newyorker--2020-01-10--Prince Harry and Meghan Markle’s Royal Flush

Three weeks ago , a petition was submitted to the city council of Brighton and Hove , in the county of Sussex , calling for the rejection of the terms “ Duke and Duchess of Sussex.
” The petition , started by a resident named Charles Ross , characterized the use of these titles by Prince Harry , the second son of the heir to the throne , and his wife , Meghan Markle , as “ morally wrong and disrespectful to the county of East Sussex.
” It called upon the council members “ to not refer to these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be entirely non democratic and symbolic of the oppression of the general public by the wealthy elite ” and demanded that the council not invite or entertain the couple , “ nor afford them any hospitality or courtesies above and beyond that of an ordinary member of the public.
” The petition garnered nearly four thousand signatories , and was brought before a meeting of the full council at Hove Town Hall on December 19th .
Ross said that it was not his intention to malign Prince Harry—whom he referred to as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Markle , whose personal accomplishments , as a helicopter pilot and an actress , respectively , he respected .
Rather , he intended to draw attention to the entrenched social inequality that the institution of the monarchy perpetuates in Britain .
“ Are we still obedient serfs , or are we ready as a forward-thinking town to throw out these perverse ceremonies and traditions which enshrine the class system and let many sleep in shop doorways while others sleep in palaces ?
” Ross asked , according to a report that appeared in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a proud moment , Ross concluded , if Brighton ’ s councillors were to set the city on the path “ to being the first openly republican city in the United Kingdom.
” Brighton , a resort on the south coast , is well known as a raffish , radical place .
The only Green Party M.P .
in the House of Commons , Caroline Lucas , represents the Brighton Pavilion constituency , a district in the center of town .
The city has long been a welcoming place for members of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , traditionally , metropolitan adulterers absconding to the seaside for a dirty weekend .
It also has a celebrated history of welcoming , rather than rejecting , royals who swerve from the prescribed path .
The town became fashionable in the late eighteenth century , largely thanks to the patronage of the eldest son of King George III , who was then the Prince of Wales .
The Prince , later crowned George IV , established a residence in Brighton in his early twenties , finding it a congenial place to carry on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maria Fitzherbert—who , as a twice-widowed Catholic commoner , was triply inappropriate as a royal spouse .
Under the terms of the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 , the monarch was required to give consent to any marital match of his or her heirs under the age of twenty-five ; this requirement persists , in a different legal form .
It should be acknowledged that the Prince Regent , as he became known after his father was incapacitated , in 1811 , offered a signal example of the perverse ceremonies and traditions that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ famously dissolute and extravagant , burning through the generous allowance that the King granted him and incurring so much debt by the age of twenty-five that Parliament was obliged to grant him what would today be tens of millions of pounds .
The gesture hardly curbed the Prince ’ s expensive tastes .
Beginning in 1815 , he started construction on an opulent seaside palace , the Brighton Pavilion , designed by John Nash , the most celebrated architect of the time .
From the outside , it looks like a Mughal temple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decadent chinoiserie , with a thirty-foot glass chandelier clutched in the claws of a silvered dragon suspended above the dining table .
Even the cast-iron columns that support the ceiling of the kitchen were decorated so as to look like palm trees , with painted copper leaves sprouting at the top .
The prodigious output of those kitchens contributed to the Prince ’ s obesity , flatteringly disguised in the embroidered tabard and ermine-lined cape that he wore for his official coronation portrait , executed by Thomas Lawrence , in 1821 .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in 1823 , George IV was so fat that he could no longer climb the stairs to its upper floors , necessitating the installation of a bedroom suite on the ground floor .
Compared with the excesses of Prince Harry ’ s ancestor in building the Brighton Pavilion , which is maintained today as a museum , the Duke and Duchess of Sussex ’ s much-maligned refurbishment of Frogmore Cottage—their home on the Queen ’ s estate at Windsor , which was renovated last year , to the tune of 2.4 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potatoes .
But the Sussexes—whose title was bestowed on them by the Queen upon their marriage , in 2018 , and who have no particular connection to Brighton and Hove beyond having visited the county on one occasion , to cheering crowds—have , during the short duration of their marriage , become characterized in the popular press as the Royal Family ’ s most profligate , self-serving , and self-righteous members .
They have been lambasted for taking private planes while lecturing others about the dangers of climate change ; for withholding information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth of their son , Archie ; and for declining to name his godparents publicly .
They have been accused of undermining the reproductive choices of Prince William , Harry ’ s brother , and his wife , Catherine Middleton , the Duchess of Cambridge , who welcomed their third child , Prince Louis , in 2018 ; Prince Harry recently let it be known that , due to global overpopulation , the Sussexes would be restricting their own procreativity to no more than two offspring .
They have been saved from being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only by the utter self-immolation of Prince Andrew , the Queen ’ s second son , whose lack of repentance in a BBC interview about his friendship with the late Jeffrey Epstein , the convicted sex offender who died in jail , last summer , obliged Andrew to stand down from all his official royal duties .
When shifty Uncle Andy is the only thing standing between you and total Fleet Street denigration , you know something ’ s gone very wrong .
Having just returned from a six-week stay in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ festivities at Sandringham , the Queen ’ s estate in Norfolk , and thereby generating even more negative commentary from the press , who helpfully noted that the Queen , ninety-three , and her husband , Prince Philip , ninety-eight , won ’ t be around forever—this week , the Sussexes upped the ante .
On Wednesday evening , they issued a statement , reproduced on their Web site and posted on their Instagram page , in which they declared an intention to “ carve out a progressive new role within this institution.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to “ step back as ‘ senior ’ members of the Royal Family ” and to “ work to become financially independent.
” The statement asserted their intention to divide their time between the United Kingdom and North America , the Duchess having lived in Canada for five years while filming the television drama “ Suits , ” the role for which she was best known before becoming Prince Harry ’ s girlfriend , in 2016 .
“ This geographic balance will enable us to raise our son with an appreciation for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ born , while also providing our family with the space to focus on the next chapter , ” the statement continued .
The result was a clean sweep of the front pages of British newspapers on Thursday morning , with the Sun ’ s tabloid headline , “ Megxit , ” capturing the shocked tone of the coverage .
( The New York Post went for the same irresistible neologism . )
Before Wednesday evening was out , the Palace had issued a two-sentence statement that spoke volumes : “ Discussions with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an early stage .
We understand their desire to take a different approach , but these are complicated issues that will take time to work through.
” It was swiftly reported that , despite the statement ’ s assertion that the Sussexes would “ continue to collaborate ” with the Queen , the Prince of Wales , and the Duke of Cambridge , the Royal Family had been blindsided by the announcement .
“ They Didn ’ t Even Tell the Queen ” was the headline on the front page of the left-leaning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commentariat was swift and largely damning .
Piers Morgan , of the Daily Mail , wrote that “ for pure arrogance , entitlement , greed , and willful disrespect , nothing has ever quite matched the behavior of the ‘ Duke and Duchess of Sussex ’ ” —adding that he was putting their titles within quotation marks because he sincerely hoped that they would be revoked by Her Majesty .
Other commentators dug into the financials , noting that the Sussexes ’ stated move toward financial independence commits them to declining only the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sovereign Grant—public money paid to the Crown to fund the public duties of the monarchy .
As the Sussexes note on their Web site , their portion of the Sovereign Grant amounts to only five per cent of their income .
( Considerable additional public funds are , however , provided to pay for their security and official travel costs . )
The vast majority of the remainder comes from Harry ’ s father , Prince Charles , out of the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall , which amounted to more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To give up the Queen ’ s contribution without also giving up that of the Prince , commentators noted , hardly amounts to weaning oneself from the royal teat altogether .
Prince Harry , whose abhorrence of the tabloid press is understandable , given the manner of his mother ’ s death , issued an unusual and forcefully worded critique in the fall of 2016 , before his engagement was announced .
A statement from Kensington Palace cited “ a wave of abuse and harassment , ” noting the “ racial undertones of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was justified , given that the coverage of Markle trafficked in racial stereotypes and dwelled upon such matters as her “ exotic DNA ” and her shapely “ Suits ” wardrobe .
His pain was also evident : the statement concluded , “ Commentators will say ‘ this is the price she has to pay , ’ and that ‘ this is all part of the game.
’ He strongly disagrees .
This is not a game—it is her life and his.
” But the statement , however strongly worded and strongly felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of changing the press dynamic .
So have been the couple ’ s subsequent , repeated attempts to beat back the beasts of Fleet Street—including , this fall , the Duchess ’ s issuing of a lawsuit against the Mail on Sunday for reprinting and reporting on a private letter that she sent to her father , Thomas Markle , and the Prince ’ s issuing of a lawsuit against several tabloid papers over alleged phone-tapping .
“ I ’ ve seen what happens when someone I love is commoditised to the point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen as a real person , ” Prince Harry wrote , in another extraordinary statement issued last year .
Those lawsuits were launched at the end of the couple ’ s first overseas tour with their son to Africa , during which they also spoke to a correspondent from ITV , Tom Bradby , about their frustrations .
In an interview , Prince Harry alluded to the trauma of the loss of his mother and the way in which it is reignited by his every encounter with the paparazzi— “ every single time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time I hear a click , every single time I see a flash , it takes me straight back , ” he said—while the Duchess spoke about how unprepared she was for the scrutiny and commentary .
“ I never thought that this would be easy , but I thought it would be fair , ” she told Bradby .
“ It ’ s not enough to just survive something .
That ’ s not the point of life .
You ’ ve got to thrive .
You ’ ve got to feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued , to adopt the British attitude of the stiff upper lip , “ but what that does internally is probably really damaging.
” The internal well-being of members of the Royal Family , as opposed to their outward conduct , has rarely been a subject of paramount concern to the British press .
Self-care is one of those American imports , like the yoga studio that the Sussexes reportedly had installed at Frogmore Cottage , about which the British are reflexively skeptical .
It was inevitable that Markle , as an American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ withering critique .
One measure of her adaptation to her new country would , of necessity , be her acceptance of the confining strictures of duty to which British royals are bound , especially those as high in the succession as is Prince Harry , who , until the birth of his nephews and niece , spent most of his life being third in line to the throne—only an abdication and an accident away from the Crown itself .
Markle is hardly alone in thinking that duty to misery sounds like a hellish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only moved more quickly to the expression of that belief than did any of her equally unhappy predecessors , including her late mother-in-law .
In the years before meeting Markle , Harry said publicly that being King or Queen was a job that no one wants , but he added that , speaking of the Royal Family , “ we will carry out our duties at the right time.
” How the couple intend to marry the continuation of their duties with their newly declared independence will , presumably , become clearer as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ morning it was reported that Meghan had already flown back to Canada , leaving Harry to handle the family fall-out .
The Sussexes may have hoped for a conscious uncoupling from the rest of the Windsors , but the drama of the breach was immediately symbolized by the removal of their wax likenesses from the Royal Family display at Madame Tussaud ’ s in London .
( The couple are not to be melted down , just stationed elsewhere . )
What is already clear is that the Sussexes intend forthwith to redraw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They are opting out of the Royal Rota , the arrangement whereby , for decades , the royals have given access to a pool reporter from the national papers ; instead , they will invite coverage from personally selected media outlets “ focused on objective news reporting to cover key moments and events , ” and will use their own social-media accounts , especially Instagram , to communicate directly with the public .
Having railed against the media ’ s commodification of his wife , Prince Harry now seems prepared to take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was reported last month that he and the Duchess have lately submitted a trademark application for hundreds of items , from clothing to printed items , that may be issued with the couple ’ s personal brand , Sussex Royal .
This step is unlikely to please critics who insist that Sussex is a title , not a brand name , and that it is no more Harry and Meghan ’ s to exploit than Buckingham Palace is the Queen ’ s to sell off .
This is a position in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find themselves in unlikely unity with the royalist and would-be Sussex canceller , Piers Morgan .
That the monarchy is an intolerable institution can be widely agreed ; the Duke and Duchess of Sussex are merely the latest and loudest to say it , just as George IV , with his bedizened escape hatch by the sea , was one of the most flamboyant to express it .
There are many reasons to argue for the monarchy ’ s abolition ; it is only lately that the human rights of those born and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as among the most compelling arguments for the institution ’ s obsolescence .

Three weeks ago, a petition was submitted to the city council of Brighton and Hove, in the county of Sussex, calling for the rejection of the terms “Duke and Duchess of Sussex.” The petition, started by a resident named Charles Ross, characterized the use of these titles by Prince Harry, the second son of the heir to the throne, and his wife, Meghan Markle, as “morally wrong and disrespectful to the county of East Sussex.” It called upon the council members “to not refer to these individuals by such titles which we believe to be entirely non democratic and symbolic of the oppression of the general public by the wealthy elite” and demanded that the council not invite or entertain the couple, “nor afford them any hospitality or courtesies above and beyond that of an ordinary member of the public.”
The petition garnered nearly four thousand signatories, and was brought before a meeting of the full council at Hove Town Hall on December 19th. Ross said that it was not his intention to malign Prince Harry—whom he referred to as Harry Windsor, his given name—or Meghan Markle, whose personal accomplishments, as a helicopter pilot and an actress, respectively, he respected. Rather, he intended to draw attention to the entrenched social inequality that the institution of the monarchy perpetuates in Britain. “Are we still obedient serfs, or are we ready as a forward-thinking town to throw out these perverse ceremonies and traditions which enshrine the class system and let many sleep in shop doorways while others sleep in palaces?” Ross asked, according to a report that appeared in Brighton & Hove News. It would be a proud moment, Ross concluded, if Brighton’s councillors were to set the city on the path “to being the first openly republican city in the United Kingdom.”
Brighton, a resort on the south coast, is well known as a raffish, radical place. The only Green Party M.P. in the House of Commons, Caroline Lucas, represents the Brighton Pavilion constituency, a district in the center of town. The city has long been a welcoming place for members of the L.G.B.T.Q. community, and also, traditionally, metropolitan adulterers absconding to the seaside for a dirty weekend. It also has a celebrated history of welcoming, rather than rejecting, royals who swerve from the prescribed path. The town became fashionable in the late eighteenth century, largely thanks to the patronage of the eldest son of King George III, who was then the Prince of Wales. The Prince, later crowned George IV, established a residence in Brighton in his early twenties, finding it a congenial place to carry on a relationship with his longtime companion, Maria Fitzherbert—who, as a twice-widowed Catholic commoner, was triply inappropriate as a royal spouse. Under the terms of the Royal Marriages Act of 1772, the monarch was required to give consent to any marital match of his or her heirs under the age of twenty-five; this requirement persists, in a different legal form.
It should be acknowledged that the Prince Regent, as he became known after his father was incapacitated, in 1811, offered a signal example of the perverse ceremonies and traditions that underpin the British monarchy. He was famously dissolute and extravagant, burning through the generous allowance that the King granted him and incurring so much debt by the age of twenty-five that Parliament was obliged to grant him what would today be tens of millions of pounds. The gesture hardly curbed the Prince’s expensive tastes. Beginning in 1815, he started construction on an opulent seaside palace, the Brighton Pavilion, designed by John Nash, the most celebrated architect of the time. From the outside, it looks like a Mughal temple. Inside, it was decorated in decadent chinoiserie, with a thirty-foot glass chandelier clutched in the claws of a silvered dragon suspended above the dining table. Even the cast-iron columns that support the ceiling of the kitchen were decorated so as to look like palm trees, with painted copper leaves sprouting at the top. The prodigious output of those kitchens contributed to the Prince’s obesity, flatteringly disguised in the embroidered tabard and ermine-lined cape that he wore for his official coronation portrait, executed by Thomas Lawrence, in 1821. By the time the Pavilion was finally completed, in 1823, George IV was so fat that he could no longer climb the stairs to its upper floors, necessitating the installation of a bedroom suite on the ground floor.
Compared with the excesses of Prince Harry’s ancestor in building the Brighton Pavilion, which is maintained today as a museum, the Duke and Duchess of Sussex’s much-maligned refurbishment of Frogmore Cottage—their home on the Queen’s estate at Windsor, which was renovated last year, to the tune of 2.4 million pounds in taxpayer funds—seems like relatively small potatoes. But the Sussexes—whose title was bestowed on them by the Queen upon their marriage, in 2018, and who have no particular connection to Brighton and Hove beyond having visited the county on one occasion, to cheering crowds—have, during the short duration of their marriage, become characterized in the popular press as the Royal Family’s most profligate, self-serving, and self-righteous members. They have been lambasted for taking private planes while lecturing others about the dangers of climate change; for withholding information about the location and time of the birth of their son, Archie; and for declining to name his godparents publicly. They have been accused of undermining the reproductive choices of Prince William, Harry’s brother, and his wife, Catherine Middleton, the Duchess of Cambridge, who welcomed their third child, Prince Louis, in 2018; Prince Harry recently let it be known that, due to global overpopulation, the Sussexes would be restricting their own procreativity to no more than two offspring. They have been saved from being deemed the Windsors’ most out-of-tune members only by the utter self-immolation of Prince Andrew, the Queen’s second son, whose lack of repentance in a BBC interview about his friendship with the late Jeffrey Epstein, the convicted sex offender who died in jail, last summer, obliged Andrew to stand down from all his official royal duties. When shifty Uncle Andy is the only thing standing between you and total Fleet Street denigration, you know something’s gone very wrong.
Having just returned from a six-week stay in the United States and Canada—skipping the traditional royal Christmas festivities at Sandringham, the Queen’s estate in Norfolk, and thereby generating even more negative commentary from the press, which helpfully noted that the Queen, ninety-three, and her husband, Prince Philip, ninety-eight, won’t be around forever—this week, the Sussexes upped the ante. On Wednesday evening, they issued a statement, reproduced on their Web site and posted on their Instagram page, in which they declared an intention to “carve out a progressive new role within this institution.” They intended, the statement said, to “step back as ‘senior’ members of the Royal Family” and to “work to become financially independent.” The statement asserted their intention to divide their time between the United Kingdom and North America, the Duchess having lived in Canada for five years while filming the television drama “Suits,” the role for which she was best known before becoming Prince Harry’s girlfriend, in 2016. “This geographic balance will enable us to raise our son with an appreciation for the royal tradition into which he was born, while also providing our family with the space to focus on the next chapter,” the statement continued.
The result was a clean sweep of the front pages of British newspapers on Thursday morning, with the Sun’s tabloid headline, “Megxit,” capturing the shocked tone of the coverage. (The New York Post went for the same irresistible neologism.) Before Wednesday evening was out, the Palace had issued a two-sentence statement that spoke volumes: “Discussions with the Duke and Duchess of Sussex are at an early stage. We understand their desire to take a different approach, but these are complicated issues that will take time to work through.” It was swiftly reported that, despite the statement’s assertion that the Sussexes would “continue to collaborate” with the Queen, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of Cambridge, the Royal Family had been blindsided by the announcement. “They Didn’t Even Tell the Queen” was the headline on the front page of the left-leaning Daily Mirror. Judgment by the royal commentariat was swift and largely damning. Piers Morgan, of the Daily Mail, wrote that “for pure arrogance, entitlement, greed, and willful disrespect, nothing has ever quite matched the behavior of the ‘Duke and Duchess of Sussex’ ”—adding that he was putting their titles within quotation marks because he sincerely hoped that they would be revoked by Her Majesty.


newyorker--2020-01-10--The No. 1 Place to Visit in 2020

The No. 1 Place to Visit in 2020

The hottest destination for the start of this new decade isn ’ t an exotic locale like Bora Bora or the Egyptian pyramids for once-in-a-lifetime adventure .
In fact , it ’ s presumably somewhere you ’ ve been before !
Known for its convenience , popularity , rich history , inconsistent architecture , Instagram opportunities , and scorching political climate , this seasonal spot is a wander-must in 2020 .
And what it lacks in vacation vibes , it makes up for in freedom feels .
This year , you can ’ t skip a trip to Your Local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything—national pride , your neighbor Kathy , lines reminiscent of those at trendy night clubs , traumatic 2016 flashbacks , your neighbor Donna , impartial officials , millennials live-tweeting the # mood , thirty-six questions for a volunteer from a boomer , unconventional lighting for your illegal ballot selfie , low-key casino-floor vibes , the entire fate of our country , maybe some sexual tension with your neighbor Antonio , and more .
The top attraction at Your Local Polling Place is obviously the exclusive booths .
Whether your booth brings the glam @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brand-new voting equipment , or whether it ’ s been around since the Nineteenth Amendment was enacted , this is where the magic happens !
When you reach your booth , another surprise to look forward to—especially if you ’ re a first-time visitor—is how you ’ ll cast your vote !
Levers ?
Punch cards ?
Electronic machines ?
Hand-counted paper ballots ?
Just loudly shouting your top choice ?
The suspense of not being entirely confident in the method by which your vote will ( or will not ) be counted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has to offer .
Another signature feature of Your Local Polling Place ?
The parties !
The most popular parties are Democratic and Republican , but you don ’ t have the time , energy , or moral ambiguity to attend both , so choose wisely .
( Sometimes there ’ s a third party , but in recent years everyone there seems wasted . )
To make the most of your visit to Your Local Polling Place , take a moment to soak up the surroundings of the unique venue you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s deep in the bowels of a church basement , feel free to say a little prayer that your candidate only commits a few crimes as President , instead of hundreds .
If it ’ s in a high-school gym , feel free to reminisce about a time when your only worry involved avoiding dodgeball ( instead of constantly fearing the world ’ s demise ) .
If it ’ s in the local beauty salon , indulge in some self-care , babe .
If you ’ ve ever Googled , “ What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Polling Place ?
, ” here ’ s the definitive answer : anything .
Dress like you just rolled out of bed ; dress like you ’ re trying to have a constitutional meet-cute ; dress like the entire nation depends on it .
Rain or shine , light snowflakes or deplorable conditions , it ’ s crucial that you elect to show up , vote , and receive the wokest accessory of the century—an “ I Voted !
” sticker , which conveniently goes with anything .
More Things to Know Before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ re the type who lives for drama , definitely wait until Election Day to vote .
But if you get the opportunity to vote early or via absentee ballot , take advantage .
( You still have your First Amendment right to share a gratuitous voting selfie in front of a mailbox . )
Transportation : Legs , car , bus , train , scooter , trolley , horse—anything to help you reach Your Local Polling Place !
If you are the type of traveller who flies home to vote in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an American hero , and we thank you for your service .
Over-all destination rating : 28/50 stars ( Points were deducted for voter suppression , voter fraud , voter-I.D .
laws , voter purges , and a number of other ongoing electoral controversies and concerns . )
Must be : 18+ Accepts credit cards : No Takes reservations : No Ambiance : Patriotic , romantic , casual—really whatever you want , just go .
Must-try : A free , lukewarm cup of watered-down coffee , if available .
Best time to visit @ @

The hottest destination for the start of this new decade isn’t an exotic locale like Bora Bora or the Egyptian pyramids for once-in-a-lifetime adventure. In fact, it’s presumably somewhere you’ve been before! Known for its convenience, popularity, rich history, inconsistent architecture, Instagram opportunities, and scorching political climate, this seasonal spot is a wander-must in 2020. And what it lacks in vacation vibes, it makes up for in freedom feels.
This year, you can’t skip a trip to Your Local Polling Place!
This church/library/school/laundromat/barn/Chinese restaurant has everything—national pride, your neighbor Kathy, lines reminiscent of those at trendy night clubs, traumatic 2016 flashbacks, your neighbor Donna, impartial officials, millennials live-tweeting the #mood, thirty-six questions for a volunteer from a boomer, unconventional lighting for your illegal ballot selfie, low-key casino-floor vibes, the entire fate of our country, maybe some sexual tension with your neighbor Antonio, and more.
The top attraction at Your Local Polling Place is obviously the exclusive booths. Whether your booth brings the glam with a fancy, semi-private curtain and brand-new voting equipment, or whether it’s been around since the Nineteenth Amendment was enacted, this is where the magic happens!
When you reach your booth, another surprise to look forward to—especially if you’re a first-time visitor—is how you’ll cast your vote! Levers? Punch cards? Electronic machines? Hand-counted paper ballots? Just loudly shouting your top choice? The suspense of not being entirely confident in the method by which your vote will (or will not) be counted is one of the cheapest thrills America has to offer.
Another signature feature of Your Local Polling Place? The parties! The most popular parties are Democratic and Republican, but you don’t have the time, energy, or moral ambiguity to attend both, so choose wisely. (Sometimes there’s a third party, but in recent years everyone there seems wasted.)
To make the most of your visit to Your Local Polling Place, take a moment to soak up the surroundings of the unique venue you’ve been assigned. If it’s deep in the bowels of a church basement, feel free to say a little prayer that your candidate only commits a few crimes as President, instead of hundreds. If it’s in a high-school gym, feel free to reminisce about a time when your only worry involved avoiding dodgeball (instead of constantly fearing the world’s demise). If it’s in the local beauty salon, indulge in some self-care, babe.
If you’ve ever Googled, “What do I even wear to My Local Polling Place?,” here’s the definitive answer: anything. Dress like you just rolled out of bed; dress like you’re trying to have a constitutional meet-cute; dress like the entire nation depends on it.
Rain or shine, light snowflakes or deplorable conditions, it’s crucial that you elect to show up, vote, and receive the wokest accessory of the century—an “I Voted!” sticker, which conveniently goes with anything.
More Things to Know Before You Go
Top travel tip: If you’re the type who lives for drama, definitely wait until Election Day to vote. But if you get the opportunity to vote early or via absentee ballot, take advantage. (You still have your First Amendment right to share a gratuitous voting selfie in front of a mailbox.)
Transportation: Legs, car, bus, train, scooter, trolley, horse—anything to help you reach Your Local Polling Place! If you are the type of traveller who flies home to vote in a swing state, you’re an American hero, and we thank you for your service.
Over-all destination rating: 28/50 stars (Points were deducted for voter suppression, voter fraud, voter-I.D. laws, voter purges, and a number of other ongoing electoral controversies and concerns.)
Must be: 18+
Accepts credit cards: No
Takes reservations: No
Ambiance: Patriotic, romantic, casual—really whatever you want, just go.
Must-try: A free, lukewarm cup of watered-down coffee, if available.
Best time to visit: November


newyorker--2020-01-11--How a Journalist in Kyiv Responded to the Downing of a Ukrainian Passenger Plane

Angelina Kariakina had barely slept , in the early hours of January 8th , when her phone rang .
Kariakina is the editor-in-chief of Hromadske.TV , Ukraine ’ s independent , collectively run online-and-satellite-based television station , and before she fell asleep , she had been coördinating Hromadske ’ s coverage of Iranian missile strikes against U.S. air bases .
Now , a colleague who was on vacation in a country a few time zones ahead of Ukraine was calling to say that a Ukrainian passenger plane had crashed soon after takeoff from the Tehran airport .
Kariakina got up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is thirty-four , was in a unique position to report the story and grasp its context .
She was , until very recently , married to an Iranian-born Ukrainian citizen , and lived briefly in Tehran , in 2008 and 2009 .
Her father and an entire community of family friends are pilots .
She called her father first .
The crash was being reported as an accident—an early theory had it that an engine had caught on fire right after takeoff .
This would have been the first fatal accident in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carrier , Ukraine International Airlines .
Her father immediately questioned the official version .
He said that a Boeing 737 , which he had flown , can stay in the air for up to half an hour with one of its engines on fire , giving the pilots enough time for two attempts at landing .
Kariakina made more calls—to family friends—and they affirmed her father ’ s opinion .
She also learned that the crew included three experienced pilots .
She began to suspect that the plane had been shot down , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t advance this theory until an official source did .
( Iran has since admitted to mistakenly shooting down the plane , killing a hundred and seventy-six passengers . )
While they waited for official information about the crash , Kariakina asked a young reporter to go to the international airport outside of Kyiv to learn all she could about the eleven Ukrainian pilots , crew members , and passengers who had died in the crash .
After the reporter returned , Kariakina assigned her to report on the life and work of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editor as a go-between , the reporter communicated that she was having trouble with the story .
“ She said that she couldn ’ t sleep because every time she closed her eyes , she flashed back to her conversations with the surviving relatives of the crew , ” Kariakina told me .
“ She was upset that I was handing out these assignments so quickly , without talking them over .
My immediate reaction was outrage at her being so sensitive .
And then I thought , maybe I should be outraged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For Kariakina and her generation of Ukrainian journalists , the crash is the latest in a long line of tragedies to report on : more grief , more dead bodies , and , she fears , more that will never be known .
Her experience of life in Iran tells her just how difficult it will be to obtain full and accurate information about what happened .
( Iran initially denied that a missile was responsible for the crash . )
Her experience of working in Ukraine has taught her too well just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I feel like I live in a country of constant injustices and unanswered questions , ” Kariakina said .
She is probably best known for her coverage of the investigation and prosecution of the killing of eighty-two protesters during the 2013-14 Revolution of Dignity in Kyiv .
Kariakina and her colleague Anastasia Stanko were some of the only journalists to interview some of the special-forces officers accused in the killings while they were in pre-trial detention .
The investigation lasted more than five years , but , at the end of last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case were released on personal recognizance .
They are now believed to be living in separatist territories in eastern Ukraine , and Kariakina fears that they will never have to testify in court .
Kariakina also reported on the 2014 downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 , or MH-17 , which was shot down by Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists , killing the two hundred and ninety-eight people onboard .
Because the plane went down in territory controlled by the separatists , Ukrainian journalists could not access the site , and had to rely on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This investigation , too , dragged on for years ; a criminal trial will finally start in March , in the Netherlands , where the flight originated , and Kariakina and her colleagues will be covering it in the hopes , she said , that at least one of the recent tragedies will have its full story told .
The continuing unspooling of the story of MH-17 provides an eerie echo to the Ukraine Airlines crash ; it ’ s one of the reasons this latest tragedy has been painfully easy to absorb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ downing of a Russian airplane over the Black Sea , in 2001—that time it was a Ukrainian missile that went astray during military exercises .
Bizarre as it may seem to most people in most countries , here , the possibility that a commercial passenger plane was accidentally brought down by a surface-to-air missile is very plausible .
Kariakina thinks that this long string of apparent terrible luck has created a kind of victimhood mind-set .
“ People say , ‘ Why did MH-17 get shot down over our land ?
Why did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plane get shot down for nothing ?
’ ” For a young journalist , this is an unappealing line of questioning .
“ I don ’ t want to spend my life talking about [ Vladimir ] Putin and the Kremlin .
I would rather direct my gaze inside the country .
But it ’ s very hard to express doubt , to ask difficult questions in the face of so much grief and injustice .
It feels like we have to finish grieving first .
And so people can always tell you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to ask questions.
” The inability to tell complete stories can only compound this sense of victimhood , and the conspiracy thinking it can breed .
It can also make a whole country feel small—and it doesn ’ t help when your politics and your tragedy seem like footnotes or externalities of other countries ’ problems .
Kariakina reminded me , and perhaps herself , that Ukraine is a large European country—it occupies an area far larger than Germany and a bit larger than France , and its population is roughly equal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things , a highly developed aviation industry .
Ukraine is home to the Antonov plant , which once manufactured the largest and most powerful freight airliners in the world .
Kariakina said that she would like to report stories on the network of airports that feel like imperial leftovers , on the large numbers of highly qualified pilots , like her father , who hardly fly anymore ; , and on the aviation job market , because Ukraine International Airlines—the only airline that pays its pilots well—has only so many jobs .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sorts of things journalists tend to overlook when all they seem to cover , all the time , are dead bodies .

Angelina Kariakina had barely slept, in the early hours of January 8th, when her phone rang. Kariakina is the editor-in-chief of Hromadske.TV, Ukraine’s independent, collectively run online-and-satellite-based television station, and before she fell asleep, she had been coördinating Hromadske’s coverage of Iranian missile strikes against U.S. air bases. Now, a colleague who was on vacation in a country a few time zones ahead of Ukraine was calling to say that a Ukrainian passenger plane had crashed soon after takeoff from the Tehran airport. Kariakina got up and started reporting.
Kariakina, who is thirty-four, was in a unique position to report the story and grasp its context. She was, until very recently, married to an Iranian-born Ukrainian citizen, and lived briefly in Tehran, in 2008 and 2009. Her father and an entire community of family friends are pilots.
She called her father first. The crash was being reported as an accident—an early theory had it that an engine had caught on fire right after takeoff. This would have been the first fatal accident in the twenty-seven-year history of Ukraine’s national carrier, Ukraine International Airlines. Her father immediately questioned the official version. He said that a Boeing 737, which he had flown, can stay in the air for up to half an hour with one of its engines on fire, giving the pilots enough time for two attempts at landing. Kariakina made more calls—to family friends—and they affirmed her father’s opinion. She also learned that the crew included three experienced pilots. She began to suspect that the plane had been shot down, but she felt that Hromadske couldn’t advance this theory until an official source did. (Iran has since admitted to mistakenly shooting down the plane, killing a hundred and seventy-six passengers.)
While they waited for official information about the crash, Kariakina asked a young reporter to go to the international airport outside of Kyiv to learn all she could about the eleven Ukrainian pilots, crew members, and passengers who had died in the crash. After the reporter returned, Kariakina assigned her to report on the life and work of flight attendants in general. Using another editor as a go-between, the reporter communicated that she was having trouble with the story. “She said that she couldn’t sleep because, every time she closed her eyes, she flashed back to her conversations with the surviving relatives of the crew,” Kariakina told me. “She was upset that I was handing out these assignments so quickly, without talking them over. My immediate reaction was outrage at her being so sensitive. And then I thought, Maybe I should be outraged at myself” for being insensitive.
For Kariakina and her generation of Ukrainian journalists, the crash is the latest in a long line of tragedies to report on: more grief, more dead bodies, and, she fears, more that will never be known. Her experience of life in Iran tells her just how difficult it will be to obtain full and accurate information about what happened. (Iran initially denied that a missile was responsible for the crash.) Her experience of working in Ukraine has taught her too well just how damaging not knowing can be. “I feel like I live in a country of constant injustices and unanswered questions,” Kariakina said.
She is probably best known for her coverage of the investigation and prosecution of the killing of eighty-two protesters during the 2013-14 Revolution of Dignity in Kyiv. Kariakina and her colleague Anastasia Stanko were some of the only journalists to interview some of the special-forces officers accused in the killings while they were in pre-trial detention. The investigation lasted more than five years, but, at the end of last year, the five defendants in the case were released on personal recognizance. They are now believed to be living in separatist territories in eastern Ukraine, and Kariakina fears that they will never have to testify in court.
Kariakina also reported on the 2014 downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17, or MH-17, which was shot down by Russian-backed separatists, killing the two hundred and ninety-eight people onboard. Because the plane went down in territory controlled by the separatists, Ukrainian journalists could not access the site, and had to rely on information passed on by Western colleagues. This investigation, too, dragged on for years; a criminal trial will finally start in March, in the Netherlands, where the flight originated, and Kariakina and her colleagues will be covering it in the hopes, she said, that at least one of the recent tragedies will have its full story told.
The continuing unspooling of the story of MH-17 provides an eerie echo to the Ukraine Airlines crash; it’s one of the reasons this latest tragedy has been painfully easy to absorb. Many people here also remember the downing of a Russian airplane over the Black Sea, in 2001—that time it was a Ukrainian missile that went astray during military exercises. Bizarre as it may seem to most people in most countries, here, the possibility that a commercial passenger plane was accidentally brought down by a surface-to-air missile is very plausible.
Kariakina thinks that this long string of apparent terrible luck has created a kind of victimhood mind-set. “People say, ‘Why did MH-17 get shot down over our land? Why did Russia attack us? Why did our plane get shot down for nothing?’ ” For a young journalist, this is an unappealing line of questioning. “I don’t want to spend my life talking about [Vladimir] Putin and the Kremlin. I would rather direct my gaze inside the country. But it’s very hard to express doubt, to ask difficult questions in the face of so much grief and injustice. It feels like we have to finish grieving first. And so people can always tell you that it’s not the right time to ask questions.”
The inability to tell complete stories can only compound this sense of victimhood, and the conspiracy thinking it can breed. It can also make a whole country feel small—and it doesn’t help when your politics and your tragedy seem like footnotes or externalities of other countries’ problems. Kariakina reminded me, and perhaps herself, that Ukraine is a large European country—it occupies an area far larger than Germany and a bit larger than France, and its population is roughly equal to that of Spain—with, among other things, a highly developed aviation industry. Ukraine is home to the Antonov plant, which once manufactured the largest and most powerful freight airliners in the world. Kariakina said that she would like to report stories on the network of airports that feel like imperial leftovers, on the large numbers of highly qualified pilots, like her father, who hardly fly anymore;, and on the aviation job market, because Ukraine International Airlines—the only airline that pays its pilots well—has only so many jobs. But the loss of wealth and dignity are the sorts of things journalists tend to overlook when all they seem to cover, all the time, are dead bodies.


newyorker--2020-01-11--Haiti Faces Difficult Questions Ten Years After a Devastating Earthquake

This past December , as what would have been my mother ’ s eighty-fourth birthday approached , I kept dreaming of death .
In the most frequent of these dreams , my mother , who died , of ovarian cancer , in October , 2014 , in Miami , is telling me to run out of the single-story house where I spent most of my childhood , in Port-au-Prince , before the house falls on top of me and several members of my family .
I knew why I was having these dreams .
The anniversary of the 7.0-magnitude earthquake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2010—levelling parts of Port-au-Prince and the surrounding areas , and leading to thousands of deaths , including those of several friends and family members—was coming .
And sometimes anniversaries hurt .
You feel them in inexplicable aches in your body , or in a general unease that you keep trying to shake until you realize , yes , it is that time of year .
Again .
This past year , there has been a lot more than usual to worry about .
Haitians have been protesting against President Jovenel Moïse since July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrating against fuel hikes , corruption , and other systemic problems , such as high rates of unemployment , spiking inflation , currency devaluation , and extrajudicial killings , some of which have been linked to government officials .
Between September and early December , 2019 , the country was on an extended lockdown , or peyi lòk .
Forty-two protesters were reported to have died during that time , and more than eighty injured .
Nearly two million students could not go to school .
Health care , already a challenge , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has intensified .
Greater food insecurity looms ahead .
The President refuses to resign .
Haitian opposition leaders , some belonging to Moïse ’ s own political party , have vowed to keep protesting , but most parliamentarians ’ terms will expire on January 13th , and , since no legislative elections have been held , the President can soon rule by decree .
This is only one snapshot of the Haiti that will commemorate the tenth anniversary of its most catastrophic natural disaster this Sunday .
For some Haitians , in addition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and chronic problems , the anniversary might make them feel as though they ’ re still being attacked , both literally and figuratively , by the soil .
This is how one older family member who survived the earthquake once described the early , single-digit anniversaries to me .
This is how I imagine one younger relative might have felt after losing several toes to part of a collapsed wall in the earthquake , only to nearly die again last year after being shot by another young man who wanted his motorcycle .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a story often shared by Marie Guerda Nicolas , a Haitian-American clinical-psychology professor at the University of Miami School of Education and Human Development , and one of the founders of Rebati Santé Mentale , an organization collaborating with mental-health workers in Haiti .
Soon after the earthquake , Nicolas was in the western coastal town of Léogâne , my mother ’ s birthplace and the epicenter of the quake .
Nicolas met a woman who , after searching with other distraught parents through the rubble of her eight-year-old daughter ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s legs , which she recognized by the style and color of the shoes and socks the girl had been wearing that day .
The woman took the leg home , washed it , and laid it on her daughter ’ s still-intact bed .
Eventually , Nicolas persuaded the woman to bury the leg .
I think , too , of a discussion I had with family members in Port-au-Prince when they called to inform me that a loved one ’ s torso had been found .
The decision was made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where he ’ d died , but the horror of suddenly spotting his favorite shirt , after days of searching for him in the rubble , still haunts his surviving children .
Sorrowful anniversaries also inevitably make us wonder what might have been .
What if three hundred and sixteen thousand people—the death count , according to government estimates—had not perished ?
What might they have contributed to their communities , their country ?
What if Haiti had actually been “ built back better , ” as President Bill Clinton , who served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Special Envoy for Haiti , international co-chair of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission , and one of the two Presidential faces of the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund , had often promised ?
What if the $ 13.5 billion in pledged and donated funds had actually been disbursed and invested in improving the lives of most Haitians , creating genuine paths for a better future ?
What if more seismic-resistant homes , hospitals , schools , and universities had been built , or rebuilt , to reduce future casualties ?
What if rural entrepreneurs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peasant farmers—who face the brunt of diminishing food production , environmental degradation , deadly hurricanes , and climate change—had been integral players in the reconstruction plans ?
What if .
.
.
?
Many of my family members in Haiti often refer to the country ’ s current political and economic challenges as another earthquake , one with no foreseeable end .
I was in a supermarket in Miami ’ s Little Haiti neighborhood on the afternoon of January 12 , 2010 , when news of the earthquake broke .
I tried calling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then I called my mother , in New York .
Between crying and praying , she , too , was trying to reach everyone she knew in Port-au-Prince and Léogâne .
“ What will the country be like now ?
” she kept asking me , something she did each time yet another tragedy had befallen Haiti .
“ Ten , twenty years from now , what will the country be like ?
” On this anniversary , like all the others to follow , Haitians must ultimately decide .

This past December, as what would have been my mother’s eighty-fourth birthday approached, I kept dreaming of death. In the most frequent of these dreams, my mother, who died, of ovarian cancer, in October, 2014, in Miami, is telling me to run out of the single-story house where I spent most of my childhood, in Port-au-Prince, before the house falls on top of me and several members of my family.
I knew why I was having these dreams. The anniversary of the 7.0-magnitude earthquake that struck Haiti on January 12, 2010—levelling parts of Port-au-Prince and the surrounding areas, and leading to thousands of deaths, including those of several friends and family members—was coming. And sometimes anniversaries hurt. You feel them in inexplicable aches in your body, or in a general unease that you keep trying to shake until you realize, yes, it is that time of year. Again.
This past year, there has been a lot more than usual to worry about. Haitians have been protesting against President Jovenel Moïse since July 6, 2018. They have been demonstrating against fuel hikes, corruption, and other systemic problems, such as high rates of unemployment, spiking inflation, currency devaluation, and extrajudicial killings, some of which have been linked to government officials. Between September and early December, 2019, the country was on an extended lockdown, or peyi lòk. Forty-two protesters were reported to have died during that time, and more than eighty injured. Nearly two million students could not go to school. Health care, already a challenge, became harder to access. Gang violence has intensified. Greater food insecurity looms ahead. The President refuses to resign. Haitian opposition leaders, some belonging to Moïse’s own political party, have vowed to keep protesting, but most parliamentarians’ terms will expire on January 13th, and, since no legislative elections have been held, the President can soon rule by decree.
This is only one snapshot of the Haiti that will commemorate the tenth anniversary of its most catastrophic natural disaster this Sunday. For some Haitians, in addition to navigating the country’s current and chronic problems, the anniversary might make them feel as though they’re still being attacked, both literally and figuratively, by the soil. This is how one older family member who survived the earthquake once described the early, single-digit anniversaries to me. This is how I imagine one younger relative might have felt after losing several toes to part of a collapsed wall in the earthquake, only to nearly die again last year after being shot by another young man who wanted his motorcycle.
Sorrowful anniversaries magnify absence. I think of a story often shared by Marie Guerda Nicolas, a Haitian-American clinical-psychology professor at the University of Miami School of Education and Human Development, and one of the founders of Rebati Santé Mentale, an organization collaborating with mental-health workers in Haiti. Soon after the earthquake, Nicolas was in the western coastal town of Léogâne, my mother’s birthplace and the epicenter of the quake. Nicolas met a woman who, after searching with other distraught parents through the rubble of her eight-year-old daughter’s school, found one of her daughter’s legs, which she recognized by the style and color of the shoes and socks the girl had been wearing that day. The woman took the leg home, washed it, and laid it on her daughter’s still-intact bed. Eventually, Nicolas persuaded the woman to bury the leg.
I think, too, of a discussion I had with family members in Port-au-Prince when they called to inform me that a loved one’s torso had been found. The decision was made to bury him immediately near the site where he’d died, but the horror of suddenly spotting his favorite shirt, after days of searching for him in the rubble, still haunts his surviving children.
Sorrowful anniversaries also inevitably make us wonder what might have been. What if three hundred and sixteen thousand people—the death count, according to government estimates—had not perished? What might they have contributed to their communities, their country? What if Haiti had actually been “built back better,” as President Bill Clinton, who served in a triple role as United Nations Special Envoy for Haiti, international co-chair of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, and one of the two Presidential faces of the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund, had often promised? What if the $13.5 billion in pledged and donated funds had actually been disbursed and invested in improving the lives of most Haitians, creating genuine paths for a better future? What if more seismic-resistant homes, hospitals, schools, and universities had been built, or rebuilt, to reduce future casualties? What if rural entrepreneurs, women’s organizations, and peasant farmers—who face the brunt of diminishing food production, environmental degradation, deadly hurricanes, and climate change—had been integral players in the reconstruction plans? What if . . . ?
Many of my family members in Haiti often refer to the country’s current political and economic challenges as another earthquake, one with no foreseeable end. I was in a supermarket in Miami’s Little Haiti neighborhood on the afternoon of January 12, 2010, when news of the earthquake broke. I tried calling friends and family members in Haiti, and then I called my mother, in New York. Between crying and praying, she, too, was trying to reach everyone she knew in Port-au-Prince and Léogâne.
“What will the country be like now?” she kept asking me, something she did each time yet another tragedy had befallen Haiti. “Ten, twenty years from now, what will the country be like?” On this anniversary, like all the others to follow, Haitians must ultimately decide.


newyorker--2020-01-11--The Path-Less-Travelled Hollywood Cemetery Tour

Hollywood Forever Cemetery is the final resting place of countless silver-screen stars—but it ’ s also home to some lesser-known characters who played a part in the diverse history that makes Hollywood what it is today .
William Tallchief ( 1884-1940 ) began acting as a way to deepen public understanding of the issues facing indigenous peoples and to promote Native American sovereignty .
His breakout role in “ My Favorite Savage ” made him America ’ s Favorite Savage , a nickname he worked the rest of his days to shed .
Tallchief used his celebrity to raise awareness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even travelling to our nation ’ s capital to work with F.D.R .
to improve federal-Indian relations .
Though none of that legislation came to fruition , Tallchief was the first Native American to receive billing equal to Tom Mix ’ s favorite steed , Tony the Wonder Horse .
Carmen Ramirez ( 1921-1965 ) was known as the Wettest Girl in Hollywood and appeared in more than seventy-two films , working primarily as Esther Williams ’ s body double .
Born with a congenital anomaly that resulted in an enlarged lung , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for more than six minutes .
Her ability to spend extended periods of time underwater made her uniquely qualified to handle on-set issues with swimming-pool lighting and filtration systems , earning her bonus pay as an electrician .
It was while repairing faulty lighting on the set of “ Skirts Ahoy ” that Ramirez suffered her first of seventeen electric shocks .
Although the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers did not admit women , or those of Latin heritage , Ramirez was made an honorary member after her death .
Tommy Thompson ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ranchito Motel on Vineland , a hush-hush hideaway frequented by studio moguls and the leather-clad bad boys of the nineteen-fifties .
A genial host , Thompson presided over the pansexual playground and took pride in his legendary matchmaking skills .
Known for his loyalty and discretion , Thompson always had your back , unless you were a victim of one of the countless sex crimes that allegedly took place at his roadside rough house .
Jorge Hernández ( 1915-1967 ) was working as a busboy at Chasen ’ s the night Lana Turner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at one of the upscale eatery ’ s famed Charleston contests .
Not only did she take home the first-prize shrimp-cocktail goblet but she also took home Hernández , and in no time gossip columns were teeming with upside-down exclamation points introducing the world to her lover from south of the border .
Trendsetter that Turner was , the summer of 1946 saw a run on swarthy boy toys .
Chasen ’ s capitalized on Hernández ’ s newfound celebrity , promoting him to maître d ’ and adding guacamole to the menu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t last , and , when their dalliance concluded , it is said that Hernández died of a broken heart—although more likely the cause was syphilis , for which he was unable to get medical treatment after being fired from Chasen ’ s for seating King Vidor too close to the kitchen .
Warwick Pemberton III ( 1890-1965 ) was the only Academy Award winner in the short-lived category of Cosmetic Phrenology .
He won the soon-to-be rescinded award for his work on the film “ Doctor Murder.
” A firm believer that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and morality , he shaped the heads and minds of Hollywood .
When phrenology fell out of fashion , he began practicing cranioscopy , ear candling , and something he called aureolaology , but was eventually arrested for practicing medicine without a license .
Many of the instruments seized from his clinic had been stolen from movie sets and were made of cardboard .
Eunice Bland ( 1908–1973 ) , who is now heralded as a pioneer in the world of animation , began her career as one of the few female inkers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The detail work took its toll on the inkers , but , before she went completely blind , Bland developed a method for mass-producing cel animation , increasing the studio ’ s output exponentially .
However , as an employee of the studio , Bland ’ s invention was the property of the studio head , Donald Fapp , who promptly claimed the patent for himself .
Fapp didn ’ t share the royalties with Bland but did keep her on until after the war , when the studio fired all the women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , married her cousin , never to return to animation , but she will always be remembered through her delightful short “ Eek , My Underwear !
” Merv Alpert ( 1902-2003 ) served as the first Mayor ( unofficial title ) of Hollywood ( unincorporated township ) .
As a real-estate developer , Alpert replaced acres of orange groves with luxury hotels and studio lots in the heyday of La La Land and , subsequently , replaced those lots and hotels with the muffler shops and urgent-care centers of today .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Hollywood ’ s first tourist attractions , the Sidewalk of Stars , a mile-long stretch of Hollywood Boulevard that featured the faces of celebrities sculpted into the sidewalk in bas-relief .
The three-dimensional renderings were artistically impressive but less than practical , resulting in a series of trip-and-fall lawsuits , nearly bankrupting him .
But Alpert never fell out of love with Hollywood and eventually made his fortune in airport shot glasses .
Lillian and Eleanor Wright ( 1925-1937 ) were pudgy twins best known for playing Shirley Temple ’ s younger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All Night.
” Despite the fame differential , the three girls became fast friends , sharing not only a love of penny candy but also a rare blood type .
That proved fortuitous when the young Miss Temple needed emergency surgery .
The clandestine procedure was a success thanks to a donation of massive amounts of blood from Lillian and Eleanor .
They passed away due to complications from the surgery , but their gift to the silver screen lives on in “ Little Miss Miracle .
”

Hollywood Forever Cemetery is the final resting place of countless silver-screen stars—but it’s also home to some lesser-known characters who played a part in the diverse history that makes Hollywood what it is today.
William Tallchief (1884-1940) began acting as a way to deepen public understanding of the issues facing indigenous peoples and to promote Native American sovereignty. His breakout role in “My Favorite Savage” made him America’s Favorite Savage, a nickname he worked the rest of his days to shed. Tallchief used his celebrity to raise awareness about the injustices facing indigenous communities, even travelling to our nation’s capital to work with F.D.R. to improve federal-Indian relations. Though none of that legislation came to fruition, Tallchief was the first Native American to receive billing equal to Tom Mix’s favorite steed, Tony the Wonder Horse.
Carmen Ramirez (1921-1965) was known as the Wettest Girl in Hollywood and appeared in more than seventy-two films, working primarily as Esther Williams’s body double. Born with a congenital anomaly that resulted in an enlarged lung, Ramirez was able to hold her breath for more than six minutes. Her ability to spend extended periods of time underwater made her uniquely qualified to handle on-set issues with swimming-pool lighting and filtration systems, earning her bonus pay as an electrician. It was while repairing faulty lighting on the set of “Skirts Ahoy” that Ramirez suffered her first of seventeen electric shocks. Although the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers did not admit women, or those of Latin heritage, Ramirez was made an honorary member after her death.
Tommy Thompson (1920-2003) owned and operated the El Ranchito Motel on Vineland, a hush-hush hideaway frequented by studio moguls and the leather-clad bad boys of the nineteen-fifties. A genial host, Thompson presided over the pansexual playground and took pride in his legendary matchmaking skills. Known for his loyalty and discretion, Thompson always had your back, unless you were a victim of one of the countless sex crimes that allegedly took place at his roadside rough house.
Jorge Hernández (1915-1967) was working as a busboy at Chasen’s the night Lana Turner chose him to be her dance partner at one of the upscale eatery’s famed Charleston contests. Not only did she take home the first-prize shrimp-cocktail goblet but she also took home Hernández, and in no time gossip columns were teeming with upside-down exclamation points introducing the world to her lover from south of the border. Trendsetter that Turner was, the summer of 1946 saw a run on swarthy boy toys. Chasen’s capitalized on Hernández’s newfound celebrity, promoting him to maître d’ and adding guacamole to the menu. But Lana and Jorge didn’t last, and, when their dalliance concluded, it is said that Hernández died of a broken heart—although more likely the cause was syphilis, for which he was unable to get medical treatment after being fired from Chasen’s for seating King Vidor too close to the kitchen.
Warwick Pemberton III (1890-1965) was the only Academy Award winner in the short-lived category of Cosmetic Phrenology. He won the soon-to-be rescinded award for his work on the film “Doctor Murder.” A firm believer that skull size was an indication of character and morality, he shaped the heads and minds of Hollywood. When phrenology fell out of fashion, he began practicing cranioscopy, ear candling, and something he called aureolaology, but was eventually arrested for practicing medicine without a license. Many of the instruments seized from his clinic had been stolen from movie sets and were made of cardboard.
Eunice Bland (1908–1973), who is now heralded as a pioneer in the world of animation, began her career as one of the few female inkers at the legendary Toon Town Studios. The detail work took its toll on the inkers, but, before she went completely blind, Bland developed a method for mass-producing cel animation, increasing the studio’s output exponentially. However, as an employee of the studio, Bland’s invention was the property of the studio head, Donald Fapp, who promptly claimed the patent for himself. Fapp didn’t share the royalties with Bland but did keep her on until after the war, when the studio fired all the women. Bland, by then legally blind, married her cousin, never to return to animation, but she will always be remembered through her delightful short “Eek, My Underwear!”
Merv Alpert (1902-2003) served as the first Mayor (unofficial title) of Hollywood (unincorporated township). As a real-estate developer, Alpert replaced acres of orange groves with luxury hotels and studio lots in the heyday of La La Land and, subsequently, replaced those lots and hotels with the muffler shops and urgent-care centers of today. A self-described marketing genius, Alpert created one of Hollywood’s first tourist attractions, the Sidewalk of Stars, a mile-long stretch of Hollywood Boulevard that featured the faces of celebrities sculpted into the sidewalk in bas-relief. The three-dimensional renderings were artistically impressive but less than practical, resulting in a series of trip-and-fall lawsuits, nearly bankrupting him. But Alpert never fell out of love with Hollywood and eventually made his fortune in airport shot glasses.
Lillian and Eleanor Wright (1925-1937) were pudgy twins best known for playing Shirley Temple’s younger sisters in 1933’s “Up All Night.” Despite the fame differential, the three girls became fast friends, sharing not only a love of penny candy but also a rare blood type. That proved fortuitous when the young Miss Temple needed emergency surgery. The clandestine procedure was a success thanks to a donation of massive amounts of blood from Lillian and Eleanor. They passed away due to complications from the surgery, but their gift to the silver screen lives on in “Little Miss Miracle.”