stillnessinthestorm--2020-12-21--Four Subtle Forms of Psychological Abuse

( Exploring Your Mind ) The subtle forms of psychological abuse are dangerous due to their very nature .
They often go unnoticed at the beginning and a victim doesn ’ t notice them until they ’ re already causing them a lot of damage .
As you can see , information is the best form of prevention against it .
Related Is It All a Lie ?
Leaked Video Child Victims ( Video ) The subtle forms of psychological abuse are often hard to identify .
They can be dangerous due to their seemingly harmless nature .
However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and leave negative emotional efforts .
So what are they ?
Today ’ s article will discuss four subtle forms of abuse that can occur in any relationship context .
You ’ ll also read about the signs that can help you identify them , paying special attention to their consequences on the victims .
It ’ s common to reference the most obvious forms of psychological abuse .
However , the subtle forms are often covert , ambiguous , and , thus , people may be more generous in their interpretation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , people often think the aggressor wants to help .
Research suggests that subtle forms of abuse are much more common than others that leave more evident signs , such as physical abuse .
However , the damage these subtle forms of abuse cause may be deeper in the long run .
The difficulty in identifying the aggression , the repressed feelings , and the silence they produce don ’ t lead to intervention until later on .
Therefore , it makes it harder to get out of a situation or even reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuse may come in the form of ” harmless ” comments .
Others come as discounting , humiliating , blackmailing , and attempts to control you .
This type of aggression can occur in different contexts , such as in a romantic relationship , parents and children , and even in other types of bonds such as friendships .
Also , one of the characteristics of these subtle forms of abuse is that they generate specific feelings and sensations in the victim .
Generally , they make them feel unworthy of love , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may even develop a strong disregard for their own well-being .
This is a subtle form of abuse .
Its actions aim to ignore the victim by not talking to them and acting like they ’ re not even there .
This is covert blackmail and the aggressor won ’ t stop being indifferent until the other person gives in to their wishes .
The silent treatment reveals the emotional immaturity of the aggressor and their poor communication skills .
The consequences for their victim can be quite damaging .
This is because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sadness , anger , and , above all , anxiety .
The victim blames themselves for the situation ; they don ’ t understand why they ’ re being treated that way .
The gaslighting of the popular Hollywood movies of the same name is one of the most subtle forms of abuse .
Its main characteristic is that the abuser makes their victim doubt their own judgment and even their own perception or recollection of certain events .
In this form of blackmail , the aggressor alludes to the fact that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situations they ’ ve experienced , either consciously or unconsciously .
Thus , the victim will stop defending their position in an argument when they begin to doubt whether things really happened as they remember them .
This situation usually repeats over time and badly hurts the victim ’ s self-confidence .
They end up in a situation of extreme vulnerability to their aggressor .
The consequences of these subtle forms of abuse include strong feelings of dependency , feelings of depersonalization , and loss of control .
Victims of gaslighting often report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their lives .
This one has nothing to do with protecting .
In fact , the care provided has a limiting effect on the victims in these subtle forms of abuse .
In other words , this protection is detrimental to the victim ’ s autonomy and is a negligent form of parental-like behavior .
Overprotection comes in many forms : from a low capacity to set clear limits to vetoing the victim ’ s initiatives or avoiding any kind of frustration at all costs .
The consequences of these actions generate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dependence on their aggressor , and low tolerance to frustration .
As you can imagine , it limits the victim ’ s daily life .
This is one of the subtle forms of abuse that can occur in various contexts .
However , it usually happens in separated couples with mutual children .
Some separated parents do their best to get a child ’ s unconditional loyalty .
Of course , loyalty to one implies disloyalty to the other .
It ’ s common for parents to devalue the figure of their ex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the child in the role of judge , or make them feel guilty for enjoying their other parent .
The consequences of this type of abuse in children are associated with anxiety , somatization , and can seriously compromise their emotional stability .
Subtle forms of abuse , a little at a time Subtle forms of abuse are characterized by ambiguity .
However , they ’ re more common than other more notorious types of abuse .
Also , they can lead to rather harmful effects on a victim in the long term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s prognosis .
As a refresher , the silent treatment is based on behaviors aimed at ignoring the victim in order to manipulate their behavior .
In the same way , gaslighting diminishes a person ’ s self-confidence .
These subtle forms of abuse , common in romantic relationships , lead to fear , anger , and anxiety in the victims .
Overprotection and conflict of loyalties are more common in parent-child family contexts .
Parents create protective types of behavior that limit the autonomy of their children and make them feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usually perpetrated by parents who pressure children to pick their side .
Subtle forms of abuse are like the drops that fall repeatedly on a rock .
In other words , it ’ s a collection of little things .
They wouldn ’ t cause harm on their own but can do a lot of damage when maintained over time .
The greatest danger of these corrosive formulas lies in the difficulty of identifying them .
Hence , information is one of the most important things to prevent them .
Stillness in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this ?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world , which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom .
The news also serves as a social connection tool , as we tend to relate to those who know about and believe the things we do .
With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand , the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper .
Not sure how to make sense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to discern like a pro ?
Read this essential guide to discernment , analysis of claims , and understanding the truth in a world of deception : 4 Key Steps of Discernment – Advanced Truth-Seeking Tools .
Stillness in the Storm Editor ’ s note : Did you find a spelling error or grammatical mistake ?
Send an email to corrections @ stillnessinthestorm.com , with the error and suggested correction , along with the headline and url .
Do you think this article needs an update ?
Or do you just have some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sitsshow @ gmail.com .
Thank you for reading .

Spread the love
(Exploring Your Mind) The subtle forms of psychological abuse are dangerous due to their very nature. They often go unnoticed at the beginning and a victim doesn’t notice them until they’re already causing them a lot of damage. As you can see, information is the best form of prevention against it.
Related
Source – Exploring Your Mind
by Staff Writer, November 23rd, 2020
The subtle forms of psychological abuse are often hard to identify. They can be dangerous due to their seemingly harmless nature. However, these types of behaviors gradually undermine victims and leave negative emotional efforts. So what are they?
Today’s article will discuss four subtle forms of abuse that can occur in any relationship context. You’ll also read about the signs that can help you identify them, paying special attention to their consequences on the victims.
The subtle forms of psychological abuse
It’s common to reference the most obvious forms of psychological abuse. However, the subtle forms are often covert, ambiguous, and, thus, people may be more generous in their interpretation of an aggressor’s intentions. Thus, people often think the aggressor wants to help.
Research suggests that subtle forms of abuse are much more common than others that leave more evident signs, such as physical abuse. However, the damage these subtle forms of abuse cause may be deeper in the long run.
The difficulty in identifying the aggression, the repressed feelings, and the silence they produce don’t lead to intervention until later on. Therefore, it makes it harder to get out of a situation or even reverse it.
The subtle forms of psychological abuse may come in the form of” harmless” comments. Others come as discounting, humiliating, blackmailing, and attempts to control you. This type of aggression can occur in different contexts, such as in a romantic relationship, parents and children, and even in other types of bonds such as friendships.
Also, one of the characteristics of these subtle forms of abuse is that they generate specific feelings and sensations in the victim. Generally, they make them feel unworthy of love, guilty of many situations, and they may even develop a strong disregard for their own well-being.
1. The silent treatment
This is a subtle form of abuse. Its actions aim to ignore the victim by not talking to them and acting like they’re not even there. This is covert blackmail and the aggressor won’t stop being indifferent until the other person gives in to their wishes.
The silent treatment reveals the emotional immaturity of the aggressor and their poor communication skills. The consequences for their victim can be quite damaging. This is because being ignored leads to feelings of fear, sadness, anger, and, above all, anxiety. The victim blames themselves for the situation; they don’t understand why they’re being treated that way.
2. Gaslighting
The gaslighting of the popular Hollywood movies of the same name is one of the most subtle forms of abuse. Its main characteristic is that the abuser makes their victim doubt their own judgment and even their own perception or recollection of certain events.
In this form of blackmail, the aggressor alludes to the fact that the victim has imagined or exaggerated certain situations they’ve experienced, either consciously or unconsciously. Thus, the victim will stop defending their position in an argument when they begin to doubt whether things really happened as they remember them. This situation usually repeats over time and badly hurts the victim’s self-confidence. They end up in a situation of extreme vulnerability to their aggressor.
The consequences of these subtle forms of abuse include strong feelings of dependency, feelings of depersonalization, and loss of control. Victims of gaslighting often report feelings of going crazy or losing control of their lives.
3. Overprotection
This one has nothing to do with protecting. In fact, the care provided has a limiting effect on the victims in these subtle forms of abuse. In other words, this protection is detrimental to the victim’s autonomy and is a negligent form of parental-like behavior.
Overprotection comes in many forms: from a low capacity to set clear limits to vetoing the victim’s initiatives or avoiding any kind of frustration at all costs. The consequences of these actions generate feelings of fear in a person, dependence on their aggressor, and low tolerance to frustration. As you can imagine, it limits the victim’s daily life.
4. The conflict of loyalty
This is one of the subtle forms of abuse that can occur in various contexts. However, it usually happens in separated couples with mutual children. Some separated parents do their best to get a child’s unconditional loyalty. Of course, loyalty to one implies disloyalty to the other.
It’s common for parents to devalue the figure of their ex in front of their children, place the child in the role of judge, or make them feel guilty for enjoying their other parent.
The consequences of this type of abuse in children are associated with anxiety, somatization, and can seriously compromise their emotional stability.
Subtle forms of abuse, a little at a time
Subtle forms of abuse are characterized by ambiguity. However, they’re more common than other more notorious types of abuse. Also, they can lead to rather harmful effects on a victim in the long term. These conditions can worsen a victim’s prognosis.
As a refresher, the silent treatment is based on behaviors aimed at ignoring the victim in order to manipulate their behavior. In the same way, gaslighting diminishes a person’s self-confidence. These subtle forms of abuse, common in romantic relationships, lead to fear, anger, and anxiety in the victims.
Overprotection and conflict of loyalties are more common in parent-child family contexts. Parents create protective types of behavior that limit the autonomy of their children and make them feel helpless. This type of abuse is usually perpetrated by parents who pressure children to pick their side.
Subtle forms of abuse are like the drops that fall repeatedly on a rock. In other words, it’s a collection of little things. They wouldn’t cause harm on their own but can do a lot of damage when maintained over time.
The greatest danger of these corrosive formulas lies in the difficulty of identifying them. Hence, information is one of the most important things to prevent them.
Stillness in the Storm Editor: Why did we post this?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world, which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom. The news also serves as a social connection tool, as we tend to relate to those who know about and believe the things we do. With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand, the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper.
– Justin
Not sure how to make sense of this? Want to learn how to discern like a pro? Read this essential guide to discernment, analysis of claims, and understanding the truth in a world of deception: 4 Key Steps of Discernment – Advanced Truth-Seeking Tools.
Stillness in the Storm Editor’s note: Did you find a spelling error or grammatical mistake? Send an email to corrections@stillnessinthestorm.com, with the error and suggested correction, along with the headline and url. Do you think this article needs an update? Or do you just have some feedback? Send us an email at sitsshow@gmail.com. Thank you for reading.
Source:
https://exploringyourmind.com/four-subtle-forms-of-psychological-abuse/


stillnessinthestorm--2020-12-22--Experts warn mRNA shots could cause irreversible genetic damage

( Cassie B . )
There are plenty of reasons to avoid the many COVID-19 vaccines that are being pushed on us , but Robert F. Kennedy Jr. of Children ’ s Health Defense recently drew attention to some of the most concerning aspects of these vaccines .
Related Will All The Name-Brand People Who Pushed The Russian Collusion Conspiracy Get Off Scot-Free ?
Chief among his concerns is the fact that the messenger RNA , or mRNA , vaccines are the first vaccines in history to intervene directly in patients ’ genetic material and alter it , posing problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and morality .
These vaccines involve injecting a sequence of genetic RNA material that was made in a lab into the body , where it invades the cells and takes over their protein-generating ribosomes to produce the coronavirus ’ s famous spike protein that gives it the crown-like appearance that inspired its name .
Then , your body should , at least in theory , be trained to fight the virus if it encounters it later .
In short , these vaccines turn your body ’ s cells into factories that create proteins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mRNA vaccines are being hailed in some quarters for their breakthrough technology , and while they do have some advantages over traditional vaccines , the fact remains that we simply do not know anything about their long-term effects .
While we definitely don ’ t want to downplay how devastating this disease can be to a small percentage of patients , the massive vaccination campaigns that many countries around the world wish to embark upon could be putting a huge percentage of the population at risk of a slew of unknown problems .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts have acknowledged that there are lots of unknown and unique risks involved in mRNA vaccines , including local and systemic inflammatory responses that may spur autoimmune conditions , cancer or organ damage .
Another worry is the potential for mRNA vaccines to be maliciously deployed to trick a person ’ s body into attacking critical functions like cell repair , fertility and neurological function .
There ’ s also the fact that mRNA is extremely fragile , so some vaccines , such as the Pfizer vaccine , have to be kept at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoil and be rendered ineffective – and those receiving the shots will really have no way of knowing if they were stored properly .
We also don ’ t know if people will be able to enjoy an immune response that offers enough protection from the disease ; if it does , it is not clear how long any immunity would last .
Individuals who get vaccinated may engage in risky behaviors because they believe they are immune when they might not actually be , and the results could be devastating .
Moreover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can cause would be irreversible and irreparable .
Genetic defects simply can not be removed from the body .
Dr. Wolfgang Wodarg , a German physician and epidemiologist , said : “ In fact , this ‘ promising vaccine ’ for the vast majority of people should be FORBIDDEN , because it is genetic manipulation !
” Vice Chair and General Counsel for Children ’ s Health Defense Mary Holland warned : “ New vaccine technology will likely mean new kinds of vaccine injuries .
Because there ’ s never been a licensed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t know what injuries are going to look like .
In that the vaccines were developed so quickly , with such short clinical trials , the long-term injuries are a complete unknown.
” She and others are worried that this new technology and the looser requirements for fast-track approvals , along with the general panic about the disease , is a recipe for unprecedented numbers of vaccine injuries , and many of them could be serious .
The side effects of such a vaccine might take months or even years to become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already be too late for much of the population .
You are Everything Body For Awareness Project : Your body , your clothes , your truth .
On Sale Now .
Stillness in the Storm Editor : Why did we post this ?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world , which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom .
The news also serves as a social connection tool , as we tend to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe the things we do .
With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand , the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper .
Not sure how to make sense of this ?
Want to learn how to discern like a pro ?
Read this essential guide to discernment , analysis of claims , and understanding the truth in a world of deception : 4 Key Steps of Discernment – Advanced Truth-Seeking Tools .
Stillness in the Storm Editor ’ s note : Did you find a spelling error @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to corrections @ stillnessinthestorm.com , with the error and suggested correction , along with the headline and url .
Do you think this article needs an update ?
Or do you just have some feedback ?
Send us an email at sitsshow @ gmail.com .
Thank you for reading .

Spread the love
(Cassie B.) There are plenty of reasons to avoid the many COVID-19 vaccines that are being pushed on us, but Robert F. Kennedy Jr. of Children’s Health Defense recently drew attention to some of the most concerning aspects of these vaccines.
Related
Source – Natural News
by Cassie B., December 3rd, 2020
Chief among his concerns is the fact that the messenger RNA, or mRNA, vaccines are the first vaccines in history to intervene directly in patients’ genetic material and alter it, posing problems when it comes to health, ethics and morality.
These vaccines involve injecting a sequence of genetic RNA material that was made in a lab into the body, where it invades the cells and takes over their protein-generating ribosomes to produce the coronavirus’s famous spike protein that gives it the crown-like appearance that inspired its name. Then, your body should, at least in theory, be trained to fight the virus if it encounters it later. In short, these vaccines turn your body’s cells into factories that create proteins that spur a pathogen-specific immune response.
mRNA vaccines are being hailed in some quarters for their breakthrough technology, and while they do have some advantages over traditional vaccines, the fact remains that we simply do not know anything about their long-term effects. While we definitely don’t want to downplay how devastating this disease can be to a small percentage of patients, the massive vaccination campaigns that many countries around the world wish to embark upon could be putting a huge percentage of the population at risk of a slew of unknown problems.
Too many unknowns with rushed vaccines
Many experts have acknowledged that there are lots of unknown and unique risks involved in mRNA vaccines, including local and systemic inflammatory responses that may spur autoimmune conditions, cancer or organ damage. Another worry is the potential for mRNA vaccines to be maliciously deployed to trick a person’s body into attacking critical functions like cell repair, fertility and neurological function.
There’s also the fact that mRNA is extremely fragile, so some vaccines, such as the Pfizer vaccine, have to be kept at -70 degrees Celsius or the vaccine could spoil and be rendered ineffective – and those receiving the shots will really have no way of knowing if they were stored properly.
We also don’t know if people will be able to enjoy an immune response that offers enough protection from the disease; if it does, it is not clear how long any immunity would last. Individuals who get vaccinated may engage in risky behaviors because they believe they are immune when they might not actually be, and the results could be devastating.
Moreover, the genetic damage that such vaccines can cause would be irreversible and irreparable. Genetic defects simply cannot be removed from the body.
Dr. Wolfgang Wodarg, a German physician and epidemiologist, said: “In fact, this ‘promising vaccine’ for the vast majority of people should be FORBIDDEN, because it is genetic manipulation!”
Vice Chair and General Counsel for Children’s Health Defense Mary Holland warned: “New vaccine technology will likely mean new kinds of vaccine injuries. Because there’s never been a licensed mRNA vaccine before, we really don’t know what injuries are going to look like. In that the vaccines were developed so quickly, with such short clinical trials, the long-term injuries are a complete unknown.”
She and others are worried that this new technology and the looser requirements for fast-track approvals, along with the general panic about the disease, is a recipe for unprecedented numbers of vaccine injuries, and many of them could be serious. The side effects of such a vaccine might take months or even years to become apparent, and by then it may already be too late for much of the population.
Stillness in the Storm Editor: Why did we post this?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world, which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom. The news also serves as a social connection tool, as we tend to relate to those who know about and believe the things we do. With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand, the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper.
– Justin
Not sure how to make sense of this? Want to learn how to discern like a pro? Read this essential guide to discernment, analysis of claims, and understanding the truth in a world of deception: 4 Key Steps of Discernment – Advanced Truth-Seeking Tools.
Stillness in the Storm Editor’s note: Did you find a spelling error or grammatical mistake? Send an email to corrections@stillnessinthestorm.com, with the error and suggested correction, along with the headline and url. Do you think this article needs an update? Or do you just have some feedback? Send us an email at sitsshow@gmail.com. Thank you for reading.
Source:
https://www.naturalnews.com/2020-12-03-mrna-vaccines-genetic-damage.html


stillnessinthestorm--2020-12-22--It’s Older Than You Think: The Roots of Voter Fraud in America

( Barbara Finlay ) Electoral disputes stretch back to the nation ’ s creation .
Widespread voter suppression , however , has a particularly ugly history , dating to the aftermath of the Civil War , when authorities in the former Confederacy physically barred , intimidated , or procedurally precluded newly freed slaves from voting .
In 1865 , the federal government enacted Reconstruction , a series of measures to reunite the republic while combating efforts to resurrect white supremacy .
Federal troops oversaw the reestablishment of state governments , and many former Confederates were temporarily barred from voting or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newly arrived Northerners took over state and local government , and soon blacks held many elected positions in state and national government .
By 1877 , support for Reconstruction was weak , and a compromise ensuring the election of Republican Rutherford B. Hayes as president over Democrat Samuel Tilden ended Reconstruction .
President Hayes ordered any federal troops remaining in the South to return to their barracks .
White Southerners then seized the opportunity to reestablish the antebellum social order .
But freed blacks , who constituted majorities in many jurisdictions across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : the vote .
To reassert power , white supremacists had to neutralize black voters , who leaned Republican in the tradition of Abraham Lincoln .
Retaking offices ranging from seats in Congress to sheriff , white Democrats worked to suppress the black vote , sometimes by administrative feint , often by fear and violence .
African-Americans sticking with the GOP saw their crops , barns , and houses burned .
Many were whipped or lynched .
By one estimate , 150 African-Americans were killed during the 1876 South Carolina gubernatorial campaign alone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the region ’ s election managers—the officials responsible for keeping elections fair and accurate—were likely to be white Democrats willing to use any means necessary to keep blacks away from the ballot box .
Paramilitary groups of armed white men known as “ Red Shirts ” patrolled polls , supposedly to ensure fairness but in reality to intimidate blacks .
Between 1865 and 1900 , there were 262 disputed House elections .
Most occurred in the states of the former Confederacy .
The 1880 election that produced the 47th Congress of 1881-83 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election fraud .
One egregious example was the race for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives in South Carolina .
In that state ’ s First Congressional District , a one-two punch of violence and fraud wrenched political power away from a black majority that had voted strongly Republican during Reconstruction .
The First District election of 1880 pitted incumbent Democrat John S. Richardson against Republican Samuel J. Lee .
Both had served in the Confederate Army , both were wounded in combat , both had political experience .
But they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 52 , was the son of a rich white rice planter and politician .
Lee , 38 , was born in slavery .
During the Civil War , Lee accompanied his owner , General Samuel McGowan , into combat and was wounded twice .
After the war , Lee read law and in 1871 was admitted to the South Carolina bar , gaining a reputation as an outstanding attorney .
He served in 1872-74 as the first African-American speaker of the South Carolina House .
In 1874 , running as an Independent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the U.S. House seat representing the First District .
Subsequently , Lee became a judge of the probate court .
In 1878 , he became involved in the prosecution of a white man , prompting threats of violence .
He moved to Washington , D.C. , where he spent a year as a clerk at the U.S. Treasury Department .
In December 1879 , Lee returned to Sumter County , outside Columbia , to challenge Richardson for the U.S. House seat representing the First District .
Lee was counting on his district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him to Washington .
Richardson and allies meant to overcome that racial skew .
During this and other South Carolina campaigns during that year , gangs of Red Shirts roamed the countryside , urging whites to vote Democrat and terrorizing blacks out of voting at all .
A key First District locale was Darlington , seat of Darlington County .
The night of November 1 , election eve , whites made a show of hauling two wagonloads of rifles into Darlington and carrying the weapons into a building next to the courthouse .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rifles , but by daylight on Election Day most townspeople knew about them .
That morning , a large number of African-American residents filled the market house , the usual polling place , to find that Democratic election managers had moved the polls to the courthouse , beside the supposed arsenal .
To vote , a man had to climb either of two narrow staircases to the court building ’ s second floor .
Jamming those stairs were knife- and gun-wielding Red Shirts who shoved , jostled , threatened , and otherwise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stayed for hours , until the party ’ s Darlington County chairman urged that , given the impossibility of casting ballots , they should go home .
South Carolina voters could vote at any precinct , but at the nearest alternate polling place , Florence , 10 miles away , a similarly ominous scenario unfolded , and across the district blacks consistently experienced intimidation .
Earlier , overwhelmingly black Darlington County had voted 80 percent Republican , but the 1880 vote went more than 90 percent Democratic .
Out of 31,816 votes officially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Richardson led by 8,468 .
To challenge House election results , an aggrieved candidate had to notify his opponent in writing explaining his complaints within 30 days of results being announced .
The opponent got 30 days to respond .
Both sides then had 60 days to build cases for review by the U.S. House Committee on Elections in Washington , D.C .
Even if a petitioner ’ s challenge succeeded , he might not be seated until the congressional term had nearly ended ; in the interim , the contested victor served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lee sent Richardson a notice specifying 20 points of challenge , including ballot box stuffing and multiple violent incidents .
Richardson countered that all had been in order and denied that any intimidation had occurred .
During the next two months , Lee called 594 witnesses for his attorneys to question and Richardson ’ s to cross-examine .
Richardson called 151 rebuttal witnesses , handled similarly , as were Lee ’ s 52 rebuttal witnesses .
Depositions ended in June 1881 .
In Washington , the sworn , notarized documentation came to 825 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s election managers had been Democrats who prevented Republican poll workers—and sometimes federal elections supervisors—from doing their jobs .
For example , Elections Supervisor I.W .
Gadsden , assigned to monitor a polling place in Florence , testified that “ town authorities or policemen ” forcibly kept him out of the premises until after voting had begun .
Managers refused Gadsden access to voting lists and would not reveal who or how many people had already voted .
Another federal supervisor told of a manager forcing him at gunpoint out of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authority to be of “ no account.
” In at least five First District precincts , managers surreptitiously moved polling places as far as a mile and a half , without notice to federal supervisors or black voters .
In one of Darlington ’ s largest precincts , a large number of Republicans assembled at their usual polling place very early on Election Day , only to find the polls relocated , creating confusion and a lull in which Democratic election managers could have tampered with ballot boxes .
Such events occurred across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ common in heavily black areas .
In Sumter , for example , white Democrats kept would-be black voters from casting ballots .
“ Because the stairway leading to the poll was crowded with white men and boys , ” an African-American man testified , “ when I attempted to go up I would be squeezed and mashed so that I would be injured.
” That witness said he gave up and went home .
The federal supervisor assigned to that location testified that “ occasionally they would let one [ black voter ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abusing him , and cursing him , and telling him this was no damned Republican poll.
” At Florence , 200 to 300 black Republicans stood outside the polls attempting to vote from 6 a.m. until closing time ; a crowd of whites , including policemen and town marshals , barred their access .
County officials arbitrarily rejected returns from several precincts in their entirety , usually on the spurious pretext that the courier delivering returns to a county board did not produce a letter authorizing him to deliver them .
Many other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Officials threw out the return from Midway because Democratic managers there had closed the polls before the stipulated time of 6 p.m. ; officials voided another precinct ’ s vote because the managers “ had adjourned for breakfast and dinner.
” In Sumter Precinct 1 , officials rejected the vote—1,499 for Lee , 9 for Richardson—without giving a reason .
The rejected polls shared one characteristic : All involved votes tallying large Republican majorities .
For elections in Darlington and Chesterfield counties , managers provided no poll lists , official returns , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be found to swear that the returns were true .
Nonetheless , the state board counted those votes .
Following an intense , two-year investigation , along with inquiries into 18 other contested elections , the House Committee on Elections , chaired by Rep. William H. Calkins , R-Indiana , agreed that in South Carolina ’ s First District “ fraud , violence , and intimidation were practiced and fraudulent returns were made , which must be corrected.
” Committee members and staff agreed to adjust most First District results , add @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and adjust for fraudulent ballots .
But they disagreed on how to handle the Darlington results .
Eight members wanted to let the Darlington vote stand ; seven wanted it dumped—a critical split , since counting the Darlington results would mean Richardson won ; ditch Darlington , and Lee had a lead of 284 votes .
Witness J.A .
Smith testified that obstruction and intimidation in Darlington kept him and 700 to 800 fellow Republicans from voting .
“ I made three attempts to reach the ballot box—myself and others , ” Smith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do so without a collision with the Democrats and Red Shirts who had the steps packed from bottom to top.
” “ I couldn ’ t get to the polls , ” another man testified .
“ They were standing on the steps leading up to the box .
I attempted to go up , and they said , ‘ No radicals here ; no radicals in here , ’ and all caught arms together and shoved me back.
” In all , 240 witnesses swore that they had come to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but had been intimidated from doing so .
Several testified that 800 to 1,000 Republican men were prevented from voting at Darlington , where the results gave Richardson 1,271 votes and Lee 117 .
Previous elections at Darlington had tallied no more than 300 Democrat votes compared with about 1,400 Republican votes .
A minority of seven Republican members of the Elections Committee voted to reject the Darlington results .
An eight-member majority—six Democrats and two Republicans—voted to accept the results .
“ The danger of bodily harm was not sufficient to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaving without voting ] , and there was an entire lack of diligence on the part of these voters to maintain their right to vote , ” the majority said .
Since voters could use any precinct , the majority concluded , frustrated Darlington voters could have gone elsewhere—though at the polling place in Florence , 10 miles away , resistance kept 200 Republicans from voting .
The Elections Committee submitted its contradictory reports to the full House on February 24 , 1883 .
Debate on the matter began March 3 , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Samuel Lee , along with John Richardson , got 15 minutes to make his case .
Lee scorned the contention that Republican voters had not encountered threat enough to warrant leaving without voting .
“ I would like my friend from Indiana , the chairman of the committee , to make a visit down to the Southern states at some of our elections and attempt in the guise of a colored man to go to one of these polls : he will find out whether the violence is sufficient or not to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Lee said .
“ What did they do at Darlington ?
They crowded the steps…They were dressed in red shirts , armed with pistols , armed with knives , armed with guns , to prevent these colored men from going up the steps to vote…We took the testimony of two hundred and forty witnesses at the Darlington poll , who testified that it was impossible for the colored men to get up those steps and vote without being killed themselves…And who were on the steps ?
They were white Democrats dressed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we in the South know very well .
That uniform means in the South violence ; it means to the colored man : stand back.
” Richardson , like Representative Jones , said simply that black voters could have voted if they had waited until the white men left Election Day afternoon .
Richardson denied allegations of violence and intimidation , arguing that those who gave up and did not vote were negligent in not traveling to an alternate polling place to cast their ballots .
The same day , the House , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ that Darlington should be rejected , and Lee be declared elected by 284 votes.
” This was the first time in that session of Congress that the House voted against a majority of the Elections Committee .
But Democratic shenanigans , including multiple uses of the “ disappearing quorum ” —representatives refusing to vote when present—prevented the additional round of voting needed to seat Lee .
Just after midnight the next day , the 47th Congress adjourned for the final time .
In 1882 , Lee ran unsuccessfully for a new gerrymandered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , campaigning as an Independent Republican against Republican Edmund Mackey .
Lee went on to prosper as a lawyer in Charleston , where he acted as a mentor to young African-American attorneys .
Richardson did not run for re-election in 1882 .
Cases like Lee v. Richardson recurred in the post-Reconstruction South until the mid-1890s .
By then , the states of the former Confederacy had passed laws imposing poll taxes , literacy exams , and other measures that effectively disenfranchised African-American citizens , precluding the need to steal elections .
The fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force in the 1950s and bring about enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.✯ Body For Awareness Project : Your body , your clothes , your truth .
On Sale Now .
Stillness in the Storm Editor : Why did we post this ?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world , which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom .
The news also serves as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tend to relate to those who know about and believe the things we do .
With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand , the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper .
Not sure how to make sense of this ?
Want to learn how to discern like a pro ?
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(Barbara Finlay) Electoral disputes stretch back to the nation’s creation. Widespread voter suppression, however, has a particularly ugly history, dating to the aftermath of the Civil War, when authorities in the former Confederacy physically barred, intimidated, or procedurally precluded newly freed slaves from voting. In 1865, the federal government enacted Reconstruction, a series of measures to reunite the republic while combating efforts to resurrect white supremacy.
Related
Source – History Net
by Barbara Finlay, October 3rd, 2016
Federal troops oversaw the reestablishment of state governments, and many former Confederates were temporarily barred from voting or holding elected office. Freed blacks and newly arrived Northerners took over state and local government, and soon blacks held many elected positions in state and national government. By 1877, support for Reconstruction was weak, and a compromise ensuring the election of Republican Rutherford B. Hayes as president over Democrat Samuel Tilden ended Reconstruction. President Hayes ordered any federal troops remaining in the South to return to their barracks. White Southerners then seized the opportunity to reestablish the antebellum social order.
But freed blacks, who constituted majorities in many jurisdictions across the South, had a tool denied slaves: the vote. To reassert power, white supremacists had to neutralize black voters, who leaned Republican in the tradition of Abraham Lincoln. Retaking offices ranging from seats in Congress to sheriff, white Democrats worked to suppress the black vote, sometimes by administrative feint, often by fear and violence. African-Americans sticking with the GOP saw their crops, barns, and houses burned. Many were whipped or lynched. By one estimate, 150 African-Americans were killed during the 1876 South Carolina gubernatorial campaign alone. After federal troops departed the South, the region’s election managers—the officials responsible for keeping elections fair and accurate—were likely to be white Democrats willing to use any means necessary to keep blacks away from the ballot box. Paramilitary groups of armed white men known as “Red Shirts” patrolled polls, supposedly to ensure fairness but in reality to intimidate blacks.
Between 1865 and 1900, there were 262 disputed House elections. Most occurred in the states of the former Confederacy. The 1880 election that produced the 47th Congress of 1881-83 gave rise to 19 cases of alleged election fraud. One egregious example was the race for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives in South Carolina. In that state’s First Congressional District, a one-two punch of violence and fraud wrenched political power away from a black majority that had voted strongly Republican during Reconstruction.
The First District election of 1880 pitted incumbent Democrat John S. Richardson against Republican Samuel J. Lee. Both had served in the Confederate Army, both were wounded in combat, both had political experience. But they had little else in common. Richardson, 52, was the son of a rich white rice planter and politician. Lee, 38, was born in slavery. During the Civil War, Lee accompanied his owner, General Samuel McGowan, into combat and was wounded twice. After the war, Lee read law and in 1871 was admitted to the South Carolina bar, gaining a reputation as an outstanding attorney. He served in 1872-74 as the first African-American speaker of the South Carolina House. In 1874, running as an Independent Republican, he narrowly lost a race for the U.S. House seat representing the First District. Subsequently, Lee became a judge of the probate court. In 1878, he became involved in the prosecution of a white man, prompting threats of violence. He moved to Washington, D.C., where he spent a year as a clerk at the U.S. Treasury Department. In December 1879, Lee returned to Sumter County, outside Columbia, to challenge Richardson for the U.S. House seat representing the First District. Lee was counting on his district’s majority black population to send him to Washington. Richardson and allies meant to overcome that racial skew. During this and other South Carolina campaigns during that year, gangs of Red Shirts roamed the countryside, urging whites to vote Democrat and terrorizing blacks out of voting at all.
A key First District locale was Darlington, seat of Darlington County. The night of November 1, election eve, whites made a show of hauling two wagonloads of rifles into Darlington and carrying the weapons into a building next to the courthouse. That was the last anyone saw of the rifles, but by daylight on Election Day most townspeople knew about them. That morning, a large number of African-American residents filled the market house, the usual polling place, to find that Democratic election managers had moved the polls to the courthouse, beside the supposed arsenal. To vote, a man had to climb either of two narrow staircases to the court building’s second floor. Jamming those stairs were knife- and gun-wielding Red Shirts who shoved, jostled, threatened, and otherwise deterred blacks from voting. The Republicans stayed for hours, until the party’s Darlington County chairman urged that, given the impossibility of casting ballots, they should go home. South Carolina voters could vote at any precinct, but at the nearest alternate polling place, Florence, 10 miles away, a similarly ominous scenario unfolded, and across the district blacks consistently experienced intimidation.
Earlier, overwhelmingly black Darlington County had voted 80 percent Republican, but the 1880 vote went more than 90 percent Democratic. Out of 31,816 votes officially counted for the entire First District, Richardson led by 8,468.
To challenge House election results, an aggrieved candidate had to notify his opponent in writing explaining his complaints within 30 days of results being announced. The opponent got 30 days to respond. Both sides then had 60 days to build cases for review by the U.S. House Committee on Elections in Washington, D.C. Even if a petitioner’s challenge succeeded, he might not be seated until the congressional term had nearly ended; in the interim, the contested victor served.
On December 15, 1880, Lee sent Richardson a notice specifying 20 points of challenge, including ballot box stuffing and multiple violent incidents. Richardson countered that all had been in order and denied that any intimidation had occurred. During the next two months, Lee called 594 witnesses for his attorneys to question and Richardson’s to cross-examine. Richardson called 151 rebuttal witnesses, handled similarly, as were Lee’s 52 rebuttal witnesses. Depositions ended in June 1881.
In Washington, the sworn, notarized documentation came to 825 typed pages detailing how every contested precinct’s election managers had been Democrats who prevented Republican poll workers—and sometimes federal elections supervisors—from doing their jobs. For example, Elections Supervisor I.W. Gadsden, assigned to monitor a polling place in Florence, testified that “town authorities or policemen” forcibly kept him out of the premises until after voting had begun. Managers refused Gadsden access to voting lists and would not reveal who or how many people had already voted. Another federal supervisor told of a manager forcing him at gunpoint out of his assigned polling place, declaring his federal authority to be of “no account.”
In at least five First District precincts, managers surreptitiously moved polling places as far as a mile and a half, without notice to federal supervisors or black voters. In one of Darlington’s largest precincts, a large number of Republicans assembled at their usual polling place very early on Election Day, only to find the polls relocated, creating confusion and a lull in which Democratic election managers could have tampered with ballot boxes. Such events occurred across the district.
Violence and intimidation were common in heavily black areas. In Sumter, for example, white Democrats kept would-be black voters from casting ballots. “Because the stairway leading to the poll was crowded with white men and boys,” an African-American man testified, “when I attempted to go up I would be squeezed and mashed so that I would be injured.” That witness said he gave up and went home. The federal supervisor assigned to that location testified that “occasionally they would let one [black voter] in after sticking him with pins, abusing him, and cursing him, and telling him this was no damned Republican poll.” At Florence, 200 to 300 black Republicans stood outside the polls attempting to vote from 6 a.m. until closing time; a crowd of whites, including policemen and town marshals, barred their access.
County officials arbitrarily rejected returns from several precincts in their entirety, usually on the spurious pretext that the courier delivering returns to a county board did not produce a letter authorizing him to deliver them. Many other rationales also were fabricated for rejections. Officials threw out the return from Midway because Democratic managers there had closed the polls before the stipulated time of 6 p.m.; officials voided another precinct’s vote because the managers “had adjourned for breakfast and dinner.” In Sumter Precinct 1, officials rejected the vote—1,499 for Lee, 9 for Richardson—without giving a reason. The rejected polls shared one characteristic: All involved votes tallying large Republican majorities.
For elections in Darlington and Chesterfield counties, managers provided no poll lists, official returns, or other paperwork, and afterward no one could be found to swear that the returns were true. Nonetheless, the state board counted those votes.
Following an intense, two-year investigation, along with inquiries into 18 other contested elections, the House Committee on Elections, chaired by Rep. William H. Calkins, R-Indiana, agreed that in South Carolina’s First District “fraud, violence, and intimidation were practiced and fraudulent returns were made, which must be corrected.” Committee members and staff agreed to adjust most First District results, add results thrown out on technical grounds, and adjust for fraudulent ballots. But they disagreed on how to handle the Darlington results. Eight members wanted to let the Darlington vote stand; seven wanted it dumped—a critical split, since counting the Darlington results would mean Richardson won; ditch Darlington, and Lee had a lead of 284 votes.
Witness J.A. Smith testified that obstruction and intimidation in Darlington kept him and 700 to 800 fellow Republicans from voting. “I made three attempts to reach the ballot box—myself and others,” Smith said. “I found it impossible to do so without a collision with the Democrats and Red Shirts who had the steps packed from bottom to top.”
“I couldn’t get to the polls,” another man testified. “They were standing on the steps leading up to the box. I attempted to go up, and they said, ‘No radicals here; no radicals in here,’ and all caught arms together and shoved me back.”
In all, 240 witnesses swore that they had come to the Darlington polling station to vote for Lee, but had been intimidated from doing so. Several testified that 800 to 1,000 Republican men were prevented from voting at Darlington, where the results gave Richardson 1,271 votes and Lee 117. Previous elections at Darlington had tallied no more than 300 Democrat votes compared with about 1,400 Republican votes.
A minority of seven Republican members of the Elections Committee voted to reject the Darlington results. An eight-member majority—six Democrats and two Republicans—voted to accept the results. “The danger of bodily harm was not sufficient to warrant this course [that is, leaving without voting], and there was an entire lack of diligence on the part of these voters to maintain their right to vote,” the majority said. Since voters could use any precinct, the majority concluded, frustrated Darlington voters could have gone elsewhere—though at the polling place in Florence, 10 miles away, resistance kept 200 Republicans from voting.
The Elections Committee submitted its contradictory reports to the full House on February 24, 1883. Debate on the matter began March 3, the last day of the 47th Congress. Samuel Lee, along with John Richardson, got 15 minutes to make his case. Lee scorned the contention that Republican voters had not encountered threat enough to warrant leaving without voting. “I would like my friend from Indiana, the chairman of the committee, to make a visit down to the Southern states at some of our elections and attempt in the guise of a colored man to go to one of these polls: he will find out whether the violence is sufficient or not to keep colored men away from the polls,” Lee said. “What did they do at Darlington? They crowded the steps…They were dressed in red shirts, armed with pistols, armed with knives, armed with guns, to prevent these colored men from going up the steps to vote…We took the testimony of two hundred and forty witnesses at the Darlington poll, who testified that it was impossible for the colored men to get up those steps and vote without being killed themselves…And who were on the steps? They were white Democrats dressed in red shirts, the meaning of which we in the South know very well. That uniform means in the South violence; it means to the colored man: stand back.”
Richardson, like Representative Jones, said simply that black voters could have voted if they had waited until the white men left Election Day afternoon. Richardson denied allegations of violence and intimidation, arguing that those who gave up and did not vote were negligent in not traveling to an alternate polling place to cast their ballots.
The same day, the House, voting 124-114, passed a minority resolution “that Darlington should be rejected, and Lee be declared elected by 284 votes.” This was the first time in that session of Congress that the House voted against a majority of the Elections Committee. But Democratic shenanigans, including multiple uses of the “disappearing quorum”—representatives refusing to vote when present—prevented the additional round of voting needed to seat Lee. Just after midnight the next day, the 47th Congress adjourned for the final time.
In 1882, Lee ran unsuccessfully for a new gerrymandered “black district,” District 7, campaigning as an Independent Republican against Republican Edmund Mackey. Lee went on to prosper as a lawyer in Charleston, where he acted as a mentor to young African-American attorneys. Richardson did not run for re-election in 1882.
Cases like Lee v. Richardson recurred in the post-Reconstruction South until the mid-1890s. By then, the states of the former Confederacy had passed laws imposing poll taxes, literacy exams, and other measures that effectively disenfranchised African-American citizens, precluding the need to steal elections. The fight to regain voting rights would resume full force in the 1950s and bring about enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.✯
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Stillness in the Storm Editor: Why did we post this?
The news is important to all people because it is where we come to know new things about the world, which leads to the development of more life goals that lead to life wisdom. The news also serves as a social connection tool, as we tend to relate to those who know about and believe the things we do. With the power of an open truth-seeking mind in hand, the individual can grow wise and the collective can prosper.
– Justin
Not sure how to make sense of this? Want to learn how to discern like a pro? Read this essential guide to discernment, analysis of claims, and understanding the truth in a world of deception: 4 Key Steps of Discernment – Advanced Truth-Seeking Tools.
Stillness in the Storm Editor’s note: Did you find a spelling error or grammatical mistake? Send an email to corrections@stillnessinthestorm.com, with the error and suggested correction, along with the headline and url. Do you think this article needs an update? Or do you just have some feedback? Send us an email at sitsshow@gmail.com. Thank you for reading.
Source:
https://www.historynet.com/the-roots-of-voter-fraud-in-america.htm