perpetuates a cycle of inefficiency and frustration. In an emergent global health crisis, however, it could cost lives.
Photograph by Palani Mohan / Getty
A fictional outbreak revealed vulnerabilities that are hardwired into the American system.
Outbreaks, media scares, and the parrot panic of 1930.
Photograph by Dan Winters
How genomics research can help contain the outbreak.
Illustration by De Loustal Jacques
Is there any way to prevent a deadly avian-flu pandemic?


newyorker--2020-03-01--Stalking a Rustically Hip Family on Instagram

The woman in the photograph looks out at me with a face full of exhaustion and bliss .
In her hands , she cradles the purplish , bloody bundle of a just-born child .
It ’ s a beautiful , celebratory image of human existence , as raw and pure and joyful as anything seen through the orderly square of an Instagram post can be .
I peer at it in the dark , and hiss-whisper , “ How dare you.
” There are so many ways to be a creep these days .
One of the easier ways is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whom you have feelings that are other than warm .
That may sound like a long-winded description of a hate-follow , but “ hate ” is a bit much , description-wise , for what I ’ m feeling .
The woman with an armful of newborn baby isn ’ t exactly worthy of hatred .
Her family lives up to a lot of hippie stereotypes : the off-grid life , the multiple home births , the homeschooling , the ( hot ! )
dad in a band , the fanciful names of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young , tattooed , and good-looking , but have a hardy , outdoorsy style that is not overly calculated or curated .
Their days seem idyllic , full of mud pies and chickens and art .
I feel bad every time I look at them .
When practicing this kind of social-media creepiness , you find yourself feeling small in two ways : you understand yourself as less than , living a life that is not nearly as fun , interesting , or worthwhile as the account you follow , and you also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , swiping the screen while huffing fumes of self-righteous antipathy .
When I finished reading the description of the unmedicated , unassisted home birth that accompanied the photograph , it was impossible not to recall my own birthing experience .
I have just one child—I actually do a lot of my Instagram-creeping curled up in her bed as I coax her to sleep—and I gave birth in a regular hospital .
I did not write a list of birth preferences ; it struck me as so arrogant , so unwise , to attach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoped-for ways that the birth could go .
I told myself that I mostly just wanted to leave the hospital with a live baby and preferably no more and no fewer holes than I came in with .
I also wanted to show my ob-gyn that I was a good team player , that I was on her side in getting her job done—kind of like when I find my old waitressing instincts kicking in at restaurants and I start automatically stacking the plates to the side of the table in an easily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being not so bad ; my water broke early , and I arrived at the hospital 9.5 centimetres dilated , much too far along for drugs of any kind .
My daughter was face up and got stuck ; they used a vacuum and had a big doctor squeeze me like a tube of toothpaste .
I was on my back with my knees by my ears , and it never occurred to me to ask if I could move around at all or somehow direct the process .
The doctors and nurses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and see what a not-pain-in-the-ass I ’ m being ?
I will be a good tube of toothpaste !
The truly unpleasant part came after , when my placenta failed to bloop properly out of my uterus and my ob-gyn reached on up there and clawed it out by the fistful , turning me briefly into a human hand puppet whose puppet mouth said things like : “ Lady , lady , you have got to get out of there.
” I ’ ve played this story for laughs , but the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with friends of mine , a couple who have kids of their own , they looked at me stricken , as though I were describing a trauma .
“ I ’ m so sorry that happened to you , ” the husband said quietly .
I stopped in my tracks .
Happened to me ?
That made it sound like I was a victim .
A wash of shame went through me at the thought that I might have presented myself as such .
I wasn ’ t complaining ; I was telling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a puppet !
That it happened to be the most physically painful thing that I ’ d ever experienced was utterly beside the point .
I think about that conversation as I look at the woman and her newborn .
What might have happened if her baby , like mine , had been facing the wrong way in the birth canal ?
Was her husband beefy enough to squeeze her like a tube of toothpaste ?
One thing I knew for sure : she would have had no interest in proving how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She most certainly has read all the home-birth books ; she probably has an astral connection to Ina May Gaskin ; she probably did things like “ listening to her body , ” and moved in ways that were “ helpful to the process.
” See how impossible I find it to list the good and smart things that she did without rolling my eyes ?
This pettiness tastes an awful lot like jealousy .
There ’ s an audacity in doing things exactly as you see fit , and I know in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been few and far between .
This desire to prove I can get along , to keep a cheerful face on it , is one that I recognize as a terrible impulse .
It ’ s the impulse that says , “ I ’ m not like all those other whiny bitches.
” Where this urge to prove myself in some kind of good-soldier capacity comes from I don ’ t know .
I certainly paid enough lip service to the idea of flouting authority as a kid .
There ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , these rich women roll into the delivery room with things like “ birth plans ” and a mandate to “ curate their experience ” —but a lot of my attitude is toxic lady-machismo .
Where better to get high on your own internal toxicity than Instagram ?
Wait , I can actually answer that : Twitter , obviously .
But Instagram has better visuals .
My contemplation of the life of this rustically hip family takes on the “ Is it this or is it that ?
” quality of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman in a babushka or a young one in a hat ?
Are the choices the hip family makes arrogant or inspiring ?
Stupid or brave ?
Maybe they ’ re both , in the way that my drawing is both , simultaneously .
My side-eye at their neo-pioneer lifestyle is accompanied by a thrum of envy for the freedom of their life ( Who works ?
Is there a trust fund at play here , or are they just that good at living off the land ? )
and a desperate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towering competence and my obvious lack thereof .
Who would you want to link up with in the coming apocalypse ?
The hot , fit , loving family who knows how to build a house by hand , or the tubby middle-aged broad who can ’ t even drive stick ?
Exactly .
My ability to provide wry commentary about my own cervix is an asset useful only in a pre-collapsed society .
On Instagram , my capacity for envy is boundless .
But I don ’ t wish this family ill in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I want them to flourish .
Once the shit hits the fan , I ’ ll need somewhere to run .
My time in the dark peering at my phone would be much better spent , say , watching YouTube videos about how to build your own windmill or , like , change a fucking tire .
Maybe these bad feelings are signals that it ’ s time to rethink my approach to other people , and maybe even to life itself , to become more open , more generous , more in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being a good tube of toothpaste and then making fun of myself for it .
Maybe that .
Or maybe I can just hope that they ’ re anti-vaxxers , and that , through their folly , my petty antipathy will finally be redeemed .

The woman in the photograph looks out at me with a face full of exhaustion and bliss. In her hands, she cradles the purplish, bloody bundle of a just-born child. It’s a beautiful, celebratory image of human existence, as raw and pure and joyful as anything seen through the orderly square of an Instagram post can be. I peer at it in the dark, and hiss-whisper, “How dare you.”
There are so many ways to be a creep these days. One of the easier ways is to follow people on social media toward whom you have feelings that are other than warm. That may sound like a long-winded description of a hate-follow, but “hate” is a bit much, description-wise, for what I’m feeling. The woman with an armful of newborn baby isn’t exactly worthy of hatred. Her family lives up to a lot of hippie stereotypes: the off-grid life, the multiple home births, the homeschooling, the (hot!) dad in a band, the fanciful names of the children. She and her husband are young, tattooed, and good-looking, but have a hardy, outdoorsy style that is not overly calculated or curated. Their days seem idyllic, full of mud pies and chickens and art. I feel bad every time I look at them. When practicing this kind of social-media creepiness, you find yourself feeling small in two ways: you understand yourself as less than, living a life that is not nearly as fun, interesting, or worthwhile as the account you follow, and you also sense that you are a petty person, swiping the screen while huffing fumes of self-righteous antipathy.
When I finished reading the description of the unmedicated, unassisted home birth that accompanied the photograph, it was impossible not to recall my own birthing experience. I have just one child—I actually do a lot of my Instagram-creeping curled up in her bed as I coax her to sleep—and I gave birth in a regular hospital. I did not write a list of birth preferences; it struck me as so arrogant, so unwise, to attach myself emotionally to a certain set of hoped-for ways that the birth could go. I told myself that I mostly just wanted to leave the hospital with a live baby and preferably no more and no fewer holes than I came in with. I also wanted to show my ob-gyn that I was a good team player, that I was on her side in getting her job done—kind of like when I find my old waitressing instincts kicking in at restaurants and I start automatically stacking the plates to the side of the table in an easily bussed pile.
My birth ended up being not so bad; my water broke early, and I arrived at the hospital 9.5 centimetres dilated, much too far along for drugs of any kind. My daughter was face up and got stuck; they used a vacuum and had a big doctor squeeze me like a tube of toothpaste. I was on my back with my knees by my ears, and it never occurred to me to ask if I could move around at all or somehow direct the process. The doctors and nurses know what they’re doing, and see what a not-pain-in-the-ass I’m being? I will be a good tube of toothpaste! The truly unpleasant part came after, when my placenta failed to bloop properly out of my uterus and my ob-gyn reached on up there and clawed it out by the fistful, turning me briefly into a human hand puppet whose puppet mouth said things like: “Lady, lady, you have got to get out of there.”
I’ve played this story for laughs, but the last time I told that story in conversation with friends of mine, a couple who have kids of their own, they looked at me stricken, as though I were describing a trauma. “I’m so sorry that happened to you,” the husband said quietly. I stopped in my tracks. Happened to me? That made it sound like I was a victim. A wash of shame went through me at the thought that I might have presented myself as such. I wasn’t complaining; I was telling a funny story about the time I was a puppet! That it happened to be the most physically painful thing that I’d ever experienced was utterly beside the point.
I think about that conversation as I look at the woman and her newborn. What might have happened if her baby, like mine, had been facing the wrong way in the birth canal? Was her husband beefy enough to squeeze her like a tube of toothpaste? One thing I knew for sure: she would have had no interest in proving how good she was at taking orders. She most certainly has read all the home-birth books; she probably has an astral connection to Ina May Gaskin; she probably did things like “listening to her body,” and moved in ways that were “helpful to the process.” See how impossible I find it to list the good and smart things that she did without rolling my eyes? This pettiness tastes an awful lot like jealousy. There’s an audacity in doing things exactly as you see fit, and I know in my heart that my truly audacious moments have been few and far between.
This desire to prove I can get along, to keep a cheerful face on it, is one that I recognize as a terrible impulse. It’s the impulse that says, “I’m not like all those other whiny bitches.” Where this urge to prove myself in some kind of good-soldier capacity comes from I don’t know. I certainly paid enough lip service to the idea of flouting authority as a kid. There’s a tinge of class resentment, certainly—of course, these rich women roll into the delivery room with things like “birth plans” and a mandate to “curate their experience”—but a lot of my attitude is toxic lady-machismo. Where better to get high on your own internal toxicity than Instagram? Wait, I can actually answer that: Twitter, obviously. But Instagram has better visuals.
My contemplation of the life of this rustically hip family takes on the “Is it this or is it that?” quality of those trick drawings: Is this an old woman in a babushka or a young one in a hat? Are the choices the hip family makes arrogant or inspiring? Stupid or brave? Maybe they’re both, in the way that my drawing is both, simultaneously. My side-eye at their neo-pioneer life style is accompanied by a thrum of envy for the freedom of their life (Who works? Is there a trust fund at play here, or are they just that good at living off the land?) and a desperate, shame-filled recognition of the disparity between their towering competence and my obvious lack thereof. Who would you want to link up with in the coming apocalypse? The hot, fit, loving family who knows how to build a house by hand, or the tubby middle-aged broad who can’t even drive stick? Exactly. My ability to provide wry commentary about my own cervix is an asset useful only in a pre-collapsed society.
On Instagram, my capacity for envy is boundless. But I don’t wish this family ill in the least. On the contrary, I want them to flourish. Once the shit hits the fan, I’ll need somewhere to run. My time in the dark peering at my phone would be much better spent, say, watching YouTube videos about how to build your own windmill or, like, change a fucking tire. Maybe these bad feelings are signals that it’s time to rethink my approach to other people, and maybe even to life itself, to become more open, more generous, more in tune with nature and less concerned with being a good tube of toothpaste and then making fun of myself for it. Maybe that. Or maybe I can just hope that they’re anti-vaxxers, and that, through their folly, my petty antipathy will finally be redeemed.


newyorker--2020-03-01--Joe Biden Finds His Voice After a Blowout Victory in South Carolina

Joe Biden has long said that South Carolina would prove to be the electoral firewall in his bid for the 2020 Democratic Presidential nomination , and it turned out he was right .
As the votes came in on Saturday night from across the Palmetto State , it quickly became clear that the former Vice-President had scored a blowout victory in the most populous and most diverse state to vote so far in this primary season .
With ninety-nine per cent of the votes counted , Biden had about forty-eight per cent of the total .
He was running twenty-eight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thirty-seven percentage points ahead of Tom Steyer , who subsequently announced that he was giving up his Presidential campaign .
The other candidates came in nowhere .
Among black voters , who made up more than half of the primary electorate , Biden ’ s margin of victory was even larger .
According to an exit poll carried out by Edison Media Research for a national consortium of news outlets , sixty-one per cent of African-American voters had voted for him versus seventeen per cent for Sanders and thirteen per cent for Steyer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county in the state .
The exit poll suggested that he won the white vote , the college-degree vote , the non-college-degree vote , and every age demographic except seventeen- to twenty-nine-year-olds .
According to the poll , he even finished thirteen points ahead of Sanders among voters who identified themselves as very liberal .
Of course , there is a reason that Biden declared South Carolina as his firewall : he has close ties to some of the state ’ s political leaders , including James Clyburn , the House Majority Whip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and its demographics are favorable to him .
But , as recently as this past week , opinion polls had shown Sanders closing to within four or five points of Biden , and the Vermont senator had predicted that he would pull off a come-from-behind win .
If that had happened , Biden ’ s campaign would have been sunk .
By the time the former Vice-President took the stage , in Columbia , shortly before 9 P.M. on Saturday night , however , he was assured of a sweeping victory .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an understatement to say that Biden hasn ’ t been noted for his oratory .
But , as he demonstrated at the 2012 Democratic convention , he is capable of giving a good speech on a big occasion , and this was arguably the biggest of his political career .
With his campaign running out of money , Biden ’ s South Carolina win was a rare opportunity to address the Democratic electorate at large before Tuesday , when fourteen more states will vote , including California , Texas , North Carolina , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fashion , hailing “ my buddy Jim Clyburn ” and casting himself as the comeback kid .
“ For all those who have been knocked down , counted out , left behind , this is your campaign , ” he declared .
From there , the speech became more pointed , more strategic , and more emotive .
Biden ’ s advisers are well aware that winning one state won ’ t be enough to stop Sanders , especially if the Vermont senator scores big victories on Tuesday in delegate-rich California and Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lead .
The immediate goals for the Biden campaign are twofold : to cement Biden ’ s place as the only viable alternative to Sanders and to limit the Vermont senator ’ s lead in the delegate count by persuading enough Democrats that a Sanders candidacy would be an electoral disaster for the entire Party , not just its hopes of driving Donald Trump out of the White House .
“ The decisions Democrats make all across America in the next few days will determine what this party stands for , what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ll get done , ” Biden said .
“ If the Democrats nominate me , I believe we can defeat Donald Trump , keep Nancy Pelosi in the House of Representatives as Speaker , and take the U.S. Senate.
” Although he didn ’ t mention Sanders by name , he cast doubt on his electability , his policies , his ideology , and his loyalty to the Democratic Party .
“ If the Democrats want a nominee who is a Democrat , a lifelong Democrat , a proud Democrat , an Obama-Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he declared .
Mocking one of Sanders ’ s slogans , he went on , “ Most Americans don ’ t want the promise of revolution .
They want more than promises .
They want results.
” Biden also depicted Sanders as a divisive figure .
At one point , he even compared him to Donald Trump , or , at least , he compared the impact of the Sanders movement on the Democratic Party to what the Trump movement did to the G.O.P .
“ We have to beat Donald Trump and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But here ’ s the deal : we can ’ t become like them .
.
.
We can ’ t have a never-ending war.
” That was the political pitch , but Biden also sounded a more personal note about the need for healing the soul of the country after the Trump Presidency .
He recalled how , in June , 2015 , shortly after his son Beau died of cancer , he and his wife , Jill , attended Sunday service at the Emanuel A.M.E. church , where a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nine parishioners .
“ We left here , having arrived in overwhelming pain , thinking we can do this , we ’ d get through this , ” Biden said .
Then , with the raucous crowd having fallen silent , he brought up Alexis de Tocqueville , whom Clyburn had mentioned in his introduction , saying , “ This multi-ethnic country we call our democracy , America , it can ’ t survive unless we focus on our goodness.
” On the page , it reads like a somewhat awkward transition , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going .
“ We can build a more perfect union , because the American people in the last three and a half years have seen the alternative , ” he went on .
“ No , I really mean it .
Think about it .
They ’ ve seen how utterly mean , selfish , lack of any sense of empathy or concern for anybody else—a President who not only has horrible policies , but the way he mocks and makes fun of other people.
” In finishing , Biden thanked Clyburn again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Bidens love you guys.
” Despite his big victory , he still faces a number of challenges .
Sanders , having won two of the first four states and virtually tied in another , remains the front-runner , and his supporters aren ’ t going anywhere .
And even after Steyer ’ s exit , there are four candidates vying for the non-Sanders vote , with the presence of Michael Bloomberg presenting a particular problem for Biden .
In the past couple of months , the former mayor of New York has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the Super Tuesday map .
He could take moderate voters from the former Vice-President everywhere , but particularly in a number of Southern states—Alabama , Arkansas , Oklahoma , Tennessee , and North Carolina—where the Biden camp is hoping to blunt Sanders ’ s advantage out West .
In an ideal world for Biden , Bloomberg would drop out of the race before Super Tuesday and throw his support behind him , but on Saturday night Bloomberg ’ s aides rejected that idea to reporters .
( Bloomberg was not on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , Biden can do little about Bloomberg .
All he could do on Saturday was win big in South Carolina and then give a memorable speech .
He managed both , and shortly after he left the stage in Columbia one of his erstwhile opponents , Andrew Yang , who is now a commentator on CNN , paid him a compliment .
“ That was the best I ’ ve ever seen him , ” Yang said .

Joe Biden has long said that South Carolina would prove to be the electoral firewall in his bid for the 2020 Democratic Presidential nomination, and it turned out he was right. As the votes came in on Saturday night from across the Palmetto State, it quickly became clear that the former Vice-President had scored a blowout victory in the most populous and most diverse state to vote so far in this primary season.
With ninety-nine per cent of the votes counted, Biden had about forty-eight per cent of the total. He was running twenty-eight percentage points ahead of Bernie Sanders and thirty-seven percentage points ahead of Tom Steyer, who subsequently announced that he was giving up his Presidential campaign. The other candidates came in nowhere.
Among black voters, who made up more than half of the primary electorate, Biden’s margin of victory was even larger. According to an exit poll carried out by Edison Media Research for a national consortium of news outlets, sixty-one per cent of African-American voters had voted for him versus seventeen per cent for Sanders and thirteen per cent for Steyer.
Biden appeared to have won every county in the state. The exit poll suggested that he won the white vote, the college-degree vote, the non-college-degree vote, and every age demographic except seventeen- to twenty-nine-year-olds. According to the poll, he even finished thirteen points ahead of Sanders among voters who identified themselves as very liberal.
Of course, there is a reason that Biden declared South Carolina as his firewall: he has close ties to some of the state’s political leaders, including James Clyburn, the House Majority Whip, who endorsed him on Wednesday, and its demographics are favorable to him. But, as recently as this past week, opinion polls had shown Sanders closing to within four or five points of Biden, and the Vermont senator had predicted that he would pull off a come-from-behind win. If that had happened, Biden’s campaign would have been sunk. By the time the former Vice-President took the stage, in Columbia, shortly before 9 P.M. on Saturday night, however, he was assured of a sweeping victory.
At least in this campaign, it is an understatement to say that Biden hasn’t been noted for his oratory. But, as he demonstrated at the 2012 Democratic convention, he is capable of giving a good speech on a big occasion, and this was arguably the biggest of his political career. With his campaign running out of money, Biden’s South Carolina win was a rare opportunity to address the Democratic electorate at large before Tuesday, when fourteen more states will vote, including California, Texas, North Carolina, and Virginia.
He began in predictable fashion, hailing “my buddy Jim Clyburn” and casting himself as the comeback kid. “For all those who have been knocked down, counted out, left behind, this is your campaign,” he declared. From there, the speech became more pointed, more strategic, and more emotive. Biden’s advisers are well aware that winning one state won’t be enough to stop Sanders, especially if the Vermont senator scores big victories on Tuesday in delegate-rich California and Texas, where the polls show him in the lead. The immediate goals for the Biden campaign are twofold: to cement Biden’s place as the only viable alternative to Sanders and to limit the Vermont senator’s lead in the delegate count by persuading enough Democrats that a Sanders candidacy would be an electoral disaster for the entire Party, not just its hopes of driving Donald Trump out of the White House. “The decisions Democrats make all across America in the next few days will determine what this party stands for, what we believe, and what we’ll get done,” Biden said. “If the Democrats nominate me, I believe we can defeat Donald Trump, keep Nancy Pelosi in the House of Representatives as Speaker, and take the U.S. Senate.”
Although he didn’t mention Sanders by name, he cast doubt on his electability, his policies, his ideology, and his loyalty to the Democratic Party. “If the Democrats want a nominee who is a Democrat, a lifelong Democrat, a proud Democrat, an Obama-Biden Democrat, then join us,” he declared. Mocking one of Sanders’s slogans, he went on, “Most Americans don’t want the promise of revolution. They want more than promises. They want results.” Biden also depicted Sanders as a divisive figure. At one point, he even compared him to Donald Trump, or, at least, he compared the impact of the Sanders movement on the Democratic Party to what the Trump movement did to the G.O.P. “We have to beat Donald Trump and the Republican Party,” Biden said. “But here’s the deal: we can’t become like them . . . We can’t have a never-ending war.”
That was the political pitch, but Biden also sounded a more personal note about the need for healing the soul of the country after the Trump Presidency. He recalled how, in June, 2015, shortly after his son Beau died of cancer, he and his wife, Jill, attended Sunday service at the Emanuel A.M.E. church, where a young white supremacist had recently gunned down nine parishioners. “We left here, having arrived in overwhelming pain, thinking we can do this, we’d get through this,” Biden said. Then, with the raucous crowd having fallen silent, he brought up Alexis de Tocqueville, whom Clyburn had mentioned in his introduction, saying, “This multi-ethnic country we call our democracy, America, it can’t survive unless we focus on our goodness.”
On the page, it reads like a somewhat awkward transition, but Biden knew exactly where he was going. “We can build a more perfect union, because the American people in the last three and a half years have seen the alternative,” he went on. “No, I really mean it. Think about it. They’ve seen how utterly mean, selfish, lack of any sense of empathy or concern for anybody else—a President who not only has horrible policies, but the way he mocks and makes fun of other people.”
In finishing, Biden thanked Clyburn again and declared to the crowd, “The Bidens love you guys.”Despite his big victory, he still faces a number of challenges. Sanders, having won two of the first four states and virtually tied in another, remains the front-runner, and his supporters aren’t going anywhere. And even after Steyer’s exit, there are four candidates vying for the non-Sanders vote, with the presence of Michael Bloomberg presenting a particular problem for Biden. In the past couple of months, the former mayor of New York has spent ungodly sums of money advertising all across the Super Tuesday map. He could take moderate voters from the former Vice-President everywhere, but particularly in a number of Southern states—Alabama, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and North Carolina—where the Biden camp is hoping to blunt Sanders’s advantage out West.
In an ideal world for Biden, Bloomberg would drop out of the race before Super Tuesday and throw his support behind him, but on Saturday night Bloomberg’s aides rejected that idea to reporters. (Bloomberg was not on the ballot in South Carolina.) For now, Biden can do little about Bloomberg. All he could do on Saturday was win big in South Carolina and then give a memorable speech. He managed both, and shortly after he left the stage in Columbia one of his erstwhile opponents, Andrew Yang, who is now a commentator on CNN, paid him a compliment. “That was the best I’ve ever seen him,” Yang said.


newyorker--2020-02-29--Donald Trump’s Anti-Globalist Response to a Global Coronavirus

Donald Trump may be the most erratic and intemperate man ever to occupy the Presidency , but , when it comes to protecting the public health of Americans , his actions have been unfailingly consistent .
Since the day he took office , Trump has worked tirelessly to limit funding , dismantle teams of experts , and interrupt nearly any strategic-planning initiative necessary to defend the country against the type of inevitable biological assault that we now face .
Viruses are infinitely more abundant than humans ; they have no interest in politics or geography , nor do they have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of American exceptionalism or his desire to build walls .
Sharply limiting our ability to inhibit the spread of organisms that first appeared on earth at least a billion years ago , and that , collectively , have always presented the most persistent threat to humanity , can most generously be described as an act of radical myopia .
( Most estimates suggest that smallpox , the only human virus that we have eradicated , killed up to half a billion people in the twentieth century alone . )
The President knows so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday , during a news conference in which he named Vice-President Mike Pence as his coronavirus czar , Trump acknowledged that he was shocked to learn that influenza kills between roughly thirty to seventy thousand people a year in the United States .
Trump said that in public , while standing next to Anthony S. Fauci , who , for decades , as the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , has been the government ’ s most prominent and reliable authority on subjects ranging from AIDS to SARS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a discreet man , but the look on his face could not hide his shock at hearing the President , a self-described germaphobe , brag that he knows nothing about the diseases that constantly threaten the people he was elected to lead .
( Always a calm but honest spokesman , Fauci was booked to appear this Sunday on all the major television news shows .
On Friday , Pence ’ s office told him to withdraw from each of them .
In response to a question at a press conference on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resubmitted “ for clearance , ” and could now go on the shows . )
Neither warnings about future biological threats or evidence of those that we have already faced , such as SARS , MERS , and influenza , have limited the Trump Administration ’ s compulsion to end health programs designed to protect the public .
Less than a month ago , and weeks after COVID-19 had been recognized as a virus with pandemic potential , the Administration proposed a budget that called for the Department of Health and Human Services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Office of Public Health Preparedness and Response , and also eighteen million dollars from the Hospital Preparedness Program .
Most notably , the Administration is also attempting to cut more than eighty-five million dollars in funding for the National Center for Emerging and Zoonotic Infectious Diseases .
Zoonotic diseases such as COVID-19 , SARS , and MERS , are caused by viruses that jump from animals to humans .
Novel viruses are particularly threatening because we have no antibodies to defend against them .
This week , I asked three senior public-health officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ None would speak on the record , for fear of retribution , but each readily agreed that the programs are both essential and already severely underfunded .
Even on those occasions when the White House has earmarked small amounts of money for global health security , it has taken those funds from other essential programs .
( In 2019 , for example , the Administration cut fifty-eight million dollars from the basic U.S. AIDS funding mechanism , the Ryan White program , to add funds for the opioid epidemic . )
Fighting epidemics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not ignore one to defend against another .
Such a response is dangerous but , from this Administration , not unusual .
In 2018 , as Laurie Garrett points out in an informative essay in the current issue of Foreign Policy , the Trump Administration fired the government ’ s entire pandemic-response chain of command , including the White House management staff .
In fact , one of John Bolton ’ s first acts , upon becoming the national-security adviser , was to dismiss the National Security Council ’ s global health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ziemer , a widely respected public-health expert .
A new outbreak of Ebola was declared in Congo on May 8 , 2018 , his last day in office .
He has not been replaced .
That same year , the Trump Administration began to tear down a foreign-disease-surveillance program that the Obama Administration had established in response to outbreaks of Ebola in Africa .
That program serves as an early-warning system for detecting global pandemic threats , and it helped limit the extent of the 2017 Ebola outbreak in Congo , which , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the countries that the Trump Administration decided it ’ s no longer necessary to monitor .
As with many public-health programs , preparedness requires policymakers to focus on the future .
Naturally , such investments do not generate immediate returns or obvious results .
But neither do missile-defense systems .
Nonetheless—and this does not apply solely to the current Administration—we are continually caught between our theoretical need to protect against future risks and our very real indifference to things that do not seem to threaten us now .
The Trump Administration ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Vice-President Pence , the man now in charge , has a well-documented history of scientific denialism .
The public-health action that he is best known for occurred in 2015 , when he was the governor of Indiana .
Facing the worst H.I.V .
outbreak in that state ’ s history , which was being spread by intravenous-drug users , Pence rejected federal health officials ’ advice to introduce a clean-needle exchange program .
It wasn ’ t until more than two months later , during which time the epidemic became more serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On Friday , in a particularly callous act of political indifference to the epidemic in our midst , the acting White House chief of staff , Mick Mulvaney , characterized the media ’ s reporting on the coronavirus as an attempt to “ bring down the President.
” At some point , a member of the Trump Administration will have to acknowledge that scientific facts—such as the number of people infected , sick , or dying—are not the creation of a media cabal .
Until then , and as long as Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our ability to contain a virus that we do not yet even fully understand , the number of people who fall ill and die can only grow .
This piece has been updated to include Fauci ’ s comment at a press conference on Saturday .

Donald Trump may be the most erratic and intemperate man ever to occupy the Presidency, but, when it comes to protecting the public health of Americans, his actions have been unfailingly consistent. Since the day he took office, Trump has worked tirelessly to limit funding, dismantle teams of experts, and interrupt nearly any strategic-planning initiative necessary to defend the country against the type of inevitable biological assault that we now face.
Viruses are infinitely more abundant than humans; they have no interest in politics or geography, nor do they have any respect for Trump’s assertions of American exceptionalism or his desire to build walls. Sharply limiting our ability to inhibit the spread of organisms that first appeared on earth at least a billion years ago, and that, collectively, have always presented the most persistent threat to humanity, can most generously be described as an act of radical myopia. (Most estimates suggest that smallpox, the only human virus that we have eradicated, killed up to half a billion people in the twentieth century alone.)
The President knows so little about infectious disease that, on Wednesday, during a news conference in which he named Vice-President Mike Pence as his coronavirus czar, Trump acknowledged that he was shocked to learn that influenza kills between roughly thirty to seventy thousand people a year in the United States. Trump said that in public, while standing next to Anthony S. Fauci, who, for decades, as the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, has been the government’s most prominent and reliable authority on subjects ranging from AIDS to SARS, Ebola, and influenza. Fauci is a discreet man, but the look on his face could not hide his shock at hearing the President, a self-described germaphobe, brag that he knows nothing about the diseases that constantly threaten the people he was elected to lead. (Always a calm but honest spokesman, Fauci was booked to appear this Sunday on all the major television news shows. On Friday, Pence’s office told him to withdraw from each of them. In response to a question at a press conference on Saturday, Fauci said that he had resubmitted “for clearance,” and could now go on the shows.)
Neither warnings about future biological threats or evidence of those that we have already faced, such as SARS, MERS, and influenza, have limited the Trump Administration’s compulsion to end health programs designed to protect the public. Less than a month ago, and weeks after COVID-19 had been recognized as a virus with pandemic potential, the Administration proposed a budget that called for the Department of Health and Human Services to cut twenty-five million dollars from the Office of Public Health Preparedness and Response, and also eighteen million dollars from the Hospital Preparedness Program.
Most notably, the Administration is also attempting to cut more than eighty-five million dollars in funding for the National Center for Emerging and Zoonotic Infectious Diseases. Zoonotic diseases such as COVID-19, SARS, and MERS are caused by viruses that jump from animals to humans. Novel viruses are particularly threatening because we have no antibodies to defend against them. This week, I asked three senior public-health officials about the cuts to these programs. None would speak on the record, for fear of retribution, but each readily agreed that the programs are both essential and already severely underfunded. Even on those occasions when the White House has earmarked small amounts of money for global health security, it has taken those funds from other essential programs. (In 2019, for example, the Administration cut fifty-eight million dollars from the basic U.S. AIDS funding mechanism, the Ryan White program, to add funds for the opioid epidemic.)
Fighting epidemics is not a zero-sum game; you cannot ignore one to defend against another. Such a response is dangerous but, from this Administration, not unusual. In 2018, as Laurie Garrett points out in an informative essay in the current issue of Foreign Policy, the Trump Administration fired the government’s entire pandemic-response chain of command, including the White House management staff. In fact, one of John Bolton’s first acts, upon becoming the national-security adviser, was to dismiss the National Security Council’s global health team, led by Rear Admiral Timothy Ziemer, a widely respected public-health expert. A new outbreak of Ebola was declared in Congo on May 8, 2018, his last day in office. He has not been replaced.
That same year, the Trump Administration began to tear down a foreign-disease-surveillance program that the Obama Administration had established in response to outbreaks of Ebola in Africa. That program serves as an early-warning system for detecting global pandemic threats, and it helped limit the extent of the 2017 Ebola outbreak in Congo, which, along with China, was one of the countries that the Trump Administration decided it’s no longer necessary to monitor. As with many public-health programs, preparedness requires policymakers to focus on the future. Naturally, such investments do not generate immediate returns or obvious results. But neither do missile-defense systems. Nonetheless—and this does not apply solely to the current Administration—we are continually caught between our theoretical need to protect against future risks and our very real indifference to things that do not seem to threaten us now.
The Trump Administration’s response has been both remarkable and unsurprising. Vice-President Pence, the man now in charge, has a well-documented history of scientific denialism. The public-health action that he is best known for occurred in 2015, when he was the governor of Indiana. Facing the worst H.I.V. outbreak in that state’s history, which was being spread by intravenous-drug users, Pence rejected federal health officials’ advice to introduce a clean-needle exchange program. It wasn’t until more than two months later, during which time the epidemic became more serious, that he finally authorized a program.
On Friday, in a particularly callous act of political indifference to the epidemic in our midst, the acting White House chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, characterized the media’s reporting on the coronavirus as an attempt to “bring down the President.” At some point, a member of the Trump Administration will have to acknowledge that scientific facts—such as the number of people infected, sick, or dying—are not the creation of a media cabal. Until then, and as long as Trump and his team continue to lie about our ability to contain a virus that we do not yet even fully understand, the number of people who fall ill and die can only grow.
This piece has been updated to include Fauci’s comment at a press conference on Saturday.
A Guide to the Coronavirus
How much of the world is likely to be quarantined?
Donald Trump in the time of coronavirus.
The coronavirus is likely to spread for months, if not more than a year, before a vaccine could be widely available.
We are all irrational panic shoppers.
The strange terror of watching the coronavirus take Rome.
How pandemics change history.


newyorker--2020-02-29--South Carolina Primary Election 2020: Live Results, Maps, and Analysis

Joe Biden finds his voice after a blowout victory in South Carolina .

The state’s Democratic Presidential primary is February 29th. The congressional primary is June 9th. Follow the latest election results ahead of the 2020 Presidential election.


newyorker--2020-02-29--A Field Guide for Bloomberg-Campaign Deputy Digital Organizers

Welcome to the Michael Bloomberg campaign , deputy digital organizer !
You ’ re joining a long tradition of political activists who use their personal networks to spread the word about the candidate who is paying them .
As a freelance employee of the Bloomberg campaign , you ’ ll make a personal social post each day to show how much you like Mike .
To be clear , these are NOT sponsored posts .
To be clear , you will NOT receive your monthly twenty-five-hundred-dollar stipend until you make these posts .
Below are some suggested social and text @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not need to use the exact message , but please use the exact message with , at most , one emoji of your choosing that does not change the message ’ s meaning .
And please refrain from using the following emojis , as they may prompt discussion of topics we ’ d like to avoid : Awesome !
Once you ’ ve signed your nondisclosure agreement , you can begin posting .
Remember : letting someone know that you ’ ve signed an N.D.A .
violates the N.D.A.
, and you will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the law .
Remember : Mike has a lot of money and connections in the New York legal system .
Mike will get it done !
“ Billionaire ” is not a four-letter word !
It ’ s an eleven-letter word .
Just like “ win election ” ( not including spaces ) .
# PresidentBloomberg I like Mike !
And I ’ d like you to send me your phone number , including area code .
# PresidentBloomberg INSTAGRAM POST ( also share to your story ) [ IMAGE OF YOU ON @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PAINTED ON YOUR BEST PHYSICAL FEATURE ] Mike Bloomberg was the mayor of New York on 9/11 .
Never forget .
# PresidentBloomberg TEXT ( PEOPLE YOU HAVE CONTACTED IN THE PAST FIVE YEARS ) Hello , my good friend [ TARGET NAME ] .
I know you can ’ t buy a Presidential nomination .
But you can buy a Presidential election .
And Bloomberg is gon na buy our way out of Trump and get us a refund , on him .
Hope we saved our receipt !
LOL How do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t need your money .
We need your vote .
So let me know your rate and we ’ ll Venmo you .
TEXT ( PEOPLE YOU HAVE NEVER CONTACTED BUT SOMEHOW HAVE THEIR NUMBERS ) Hi , [ TARGET NAME ] , it ’ s [ YOUR NAME ] , from your phone .
I ’ m reaching out , of my own free will , to let you know that I am ( 1 ) worried about the state of our country and ( 2 ) excited about supporting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the mayor on 9/11 !
If you are part of a minority group that was specifically persecuted during the Bloomberg mayorship , that ’ s awesome !
First , we are so sorry .
Second , we are so lucky to have you .
For each of the below messages you post , you ’ ll receive a ten-per-cent increase in your monthly payment , which is not a payment for the post but rather a salary for a role that happens to include posting .
• None If P.O.C .
: @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG , you might feel compelled to bring up the damaging policy of stop-and-frisk .
I ’ d bring up that Mike has apologized and that we ’ ve all made mistakes .
Once , I forgot to hold the door open for the next person in line for the Starbucks bathroom .
It was wrong , and I ’ m sorry and embarrassed .
But I ’ m human !
And to err is human .
I ’ m excited to support a human like Bloomberg .
# WakandaForever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PROUD LESBIAN WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG , I was shocked to hear that Mike called someone a “ horse-faced lesbian.
” It weighed on me , but then I realized—horses are beautiful .
Horses are regal , elegant creatures that are revered in many cultures .
And you know what ?
That ’ s the kind of a lesbian I want to be !
A horse-faced lesbian .
# ParadiseIslandForever • None If WOMAN : Why did the chicken cross the road ?
To fuck the cock !
I love a good bawdy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ d never let a good bawdy joke stop me from supporting the only candidate who can defeat Donald Trump .
As a PROUD WOMAN WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG , I like Mike !
And to fuck the cock !
# JoAnnFabricForever • None If TRANS : The Bloomberg campaign has not made contact with any trans people .
If we do , we ’ ll update this section .
If you belong to multiple disenfranchised minorities , that ’ s amazing !
Please let the campaign know if you ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at an upcoming rally .
You will not be able to meet or speak to Mike .

Welcome to the Michael Bloomberg campaign, deputy digital organizer! You’re joining a long tradition of political activists who use their personal networks to spread the word about the candidate who is paying them. As a freelance employee of the Bloomberg campaign, you’ll make a personal social post each day to show how much you like Mike. To be clear, these are NOT sponsored posts. To be clear, you will NOT receive your monthly twenty-five-hundred-dollar stipend until you make these posts.
Below are some suggested social and text templates to inspire you! You do not need to use the exact message, but please use the exact message with, at most, one emoji of your choosing that does not change the message’s meaning. And please refrain from using the following emojis, as they may prompt discussion of topics we’d like to avoid:
🤐 🤑 🤡 💩 👮♀ 👮♂ 👮🏻♀ 👮🏻 👮🏼♀ 👮🏼 💄 💋 👄 👗 👙🐎 🚌 🚎 🚃 🚋 🚝 🚄 🚅 🚈 🚆 🚇 🚊 🚉 💸 💵💰 💳 💔 👶🏽 👦🏽 👧🏽 👨🏽 👩🏽 👱🏽♀ 👱🏽 👴🏽 👵🏽 👲🏽 👳🏽♀ 👳🏽 👮🏽♀ 👮🏽 👷🏽♀ 👷🏽 💂🏽♀ 💂🏽 🕵🏽♀ 🕵🏽 👩🏽⚕ 👨🏽⚕ 👩🏽🌾 👨🏽🌾 👩🏽🍳 👨🏽🍳 👩🏽🎓 👨🏽🎓 👩🏽🎤 👨🏽🎤 👩🏽🏫 👨🏽🏫 👩🏽🏭 👨🏽🏭 👩🏽💻 👨🏽💻 👩🏽💼 👨🏽💼 👩🏽🔧 👨🏽🔧 👩🏽🔬 👨🏽🔬 👩🏽🎨 👨🏽🎨 👩🏽🚒 👨🏽🚒 👩🏽✈ 👨🏽✈ 👩🏽🚀 👨🏽🚀 👩🏽⚖ 👨🏽⚖ 🤶🏽 🎅🏽 👸🏽 🤴🏽 👰🏽 🤵🏽 👼🏽 🤰🏽 🙇🏽♀ 🙇🏽 💁🏽 💁🏽♂ 🙅🏽 🙅🏽♂ 🙆🏽 🙆🏽♂ 🙋🏽 🙋🏽♂ 🤦🏽♀ 🤦🏽♂ 🤷🏽♀ 🤷🏽♂ 🙎🏽 🙎🏽♂ 🙍🏽 🙍🏽♂ 💇🏽 💇🏽♂ 💆🏽 💆🏽♂ 🕴🏼 💃🏽 🕺🏽 🚶🏽♀ 🚶🏽 🏃🏽♀ 🏃🏽 👐🏽 🙌🏽 👏🏽 🙏🏽 👍🏽 👎🏽 👊🏽 ✊🏽 🤛🏽 🤜🏽 🤞🏽 ✌🏽🤘🏽 👌🏽 👈🏽 👉🏽 👆🏽 👇🏽 ☝🏽 ✋🏽 🤚🏽 🖐🏽 🖖🏽 👋🏽 🤙🏽 💪🏽 🖕🏽 ✍🏽 🤳🏽 💅🏽 👂🏽 👃🏽
Awesome! Once you’ve signed your nondisclosure agreement, you can begin posting. Remember: letting someone know that you’ve signed an N.D.A. violates the N.D.A., and you will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. Remember: Mike has a lot of money and connections in the New York legal system. Mike will get it done!
TWEET
“Billionaire” is not a four-letter word! It’s an eleven-letter word. Just like “win election” (not including spaces). #PresidentBloomberg
FACEBOOK POST
I like Mike! And I’d like you to send me your phone number, including area code. #PresidentBloomberg
INSTAGRAM POST (also share to your story)
[IMAGE OF YOU ON A BEACH WITH “MIKE 2020” PAINTED ON YOUR BEST PHYSICAL FEATURE]
Mike Bloomberg was the mayor of New York on 9/11. Never forget. #PresidentBloomberg
TEXT (PEOPLE YOU HAVE CONTACTED IN THE PAST FIVE YEARS)
Hello, my good friend [TARGET NAME]. I know you can’t buy a Presidential nomination. But you can buy a Presidential election. And Bloomberg is gonna buy our way out of Trump and get us a refund, on him. Hope we saved our receipt! LOL
How do I donate, you ask?
We don’t need your money. We need your vote. So let me know your rate and we’ll Venmo you.
TEXT (PEOPLE YOU HAVE NEVER CONTACTED BUT SOMEHOW HAVE THEIR NUMBERS)
Hi, [TARGET NAME], it’s [YOUR NAME], from your phone. I’m reaching out, of my own free will, to let you know that I am (1) worried about the state of our country and (2) excited about supporting the candidacy of Mayor Bloomberg! He was the mayor on 9/11!
DISENFRANCHISED-MINORITY MESSAGES
If you are part of a minority group that was specifically persecuted during the Bloomberg mayorship, that’s awesome! First, we are so sorry. Second, we are so lucky to have you. For each of the below messages you post, you’ll receive a ten-per-cent increase in your monthly payment, which is not a payment for the post but rather a salary for a role that happens to include posting.
If P.O.C.: As I am a PROUD BLACK MAN WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG, you might feel compelled to bring up the damaging policy of stop-and-frisk. I’d bring up that Mike has apologized and that we’ve all made mistakes. Once, I forgot to hold the door open for the next person in line for the Starbucks bathroom. It was wrong, and I’m sorry and embarrassed. But I’m human! And to err is human. I’m excited to support a human like Bloomberg. #WakandaForever
If LESBIAN: As a PROUD LESBIAN WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG, I was shocked to hear that Mike called someone a “horse-faced lesbian.” It weighed on me, but then I realized—horses are beautiful. Horses are regal, elegant creatures that are revered in many cultures. And you know what? That’s the kind of a lesbian I want to be! A horse-faced lesbian. #ParadiseIslandForever
If GAY: I bloom for Bloomberg. 👅🍑💦
If WOMAN: Why did the chicken cross the road? To fuck the cock! I love a good bawdy joke, and that’s why I’d never let a good bawdy joke stop me from supporting the only candidate who can defeat Donald Trump. As a PROUD WOMAN WHO ALSO SUPPORTS BLOOMBERG, I like Mike! And to fuck the cock! #JoAnnFabricForever
If TRANS: The Bloomberg campaign has not made contact with any trans people. If we do, we’ll update this section.
If you belong to multiple disenfranchised minorities, that’s amazing! Please let the campaign know if you’re willing to appear behind Mike on camera at an upcoming rally. You will not be able to meet or speak to Mike.